Informazione
Rispetto al messaggio precedente, dove e' scritto "20 GIUGNO" ovviamente
deve leggersi "20 MAGGIO"
> * VISITA AI MONASTERI ORTODOSSI DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
> * RISOLUZIONI DELL'ASSEMBLEA DEL 20 GIUGNO PER UN COORDINAMENTO
> NAZIONALE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA
> * ELENCO DELLE ADESIONI ALLA SEDUTA CONCLUSIVA DEL TRIBUNALE "CLARK"
> * FESTA DEL MOVIMENTO DI SOLIDARIETA' AUSTRIA-JUGOSLAVIA (VIENNA)
deve leggersi "20 MAGGIO"
> * VISITA AI MONASTERI ORTODOSSI DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
> * RISOLUZIONI DELL'ASSEMBLEA DEL 20 GIUGNO PER UN COORDINAMENTO
> NAZIONALE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA
> * ELENCO DELLE ADESIONI ALLA SEDUTA CONCLUSIVA DEL TRIBUNALE "CLARK"
> * FESTA DEL MOVIMENTO DI SOLIDARIETA' AUSTRIA-JUGOSLAVIA (VIENNA)
SELEZIONE NOTIZIE aprile-maggio 2000
---
NELSON MANDELA CONTESTA GLI INTERVENTI DELLA NATO
CONTRO LA JUGOSLAVIA E L'IRAK
http://www.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/africa/04/12/un.mandela.reut/index.html
Mandela slams Western action in Kosovo, Iraq
Mandela said U.S. and British actions have undermined
the United Nations' ability to resolve conflict
April 12, 2000
Web posted at: 9:26 p.m. EDT (0126 GMT)
DUBLIN, Ireland (Reuters) -- Nelson Mandela warned
Wednesday that powerful Western countries such as the
United States and Britain risked sparking global
conflict if they tried to police the world alone.
"When two nations take it upon themselves to police
the world ... without getting the authorization of the
United Nations, we must condemn that because it can
lead to another world war," the former South African
president said in a speech.
Mandela did not name the United States and Britain,
but joked that he was sure that everyone in the
audience knew the two countries he had in mind.
Mandela said military actions in Iraq and Kosovo
undermined the role of the United Nations as a forum
for the peaceful resolution of conflict around the
globe.
"They send a message that the powerful will police the
world," Mandela said as he delivered the Irish
Independent newspaper annual lecture at Dublin's
Trinity College.
"From there it is only a step to chaos in world
affairs, as power is substituted for the security of
collective and democratic decision," added Mandela,
winner of the Nobel Peace Prize for the part he played
in South Africa's transformation into a multiracial
democracy after centuries of white rule.
U.S. and British planes patrol no-fly zones over Iraq
and frequently clash with air defenses. The zones were
declared by the West after the 1991 Gulf War and are
designed to protect groups opposed to Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein. And NATO conducted a 78-day bombing
campaign against Serbia last year to protect ethnic
Albanians in the province of Kosovo.
Mandela said powerful nations should not bully other
members of the United Nations into following their
line.
"The principle that all differences can be resolved
through talk and negotiation applies also within
organizations like the Security Council of the United
Nations and there can be no justification for
unilateral action that imposes one view over others in
that body," he added.
Mandela said the example of South Africa showed that
even the bitterest conflicts could be resolved through
negotiation.
"On the brink of a bloody war that would have scorched
the earth of our common land, South Africans
recognized they were one nation with one destiny."
---
ANCORA INCIDENTI CAUSATI DAI SOLDATI
STATUNITENSI UBRIACHI A SKOPLJE
Clash In Macedonia
U.S. Troops Involved in Altercations, Drunkenness Alleged
By Konstantin Testorides
The Associated Press
S K O P J E, Macedonia, April 12 — U.S. soldiers, some
drunk, clashed with locals today, leading the
Macedonian police and NATO MPs to detain 30 American
servicemen, the Macedonian Interior Ministry said.
But a U.S. military spokesman called the
assertion that they were detained “a fabrication.”
NATO and U.S. military officials did confirm
there were disturbances in three separate instances
involving American troops in Skopje, the Macedonian
capital, but said only five were temporarily detained
by Macedonian police, who later turned them over to
U.S. military authorities. All the Americans were
stationed in Kosovo and were on leave in Skopje, they
said.
One U.S. military spokesman suggested that in
least two of the cases, the U.S. soldiers did not
initiate violence but were provoked.
Ed Loomis, a public affairs officer at U.S.
European Command in Stuttgart, Germany, said that in
one incident, “an American soldier was spit on by a
Macedonian; the soldier reacted to that and was
detained by Macedonian police.” In another, Loomis
said, two American soldiers tried to stop a Macedonian
trying to steal the belongings of one of the soldiers.
In the third incident, “four soldiers at a
restaurant got in some type of verbal altercation with
the staff at the restaurant and possibly police,” he
said. All four were detained.
Loomis called the report of 30 soldiers being
detained “a fabrication.”
The Macedonian Account
A Macedonian Interior Ministry statement said the
soldiers, members of NATO-led peacekeeping troops
stationed in Macedonia, were detained in connection
with “indecent behavior, violation of public order,
harassment of citizens and a fight involving a
policeman.” Some were drunk, the statement said.
After a disturbance in a local cafe in downtown
Skopje, the soldiers clashed with a group of citizens,
injuring a police officer who tried to intervene, the
statement said.
In Kosovo, U.S. Major Debbie Allen said, “there
were eight U.S. soldiers involved in three minor
incidents.” She said “there are reports of alcohol
being involved, and there were altercations.”
All five were back in Kosovo and were being
investigated by military authorities before a decision
on whether to file charges, Allen said.
Macedonia serves as a staging ground and a supply
route for international peacekeepers in Kosovo.
Speaking in Skopje for KFOR, the NATO-led peacekeeping
force, Captain Andreas Reinecke said KFOR “deeply
regrets these incidents.”
“We would like to make this very clear that this
kind of behavior does not reflect the attitude that we
expect from our personnel,” Reinecke said.
-
Macedonia will push for criminal charges against U.S.
soldiers
Associated Press
By KONSTANTIN TESTORIDES, Associated Press
SKOPJE, Macedonia (April 13, 2000 5:22 p.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - Macedonia wants criminal
charges pressed against U.S. soldiers detained after a
clash with residents that left a policeman seriously
injured, said a police spokesman Thursday.
Stevo Pendarovski said Macedonian legal authorities
will seek assault charges against American soldiers
allegedly responsible for injuring a Macedonian
policeman and brawling with residents Wednesday.
The policeman was injured when he tried to intervene
in a clash between the Americans and the Skopje
residents. The policeman was hit in the head with a
brick, suffering serious head injuries, Pendarovski
said.
"It is very likely that the most aggressive of the
detained American soldiers will face charges for
taking part in a brawl and attacking citizens,"
Pendarovski said.
U.S. military spokesmen said the Macedonians were free
to make recommendations but final decisions on what
action to take against the soldiers rested with
American military authorities after an investigation.
Pendarovski said Macedonian police "will ask the
Macedonian foreign ministry to submit the full report
to the native country of the soldiers regarding the
incidents."
Capt. Russell Berg, a spokesman at Kosovo's main U.S.
base at Camp Bondsteel, said that once investigations
were completed, "it will be decided whether there will
be judicial punishment or nonjudicial punishment." All
Americans involved were back in Kosovo, he said.
American troops were involved in three separate
incidents Wednesday in the Macedonian capital,
including one alleged clash with locals. NATO and U.S.
military spokesmen said eight servicemen were
detained, but on Thursday revised that figure to six.
One U.S. military spokesman suggested that in at least
two of the cases, the U.S. soldiers did not initiate
violence but reacted to being provoked.
But Macedonia's Interior Ministry said the U.S.
soldiers were drunk and "behaved indecently, violated
public law and order, harassed the citizens and
injured one Macedonian policeman."
Macedonia serves as a staging ground and a supply
route for international peacekeepers in neighboring
Kosovo.
---
RELAZIONI BILATERALI RF DI JUGOSLAVIA - LIBIA
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - LIBYA
>
> YUGOSLAVIA HAD ITS DAY AT TRIPOLI FAIR
>
> TRIPOLI, April 12 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav pavilion at Tripoli's
>International Fair organised on Wednesday a formal function to mark Yugoslav
>Day at the Fair.
>
> The assembled guests, among whom diplomatic representatives from
>31 countries, were addressed by Yugoslav Ambassador to Libya Radomir
>Bogdanovic.
>
> Bogdanovic said Yugoslavia's participation in the Fair and the
>exibits on display, representing the output of over 50 companies, are best
>evidence that Yugoslav industry and agriculture are still able to manufacture
>and market their products in the world despite damage wreaked by NATO in its
>aggression on Yugoslavia last spring.
---
L'AUSTRALIA ROMPE L'ISOLAMENTO DELLA RF DI JUGOSLAVIA
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=151415
Australian Ambassador Meets Isolated Milosevic
BELGRADE, Apr 14, 2000 -- (Reuters) Australia's new
ambassador to Belgrade met Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic on Thursday, in a move likely to anger the
United States. Washington criticized Australia last
week for sending a new ambassador to Belgrade and
urged Canberra to fax his credentials to Milosevic
rather than presenting them in person, fearing that
could boost Milosevic in his quest for international
acceptance.
But Australia defended its decision and denied reports
that its maintenance of high-level diplomatic
relations with Belgrade was part of a deal to secure
the release of three of its aid workers jailed during
last year's NATO air strikes over Kosovo.
"Certainly there's no deal," the new envoy, Charles
Stewart, said by telephone.
He said Canberra's interest in maintaining diplomatic
relations stemmed from the large Yugoslav community in
Australia and he declined to comment on the row with
the United States.
Since the Kosovo conflict last year, during which a UN
tribunal indicted Milosevic for war crimes against
Albanian civilians in the province, many Western
countries have downgraded their diplomatic missions in
Belgrade.
The United States, which led the air campaign, is not
represented at all and other countries have not
replaced ambassadors when they leave, to avoid the
credentials issue.
AUSTRALIA IS NOT ALONE
But Australia is not the only country to have broken
the mould.
South Africa's envoy did so last year and the new
ambassador to Russia, a traditional ally of
fellow-Orthodox Slav Serbia and fierce critic of the
NATO bombing, presented his credentials at the same
time as Australia's new envoy.
State media carried full accounts of the ceremony.
"Charles Stewart said Australia wanted to develop
successful bilateral cooperation with Yugoslavia,
having pointed out that many Australian citizens of
Yugoslav origin represent a lasting and stable bridge
linking the two countries and reaffirming their mutual
interests," Tanjug news agency said.
"Milosevic said he was convinced bilateral ties
between the two countries would continue to develop
successfully and mutual interests in economic,
cultural, sports and other relations would be
fulfilled," the agency added.
Stewart's own account was less effusive.
"Our principle interest is in terms of a very large
Yugoslav community in Australia," he told Reuters.
"We are keen to improve the cordial relations that
exist between our two countries."
---
IN GERMANIA I POLITICI CONSERVATORI SONO PIU' A SINISTRA DEI VERDI
Conservative German Politician
Lauches Fierce Attack Against NATO
War
by Rainer Rupp
Saarbrücken, Germany
Special to Antiwar.com
4/14/00
"Serbia, the only truly multi-ethnical state left in the Balkans"
Willy Wimmer, Vice-President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE
and
member of the German Bundestag (National Parliament) for the
conservative Christian
Democratic Union (CDU) of former Chancellor Helmut Kohl, has never
held back with
his sharp criticism of NATO's war against Yugoslavia. But his recent
statement,
distributed on 3rd April in the lobby of the Bundestag has caused a
stir in German politics
and was given broad attention in the national media.
In his statement Mr. Wimmer warned that one year after the beginning
of the NATO
attack against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" the Kosovo War was
increasingly
proving to have become a watershed for the future development of the
world." Referring
to his recent talks in Moscow he emphasised that, after years of
having waited in vain for
a fruitful dialog with Europe and the USA, Russia had now passed a new
military
doctrine, "which specifically addresses NATO and the West." (NATO is
designated in
the new doctrine as a potential threat to Russia). "What makes Moscow
publish its
guidelines for the (first) use of nuclear weapons now," asks Mr.
Wimmer and offers the
answer: "What other reason could there have been than the war against
Yugoslavia."
In Beijing too, things had changed to the worse, asMr Wimmer recalls
his talks there. In
spite of all American apologies and assertions to the opposite, the
Chinese firmly believe,
" that one single US-bomber flew all the way from the United States in
order to hit the
Chinese embassy in Belgrade."
Despite all assertions about the "humanitarian war" by NATO-officials,
Mr. Wimmer
urged Europeans to draw the right conclusions from an operation,
"which was essentially
led, in order to ensure the expansion of NATO and to underpin its
credibility."
Moreover, in Mr. Wimmers's view the NATO-Operation in Kosovo seems to
have "got
out of control." Referring to Western newspaper reports Mr. Wimmer
emphasises that
"the Jews of Kosovo have now fled, almost without exception, to
Belgrade." He added
that "it goes without saying" that the KLA "has almost completely
cleansed the
remaining ethnic Serbs and Roma from Kosovo; the ethnical Turks had to
go, and the
catholic Albanians report acts of violence against them. Even Albanian
intellectuals are
leaving Kosovo and apparently flee to Belgrade." From these
observations the
conservative representative Willy Wimmer draws the only logical
conclusion, that
Belgrade remains "the only large multi-ethnical state in the Balkans."
He considers that
Kosovo is "on the eve of another civil war between rival albanian
groups, which are
supported by competing drug barons. What will NATO do then? – An
undignified
withdrawal or the provocation of a new war?"
He sternly warns against a new war against Serbia and ridicules NATO's
grand claims.
"What is left of NATO's big mouth announcements of a year ago, that it
would cut the
Yugoslav army into pieces?" he asked. "After 78 days of war and
approximately 36,000
bombing missions the Yugoslav Army left (Kosovo) with polished tanks!"
Next time, Mr.
Wimmer expects, that NATO might not get away so easily: "It is highly
questionable if a
future conflict in Kosovo would follow the old pattern, or if a
President Putin would again
refuse the S-300 air defence systems to the Serbs, as happened in
October 1998. In the
actual air duels the most modern US technology confronted Soviet
technology of the
70ies. That might change. "
In conclusion Mr. Willy Wimmer addresses the increasing tensions
between Europe and
the USA and requests Europeans to think again before they get dragged
into the next
Balkan war: "Europeans should ask themselves, how they see their own
role against the
background of the official American defence planning guidelines? This
Pentagon
document states razor-sharp that all American efforts must be directed
against the
emergence of a rival power while upholding NATO as the substantial
channel for
American influence in Europe and as an instrument for participation in
European decision
making."
With reference to The Hague, Mr. Wimmer, the deputy chairman of the
OSCE's
parliamentary assembly does not see "much of a future" for the
International War Crimes
Tribunal. Quoting a high official in the German government he said:
"the tribunal would
quickly unravel once it started in earnest to pursue the complaints
that have been filed
against NATO."
If you would like to contact Mr. Willy Wimmer, you may call, fax or
e-mal his office in the
German Bundestag (Parliament) in Berlin;
Mr. Willy Wimmer
Platz der Republik 1,
11011 Berlin
Germany
Tel. 00 49 30 1227-75094
Fax: .........30 22746498
willy.wimmer@...
---
1100 VOLTE SUPERIORE ALLA NORMA LA RADIOATTIVITA'
IN JUGOSLAVIA A CAUSA DELL'USO "UMANITARIO" DI ARMI ATOMICHE
>POST-NATO-WAR YUGOSLAVIA HAS URANIUM LEVELS 1,000 TIMES ABOVE
>NORMAL
>
> BELGRADE, April 13 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav government, at
>Thursday's session chaired by Prime Minister Momir Bulatovic, approved a
>report on the effects on the environment of NATO's air strikes on Yugoslavia
>last spring, a government statement said.
> Evidence collected and analyses made by local institutes have
>shown that the NATO aggressors used ammunition with depleted uranium, among
>others, which is a crime against humanity punishable under the international
>law of war.
> Analyses of individual samples showed contamination levels up to a
>thousand times above normal, the government said, noting that the use of
>ammunition with depleted uranium is in violation of the fundamental norms of
>international humanitarian and war law.
> The competent bodies and services have investigated and marked
>contaminated areas, and removed radioactive materials from all accessible
>locations, significantly lowering the threat of contamination.
> People in high-risk areas have been medically examined, while
>complete decontamination is yet to be done and necessitates huge financial
>outlays.
> However, no checks have been made at a hundred or so localities in
>the U.N.-ruled Serbian province of Kosovo-Metohija, where the number of
>depleted uranium warheads dropped was ten times higher than elsewhere.
> This puts the environment and the local population, including the
>international force and the U.N. civilian mission, particularly at risk from
>radioactive contamination, the statement said.
> The government defined specific measures for alleviating the
>consequences as much as possible.
> The government also reviewed a report on efforts to prevent
>flooding of the River Tamis.
> It noted that, in cooperation with the competent Romanian bodies,
>adequate measures have been taken to reduce the water levels and flow in the
>Romanian sector of the river and to consolidate the dikes and protect the
>people and industry on the Yugoslav side.
> The high-risk Secanj municipality has been granted two million
>dinars (1 U.S. dollar fetches roughly 11 dinars) in aid to finance the
>necessary anti-flood operations, the statement said.
---
LA FYROM CONTRO IL TERRORISMO UCK CHIEDE AIUTO AGLI USA (!)
"NON VOGLIAMO ENTRARE IN CONFLITTO CON I TERRORISTI MA
ALMENO RISPETTINO I NOSTRI CONFINI" (!!!)
Macedonia Appeals to U.S. for Aid Against Terrorists
SKOPJE, Apr 15, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Macedonian President
Boris Trajkovski on Friday asked US Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright for extra security along Macedonia's border with Kosovo.
During the telephone conversation, Trajkovski also asked for "total
support" in Macedonia's fight against "terrorist groups" and said "the
principal preoccupation for Macedonia was security along the border with
Kosovo", presidential aids revealed Friday.
Security in southern Kosovo, along the province's border with Macedonia,
is the responsibility of the US contingent of the NATO-led peacekeeping
force KFOR.
Trajkovski drew Albright's attention to the recent kidnap on the border
of four Macedonian soldiers who were later released.
"We do not wish to enter into conflict with terrorist groups but if they
do not respect our country and its territorial sovereignty ... and if
they represent a threat to our soldiers, then we shall deal with them
firmly," Trajkovski reportedly said.
The terrorist groups concerned were not identified.
Macedonia has a large ethnic-Albanian minority and fears that the
separatist violence that erupted last year in Serbia could spread across
its frontier.
Around 30 US troops, allegedly drunk, were detained on Tuesday following
a street fight with Macedonian civilians in Skopje that left one person
injured.
Macedonia is a logistical base for NATO's operations in Kosovo. Tensions
between KFOR and the local population rose last year after a series of
road accidents were blamed on NATO vehicles. ((c) 2000 Agence France
Presse)
---
RELAZIONI BILATERALI RFJ-IRAK
Yugoslav Statement on Iraq - from Radio Yugoslavia, 4-15
FR Yugoslavia is against any interference of the air traffic over Iraq,
and
sharply condemns the establishment of so-called restricted flight zones,
which is contrary to the international law and the UN Charter, Yugoslav
Foreign Ministry has stated, on the occasion of the flight of an Italian
plane carrying humanitarian relief to Iraq.
The limitation of the freedom of air traffic is a manifestation of force
and
hegemonic behaviour in international relations. FR Yugoslavia resolutely
opposes the punishing of sovereign states and nations and the policy of
sanctions as a flagrant and most mass form of human rights violation.
The
sanctions, as an inhumane and uncivilized instrument of bare force, are
causing death and hunger in Iraq, killing children, women, the elderly
and
the most vulnerable population categories. The Yugoslav Foreign Ministry
seeks that the policy of violation of human right to a dignified life
should
cease immediately, the statement says.
---
CACCIA F-16 DAGLI USA ALLA "CROAZIA DAL VOLTO NUOVO"
Eternera Mailing List - http://get.to/eternera
Stratfor: Croatia Preps For Nato / Cheap Planes In The Works
Stratfor - Global Inteligence Center [www.stratfor.com]
Apr. 14, 2000
Croatia Preps For Nato: Cheap Planes In The Works
During U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's visit to Croatia's
capital of Zagreb last month, a member of her delegation was rumored to
have made an offer on behalf of the United States to donate several
F-16 fighters to Croatia. Such a deal would certainly help pave the way
for a rapid Croatian integration into NATO. It would also dovetail
nicely with the increased respect that Croatia and NATO have recently
granted each other.
Ever since the formation of Croatia's new government under the joint
leadership of President Stipe Mesic and Prime Minister Ivica Racan a few
weeks ago, the Croatian government has grown exceedingly pro-Western.
Croatia is cooperating with the United
Nations in investigating war crimes from the Yugoslav war. Mesic is
working with other former Yugoslav states to knit some sort of southeast
European regional fabric. But most importantly, last month the Croatian
government decided not to upgrade its aging MiG-21s. This indicates that
it will hold out for more expensive Western military equipment. Such a
firm - and expensive - commitment to Western weapons systems
demonstrates the seriousness of the new Croatian government's desire to
pull itself into the Western camp.
But integrating with the West - especially joining NATO - will not be a
cheap process, especially if Mesic is serious about joining as soon as
2002. The three states that were admitted into the alliance in 1999 -
the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland - are still struggling with the
costs of integration. These three states had almost a decade to prepare
for NATO membership. Croatia is aiming for membership in less than
three; thus, the cost will be higher. But Croatia has two advantages its
predecessors lacked. Having recently emerged from a war, Croatia allots
proportionally twice as much on its military as its northern neighbors.
While defense spending cannot stay at this level forever, it will make
it easier for Croatia to meet its ambitious NATO integration goals. This
factor is certainly noticed by Western leaders disappointed by NATO's
newest members' reluctance
[http://www.stratfor.com/SERVICES/GIU/112599.ASP] toward investing in
their own militaries. Once in NATO, Croatia reasons that European Union
(EU) membership - with all of its long-term economic perks - will only
be a short skip away, and that military outlays can then decrease.
TABLE:
Population (mill.) GDP (bill.) GDP per capita Defense Budget (bill.)
Defense as % of
GDP
Czech Republic 10.3 $51.9 $5040 $1.1 1.8%
Hungary 10.1 $45.6 $4510 $0.645 1.4%
Poland 38.7 $150.9 $3900 $3.3 2.2%
Croatia 4.6 $20.7 $4520 $0.950 5.0%
Source: The World Bank, CIA World Factbook
Currently, the EU and NATO are both fixated on the Balkans. The outcome
of the Stability Pact's recent donor meeting
[http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/specialreports/special29.htm] indicates the
EU is willing to put up the cash - $1.8 billion to be exact - needed to
bring a measure of prosperity to the region.
Croatia is the region's gatekeeper. This sudden attention emerges in
stark contrast to the multi-year delays that the states of Central
Europe faced in garnering EU investment; Croatia's pro-Western
government took the helm just early this year. The two major highway
projects currently targeted by the EU will more firmly connect Croatia
to Hungary - already a NATO member - and Slovenia - one of NATO's
leading candidates.
This indicates that the American offer of F-16s was more than mere
rumor. And a fighter deal is certainly feasible. There are several
hundred surplus F-16s at the Davis-Mothan Air Force base in Arizona. To
maintain the same air force capability it currently possesses, Croatia
would only need 12 to 16 F-16s to replace its 30 aging MiG-21s - the
same number that Albright's delegation was rumored to offer. Croatia
originally allotted $110 million to upgrade its MiGs; this money will
now likely be spent on purchasing U.S. planes at a discounted rate. If
this deal materializes, it could also trigger additional donations or
cut-rate sales of aircraft to the Czech Republic, Hungary or Poland.
The West certainly would like to include Croatia among its ranks.
Croatian membership in the EU and NATO would be a large step toward
stabilizing the Balkans and providing more strategic depth to NATO while
supplying another pressure point on Yugoslavia
[http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/commentary/0004110023.htm]. Croatian
membership in NATO would not raise the same Russian ire that Baltic
membership would [http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/commentary/0003030232.htm]
, as the Soviet Union never controlled Yugoslavia. Swallowing the cost
of a few outdated planes would be a low-cost, but high-benefit deal for
the military alliance.
---
IN SCIOPERO DELLA FAME SERBI DETENUTI NELLA "CROAZIA DAL VOLTO NUOVO"
CROATIA - SERBS - PRISON
SERBS CAPTURED IN 1995 CROATIAN ARMY OPERATIONS GO ON HUNGER STRIKE
BELGRADE, April 19 (Tanjug) - Serbs from what was formerly the Republic
of
Serb Krajina who were captured during the Croatian army's operations in
1995 and are now in the prison in Lepoglava, have been on hunger strike
since April 17, according to the Veritas information and documentation
centre.
Thirty-nine Serbs, captured during the Croatian army's May 1999
Operation
Lightning and its August 1995 Operation Storm, have for years been in
the
Lepoglava prison. Only five of them have been charged with conventional
crimes characteristic of war times, while all others have been charged
with
war crimes.
The prison authorities have declined comment on the hunger strike.
The imprisoned Serbs told Veritas that they demanded either that their
cases be reviewed again by Croatian courts, or that they be taken over
by
the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague or that they be
exchanged
on the all-for-all principle in line with an agreement reached between
the
Yugoslav and Croatian Foreign Ministries in 1998.
Serbs charged with war-related crimes are serving sentences also in
other
Croatian prisons - in Split (16), Osijek (10), Pozega (4), Karlovac (3),
Sisak (2), Vukovar (1) and Zagreb (1).
---
INTERVISTA AL MINISTRO MACEDONE DEL COMMERCIO
http://www.globalbizgroup.com/pematopstory.shtm
No Tricks, Just Trade
Macedonian Privatization Eye caught up with then Trade Minister Nikola
Gruevski just days before he was appointed as Macedonia's new Finance
Minister. Although he turns only 30 this year, Gruevski has proved that
he's by no means in short supply of what leaders need most - vision.
Q: What is the big picture regarding the situation of Macedonia's
foreign
trade?
A: The volume of Macedonia's foreign trade has increased in almost every
year over the last decade, from less than $1 billion in 1990 to over
$1.4
billion in 1998. Nevertheless, the biggest problem that we are now
facing
is the country's large trade deficit. The deficit mainly stems from
Macedonia's separation from the former Yugoslavia, as before Macedonian
companies had a domestic market of 22 million people, whereas now it has
shrunk to 2 million. Many companies have had to cut output by 50%, or
even
more. We still have a lot of spare, unused production capacity, and
turning this unused capacity into export-oriented companies, and opening
new export businesses, would be one way to narrow the trade deficit.
Our main export market is the European Union, which absorbs 52% of our
exports, of which Germany alone absorbs in excess of 20% -- followed by
Yugoslavia, with 18%. The USA ranks third, while Greece comes in fourth.
In fact, in 1999 Greece became the largest investor in Macedonia, and it
is also becoming more and more important as a trade partner. After we
had
shelved the dispute over the name of the country, although this issue is
not yet settled, Greece is actually helping us in our relations with the
EU. Both governments have decided to untangle the name issue from
economic
ties. The situation is roughly similar for imports, and we have the
largest bilateral trade deficit with Slovenia - almost $100 million.
Q: How are you dealing with Macedonia's condition of being a small
market?
A: There are many solutions. For instance, we have finalized five free
trade agreements with Slovenia, Yugoslavia, Croatia, and in 1999 with
Bulgaria and Turkey. When the last two last agreements are enforced, our
market size would expand to some 100 million people. The free trade
agreement with Turkey is of particular importance to us, not just
because
Turkey is a large market, but because the agreement is very
disproportionate, leaning in our favor. There is a 10-year transition
period, and over the first five years Macedonia will export to Turkey
almost every industrial product, while Turkey will export to Macedonia
only products that we do not manufacture.
Furthermore, we are poised to start negotiations over free trade
agreements with Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Romania.
In March or April we will wrap up the talks with the EFTA countries.
Due to the name issue we are not yet WTO members. However, the
negotiations have been unlocked and I am confident that we will soon win
WTO membership. We also received an invitation from the European Union
to
start negotiations for associated membership. The negotiations will take
place throughout this year and I believe that we stand a good chance of
signing an association agreement by January 1, 2001.
Q: What are the main products that Macedonia exports?
A: The largest categories are steel and steel products, textiles,
agricultural products, food products, and chemicals. For instance, we
export mainly steel and textiles to the United States and according to
our
export quotas we are the fifth largest textile exporter to the United
States, ahead of countries like China. Textiles is a huge industry in
Macedonia: over the past four years alone, some 425 new textile
companies
have been established, and most of them are export-oriented.
Q: What are the country's largest exporters?
A: There are several large steel makers, like Balkan Steel, which saw
output rise threefold in 1999 and IT exports a lot to the United States.
There are also some pharmaceuticals producers and a couple of wine
producers, as well. We also hope that the negotiations currently
underway
with Taiwan will lead this year to the start-up of computer assembly in
Macedonia.
Q: What is the average custom duty in Macedonia?
A: The average import tax stands at 15.2%. However, there are large
variations depending on the actual products that are imported. For
instance, for raw materials that are not produced in Macedonia and there
are tax-free import quotas, with the government's approval. For
quantities
that exceed the quotas, the average import tax rate is about 8.5%.
Interview by Catalin DIMOFTE
Last updated :
Thu, Apr 20 2000
---
RELAZIONI BILATERALI RDP DI COREA - RF DI JUGOSLAVIA
DPRK News Apr 27
Greetings to Yugoslav President
Pyongyang, April 27 (KCNA) -- Kim Yong Nam, President of the
presidium
of the DPRK Supreme People's
Assembly, today sent a message of greetings to Slobodan Milosevic,
President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
on the occasion of its day of constitution.
The message extends warm congratulations to the President, the
government and the people of Yugoslavia on its
day of constitution.
Expressing the belief that the friendly and cooperative relations
between the two countries will further expand and
develop, it wishes the President and the people of Yugoslavia great
success
in their efforts for the security,
development and territorial integrity of the country.
DPRK News May 18
Yugoslav embassy officials visit Sinchon Museum
Pyongyang, May 18 (KCNA) -- Milorad Kosovac, charge d'affaires ad
interim of Yugoslavia, and embassy
officials visited the Sinchon Museum yesterday on the occasion of the
Yugoslav day of constitution.
The guests looked round exhibits and visual aids of the museum which
show atrocities of the U.S. aggressors
who massacred innocent people most cruelly in Sinchon.
They went round a air-raid shelter of the former Sinchon county
committee of the Worker's Party of Korea and a
powder magazine in Wonam-ri which bears witness to the brutality,
viciousness and cruelty of the aggressors, and a
tomb of 5,605 patriots, a tomb of 400 mothers and a tomb of 102 children
killed by the U.S.
They laid bouquets before the tombs and observed a moments' silence.
---
40MILA IN PIAZZA A SKOPLJE CONTRO IL GOVERNO FILOOCCIDENTALE
FORMATO DALLE DESTRE NAZIONALISTE
Thousands demand government resignation in Macedonia
May 19, 2000
Web posted at: 6:54 AM EDT (1054 GMT)
SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) -- More than 40,000 people gathered at an
opposition rally Thursday to demand the Macedonian government resign and
hold early elections.
"Down with the government," "We want elections," read the banners
carried by the protesters at the rally held at the main city square in
the capital Skopje.
The Social Democrats and eight other opposition parties announced a
series of anti-government protests in a declaration read at the
gathering.
"The only thing this government can do to save Macedonia is to quit
power," Branko Crvenkovski, the leader of the Social Democrats told the
crowd.
Crvenkovski's party, formerly the Communists, blame the center-right
government for the worsening economic situation in Macedonia, the only
former Yugoslav republic to secede peacefully.
Macedonia is believed to be dangerously close to bankruptcy. With more
than half the workforce unemployed and a foreign debt amounting to $1.45
billion, the impoverished Balkan nation is hoping to boost its economy
by bringing in foreign capital.
The opposition also accuses the government of giving in to the country's
ethnic Albanians, who make up one-fourth of the country's 2 million
people and have been demanding more rights.
Opposition calls for the government resignation have grown since an
incident earlier this year in which four Macedonian soldiers were
abducted by Kosovo Albanian extremists and reportedly exchanged for a
Kosovo Albanian facing trial in Macedonia.
The Social Democrats led Macedonia to independence from former
Yugoslavia in 1991 and ruled the country for seven years before losing
elections to the ruling center-right coalition, which includes
pro-Western politicians in the country.
---
INTERVISTA AL MOVIMENTO AUSTRIACO DI SOLIDARIETA' CON LA JUGOSLAVIA
www.serbia-info.com/news
Interview of Wilhelm Langtaler to Serbian Broadcasting Co.: "Resistance
to NATO aggression, support to FRY"
May 16, 2000
Belgrade, May 15th - President of Austro-Serbian movement "Solidarity",
which was founded in Vienna as a sign of resistance to NATO aggression
and support to our country, Wilhelm Langtaler, estimated yesterday
evening that NATO would try to create the conditions for new
intervention and new war by prompting opposition, secessionist
movements.
Langtaler said precisely in his interview to Serbian Broadcasting Co.
that the real cause for the aggression on FRY was "throwing a country
which dared confront the demands of new world order on its knees". That
was, according to his words, an obstacle for NATO's way to Russia.
Speaking about the recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, Langtaler
stressed that in the southern part of that town a "virtual occupation"
was under way.
"There are numerous evidence that the 1244 Resolution of the UN Security
Council is not being conducted at all", Langtaler said, adding that
Serbs are being systematically thrown out of Kosmet, controlled,
disarmed and that they are not permitted to defend themselves in any
way, which is not the case with the Albanians.
Langtaler reminded that "Solidarity" members were demonstrating for all
78 days of the aggression on FRY, and he pointed that the demonstrations
had out-of-party character i.e. members of different parties
participated in them as well as those who are not in favor of any party.
"One of our most significant actions was foundation of the Vienna
tribunal - directed against Austrian government and its helping NATO
aggression", Langtaler said, stressing that the Organization went to
Kosmet after the aggression and "showed its solidarity with Serbs,
especially with the confined in UNMIK prison in Kosovska Mitrovica".
Speaking about the new world order and the US attempt to dominate the
world, Langtaler estimated that the new world order presented a terrible
dictatorship of the rich over the poor, the minority over the majority,
and he expressed his hopes that "this dictatorship would be destroyed
soon, since majority of the world population would have to find ways of
confronting it".
"We wish to fight against the NATO and new world order with Serbs,
because NATO is the greatest criminal organization in the history",
Langtaler said, stressing that "there will come the time when every
nation would be able to free itself from such dictatorship".
---
DITTE STATUNITENSI ADDESTRANO I GOLPISTI MONTENEGRINI?
Date:
Tue, 23 May 2000 05:06:52 EDT
From:
Petokraka78@...
Reply-To:
"STOP NATO: NO PASARAN!" <STOPNATO@...>
To:
STOPNATO@...
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
Dear all,
just thought I'd let you know that I know for a fact that private
security
firms are currently training the Montenegrhin "police" loyal to
Jukhanovich!
An article on this apparently appeared in the Independent (?) But I
learned
about this from a friend who heard it from the Mountainegrin Trade
Mission in
Vasington DC (sorry for the intentional misspeling!)
In a message dated 22/05/00 8:24:57 PM Pacific Daylight Time,
alakemerrittneighbor@... writes:
<< Subj: [STOPNATO] The privatization of war by the USA in
Yugoslavia
Date: 22/05/00 8:24:57 PM Pacific Daylight Time
From: alakemerrittneighbor@... (Steve Wagner)
Reply-to: STOPNATO@... (STOP NATO: NO PASARAN!)
To: STOPNATO@...
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
>
> GENERALS FOR HIRE: CONFRONTED WITH ITS TRICKIEST
> TASK IN BOSNIA, THE USA
> HAS MADE PLANS TO PAY SOMEONE ELSE TO DO IT.
> Source: TIME magazine - By Mark Thompson, >>
---
IN KOSOVO LO SMINAMENTO NON VIENE EFFETTUATO - PERCHE'?
BBC News
Tuesday, 23 May, 2000, 21:07 GMT 22:07 UK
Kosovo mine expert criticises Nato
Soldiers on the ground support demining
By the BBC's Nicholas Wood in Pristina
The head of the UN's demining programme in Kosovo has blamed Nato for
the slow progress made to clear up unexploded bombs in the province.
The latest victim, a 10-year-old boy, was killed on Sunday when he
walked into an unmarked field of cluster bombs.
Sometimes the first time we knew there was an area [with unexploded
bombs] was when there was a casualty reported
John Flanagan
Mine Action Co-Ordination Centre
More than 100 people have now died from bomb and mine injuries since the
end of the war in Kosovo, in June last year.
John Flanagan, the head of the Mine Action Co-Ordination Centre in
Pristina, says essential information about the precise location of
cluster bomb sites was withheld from his group.
"It was definitely frustrating, 10 months later we are just getting to
grips with the information. It shouldn't be like that," he said.
Unexploded bombs
Almost 1,400 cluster bombs were dropped in Kosovo, mainly by British and
US planes.
The shells break up into dozens of smaller bomblets and scatter over an
area of one square kilometre.
About 10% fail to explode on impact, and remain on the ground.
Children are attracted by the bright colours of the bomblets
The Mine Action Centre first asked K-For for information about the
location of the bombs last in August.
But it was not until this April that the centre realised it did not have
the full details.
Mr Flanagan says his teams would have been able to mark out and demine
far more areas if Nato had co-operated earlier.
The UN had to lobby Nato officials in Brussels and Washington before the
information was handed over.
Since the arrival of spring there has been a steady increase in number
of casualties from mines and cluster bombs.
Rising toll
In April 15 people were injured compared with 13 in March, and six in
February.
The bombs are particularly attractive to children.
The American bomblets are plastic and coloured bright yellow.
However, they contain an incendiary device - shrapnel - and armour
pearcing explosive that can pearce steel 25 cm thick.
Unlike most mines they often kill or maim more than one person at a
time.
K-For has the responsibility to mark out "essential sites".
But the Mine Action Co-Ordination Centre says as much as 40% of risk
areas have yet to be cordoned off.
"It became apparent we didn't have the information, and areas were not
marked." said Mr Flanagan.
"Sometimes the first time we knew there was an area was when there was a
casualty reported," he said.
Responsibility
There is now increasing pressure on Nato and K-For to take
responsibility for the problem.
It is estimated that cluster bombs make up to 40% of mines and
unexploded bombs in the province.
Yet the vast majority of demining work is done by civilians.
Also Nato partners have a differing in their concern about the problem.
"Some of the information is considered as sensitive. The UK soldiers are
very supportive of the operation," said Mr Flanagan.
But he added some countries have yet to give their full support.
"The guys on the ground want to help out as much as possible. It's a
political decision. Cluster clearing is not beyond K-For's and Nato's
ability," he said.
[A 'political decision,' indeed. If it's not 'beyond K-For and NATO's
ability,'' then why has nothing been done?...RR]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
---
NELSON MANDELA CONTESTA GLI INTERVENTI DELLA NATO
CONTRO LA JUGOSLAVIA E L'IRAK
http://www.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/africa/04/12/un.mandela.reut/index.html
Mandela slams Western action in Kosovo, Iraq
Mandela said U.S. and British actions have undermined
the United Nations' ability to resolve conflict
April 12, 2000
Web posted at: 9:26 p.m. EDT (0126 GMT)
DUBLIN, Ireland (Reuters) -- Nelson Mandela warned
Wednesday that powerful Western countries such as the
United States and Britain risked sparking global
conflict if they tried to police the world alone.
"When two nations take it upon themselves to police
the world ... without getting the authorization of the
United Nations, we must condemn that because it can
lead to another world war," the former South African
president said in a speech.
Mandela did not name the United States and Britain,
but joked that he was sure that everyone in the
audience knew the two countries he had in mind.
Mandela said military actions in Iraq and Kosovo
undermined the role of the United Nations as a forum
for the peaceful resolution of conflict around the
globe.
"They send a message that the powerful will police the
world," Mandela said as he delivered the Irish
Independent newspaper annual lecture at Dublin's
Trinity College.
"From there it is only a step to chaos in world
affairs, as power is substituted for the security of
collective and democratic decision," added Mandela,
winner of the Nobel Peace Prize for the part he played
in South Africa's transformation into a multiracial
democracy after centuries of white rule.
U.S. and British planes patrol no-fly zones over Iraq
and frequently clash with air defenses. The zones were
declared by the West after the 1991 Gulf War and are
designed to protect groups opposed to Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein. And NATO conducted a 78-day bombing
campaign against Serbia last year to protect ethnic
Albanians in the province of Kosovo.
Mandela said powerful nations should not bully other
members of the United Nations into following their
line.
"The principle that all differences can be resolved
through talk and negotiation applies also within
organizations like the Security Council of the United
Nations and there can be no justification for
unilateral action that imposes one view over others in
that body," he added.
Mandela said the example of South Africa showed that
even the bitterest conflicts could be resolved through
negotiation.
"On the brink of a bloody war that would have scorched
the earth of our common land, South Africans
recognized they were one nation with one destiny."
---
ANCORA INCIDENTI CAUSATI DAI SOLDATI
STATUNITENSI UBRIACHI A SKOPLJE
Clash In Macedonia
U.S. Troops Involved in Altercations, Drunkenness Alleged
By Konstantin Testorides
The Associated Press
S K O P J E, Macedonia, April 12 — U.S. soldiers, some
drunk, clashed with locals today, leading the
Macedonian police and NATO MPs to detain 30 American
servicemen, the Macedonian Interior Ministry said.
But a U.S. military spokesman called the
assertion that they were detained “a fabrication.”
NATO and U.S. military officials did confirm
there were disturbances in three separate instances
involving American troops in Skopje, the Macedonian
capital, but said only five were temporarily detained
by Macedonian police, who later turned them over to
U.S. military authorities. All the Americans were
stationed in Kosovo and were on leave in Skopje, they
said.
One U.S. military spokesman suggested that in
least two of the cases, the U.S. soldiers did not
initiate violence but were provoked.
Ed Loomis, a public affairs officer at U.S.
European Command in Stuttgart, Germany, said that in
one incident, “an American soldier was spit on by a
Macedonian; the soldier reacted to that and was
detained by Macedonian police.” In another, Loomis
said, two American soldiers tried to stop a Macedonian
trying to steal the belongings of one of the soldiers.
In the third incident, “four soldiers at a
restaurant got in some type of verbal altercation with
the staff at the restaurant and possibly police,” he
said. All four were detained.
Loomis called the report of 30 soldiers being
detained “a fabrication.”
The Macedonian Account
A Macedonian Interior Ministry statement said the
soldiers, members of NATO-led peacekeeping troops
stationed in Macedonia, were detained in connection
with “indecent behavior, violation of public order,
harassment of citizens and a fight involving a
policeman.” Some were drunk, the statement said.
After a disturbance in a local cafe in downtown
Skopje, the soldiers clashed with a group of citizens,
injuring a police officer who tried to intervene, the
statement said.
In Kosovo, U.S. Major Debbie Allen said, “there
were eight U.S. soldiers involved in three minor
incidents.” She said “there are reports of alcohol
being involved, and there were altercations.”
All five were back in Kosovo and were being
investigated by military authorities before a decision
on whether to file charges, Allen said.
Macedonia serves as a staging ground and a supply
route for international peacekeepers in Kosovo.
Speaking in Skopje for KFOR, the NATO-led peacekeeping
force, Captain Andreas Reinecke said KFOR “deeply
regrets these incidents.”
“We would like to make this very clear that this
kind of behavior does not reflect the attitude that we
expect from our personnel,” Reinecke said.
-
Macedonia will push for criminal charges against U.S.
soldiers
Associated Press
By KONSTANTIN TESTORIDES, Associated Press
SKOPJE, Macedonia (April 13, 2000 5:22 p.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - Macedonia wants criminal
charges pressed against U.S. soldiers detained after a
clash with residents that left a policeman seriously
injured, said a police spokesman Thursday.
Stevo Pendarovski said Macedonian legal authorities
will seek assault charges against American soldiers
allegedly responsible for injuring a Macedonian
policeman and brawling with residents Wednesday.
The policeman was injured when he tried to intervene
in a clash between the Americans and the Skopje
residents. The policeman was hit in the head with a
brick, suffering serious head injuries, Pendarovski
said.
"It is very likely that the most aggressive of the
detained American soldiers will face charges for
taking part in a brawl and attacking citizens,"
Pendarovski said.
U.S. military spokesmen said the Macedonians were free
to make recommendations but final decisions on what
action to take against the soldiers rested with
American military authorities after an investigation.
Pendarovski said Macedonian police "will ask the
Macedonian foreign ministry to submit the full report
to the native country of the soldiers regarding the
incidents."
Capt. Russell Berg, a spokesman at Kosovo's main U.S.
base at Camp Bondsteel, said that once investigations
were completed, "it will be decided whether there will
be judicial punishment or nonjudicial punishment." All
Americans involved were back in Kosovo, he said.
American troops were involved in three separate
incidents Wednesday in the Macedonian capital,
including one alleged clash with locals. NATO and U.S.
military spokesmen said eight servicemen were
detained, but on Thursday revised that figure to six.
One U.S. military spokesman suggested that in at least
two of the cases, the U.S. soldiers did not initiate
violence but reacted to being provoked.
But Macedonia's Interior Ministry said the U.S.
soldiers were drunk and "behaved indecently, violated
public law and order, harassed the citizens and
injured one Macedonian policeman."
Macedonia serves as a staging ground and a supply
route for international peacekeepers in neighboring
Kosovo.
---
RELAZIONI BILATERALI RF DI JUGOSLAVIA - LIBIA
> F.R.YUGOSLAVIA - LIBYA
>
> YUGOSLAVIA HAD ITS DAY AT TRIPOLI FAIR
>
> TRIPOLI, April 12 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav pavilion at Tripoli's
>International Fair organised on Wednesday a formal function to mark Yugoslav
>Day at the Fair.
>
> The assembled guests, among whom diplomatic representatives from
>31 countries, were addressed by Yugoslav Ambassador to Libya Radomir
>Bogdanovic.
>
> Bogdanovic said Yugoslavia's participation in the Fair and the
>exibits on display, representing the output of over 50 companies, are best
>evidence that Yugoslav industry and agriculture are still able to manufacture
>and market their products in the world despite damage wreaked by NATO in its
>aggression on Yugoslavia last spring.
---
L'AUSTRALIA ROMPE L'ISOLAMENTO DELLA RF DI JUGOSLAVIA
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=151415
Australian Ambassador Meets Isolated Milosevic
BELGRADE, Apr 14, 2000 -- (Reuters) Australia's new
ambassador to Belgrade met Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic on Thursday, in a move likely to anger the
United States. Washington criticized Australia last
week for sending a new ambassador to Belgrade and
urged Canberra to fax his credentials to Milosevic
rather than presenting them in person, fearing that
could boost Milosevic in his quest for international
acceptance.
But Australia defended its decision and denied reports
that its maintenance of high-level diplomatic
relations with Belgrade was part of a deal to secure
the release of three of its aid workers jailed during
last year's NATO air strikes over Kosovo.
"Certainly there's no deal," the new envoy, Charles
Stewart, said by telephone.
He said Canberra's interest in maintaining diplomatic
relations stemmed from the large Yugoslav community in
Australia and he declined to comment on the row with
the United States.
Since the Kosovo conflict last year, during which a UN
tribunal indicted Milosevic for war crimes against
Albanian civilians in the province, many Western
countries have downgraded their diplomatic missions in
Belgrade.
The United States, which led the air campaign, is not
represented at all and other countries have not
replaced ambassadors when they leave, to avoid the
credentials issue.
AUSTRALIA IS NOT ALONE
But Australia is not the only country to have broken
the mould.
South Africa's envoy did so last year and the new
ambassador to Russia, a traditional ally of
fellow-Orthodox Slav Serbia and fierce critic of the
NATO bombing, presented his credentials at the same
time as Australia's new envoy.
State media carried full accounts of the ceremony.
"Charles Stewart said Australia wanted to develop
successful bilateral cooperation with Yugoslavia,
having pointed out that many Australian citizens of
Yugoslav origin represent a lasting and stable bridge
linking the two countries and reaffirming their mutual
interests," Tanjug news agency said.
"Milosevic said he was convinced bilateral ties
between the two countries would continue to develop
successfully and mutual interests in economic,
cultural, sports and other relations would be
fulfilled," the agency added.
Stewart's own account was less effusive.
"Our principle interest is in terms of a very large
Yugoslav community in Australia," he told Reuters.
"We are keen to improve the cordial relations that
exist between our two countries."
---
IN GERMANIA I POLITICI CONSERVATORI SONO PIU' A SINISTRA DEI VERDI
Conservative German Politician
Lauches Fierce Attack Against NATO
War
by Rainer Rupp
Saarbrücken, Germany
Special to Antiwar.com
4/14/00
"Serbia, the only truly multi-ethnical state left in the Balkans"
Willy Wimmer, Vice-President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE
and
member of the German Bundestag (National Parliament) for the
conservative Christian
Democratic Union (CDU) of former Chancellor Helmut Kohl, has never
held back with
his sharp criticism of NATO's war against Yugoslavia. But his recent
statement,
distributed on 3rd April in the lobby of the Bundestag has caused a
stir in German politics
and was given broad attention in the national media.
In his statement Mr. Wimmer warned that one year after the beginning
of the NATO
attack against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" the Kosovo War was
increasingly
proving to have become a watershed for the future development of the
world." Referring
to his recent talks in Moscow he emphasised that, after years of
having waited in vain for
a fruitful dialog with Europe and the USA, Russia had now passed a new
military
doctrine, "which specifically addresses NATO and the West." (NATO is
designated in
the new doctrine as a potential threat to Russia). "What makes Moscow
publish its
guidelines for the (first) use of nuclear weapons now," asks Mr.
Wimmer and offers the
answer: "What other reason could there have been than the war against
Yugoslavia."
In Beijing too, things had changed to the worse, asMr Wimmer recalls
his talks there. In
spite of all American apologies and assertions to the opposite, the
Chinese firmly believe,
" that one single US-bomber flew all the way from the United States in
order to hit the
Chinese embassy in Belgrade."
Despite all assertions about the "humanitarian war" by NATO-officials,
Mr. Wimmer
urged Europeans to draw the right conclusions from an operation,
"which was essentially
led, in order to ensure the expansion of NATO and to underpin its
credibility."
Moreover, in Mr. Wimmers's view the NATO-Operation in Kosovo seems to
have "got
out of control." Referring to Western newspaper reports Mr. Wimmer
emphasises that
"the Jews of Kosovo have now fled, almost without exception, to
Belgrade." He added
that "it goes without saying" that the KLA "has almost completely
cleansed the
remaining ethnic Serbs and Roma from Kosovo; the ethnical Turks had to
go, and the
catholic Albanians report acts of violence against them. Even Albanian
intellectuals are
leaving Kosovo and apparently flee to Belgrade." From these
observations the
conservative representative Willy Wimmer draws the only logical
conclusion, that
Belgrade remains "the only large multi-ethnical state in the Balkans."
He considers that
Kosovo is "on the eve of another civil war between rival albanian
groups, which are
supported by competing drug barons. What will NATO do then? – An
undignified
withdrawal or the provocation of a new war?"
He sternly warns against a new war against Serbia and ridicules NATO's
grand claims.
"What is left of NATO's big mouth announcements of a year ago, that it
would cut the
Yugoslav army into pieces?" he asked. "After 78 days of war and
approximately 36,000
bombing missions the Yugoslav Army left (Kosovo) with polished tanks!"
Next time, Mr.
Wimmer expects, that NATO might not get away so easily: "It is highly
questionable if a
future conflict in Kosovo would follow the old pattern, or if a
President Putin would again
refuse the S-300 air defence systems to the Serbs, as happened in
October 1998. In the
actual air duels the most modern US technology confronted Soviet
technology of the
70ies. That might change. "
In conclusion Mr. Willy Wimmer addresses the increasing tensions
between Europe and
the USA and requests Europeans to think again before they get dragged
into the next
Balkan war: "Europeans should ask themselves, how they see their own
role against the
background of the official American defence planning guidelines? This
Pentagon
document states razor-sharp that all American efforts must be directed
against the
emergence of a rival power while upholding NATO as the substantial
channel for
American influence in Europe and as an instrument for participation in
European decision
making."
With reference to The Hague, Mr. Wimmer, the deputy chairman of the
OSCE's
parliamentary assembly does not see "much of a future" for the
International War Crimes
Tribunal. Quoting a high official in the German government he said:
"the tribunal would
quickly unravel once it started in earnest to pursue the complaints
that have been filed
against NATO."
If you would like to contact Mr. Willy Wimmer, you may call, fax or
e-mal his office in the
German Bundestag (Parliament) in Berlin;
Mr. Willy Wimmer
Platz der Republik 1,
11011 Berlin
Germany
Tel. 00 49 30 1227-75094
Fax: .........30 22746498
willy.wimmer@...
---
1100 VOLTE SUPERIORE ALLA NORMA LA RADIOATTIVITA'
IN JUGOSLAVIA A CAUSA DELL'USO "UMANITARIO" DI ARMI ATOMICHE
>POST-NATO-WAR YUGOSLAVIA HAS URANIUM LEVELS 1,000 TIMES ABOVE
>NORMAL
>
> BELGRADE, April 13 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav government, at
>Thursday's session chaired by Prime Minister Momir Bulatovic, approved a
>report on the effects on the environment of NATO's air strikes on Yugoslavia
>last spring, a government statement said.
> Evidence collected and analyses made by local institutes have
>shown that the NATO aggressors used ammunition with depleted uranium, among
>others, which is a crime against humanity punishable under the international
>law of war.
> Analyses of individual samples showed contamination levels up to a
>thousand times above normal, the government said, noting that the use of
>ammunition with depleted uranium is in violation of the fundamental norms of
>international humanitarian and war law.
> The competent bodies and services have investigated and marked
>contaminated areas, and removed radioactive materials from all accessible
>locations, significantly lowering the threat of contamination.
> People in high-risk areas have been medically examined, while
>complete decontamination is yet to be done and necessitates huge financial
>outlays.
> However, no checks have been made at a hundred or so localities in
>the U.N.-ruled Serbian province of Kosovo-Metohija, where the number of
>depleted uranium warheads dropped was ten times higher than elsewhere.
> This puts the environment and the local population, including the
>international force and the U.N. civilian mission, particularly at risk from
>radioactive contamination, the statement said.
> The government defined specific measures for alleviating the
>consequences as much as possible.
> The government also reviewed a report on efforts to prevent
>flooding of the River Tamis.
> It noted that, in cooperation with the competent Romanian bodies,
>adequate measures have been taken to reduce the water levels and flow in the
>Romanian sector of the river and to consolidate the dikes and protect the
>people and industry on the Yugoslav side.
> The high-risk Secanj municipality has been granted two million
>dinars (1 U.S. dollar fetches roughly 11 dinars) in aid to finance the
>necessary anti-flood operations, the statement said.
---
LA FYROM CONTRO IL TERRORISMO UCK CHIEDE AIUTO AGLI USA (!)
"NON VOGLIAMO ENTRARE IN CONFLITTO CON I TERRORISTI MA
ALMENO RISPETTINO I NOSTRI CONFINI" (!!!)
Macedonia Appeals to U.S. for Aid Against Terrorists
SKOPJE, Apr 15, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Macedonian President
Boris Trajkovski on Friday asked US Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright for extra security along Macedonia's border with Kosovo.
During the telephone conversation, Trajkovski also asked for "total
support" in Macedonia's fight against "terrorist groups" and said "the
principal preoccupation for Macedonia was security along the border with
Kosovo", presidential aids revealed Friday.
Security in southern Kosovo, along the province's border with Macedonia,
is the responsibility of the US contingent of the NATO-led peacekeeping
force KFOR.
Trajkovski drew Albright's attention to the recent kidnap on the border
of four Macedonian soldiers who were later released.
"We do not wish to enter into conflict with terrorist groups but if they
do not respect our country and its territorial sovereignty ... and if
they represent a threat to our soldiers, then we shall deal with them
firmly," Trajkovski reportedly said.
The terrorist groups concerned were not identified.
Macedonia has a large ethnic-Albanian minority and fears that the
separatist violence that erupted last year in Serbia could spread across
its frontier.
Around 30 US troops, allegedly drunk, were detained on Tuesday following
a street fight with Macedonian civilians in Skopje that left one person
injured.
Macedonia is a logistical base for NATO's operations in Kosovo. Tensions
between KFOR and the local population rose last year after a series of
road accidents were blamed on NATO vehicles. ((c) 2000 Agence France
Presse)
---
RELAZIONI BILATERALI RFJ-IRAK
Yugoslav Statement on Iraq - from Radio Yugoslavia, 4-15
FR Yugoslavia is against any interference of the air traffic over Iraq,
and
sharply condemns the establishment of so-called restricted flight zones,
which is contrary to the international law and the UN Charter, Yugoslav
Foreign Ministry has stated, on the occasion of the flight of an Italian
plane carrying humanitarian relief to Iraq.
The limitation of the freedom of air traffic is a manifestation of force
and
hegemonic behaviour in international relations. FR Yugoslavia resolutely
opposes the punishing of sovereign states and nations and the policy of
sanctions as a flagrant and most mass form of human rights violation.
The
sanctions, as an inhumane and uncivilized instrument of bare force, are
causing death and hunger in Iraq, killing children, women, the elderly
and
the most vulnerable population categories. The Yugoslav Foreign Ministry
seeks that the policy of violation of human right to a dignified life
should
cease immediately, the statement says.
---
CACCIA F-16 DAGLI USA ALLA "CROAZIA DAL VOLTO NUOVO"
Eternera Mailing List - http://get.to/eternera
Stratfor: Croatia Preps For Nato / Cheap Planes In The Works
Stratfor - Global Inteligence Center [www.stratfor.com]
Apr. 14, 2000
Croatia Preps For Nato: Cheap Planes In The Works
During U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's visit to Croatia's
capital of Zagreb last month, a member of her delegation was rumored to
have made an offer on behalf of the United States to donate several
F-16 fighters to Croatia. Such a deal would certainly help pave the way
for a rapid Croatian integration into NATO. It would also dovetail
nicely with the increased respect that Croatia and NATO have recently
granted each other.
Ever since the formation of Croatia's new government under the joint
leadership of President Stipe Mesic and Prime Minister Ivica Racan a few
weeks ago, the Croatian government has grown exceedingly pro-Western.
Croatia is cooperating with the United
Nations in investigating war crimes from the Yugoslav war. Mesic is
working with other former Yugoslav states to knit some sort of southeast
European regional fabric. But most importantly, last month the Croatian
government decided not to upgrade its aging MiG-21s. This indicates that
it will hold out for more expensive Western military equipment. Such a
firm - and expensive - commitment to Western weapons systems
demonstrates the seriousness of the new Croatian government's desire to
pull itself into the Western camp.
But integrating with the West - especially joining NATO - will not be a
cheap process, especially if Mesic is serious about joining as soon as
2002. The three states that were admitted into the alliance in 1999 -
the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland - are still struggling with the
costs of integration. These three states had almost a decade to prepare
for NATO membership. Croatia is aiming for membership in less than
three; thus, the cost will be higher. But Croatia has two advantages its
predecessors lacked. Having recently emerged from a war, Croatia allots
proportionally twice as much on its military as its northern neighbors.
While defense spending cannot stay at this level forever, it will make
it easier for Croatia to meet its ambitious NATO integration goals. This
factor is certainly noticed by Western leaders disappointed by NATO's
newest members' reluctance
[http://www.stratfor.com/SERVICES/GIU/112599.ASP] toward investing in
their own militaries. Once in NATO, Croatia reasons that European Union
(EU) membership - with all of its long-term economic perks - will only
be a short skip away, and that military outlays can then decrease.
TABLE:
Population (mill.) GDP (bill.) GDP per capita Defense Budget (bill.)
Defense as % of
GDP
Czech Republic 10.3 $51.9 $5040 $1.1 1.8%
Hungary 10.1 $45.6 $4510 $0.645 1.4%
Poland 38.7 $150.9 $3900 $3.3 2.2%
Croatia 4.6 $20.7 $4520 $0.950 5.0%
Source: The World Bank, CIA World Factbook
Currently, the EU and NATO are both fixated on the Balkans. The outcome
of the Stability Pact's recent donor meeting
[http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/specialreports/special29.htm] indicates the
EU is willing to put up the cash - $1.8 billion to be exact - needed to
bring a measure of prosperity to the region.
Croatia is the region's gatekeeper. This sudden attention emerges in
stark contrast to the multi-year delays that the states of Central
Europe faced in garnering EU investment; Croatia's pro-Western
government took the helm just early this year. The two major highway
projects currently targeted by the EU will more firmly connect Croatia
to Hungary - already a NATO member - and Slovenia - one of NATO's
leading candidates.
This indicates that the American offer of F-16s was more than mere
rumor. And a fighter deal is certainly feasible. There are several
hundred surplus F-16s at the Davis-Mothan Air Force base in Arizona. To
maintain the same air force capability it currently possesses, Croatia
would only need 12 to 16 F-16s to replace its 30 aging MiG-21s - the
same number that Albright's delegation was rumored to offer. Croatia
originally allotted $110 million to upgrade its MiGs; this money will
now likely be spent on purchasing U.S. planes at a discounted rate. If
this deal materializes, it could also trigger additional donations or
cut-rate sales of aircraft to the Czech Republic, Hungary or Poland.
The West certainly would like to include Croatia among its ranks.
Croatian membership in the EU and NATO would be a large step toward
stabilizing the Balkans and providing more strategic depth to NATO while
supplying another pressure point on Yugoslavia
[http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/commentary/0004110023.htm]. Croatian
membership in NATO would not raise the same Russian ire that Baltic
membership would [http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/commentary/0003030232.htm]
, as the Soviet Union never controlled Yugoslavia. Swallowing the cost
of a few outdated planes would be a low-cost, but high-benefit deal for
the military alliance.
---
IN SCIOPERO DELLA FAME SERBI DETENUTI NELLA "CROAZIA DAL VOLTO NUOVO"
CROATIA - SERBS - PRISON
SERBS CAPTURED IN 1995 CROATIAN ARMY OPERATIONS GO ON HUNGER STRIKE
BELGRADE, April 19 (Tanjug) - Serbs from what was formerly the Republic
of
Serb Krajina who were captured during the Croatian army's operations in
1995 and are now in the prison in Lepoglava, have been on hunger strike
since April 17, according to the Veritas information and documentation
centre.
Thirty-nine Serbs, captured during the Croatian army's May 1999
Operation
Lightning and its August 1995 Operation Storm, have for years been in
the
Lepoglava prison. Only five of them have been charged with conventional
crimes characteristic of war times, while all others have been charged
with
war crimes.
The prison authorities have declined comment on the hunger strike.
The imprisoned Serbs told Veritas that they demanded either that their
cases be reviewed again by Croatian courts, or that they be taken over
by
the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague or that they be
exchanged
on the all-for-all principle in line with an agreement reached between
the
Yugoslav and Croatian Foreign Ministries in 1998.
Serbs charged with war-related crimes are serving sentences also in
other
Croatian prisons - in Split (16), Osijek (10), Pozega (4), Karlovac (3),
Sisak (2), Vukovar (1) and Zagreb (1).
---
INTERVISTA AL MINISTRO MACEDONE DEL COMMERCIO
http://www.globalbizgroup.com/pematopstory.shtm
No Tricks, Just Trade
Macedonian Privatization Eye caught up with then Trade Minister Nikola
Gruevski just days before he was appointed as Macedonia's new Finance
Minister. Although he turns only 30 this year, Gruevski has proved that
he's by no means in short supply of what leaders need most - vision.
Q: What is the big picture regarding the situation of Macedonia's
foreign
trade?
A: The volume of Macedonia's foreign trade has increased in almost every
year over the last decade, from less than $1 billion in 1990 to over
$1.4
billion in 1998. Nevertheless, the biggest problem that we are now
facing
is the country's large trade deficit. The deficit mainly stems from
Macedonia's separation from the former Yugoslavia, as before Macedonian
companies had a domestic market of 22 million people, whereas now it has
shrunk to 2 million. Many companies have had to cut output by 50%, or
even
more. We still have a lot of spare, unused production capacity, and
turning this unused capacity into export-oriented companies, and opening
new export businesses, would be one way to narrow the trade deficit.
Our main export market is the European Union, which absorbs 52% of our
exports, of which Germany alone absorbs in excess of 20% -- followed by
Yugoslavia, with 18%. The USA ranks third, while Greece comes in fourth.
In fact, in 1999 Greece became the largest investor in Macedonia, and it
is also becoming more and more important as a trade partner. After we
had
shelved the dispute over the name of the country, although this issue is
not yet settled, Greece is actually helping us in our relations with the
EU. Both governments have decided to untangle the name issue from
economic
ties. The situation is roughly similar for imports, and we have the
largest bilateral trade deficit with Slovenia - almost $100 million.
Q: How are you dealing with Macedonia's condition of being a small
market?
A: There are many solutions. For instance, we have finalized five free
trade agreements with Slovenia, Yugoslavia, Croatia, and in 1999 with
Bulgaria and Turkey. When the last two last agreements are enforced, our
market size would expand to some 100 million people. The free trade
agreement with Turkey is of particular importance to us, not just
because
Turkey is a large market, but because the agreement is very
disproportionate, leaning in our favor. There is a 10-year transition
period, and over the first five years Macedonia will export to Turkey
almost every industrial product, while Turkey will export to Macedonia
only products that we do not manufacture.
Furthermore, we are poised to start negotiations over free trade
agreements with Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Romania.
In March or April we will wrap up the talks with the EFTA countries.
Due to the name issue we are not yet WTO members. However, the
negotiations have been unlocked and I am confident that we will soon win
WTO membership. We also received an invitation from the European Union
to
start negotiations for associated membership. The negotiations will take
place throughout this year and I believe that we stand a good chance of
signing an association agreement by January 1, 2001.
Q: What are the main products that Macedonia exports?
A: The largest categories are steel and steel products, textiles,
agricultural products, food products, and chemicals. For instance, we
export mainly steel and textiles to the United States and according to
our
export quotas we are the fifth largest textile exporter to the United
States, ahead of countries like China. Textiles is a huge industry in
Macedonia: over the past four years alone, some 425 new textile
companies
have been established, and most of them are export-oriented.
Q: What are the country's largest exporters?
A: There are several large steel makers, like Balkan Steel, which saw
output rise threefold in 1999 and IT exports a lot to the United States.
There are also some pharmaceuticals producers and a couple of wine
producers, as well. We also hope that the negotiations currently
underway
with Taiwan will lead this year to the start-up of computer assembly in
Macedonia.
Q: What is the average custom duty in Macedonia?
A: The average import tax stands at 15.2%. However, there are large
variations depending on the actual products that are imported. For
instance, for raw materials that are not produced in Macedonia and there
are tax-free import quotas, with the government's approval. For
quantities
that exceed the quotas, the average import tax rate is about 8.5%.
Interview by Catalin DIMOFTE
Last updated :
Thu, Apr 20 2000
---
RELAZIONI BILATERALI RDP DI COREA - RF DI JUGOSLAVIA
DPRK News Apr 27
Greetings to Yugoslav President
Pyongyang, April 27 (KCNA) -- Kim Yong Nam, President of the
presidium
of the DPRK Supreme People's
Assembly, today sent a message of greetings to Slobodan Milosevic,
President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
on the occasion of its day of constitution.
The message extends warm congratulations to the President, the
government and the people of Yugoslavia on its
day of constitution.
Expressing the belief that the friendly and cooperative relations
between the two countries will further expand and
develop, it wishes the President and the people of Yugoslavia great
success
in their efforts for the security,
development and territorial integrity of the country.
DPRK News May 18
Yugoslav embassy officials visit Sinchon Museum
Pyongyang, May 18 (KCNA) -- Milorad Kosovac, charge d'affaires ad
interim of Yugoslavia, and embassy
officials visited the Sinchon Museum yesterday on the occasion of the
Yugoslav day of constitution.
The guests looked round exhibits and visual aids of the museum which
show atrocities of the U.S. aggressors
who massacred innocent people most cruelly in Sinchon.
They went round a air-raid shelter of the former Sinchon county
committee of the Worker's Party of Korea and a
powder magazine in Wonam-ri which bears witness to the brutality,
viciousness and cruelty of the aggressors, and a
tomb of 5,605 patriots, a tomb of 400 mothers and a tomb of 102 children
killed by the U.S.
They laid bouquets before the tombs and observed a moments' silence.
---
40MILA IN PIAZZA A SKOPLJE CONTRO IL GOVERNO FILOOCCIDENTALE
FORMATO DALLE DESTRE NAZIONALISTE
Thousands demand government resignation in Macedonia
May 19, 2000
Web posted at: 6:54 AM EDT (1054 GMT)
SKOPJE, Macedonia (AP) -- More than 40,000 people gathered at an
opposition rally Thursday to demand the Macedonian government resign and
hold early elections.
"Down with the government," "We want elections," read the banners
carried by the protesters at the rally held at the main city square in
the capital Skopje.
The Social Democrats and eight other opposition parties announced a
series of anti-government protests in a declaration read at the
gathering.
"The only thing this government can do to save Macedonia is to quit
power," Branko Crvenkovski, the leader of the Social Democrats told the
crowd.
Crvenkovski's party, formerly the Communists, blame the center-right
government for the worsening economic situation in Macedonia, the only
former Yugoslav republic to secede peacefully.
Macedonia is believed to be dangerously close to bankruptcy. With more
than half the workforce unemployed and a foreign debt amounting to $1.45
billion, the impoverished Balkan nation is hoping to boost its economy
by bringing in foreign capital.
The opposition also accuses the government of giving in to the country's
ethnic Albanians, who make up one-fourth of the country's 2 million
people and have been demanding more rights.
Opposition calls for the government resignation have grown since an
incident earlier this year in which four Macedonian soldiers were
abducted by Kosovo Albanian extremists and reportedly exchanged for a
Kosovo Albanian facing trial in Macedonia.
The Social Democrats led Macedonia to independence from former
Yugoslavia in 1991 and ruled the country for seven years before losing
elections to the ruling center-right coalition, which includes
pro-Western politicians in the country.
---
INTERVISTA AL MOVIMENTO AUSTRIACO DI SOLIDARIETA' CON LA JUGOSLAVIA
www.serbia-info.com/news
Interview of Wilhelm Langtaler to Serbian Broadcasting Co.: "Resistance
to NATO aggression, support to FRY"
May 16, 2000
Belgrade, May 15th - President of Austro-Serbian movement "Solidarity",
which was founded in Vienna as a sign of resistance to NATO aggression
and support to our country, Wilhelm Langtaler, estimated yesterday
evening that NATO would try to create the conditions for new
intervention and new war by prompting opposition, secessionist
movements.
Langtaler said precisely in his interview to Serbian Broadcasting Co.
that the real cause for the aggression on FRY was "throwing a country
which dared confront the demands of new world order on its knees". That
was, according to his words, an obstacle for NATO's way to Russia.
Speaking about the recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, Langtaler
stressed that in the southern part of that town a "virtual occupation"
was under way.
"There are numerous evidence that the 1244 Resolution of the UN Security
Council is not being conducted at all", Langtaler said, adding that
Serbs are being systematically thrown out of Kosmet, controlled,
disarmed and that they are not permitted to defend themselves in any
way, which is not the case with the Albanians.
Langtaler reminded that "Solidarity" members were demonstrating for all
78 days of the aggression on FRY, and he pointed that the demonstrations
had out-of-party character i.e. members of different parties
participated in them as well as those who are not in favor of any party.
"One of our most significant actions was foundation of the Vienna
tribunal - directed against Austrian government and its helping NATO
aggression", Langtaler said, stressing that the Organization went to
Kosmet after the aggression and "showed its solidarity with Serbs,
especially with the confined in UNMIK prison in Kosovska Mitrovica".
Speaking about the new world order and the US attempt to dominate the
world, Langtaler estimated that the new world order presented a terrible
dictatorship of the rich over the poor, the minority over the majority,
and he expressed his hopes that "this dictatorship would be destroyed
soon, since majority of the world population would have to find ways of
confronting it".
"We wish to fight against the NATO and new world order with Serbs,
because NATO is the greatest criminal organization in the history",
Langtaler said, stressing that "there will come the time when every
nation would be able to free itself from such dictatorship".
---
DITTE STATUNITENSI ADDESTRANO I GOLPISTI MONTENEGRINI?
Date:
Tue, 23 May 2000 05:06:52 EDT
From:
Petokraka78@...
Reply-To:
"STOP NATO: NO PASARAN!" <STOPNATO@...>
To:
STOPNATO@...
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
Dear all,
just thought I'd let you know that I know for a fact that private
security
firms are currently training the Montenegrhin "police" loyal to
Jukhanovich!
An article on this apparently appeared in the Independent (?) But I
learned
about this from a friend who heard it from the Mountainegrin Trade
Mission in
Vasington DC (sorry for the intentional misspeling!)
In a message dated 22/05/00 8:24:57 PM Pacific Daylight Time,
alakemerrittneighbor@... writes:
<< Subj: [STOPNATO] The privatization of war by the USA in
Yugoslavia
Date: 22/05/00 8:24:57 PM Pacific Daylight Time
From: alakemerrittneighbor@... (Steve Wagner)
Reply-to: STOPNATO@... (STOP NATO: NO PASARAN!)
To: STOPNATO@...
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
>
> GENERALS FOR HIRE: CONFRONTED WITH ITS TRICKIEST
> TASK IN BOSNIA, THE USA
> HAS MADE PLANS TO PAY SOMEONE ELSE TO DO IT.
> Source: TIME magazine - By Mark Thompson, >>
---
IN KOSOVO LO SMINAMENTO NON VIENE EFFETTUATO - PERCHE'?
BBC News
Tuesday, 23 May, 2000, 21:07 GMT 22:07 UK
Kosovo mine expert criticises Nato
Soldiers on the ground support demining
By the BBC's Nicholas Wood in Pristina
The head of the UN's demining programme in Kosovo has blamed Nato for
the slow progress made to clear up unexploded bombs in the province.
The latest victim, a 10-year-old boy, was killed on Sunday when he
walked into an unmarked field of cluster bombs.
Sometimes the first time we knew there was an area [with unexploded
bombs] was when there was a casualty reported
John Flanagan
Mine Action Co-Ordination Centre
More than 100 people have now died from bomb and mine injuries since the
end of the war in Kosovo, in June last year.
John Flanagan, the head of the Mine Action Co-Ordination Centre in
Pristina, says essential information about the precise location of
cluster bomb sites was withheld from his group.
"It was definitely frustrating, 10 months later we are just getting to
grips with the information. It shouldn't be like that," he said.
Unexploded bombs
Almost 1,400 cluster bombs were dropped in Kosovo, mainly by British and
US planes.
The shells break up into dozens of smaller bomblets and scatter over an
area of one square kilometre.
About 10% fail to explode on impact, and remain on the ground.
Children are attracted by the bright colours of the bomblets
The Mine Action Centre first asked K-For for information about the
location of the bombs last in August.
But it was not until this April that the centre realised it did not have
the full details.
Mr Flanagan says his teams would have been able to mark out and demine
far more areas if Nato had co-operated earlier.
The UN had to lobby Nato officials in Brussels and Washington before the
information was handed over.
Since the arrival of spring there has been a steady increase in number
of casualties from mines and cluster bombs.
Rising toll
In April 15 people were injured compared with 13 in March, and six in
February.
The bombs are particularly attractive to children.
The American bomblets are plastic and coloured bright yellow.
However, they contain an incendiary device - shrapnel - and armour
pearcing explosive that can pearce steel 25 cm thick.
Unlike most mines they often kill or maim more than one person at a
time.
K-For has the responsibility to mark out "essential sites".
But the Mine Action Co-Ordination Centre says as much as 40% of risk
areas have yet to be cordoned off.
"It became apparent we didn't have the information, and areas were not
marked." said Mr Flanagan.
"Sometimes the first time we knew there was an area was when there was a
casualty reported," he said.
Responsibility
There is now increasing pressure on Nato and K-For to take
responsibility for the problem.
It is estimated that cluster bombs make up to 40% of mines and
unexploded bombs in the province.
Yet the vast majority of demining work is done by civilians.
Also Nato partners have a differing in their concern about the problem.
"Some of the information is considered as sensitive. The UK soldiers are
very supportive of the operation," said Mr Flanagan.
But he added some countries have yet to give their full support.
"The guys on the ground want to help out as much as possible. It's a
political decision. Cluster clearing is not beyond K-For's and Nato's
ability," he said.
[A 'political decision,' indeed. If it's not 'beyond K-For and NATO's
ability,'' then why has nothing been done?...RR]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
LE INCREDIBILI AVVENTURE DEL SIGNOR KOUCHNER (3)
Il capo della missione civile dell'ONU (UNMIK) in Kosmet Bernard
Kouchner e' intervenuto personalmente a Pristina al congresso del
Partito Democratico del Kosovo. E' questo il nuovo nome del
Partito per il Progresso Democratico, guidato da Hashim Thaqi, ala
politica della organizzazione terrorista dell'UCK - a sua volta
ribattezzata "Corpo di Protezione del Kosovo" sotto i buoni
auspici delle truppe di occupazione occidentali e dello stesso
Kouchner.
Estasiato dalla tre-giorni congressuale, Kouchner ha parlato ai
delegati esprimendo tutto il suo apprezzamento per il "chiaro segno
di cultura democratica" dato da questa formazione politica razzista.
Il cambiamento di nome del partito e' solo la "continuazione d'un
processo affascinante" per Kouchner, che evidentemente si riferisce
al processo di frantumazione dei Balcani in gabbie etniche da parte
di bande di assassini trafficanti di droga, armi e prostitute.
D'altronde, tutti gli interventi dei delegati hanno insistito proprio
su questo punto della "continuita'", facendo esplicito riferimento alla
lotta per l'indipendenza - cioe' la dipendenza e sudditanza dai
colonizzatori di turno, ad incominciare da Kouchner in persona.
(Fonte: http://www.serbia-info.com/news 23/5/2000)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Il capo della missione civile dell'ONU (UNMIK) in Kosmet Bernard
Kouchner e' intervenuto personalmente a Pristina al congresso del
Partito Democratico del Kosovo. E' questo il nuovo nome del
Partito per il Progresso Democratico, guidato da Hashim Thaqi, ala
politica della organizzazione terrorista dell'UCK - a sua volta
ribattezzata "Corpo di Protezione del Kosovo" sotto i buoni
auspici delle truppe di occupazione occidentali e dello stesso
Kouchner.
Estasiato dalla tre-giorni congressuale, Kouchner ha parlato ai
delegati esprimendo tutto il suo apprezzamento per il "chiaro segno
di cultura democratica" dato da questa formazione politica razzista.
Il cambiamento di nome del partito e' solo la "continuazione d'un
processo affascinante" per Kouchner, che evidentemente si riferisce
al processo di frantumazione dei Balcani in gabbie etniche da parte
di bande di assassini trafficanti di droga, armi e prostitute.
D'altronde, tutti gli interventi dei delegati hanno insistito proprio
su questo punto della "continuita'", facendo esplicito riferimento alla
lotta per l'indipendenza - cioe' la dipendenza e sudditanza dai
colonizzatori di turno, ad incominciare da Kouchner in persona.
(Fonte: http://www.serbia-info.com/news 23/5/2000)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
I DIRITTI UMANI E L'AUTODETERMINAZIONE...
DEI PORTORICANI CONTANO MENO DI ZERO?
Sull'isola di Vieques (Portorico) e' in corso da circa un anno
una vera e propria guerra tra i residenti e le truppe di occupazione
statunitensi, che dal 1941 usano Vieques per le manovre militari ed
hanno installato pure un poligono di tiro.
Gli ordigni bellici disseminati sul territorio nelle esercitazioni
causano incidenti a ripetizione, e la protesta ormai e' appoggiata
dalla popolazione nel suo insieme, compresi ovviamente i gruppi
indipendentisti portoricani che chiedono la liberazione del
territorio dalla occupazione degli Stati Uniti d'America ("Parotid
Independentista Puertorrique").
Nei giorni scorsi i manifestanti sono stati ripetutamente scacciati
via dai Marines, il leader del partito indipendentista Ruben Berrios
e' stato incarcerato insieme ad altri, e Robert Rabin, un altro leader
della protesta, e' stato malmenato dalla polizia ed e' finito
in ospedale.
In base alla legge "Gag Law" del 1948 a Portorico e' vietata
l'esposizione della bandiera portoricana ed ogni altra manifestazione di
affermazione della identita' nazionale.
¡FUERA LA MARINA DE VIEQUES Y DE PUERTO RICO!
¡VIVA PUERTO RICO LIBRE Y SOCIALISTA!
Fonti:
http://www.viequeslibre.org/
http://www.lfsc.org/
http://www.egroups.com/group/cubasi
http://viequesvive.com/public_html/html/ultimatum-e.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/emergency.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/Chants.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/activist.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/comunicados.htm
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000506/sp/orioles_yankees_vieques_oj9.html
http://endi.zonai.com
http://endi.zonai.com/manual/Vieques/index.asp
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
DEI PORTORICANI CONTANO MENO DI ZERO?
Sull'isola di Vieques (Portorico) e' in corso da circa un anno
una vera e propria guerra tra i residenti e le truppe di occupazione
statunitensi, che dal 1941 usano Vieques per le manovre militari ed
hanno installato pure un poligono di tiro.
Gli ordigni bellici disseminati sul territorio nelle esercitazioni
causano incidenti a ripetizione, e la protesta ormai e' appoggiata
dalla popolazione nel suo insieme, compresi ovviamente i gruppi
indipendentisti portoricani che chiedono la liberazione del
territorio dalla occupazione degli Stati Uniti d'America ("Parotid
Independentista Puertorrique").
Nei giorni scorsi i manifestanti sono stati ripetutamente scacciati
via dai Marines, il leader del partito indipendentista Ruben Berrios
e' stato incarcerato insieme ad altri, e Robert Rabin, un altro leader
della protesta, e' stato malmenato dalla polizia ed e' finito
in ospedale.
In base alla legge "Gag Law" del 1948 a Portorico e' vietata
l'esposizione della bandiera portoricana ed ogni altra manifestazione di
affermazione della identita' nazionale.
¡FUERA LA MARINA DE VIEQUES Y DE PUERTO RICO!
¡VIVA PUERTO RICO LIBRE Y SOCIALISTA!
Fonti:
http://www.viequeslibre.org/
http://www.lfsc.org/
http://www.egroups.com/group/cubasi
http://viequesvive.com/public_html/html/ultimatum-e.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/emergency.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/Chants.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/activist.htm
http://www.micronetix.net/virus/comunicados.htm
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000506/sp/orioles_yankees_vieques_oj9.html
http://endi.zonai.com
http://endi.zonai.com/manual/Vieques/index.asp
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Riproduciamo di seguito una intervista ed uno scritto di Mirjana (Mira)
Markovic, leader della Jul - Sinistra Unita Jugoslava http://www.jul.org.yu
- rispettivamente del 1998 e del 1993, riapparsi in questi giorni
sulla edizione completa in CD-Rom di LIMES 1993-1999 (nelle edicole a
30mila lire).
Una nota solamente sui giudizi espressi dalla Markovic sulla leadership
serba di Bosnia: come si puo' vedere gia' nello scritto del 1994, la
Markovic contesta la linea nazionalista di Pale, ed accusa pesantemente
anche Biljana Plavsic, di li' a poco "protetta" della NATO nella fase
post-Dayton. Viceversa usa parole di apprezzamento per Milorad Dodid,
il "moderato" salito in auge ancor piu' di recente. Negli ultimi mesi
tuttavia i rapporti tra la sinistra jugoslava e l'area di Dodik sono
stati compromessi dalle posizioni sempre piu' smaccatamente
filo-occidentali di quest'ultimo. Anche l'alleanza di governo tra i
socialisti (Partito Socialista della Repubblica Serba, di Radisic, vicino
all'SPS ed alla JUL) e la coalizione di Dodik si e' rotta.
---
FAREMO GLI STATI UNITI DEI BALCANI
Conversazione con Mira MARKOVIC, professoressa di sociologia
all’Università di Belgrado e leader della Jul
(da LIMES 3/1998)
LIMES Perché si è disintegrata la Jugoslavia di Tito? Chi ne è stato
maggiormente responsabile?
MARKOVIC Quella Jugoslavia, che lei chiama la Jugoslavia di Tito, ed io
così come effettivamente si chiamava - Repubblica Socialista Federativa di
Jugoslavia - si è disintegrata perché questa disintegrazione faceva parte
del progetto di liquidazione del s ocialismo nei paesi dell’Europa
orientale. Suppongo che gli ideologi di questo progetto si trovino in
Occidente, in quei centri economici e politici consapevoli dell’importanza
storica dell’idea della parità di diritti tra i popoli e tra i cittadini,
i qu ali avevano motivo di temere quest’idea, nonché la capacità di
fermarne lo sviluppo. Un ruolo enorme nella disintegrazione della
precedente Jugoslavia fu dunque svolto da fattori esterni.
Ma questo ruolo, per quanto grande possa essere stato, non è stato
decisivo. Il ruolo decisivo fu dunque, e purtroppo, svolto da fattori
interni. Questi fattori interni erano, infatti, le debolezze intrinseche
alla precedente Jugoslavia. Tra queste, la pr incipale debolezza fu il
nazionalismo. Credo che esso si sia manifestato già negli anni Settanta,
anche se in forma moderata. Tito, con l’enorme influenza che esercitava
sulla vita della Jugoslavia di allora, riusciva a tenere questo
nazionalismo sotto co ntrollo, ad arrestarlo prima che si trasformasse in
un fattore di rilievo. Tuttavia, immediatamente dopo la sua morte, i suoi
successori che ogni anno si avvicendavano alla guida dello Stato, senza la
sua reputazione, il suo influsso e il suo potere, non erano più in grado
di fare nulla per sopprimere il nazionalismo. Direi, anzi, che molti lo
incentivavano. Magari non consapevolmente, e forse non direttamente, ma
certo agivano in una maniera che alimentava il nazionalismo. Lo facevano
perché, volendo raf forzare la propria posizione al vertice jugoslavo,
facevano leva sulla propria nazione incentivandola a nutrire sospetti e
suscitando una certa intolleranza nei confronti degli altri popoli
jugoslavi. Fino alla fine della mia vita resterò convinta che non
fossero consapevoli di quello che poteva nascere da una tale
manipolazione del sentimento nazionale. Erano tempi diversi quelli, senza
pericoli, sereni.
Quando però entrò in azione il piano contro i paesi socialisti, in primo
luogo contro quelli dell’Est europeo, fu proprio nel nazionalismo che
debolmente ardeva nella Jugoslavia che gli ideologi e gli attuatori di
questo piano trovarono un alleato serio e leale. Il nazionalismo dormiente
all’improvviso si trasformò in fiamma. Cominciò a manifestarsi in maniera
aggressiva, come separatismo, come sciovinismo, come il male che infine
distrusse la Jugoslavia.
Sempre, in tutte le occasioni che ho avuto, ho indicato anche un terzo
fattore. Nella disintegrazione della precedente Jugoslavia è stato molto
rilevante il ruolo svolto dagli emigranti politici provenienti da tutti i
popoli della precedente Jugoslavia. All’inizio degli anni Novanta, quando
si resero conto che la Repubblica Socialista Federativa di Jugoslavia era
in pericolo, si affrettarono subito a rafforzare il ruolo
dell’emigrazione. Tutto quello che possedevano - in termini materiali,
morali e politi ci - fu messo a disposizione dei nemici della Jugoslavia,
sia all’interno del paese che fuori di esso. Non ho mai in vita mia visto
un odio così appassionato come quello manifestato da questi emigranti nei
confronti del proprio paese d’origine, né tanta g ioia oscura mentre il
loro paese soffriva, moriva.
LIMES Cosa significava per lei prima e cosa significa oggi Tito, nel senso
storico e politico? In che senso l’attuale Jugoslavia è l’erede di quella
di Tito?
MARKOVIC Tito era alla guida di tutti i popoli jugoslavi nella loro
magnifica lotta eroica contro il fascismo, lotta che i popoli jugoslavi
hanno vinto suscitando l’ammirazione di tutto il mondo. Tito era a capo
del paese che dopo la seconda guerra mondia le con molta pazienza,
perseveranza e con grande successo si riprendeva dalle conseguenze di una
quasi inimmaginabile distruzione materiale. Tito era il garante della
salvaguardia della parità dei diritti nazionali tra i cinque popoli
jugoslavi e tra le n umerose minoranze nazionali. Non c’è mai stato, e per
molto tempo ancora non ci sarà un paese con tale parità di diritti
nazionali come quella esistente nella precedente Jugoslavia. Dopo la morte
di Tito, uno dei presidenti della Jugoslavia, l’albanese Fadilj Hoxha, è
appartenuto a una nazione di minoranza.
Tito era anche un uomo di Stato mondiale, che godeva di una grande
reputazione in tutto il mondo. Era egualmente apprezzato sia all’Est che
all’Ovest, sia da coloro che ne condividevano le opinioni che dai suoi
avversari. E soprattutto godeva di una grande stima tra i popoli poveri
dell’Asia, dell’Africa e dell’America Latina. Credo che questa grande
stima nei suoi confronti permanga a tutt’oggi. Ritengo che Tito sia
diventato un personaggio storico non solo del proprio popolo, ma anche a
livello mondiale . Molti suoi contemporanei si ricordano ancora dei suoi
funerali. Vi erano presenti tutti i capi di Stato del mondo. Come se
l’intero pianeta si fosse riunito per congedarsi da Tito.
No, l’attuale Jugoslavia non è l’erede di quella di Tito. L’attuale
Jugoslavia vuole soltanto salvaguardare l’idea jugoslava e la Jugoslavia
come Stato.
LIMES Cosa vuol dire per lei essere jugoslava? Esiste oggi un’identità
jugoslava anche fuori della Serbia e del Montenegro?
MARKOVIC Per me essere jugoslava vuol dire sentirmi appartenente alla
Jugoslavia che è la mia patria. Io mi considero jugoslava, pur essendo
serba, perché considero mia patria la Jugoslavia. Anche se non ci fosse
questa Jugoslavia in cui oggi mi trovo a v ivere, io mi sentirei comunque
jugoslava, perché sono nata in questo paese, vi ho vissuto per tutta la
mia vita, e l’ho amata più di qualsiasi altro paese al mondo. Le sembra
che una francese, tedesca o italiana, se per caso le dovesse essere
distrutto il suo paese, potrebbe improvvisamente cessare di esserlo? Forse
più tardi ciò potrà valere per qualche altra generazione di francesi,
tedeschi o italiani. Forse, un giorno, altre persone residenti nell’area
di una Jugoslavia ormai inesistente, potranno aver motivo per non sentirsi
più jugoslavi. Ma noi ora - io adesso - non lo possiamo fare. Suppongo che
l’identità jugoslava sia presente anche in altre part i della precedente
Jugoslavia. Solo che lì quest’identità non si può esprimere. Può darsi che
da quelle parti quest’identità non sia così espressa come in Serbia e nel
Montenegro, ma sono certa che anche lì permane comunque, forse in attesa
di altri tempi.
LIMES Pensa che la guerra in Bosnia sia stata inevitabile? Se non lo è
stata, che responsabilità hanno avuto i serbi di Bosnia e quelli di Serbia
per questo conflitto?
MARKOVIC La guerra in Bosnia non era inevitabile. La separazione tra i tre
popoli poteva avvenire anche in un altro modo, meno sanguinoso e meno
tragico.
Non capisco, veramente, perché mi chiede che responsabilità hanno avuto i
serbi per questa guerra. La guerra fu combattuta tra tre popoli - serbi,
musulmani e croati. Tutti i tre popoli sono ugualmente responsabili per
l’inizio della guerra, per la sua du rata e per le vittime che la guerra
ha provocato. Io, come le ho già detto prima, sono serba. Ma non ho mai
detto che i serbi di Bosnia non fossero responsabili della guerra in
Bosnia. Questo, suppongo, mi dà il diritto di dire anche un’altra verità:
i responsabili di quella guerra non sono solo i serbi. Una responsabilità
almeno analoga va attribuita anche ai musulmani e ai croati. Questa è
l’unica verità. Non ne dovete dubitare. Se no, rischiate di offendere le
vittime innocenti di questa guerra inutile, terribile ed insensata.
LIMES Ma non c’era un accordo tra Tudman e Milosevic per la spartizione
della Bosnia?
MARKOVIC No.
Espansione serba e montenegrina
LIMES Cosa pensa di Karadzic e degli attuali dirigenti della Republika
Srpska (Plavsic, Dodik)?(83)
MARKOVIC Nel 1991 io sono stata una dei pochi, solitari opponenti della
politica nazionalista condotta in Bosnia ed Erzegovina dai serbi, dai
musulmani o dai croati. Già nel 1992 scrissi che condannavo la politica
nazionalista sviluppata da Karadzic come leader dei serbi. Ritenevo fosse
mio dovere, essendo serba, esprimere la mia opinione su quello che era
negativo nel mio popolo, mentre quello che era negativo nel popolo
musulmano e croato avrebbe dovuto essere condannato da parte dei musulmani
e croati, che come me, erano di orientamento jugoslavo e di sinistra. La
mia posizione, dunque, l’avevo espressa pubblicamente già da tempo,
all’inizio della tragedia in Bosnia.
Oggi che è stata avviata una vera e propria caccia contro Karadzic, per di
più da parte di coloro che lo avevano sostenuto e adorato - gli stessi che
nel 1992 mi condannavano per aver espresso la mia posizione - non intendo
partecipare a questa caccia.
Per quanto riguarda Biljana Plavsic, già dall’inizio degli anni Novanta la
conosciamo tutti come più nazionalista di Karadzic. Oggi tutti sono assai
perplessi sulla sua svolta copernicana, quando dopo l’elezione (o alla
vigilia dell’elezione) a presidente della Republika Srpska, divenne
un’alleata della politica occidentale, tollerante nei confronti di tutti i
popoli dell’ex Bosnia ed Erzegovina, magnanima rispetto a tutte le mosse
della comunità internazionale e critica nei confronti di Radovan Karadzic.
Non so quando sia stata insincera, quand’era nazionalista, oppure quando è
diventata opponente dei nazionalisti. Probabilmente in entrambi i casi.
Del resto, nella Bosnia socialista lei era stata il decano di una facoltà.
Difficilmente lo avrebbe potuto essere se si fosse opposta a quella
società, come nel 1992 si vantava di aver fatto. Ha studiato a Zagabria.
Parla croato, non serbo, nemmeno la variante bosniaca della lingua serba (*).
Lei è una di quelle personalità polivalenti su cui non si può mai contare
in nessuna occasione, e soprattutto non in un’occasione importante.
Dodik non è nazionalista. Nelle attuali circostanze in Bosnia questo è
molto importante, cioè molto positivo.
LIMES C’è stato in Bosnia un genocidio? In caso affermativo, perché il
Tribunale dell’Aja non ha dato nessun risultato?
MARKOVIC In Bosnia c’era la guerra. Tre popoli hanno combattuto gli uni
contro gli altri. La guerra, come tutto il mondo sa, e soprattutto come sa
la popolazione della Bosnia, è stata atroce. Non so, veramente, quale
possa essere il ruolo di un tribunale internazionale in tutto questo. Se
esistono i criminali di guerra in Bosnia, devono essere giudicati dai loro
popoli.
Quando il Tribunale internazionale per i crimini di guerra dell’Aja avrà
condannato tutti i criminali di guerra attivi in tutto il mondo dal
momento della costituzione di questo Tribunale, allora vengano pure a
prendersi anche questi criminali di Bosnia.
In realtà questo Tribunale, come tutto quanto si definisce internazionale,
già da tempo non è affatto internazionale. Tutte le istituzioni
apparentemente internazionali sono state messe al servizio di un unico
interesse e rappresentano l’espressione di un ’unica volontà.
LIMES Perché i serbi hanno un’immagine così cattiva nei media americani e
in quelli occidentali in generale?
MARKOVIC Perché i serbi si sono rifiutati di sottomettersi a questa unica
volontà; perché hanno rifiutato di mettersi in funzione di questo
interesse unico. Perché hanno un forte senso di libertà, di indipendenza
statale, di dignità nazionale. La “cattiva immagine” del popolo serbo nei
media occidentali, e soprattutto nei media americani, è una rappresaglia
per questo modo di essere del popolo serbo. Tuttavia, a dire la verità,
questa “cattiva immagine” è dovuta anche all’assenza di qualsiasi
tentativo se rio da parte serba di renderla meno brutta, migliore. I
serbi, in modo ingenuo, troppo ingenuo, erano convinti che la verità
sarebbe venuta fuori da sola, che la giustizia avrebbe prevalso. Sono un
popolo irrazionale. Ma di popoli ce ne sono anche così. U n po’
utopistici, abbastanza romantici, irrazionali in modo quasi infantile.
LIMES Nel corso degli ultimi anni, le lobby croate e slovene e le loro
diaspore in Europa e in America si sono adoperate a difendere le posizioni
della Slovenia e della Croazia. Perché anche i serbi non si sono
comportati nella stessa maniera?
MARKOVIC Le ho già detto poco fa - perché erano convinti che la verità e
la giustizia avrebbero prevalso da sole. Perché credono che lassù nel
cielo vi è un Dio che alla fine proteggerà i buoni e gli innocenti. Ma
anche perché non hanno soldi. La Serbia, come sapete, è allo stremo. Per
anni è stata soggetta alle sanzioni. Inoltre, ha accolto un enorme numero
di profughi. Ha aiutato il proprio popolo durante la guerra in Bosnia, ma
anche dopo, in tempi di pace. Ora sta raccogliendo aiuti per gli albanesi
c he, dalle foreste dove si erano rifugiati fuggendo davanti ai terroristi
albanesi, stanno rientrando nelle proprie case saccheggiate da questi
stessi terroristi. Naturalmente, si raccolgono aiuti anche per i serbi le
cui case sono state bruciate dai terro risti e i loro beni portati via…
Dove li prende un popolo come questo i fondi per pagare i giornalisti a
New York e a Londra affinché scrivano che i serbi si comportano veramente
così come ho scritto io, che non sono stati loro a provocare la guerra in
Bosnia, come in realtà non sono sta ti, che non stuprano le donne
albanesi, come veramente non fanno, e che non perseguitano nessuna
minoranza, come in realtà non la perseguitano… Io questo lo capisco
perfettamente. È come se lei dovesse pagare qualcuno per scrivere che lei
è un italiano, u n giornalista e un uomo.
LIMES Perché la crisi nel Kosovo, annunciata da anni, è esplosa senza che
nessuno cercasse di prevenirla? Qual è la possibile soluzione per questa
crisi?
MARKOVIC La crisi nel Kosovo è iniziata nel momento in cui nella
cosiddetta comunità internazionale fu deciso che iniziasse. Gli albanesi
hanno ricevuto il segnale di avviare la guerra santa per la secessione
dalla Serbia. I serbi e gli albanesi convivono nel Kosovo da molti anni.
Periodi di tolleranza seguivano periodi di intolleranza. Così avviene in
tutte le comunità plurinazionali. E in ciascuna di esse vi è motivo per
credere che il prossimo secolo possa portare alla limitazione
dell’intolleranza e a ll’estensione della zona di tolleranza, di buona
volontà, di comprensione. Sarà così, credo, nel secolo venturo.
L’espansione dell’odio, dell’intolleranza e della violenza un anno e mezzo
prima dell’inizio di questo nuovo secolo non può essere altro che i l
risultato di spinte particolarmente perfide, di un male programmato,
motivato da un forte, molto egoistico e crudele interesse - nazionale,
sociale, politico, e il più delle volte, un interesse di gruppo.
La crisi si risolverebbe in tempi relativamente brevi e assai facilmente
se dall’area colpita dalla crisi se ne andassero via coloro che l’hanno
provocata, per i quali qui non c’è posto. Tutti gli estranei, soprattutto
quelli malintenzionati, intriganti e faccendieri tra politici,
diplomatici, apparenti operatori umanitari, innumerevoli negoziatori ed
osservatori, tutta questa gente vana che invece di occuparsi dei problemi
del proprio paese e della propria famiglia si occupa di quelli di un paese
e delle famiglie altrui.
LIMES Nella stampa jugoslava spesso si può leggere che il Kosovo è la
Gerusalemme serba”. Lei è d’accordo con questo?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Cosa pensa della divisione del Kosovo?
MARKOVIC L’attuale generazione di serbi, la mia generazione di serbi, non
può pensare alla divisione del Kosovo. La sua generazione di italiani
pensa forse alla divisione dell’Italia settentrionale?
Cosa ne penseranno i futuri serbi ed italiani, oggi nessuno lo sa dire.
Io, comunque, credo che le divisioni, i confini e gli Stati saranno
attuali ancora per un po’ di tempo, forse molto breve. Davanti a noi vi è
un mondo senza confini. Vivremo tutti su questo pianeta che sarà la nostra
patria.
LIMES Se lei fosse un’albanese e vivesse nel Kosovo, cosa farebbe?
MARKOVIC Ecco cosa farei. Se io, albanese, sentissi il Kosovo come la mia
terra, la terra ove trascorrere la mia vita, farei tutto il possibile per
trovare un linguaggio comune con i serbi del Kosovo, e con loro e con
tutti gli altri mi adopererei a costr uire un posto comune sotto il sole.
Se invece i miei sentimenti fossero di odio e di intolleranza nei
confronti dei serbi, se la Serbia e la Jugoslavia mi fossero estranee,
allora mi trasferirei in Albania, nel peggiore dei casi, o meglio a
Lugano. Lì ci sono molti albanesi. Però, in Svizzera non sono equiparati
nei diritti con gli svizzeri come lo sono con i serbi nel Kosovo. Questa
mancata parità di diritti rispetto agli svizzeri, tuttavia, non suscita
nessuna tensione, perché non si illudono che, malgr ado la loro numerosa
presenza, Lugano possa mai diventare una repubblica albanese, nonostante
che pure lì possano presto diventare una popolazione maggioritaria.
LIMES Quale è oggi il ruolo delle mafie nei Balcani?
MARKOVIC In tutti i paesi ex socialisti c’è stata una crescita della
criminalità. In questi paesi prima la criminalità era marginale. Tutti i
paesi socialisti erano posti dove si poteva vivere sicuri. Con il
cambiamento del sistema sociale si è avuta una grande espansione della
criminalità in quei paesi, insieme ad altre forme di distruzione della
società.
LIMES Ma nell’area balcanica ed ex jugoslava, in particolare, c’è una
compenetrazione fra mafie e nazionalismi?
MARKOVIC Io mi sono già segnalata come avversaria del nazionalismo. Credo
di aver detto tutto quello che di brutto si può dire dei nazionalismi.
Però è difficile trovare un legame fra criminalità e nazionalismi. Non
trovo, veramente, nessun punto in comun e tra questi due fenomeni, tra
questi due mali. Qui da noi una cosa del genere è fuori questione.
Anzi, penso che la criminalità non abbia nessun senso per le nazioni, i
confini e gli Stati. Ha piuttosto un effetto integrativo, è molto
internazionale. Questo naturalmente è ironico, perché dovrebbero essere i
valori positivi a collegare i popoli. Ma se parliamo della criminalità in
questo secolo, le cose stanno proprio così.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, il progetto di una “dorsale verde” che dovrebbe
collegare i musulmani della Bosnia con quelli del Sangiaccato, di Novi
Pazar, del Montenegro, del Kosovo e dell’Albania?
MARKOVIC Non saprei, veramente, se esiste proprio un progetto del genere.
Però, esiste una solidarietà musulmana in tutto il mondo. I musulmani
dell’Africa e dell’Asia sono popoli che hanno sofferto molto, per cui è
logico che vogliano uscire da questo st ato di povertà, di arretratezza e
di subordinazione rispetto ai popoli occidentali ed europei. Io penso che
debbano uscirvi non fondandosi sulla religione, ma attraverso lo sviluppo
materiale ed economico, attraverso l’instaurazione di legami con altri po
poli, altre culture ed altre esperienze.
Per quanto riguarda invece i musulmani dei Balcani, quelli ai quali lei fa
riferimento, per loro tutto quanto ho appena detto non vale. Loro, pur
essendo musulmani, non erano né più poveri né più arretrati rispetto agli
altri popoli con cui convivevano ne i Balcani. E soprattutto, non erano
subordinati agli altri popoli balcanici. La posizione dei musulmani nei
Balcani va risolta in base ai princìpi di una razionale, economica,
sociale, umana e moderna vita culturale con gli altri. Il rispetto e
l’attuazio ne di questi princìpi darà un impulso maggiore e più rapido
allo sviluppo di queste regioni musulmane di quanto lo possa dare la
medievale illusione di un’integrazione su basi religiose.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, un’“Internazionale ortodossa”, un rapporto
privilegiato che collega in particolare la Russia, la Grecia e la
Jugoslavia?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Come giudica la posizione americana nella crisi balcanica? E quella
dei paesi europei, in particolare di Germania, Francia e Italia?
MARKOVIC Alla grave crisi dei paesi balcanici hanno contribuito molto
anche gli Stati Uniti d’America e alcuni influenti paesi dell’Europa
occidentale. Io, naturalmente, non so quale sia stato il contributo
apportato da ciascuno di questi paesi europei. A lcuni di loro sono più
responsabili per il dramma balcanico, altri meno. Penso che il contributo
dell’Italia a questa triste vicenda sia stato modesto. Questo non lo dico
per cortesia, per il fatto d’avere lei come interlocutore.
LIMES Potrebbe definire i confini dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC I confini dei Balcani per me oggi restano quelli che mi sono
stati insegnati durante le lezioni di geografia quando frequentavo il
liceo. Tra l’Ungheria a nord e la Grecia a sud. Tra la Slovenia a ovest e
la Romania a est. A lei, quando frequenta va la scuola, hanno forse
insegnato diversamente?
LIMES Quale configurazione dovrebbe avere secondo lei l’area balcanica nel
futuro?
MARKOVIC Per quanto riguarda il futuro dei Balcani, io lo vedo come una
comunità dei popoli che vivono nei Balcani. In nessun’altra parte del
mondo, o almeno in nessun’altra parte d’Europa, esistono tanti popoli che
vivono insieme in una sola regione. In Ungheria ci sono molti rumeni, in
Romania molti bulgari, in Bulgaria i turchi, in Turchia i greci, in Grecia
gli albanesi, in Albania i montenegrini, nel Montenegro i serbi, in Serbia
i croati, in Croazia gli sloveni, in Slovenia i bosniaci.
Tra gli Stati balcanici ci saranno sempre - nel migliore dei casi -
tensioni, per non dire scontri. Per mille anni ancora, continueranno a
scontrarsi per un villaggio o un fiume, per una battaglia del passato o
per l’alfabeto. Ci vorrà ancora un secolo di chiarimenti e litigi su
questioni come chi tra loro sia stato il primo ad insediarsi nei Balcani,
chi il più coraggioso nel passato, chi abbia apportato il maggior
contributo alla cultura, chi goda della migliore reputazione nella
comunità internazionale , chi abbia la religione più antica, la
letteratura più famosa…
Queste tensioni e questi scontri potranno essere fermati soltanto da una
comunità dei popoli - da un’Unione, Confederazione o Stati Uniti dei
Balcani, una qualsiasi di queste forme, ma solo una comunità di questo
tipo potrà costituire il presupposto per l a pace e lo sviluppo di questa
parte del mondo.
Negli Stati Uniti dei Balcani tutti gli albanesi, tutti i serbi, tutti i
bulgari, tutti i croati eccetera potranno vivere in un solo Stato. Uso il
termine “Stati Uniti” perché vedo gli Stati Uniti d’America come un
esempio di successo nella convivenza. Le differenze fra coloro che hanno
costituito gli Usa erano molto più grandi di quelle che separano i popoli
balcanici. Se in America tedeschi, portoricani, irlandesi e giapponesi
possono vivere insieme, perché non potrebbero riuscirvi serbi, bulgari,
croat i, montenegrini e albanesi, popoli molto simili ormai da secoli?
LIMES Il territorio degli Stati Uniti era vergine, quello dei Balcani è
carico di storia…
MARKOVIC Non è detto che questo fosse un vantaggio per gli americani e sia
un punto debole per noi. Se certo il fatto che gli spazi nel Nuovo Mondo
fossero vuoti era un vantaggio, è anche vero che le differenze fra i
popoli che vi si insediarono erano eno rmi. Sotto il profilo religioso,
etnico e culturale le differenze erano molto spiccate, e poi si trattava
spesso di persone di struttura molto aggressiva. Ciò nonostante gli
americani sono riusciti a creare la base di uno Stato comune.
Per quanto riguarda noi balcanici, è vero che la nostra lunga storia può
essere un punto debole negli sforzi volti a creare uno Stato comune. Ma
può essere anche un vantaggio. Proprio perché la nostra lunga storia
comprende giorni difficili, guerre sangui nose. Una tale esperienza
storica può dare impulso alla ricerca della convivenza comune. Può
facilmente accadere che un giorno le persone più intelligenti che vivono
nei Balcani dicano: “Basta! Adesso bisogna cambiare!”.
Non deve credere che questa soluzione sia troppo radicale, irrealistica. A
volte mi si dice che sono un’utopista. E io non mi adopero troppo a
smentirlo. Tutte le utopie si sono finora, in sostanza, realizzate: nella
scienza, nella tecnologia, nella cultu ra, nella politica e nella vita
sociale. Naturalmente mi riferisco alle cosiddette utopie felici. Per
quanto attiene a quelle nere, finora non se ne è realizzata nessuna.
LIMES Fra quanto tempo avremo dunque gli Stati Uniti dei Balcani? Anni,
decenni, secoli?
MARKOVIC Io spero che si tratti di anni. La storia della fine di questo
secolo è piena di sorprese. Vi sono molti motivi razionali e morali che
fanno sperare che i popoli balcanici possano nel prossimo secolo vivere
sotto un cielo nuovo, più felice.
Jugoslavia 1945-1991
LIMES E quali saranno i confini degli Stati Uniti dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC Se si costituisse una comunità di tali popoli, questa si
troverebbe sul territorio oggi da loro abitato, la penisola balcanica.
Come le ho detto, per me i confini dei Balcani sono compresi tra Ungheria,
Romania, Grecia e Slovenia. Ma io spero che alla fine del prossimo secolo
non ci siano più né confini né Stati.
Oggi i separatisti e secessionisti sono all’offensiva. Tuttavia io penso
che sia una forma di resistenza medievale alla tendenza al cosmopolitismo,
al mondialismo che prevarrà. Il vecchio mondo sta resistendo al nuovo con
le sue ultime forze. La parte più scura della notte è quella che precede
l’alba.
Noi siamo alla vigilia della società universale. Sotto l’aspetto
tecnologico, scientifico, culturale, delle comunicazioni questo mondo è
già molto unito. L’idea del villaggio globale, del pianeta come patria di
tutti, è oggi un’idea reale, che deriva dal modo di vita moderno. Per me i
separatismi che stanno emergendo in questi anni - dal Kosovo alla Corsica
al Paese Basco al Québec - sono semplicemente assurdi, grotteschi. È il
canto del cigno di un mondo che sta morendo.
LIMES Secondo lei la politica di Belgrado è coerente con questa sua utopia?
MARKOVIC Il fatto che io stessa abbia usato il termine utopia non vuol
dire che lo debba usare anche lei. Tutto nello sviluppo economico,
politico e culturale del mondo contemporaneo ci indica che il mondialismo
non è una visione utopistica, ma una vision e scientifica del mondo.
Quanto alla politica di Belgrado, come quelle di Tokyo, di Washington o di
Londra, non è fondata sulla scienza. O almeno non in modo particolare, non
in modo sufficiente. Tuttavia, il grado attuale di sviluppo della scienza
in gen erale, e soprattutto delle scienze sociali, fa venir meno i motivi
per cui la politica era sinora costretta a fondarsi sulle improvvisazioni.
E incentiva la politica a utilizzare di più il metodo scientifico per
capire la società, le consente di pianifica re meglio lo sviluppo.
LIMES Quale sarebbe il rapporto fra Stati Uniti dei Balcani ed Europa?
MARKOVIC L’Europa, la cui parte più progressiva tende ad integrarsi in una
comunità associata, non potrà mai raggiungere questo obiettivo finché non
ci sarà anche un’integrazione della penisola balcanica. L’integrazione dei
Balcani è il presupposto non so lo per la pace e lo sviluppo dell’area
balcanica, ma anche la condizione per la pace e lo sviluppo in Europa.
L’Europa non potrà essere un continente pacifico, sviluppato e
progressivo, senza che lo siano tutte le sue parti, ivi compresa quella
alla quale l’Europa rinuncerebbe volentieri. Ma non si può. I Balcani
restano parte dell’Europa, sono Europa. Perciò l’Europa deve investire
nella pace e nello sviluppo di questa sua parte, per assicurare la pace e
lo sviluppo a se stessa. Non faccio appello all’um anesimo e alla
giustizia dell’Europa, ma conto sul suo egoismo e sulla sua ragione.
(a cura di Lucio Caracciolo)
---
Tutti i colori possono stare insieme tranne il nero
di Mira Markovic
(da "Notte e giorno - Diario", BMG Belgrado 1995;
in italiano su LIMES 3/1996)
Dal diario di una testimone d’eccezione del dramma jugoslavo, la moglie
del presidente serbo Milosevic. Un’invettiva contro Biljana Plavsic, la
dama di ferro’ di Pale, proiettata sul palcoscenico internazionale dopo
il ritiro formale di Karadzic.
Belgrado, 10 settembre 1993
Le dichiarazioni di Biljana Plavsic - che propone di espellere tutti i
musulmani dal territorio della Bosnia orientale e di concedere loro una
parte della ex Bosnia-Erzegovina, per non doversi trovare a contatto con
loro - sono nazismo puro e semplice. Ch i conosce il nazismo non può avere
dubbi in proposito; ma vedo che anche gente a cui le teorie del nazismo
non sono familiari e che sa poco della sua storia è stata turbata da
queste dichiarazioni, le quali non presagiscono niente di buono non solo
per i musulmani ma nemmeno per i serbi. In tutta la loro storia i serbi
non sono mai stati aggressori; hanno combattuto, al contrario, per
resistere alle aggressioni altrui. Hanno combattuto con molto valore, ma
anche con molto onore; e non sono mai stati incli ni alla vendetta.
Durante la seconda guerra mondiale i serbi sono stati i primi tra i popoli
jugoslavi, e tra i primi in Europa, a prendere posizione contro il
fascismo. Hanno combattuto contro il fascismo con tutta l’anima,
impegnandosi completamente e d ando alla lotta un contributo forse
maggiore di quello che immaginavano di poter dare.
La nazione serba ha lasciato la sua impronta sulla storia mondiale e sulla
civiltà mondiale del XX secolo, specie nella seconda metà, in virtù del
suo coraggio e della sua dirittura morale. Non si vuol dire con ciò che
noi non veniamo accusati, per lo più giustamente, di avere alcuni difetti;
ma nessuno ci ha mai negato i nostri pregi. Al contrario.
Per la prima volta l’immagine della nazione serba si è offuscata agli
occhi del mondo. Per la prima volta si parla e si scrive di noi come di
aggressori e criminali. Anche fra di noi, naturalmente, non sono mancate
le mele bacate, gente che ha fatto del m ale ad altri popoli e nazioni (e
ai suoi stessi connazionali e consanguinei); ma questa genia non è mai
stata prevalente, ed è stata controbilanciata dall’amore per la libertà e
dalle qualità umane coltivate dai serbi di tutte le generazioni, nel corso
de i secoli.
A mio parere non dovremmo turbarci troppo per la nuova e brutta immagine
del popolo serbo a cui negli ultimi anni è stata data tanta pubblicità.
Dobbiamo, invece, cercare di analizzare questa immagine.
In primo luogo, non è vero che tutti ci odiano. Non è vero che tutto il
mondo, e neanche la maggior parte, nutre avversione per il popolo serbo.
Ho l’impressione che nemmeno i tedeschi, da noi considerati come il nostro
nemico numero uno nel XX secolo, ab biano un atteggiamento negativo verso
l’insieme della nazione serba. In secondo luogo, dobbiamo cercare di
vedere in che misura siamo noi stessi responsabili di questa brutta
immagine. La cattiva fama acquistata dalla Serbia non è tutta colpa
nostra; ma c erto il biasimo ricade in parte su di noi.
E adesso, dopo i discorsi di Biljana Plavsic, direi perfino che noi siamo
da biasimare fortemente. Ci sono stati parecchi discorsi del genere, e
comportamenti conformi; e spesso non hanno suscitato nel pubblico serbo la
debita reazione. Oggi, 10 settembre , voglio parlare non delle
dichiarazioni nazistoidi di Biljana Plavsic, ma della tiepida reazione che
le ha accolte. Le parole crudeli della Plavsic non mi feriscono e non mi
preoccupano più di tanto. Nella nostra nazione serba persone del genere ci
sono sempre state, prima dei turchi ottomani e sotto i turchi ottomani,
prima dei fascisti, sotto i fascisti e dopo i fascisti... sempre. Ma mi
preoccupa la risposta debole, appena percettibile, a simili opinioni: che
data l’alta posizione politica della loro autrice possono avere e
probabilmente hanno avuto conseguenze pratiche. Le sue parole possono
stimolare determinate azioni, e forse l’hanno già fatto.
Il “mondo” ci ritiene colpevoli della pulizia etnica operata dai serbi
bosniaci a danno dei musulmani. Noi neghiamo ogni responsabilità. Perché,
allora, reagiamo in modo così apatico alle brutali dichiarazioni del
vicepresidente della Repubblica serba, il nuovo Stato serbo, invocanti una
pulizia etnica nella ex Bosnia-Erzegovina? Queste dichiarazioni naziste
avrebbero dovuto suscitare qui in Serbia un’ondata di proteste, da parte
della destra e della sinistra, del governo e dell’opposizione, da parte di
t utti. Invece le proteste sono state fiacche. Dai comunisti non si è
udita una sillaba; i socialisti si sono limitati a borbottare qualcosa in
un breve e anemico comunicato stampa del vicepresidente del partito;
qualche protesta è venuta dai democratici, m a tutte sono state sovrastate
da altre proteste che al momento ci toccano più da vicino e sono quindi
considerate più importanti.
Ho parlato con molta gente di questo episodio; e tutti all’unanimità hanno
convenuto sul carattere brutale, fascista e nazista di tali dichiarazioni.
Ho tuttavia l’impressione che molti sottovalutino il pericolo che qui da
noi si cada in preda al fascismo . Pensano che nel nostro paese una cosa
simile non potrebbe mai accadere, che i discorsi fascisti e nazisti non
vanno presi sul serio perché chi li fa non merita di essere preso sul
serio. Forse è vero che il fascismo non metterà mai radici in Serbia o tr
a i serbi nostri vicini. Eppure io personalmente ritengo che il minimo
sintomo di fascismo sia motivo di preoccupazione e meriti una risposta
vigorosa. Meglio reagire con troppa forza che in modo fiacco e incerto;
meglio troppo presto che troppo tardi.
A questo riguardo la storia recente dovrebbe servire di monito. Fino
all’ultimo momento, fino al trionfo elettorale di Hitler, le persone colte
e intelligenti lo presero sottogamba, considerandolo un buffone, un
predicatore di assurdità che non avrebbe ma i attecchito nella patria di
Goethe.
Temo, ogni giorno di più, che il popolo serbo confidi troppo nello spirito
espresso da Branko Radicevic in Kolo, poema umanistico sulla fratellanza
di tutte le nazioni slavo-meridionali, esaltante una vita in comune. Temo
che il popolo serbo sia troppo co nvinto e compiaciuto della propria
nobiltà d’animo per riconoscere che nel suo seno si annida la vipera
dell’odio per altre nazioni e di un potenziale fascismo.
Se la Serbia ha bisogno di una qualche coalizione, alleanza o fronte
comune, si tratta di una coalizione, alleanza o fronte comune per una
campagna contro la violenza e il pericolo fascista; una campagna che
dovrebbe indurre tutte le persone normali a uni re le proprie forze.
Davanti a un male di questa natura, anche le differenze tra i vari partiti
politici, che oggi eccitano tante controversie, impallidiscono e diventano
irrilevanti, e così ogni altra differenza: di educazione, origine, età e
professione , di religione e di nazionalità. Qualunque alleanza è
necessaria e morale tranne una. Tutti i colori possono stare insieme
tranne il nero.
Il tempo ci saprà dire, e non in un futuro remoto. I fatti mi daranno
ragione.
(traduzione di Riccardo Ricci)
---
(*) NOTA DEL CRJ
Questo parere della Markovic e' per noi incomprensibile.
La Plavsic non puo' usare la "lingua croata", perche' questa non esiste
(la lingua di tutte le popolazioni della Bosnia-Erzegovina e' il
serbocroato), a meno che non si voglia dire che la Plavsic usa il lessico
artificialmente reintrodotto in questi anni anni dal "MinCulPop" di
Tudjman, il che ci sembra inverosimile.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Markovic, leader della Jul - Sinistra Unita Jugoslava http://www.jul.org.yu
- rispettivamente del 1998 e del 1993, riapparsi in questi giorni
sulla edizione completa in CD-Rom di LIMES 1993-1999 (nelle edicole a
30mila lire).
Una nota solamente sui giudizi espressi dalla Markovic sulla leadership
serba di Bosnia: come si puo' vedere gia' nello scritto del 1994, la
Markovic contesta la linea nazionalista di Pale, ed accusa pesantemente
anche Biljana Plavsic, di li' a poco "protetta" della NATO nella fase
post-Dayton. Viceversa usa parole di apprezzamento per Milorad Dodid,
il "moderato" salito in auge ancor piu' di recente. Negli ultimi mesi
tuttavia i rapporti tra la sinistra jugoslava e l'area di Dodik sono
stati compromessi dalle posizioni sempre piu' smaccatamente
filo-occidentali di quest'ultimo. Anche l'alleanza di governo tra i
socialisti (Partito Socialista della Repubblica Serba, di Radisic, vicino
all'SPS ed alla JUL) e la coalizione di Dodik si e' rotta.
---
FAREMO GLI STATI UNITI DEI BALCANI
Conversazione con Mira MARKOVIC, professoressa di sociologia
all’Università di Belgrado e leader della Jul
(da LIMES 3/1998)
LIMES Perché si è disintegrata la Jugoslavia di Tito? Chi ne è stato
maggiormente responsabile?
MARKOVIC Quella Jugoslavia, che lei chiama la Jugoslavia di Tito, ed io
così come effettivamente si chiamava - Repubblica Socialista Federativa di
Jugoslavia - si è disintegrata perché questa disintegrazione faceva parte
del progetto di liquidazione del s ocialismo nei paesi dell’Europa
orientale. Suppongo che gli ideologi di questo progetto si trovino in
Occidente, in quei centri economici e politici consapevoli dell’importanza
storica dell’idea della parità di diritti tra i popoli e tra i cittadini,
i qu ali avevano motivo di temere quest’idea, nonché la capacità di
fermarne lo sviluppo. Un ruolo enorme nella disintegrazione della
precedente Jugoslavia fu dunque svolto da fattori esterni.
Ma questo ruolo, per quanto grande possa essere stato, non è stato
decisivo. Il ruolo decisivo fu dunque, e purtroppo, svolto da fattori
interni. Questi fattori interni erano, infatti, le debolezze intrinseche
alla precedente Jugoslavia. Tra queste, la pr incipale debolezza fu il
nazionalismo. Credo che esso si sia manifestato già negli anni Settanta,
anche se in forma moderata. Tito, con l’enorme influenza che esercitava
sulla vita della Jugoslavia di allora, riusciva a tenere questo
nazionalismo sotto co ntrollo, ad arrestarlo prima che si trasformasse in
un fattore di rilievo. Tuttavia, immediatamente dopo la sua morte, i suoi
successori che ogni anno si avvicendavano alla guida dello Stato, senza la
sua reputazione, il suo influsso e il suo potere, non erano più in grado
di fare nulla per sopprimere il nazionalismo. Direi, anzi, che molti lo
incentivavano. Magari non consapevolmente, e forse non direttamente, ma
certo agivano in una maniera che alimentava il nazionalismo. Lo facevano
perché, volendo raf forzare la propria posizione al vertice jugoslavo,
facevano leva sulla propria nazione incentivandola a nutrire sospetti e
suscitando una certa intolleranza nei confronti degli altri popoli
jugoslavi. Fino alla fine della mia vita resterò convinta che non
fossero consapevoli di quello che poteva nascere da una tale
manipolazione del sentimento nazionale. Erano tempi diversi quelli, senza
pericoli, sereni.
Quando però entrò in azione il piano contro i paesi socialisti, in primo
luogo contro quelli dell’Est europeo, fu proprio nel nazionalismo che
debolmente ardeva nella Jugoslavia che gli ideologi e gli attuatori di
questo piano trovarono un alleato serio e leale. Il nazionalismo dormiente
all’improvviso si trasformò in fiamma. Cominciò a manifestarsi in maniera
aggressiva, come separatismo, come sciovinismo, come il male che infine
distrusse la Jugoslavia.
Sempre, in tutte le occasioni che ho avuto, ho indicato anche un terzo
fattore. Nella disintegrazione della precedente Jugoslavia è stato molto
rilevante il ruolo svolto dagli emigranti politici provenienti da tutti i
popoli della precedente Jugoslavia. All’inizio degli anni Novanta, quando
si resero conto che la Repubblica Socialista Federativa di Jugoslavia era
in pericolo, si affrettarono subito a rafforzare il ruolo
dell’emigrazione. Tutto quello che possedevano - in termini materiali,
morali e politi ci - fu messo a disposizione dei nemici della Jugoslavia,
sia all’interno del paese che fuori di esso. Non ho mai in vita mia visto
un odio così appassionato come quello manifestato da questi emigranti nei
confronti del proprio paese d’origine, né tanta g ioia oscura mentre il
loro paese soffriva, moriva.
LIMES Cosa significava per lei prima e cosa significa oggi Tito, nel senso
storico e politico? In che senso l’attuale Jugoslavia è l’erede di quella
di Tito?
MARKOVIC Tito era alla guida di tutti i popoli jugoslavi nella loro
magnifica lotta eroica contro il fascismo, lotta che i popoli jugoslavi
hanno vinto suscitando l’ammirazione di tutto il mondo. Tito era a capo
del paese che dopo la seconda guerra mondia le con molta pazienza,
perseveranza e con grande successo si riprendeva dalle conseguenze di una
quasi inimmaginabile distruzione materiale. Tito era il garante della
salvaguardia della parità dei diritti nazionali tra i cinque popoli
jugoslavi e tra le n umerose minoranze nazionali. Non c’è mai stato, e per
molto tempo ancora non ci sarà un paese con tale parità di diritti
nazionali come quella esistente nella precedente Jugoslavia. Dopo la morte
di Tito, uno dei presidenti della Jugoslavia, l’albanese Fadilj Hoxha, è
appartenuto a una nazione di minoranza.
Tito era anche un uomo di Stato mondiale, che godeva di una grande
reputazione in tutto il mondo. Era egualmente apprezzato sia all’Est che
all’Ovest, sia da coloro che ne condividevano le opinioni che dai suoi
avversari. E soprattutto godeva di una grande stima tra i popoli poveri
dell’Asia, dell’Africa e dell’America Latina. Credo che questa grande
stima nei suoi confronti permanga a tutt’oggi. Ritengo che Tito sia
diventato un personaggio storico non solo del proprio popolo, ma anche a
livello mondiale . Molti suoi contemporanei si ricordano ancora dei suoi
funerali. Vi erano presenti tutti i capi di Stato del mondo. Come se
l’intero pianeta si fosse riunito per congedarsi da Tito.
No, l’attuale Jugoslavia non è l’erede di quella di Tito. L’attuale
Jugoslavia vuole soltanto salvaguardare l’idea jugoslava e la Jugoslavia
come Stato.
LIMES Cosa vuol dire per lei essere jugoslava? Esiste oggi un’identità
jugoslava anche fuori della Serbia e del Montenegro?
MARKOVIC Per me essere jugoslava vuol dire sentirmi appartenente alla
Jugoslavia che è la mia patria. Io mi considero jugoslava, pur essendo
serba, perché considero mia patria la Jugoslavia. Anche se non ci fosse
questa Jugoslavia in cui oggi mi trovo a v ivere, io mi sentirei comunque
jugoslava, perché sono nata in questo paese, vi ho vissuto per tutta la
mia vita, e l’ho amata più di qualsiasi altro paese al mondo. Le sembra
che una francese, tedesca o italiana, se per caso le dovesse essere
distrutto il suo paese, potrebbe improvvisamente cessare di esserlo? Forse
più tardi ciò potrà valere per qualche altra generazione di francesi,
tedeschi o italiani. Forse, un giorno, altre persone residenti nell’area
di una Jugoslavia ormai inesistente, potranno aver motivo per non sentirsi
più jugoslavi. Ma noi ora - io adesso - non lo possiamo fare. Suppongo che
l’identità jugoslava sia presente anche in altre part i della precedente
Jugoslavia. Solo che lì quest’identità non si può esprimere. Può darsi che
da quelle parti quest’identità non sia così espressa come in Serbia e nel
Montenegro, ma sono certa che anche lì permane comunque, forse in attesa
di altri tempi.
LIMES Pensa che la guerra in Bosnia sia stata inevitabile? Se non lo è
stata, che responsabilità hanno avuto i serbi di Bosnia e quelli di Serbia
per questo conflitto?
MARKOVIC La guerra in Bosnia non era inevitabile. La separazione tra i tre
popoli poteva avvenire anche in un altro modo, meno sanguinoso e meno
tragico.
Non capisco, veramente, perché mi chiede che responsabilità hanno avuto i
serbi per questa guerra. La guerra fu combattuta tra tre popoli - serbi,
musulmani e croati. Tutti i tre popoli sono ugualmente responsabili per
l’inizio della guerra, per la sua du rata e per le vittime che la guerra
ha provocato. Io, come le ho già detto prima, sono serba. Ma non ho mai
detto che i serbi di Bosnia non fossero responsabili della guerra in
Bosnia. Questo, suppongo, mi dà il diritto di dire anche un’altra verità:
i responsabili di quella guerra non sono solo i serbi. Una responsabilità
almeno analoga va attribuita anche ai musulmani e ai croati. Questa è
l’unica verità. Non ne dovete dubitare. Se no, rischiate di offendere le
vittime innocenti di questa guerra inutile, terribile ed insensata.
LIMES Ma non c’era un accordo tra Tudman e Milosevic per la spartizione
della Bosnia?
MARKOVIC No.
Espansione serba e montenegrina
LIMES Cosa pensa di Karadzic e degli attuali dirigenti della Republika
Srpska (Plavsic, Dodik)?(83)
MARKOVIC Nel 1991 io sono stata una dei pochi, solitari opponenti della
politica nazionalista condotta in Bosnia ed Erzegovina dai serbi, dai
musulmani o dai croati. Già nel 1992 scrissi che condannavo la politica
nazionalista sviluppata da Karadzic come leader dei serbi. Ritenevo fosse
mio dovere, essendo serba, esprimere la mia opinione su quello che era
negativo nel mio popolo, mentre quello che era negativo nel popolo
musulmano e croato avrebbe dovuto essere condannato da parte dei musulmani
e croati, che come me, erano di orientamento jugoslavo e di sinistra. La
mia posizione, dunque, l’avevo espressa pubblicamente già da tempo,
all’inizio della tragedia in Bosnia.
Oggi che è stata avviata una vera e propria caccia contro Karadzic, per di
più da parte di coloro che lo avevano sostenuto e adorato - gli stessi che
nel 1992 mi condannavano per aver espresso la mia posizione - non intendo
partecipare a questa caccia.
Per quanto riguarda Biljana Plavsic, già dall’inizio degli anni Novanta la
conosciamo tutti come più nazionalista di Karadzic. Oggi tutti sono assai
perplessi sulla sua svolta copernicana, quando dopo l’elezione (o alla
vigilia dell’elezione) a presidente della Republika Srpska, divenne
un’alleata della politica occidentale, tollerante nei confronti di tutti i
popoli dell’ex Bosnia ed Erzegovina, magnanima rispetto a tutte le mosse
della comunità internazionale e critica nei confronti di Radovan Karadzic.
Non so quando sia stata insincera, quand’era nazionalista, oppure quando è
diventata opponente dei nazionalisti. Probabilmente in entrambi i casi.
Del resto, nella Bosnia socialista lei era stata il decano di una facoltà.
Difficilmente lo avrebbe potuto essere se si fosse opposta a quella
società, come nel 1992 si vantava di aver fatto. Ha studiato a Zagabria.
Parla croato, non serbo, nemmeno la variante bosniaca della lingua serba (*).
Lei è una di quelle personalità polivalenti su cui non si può mai contare
in nessuna occasione, e soprattutto non in un’occasione importante.
Dodik non è nazionalista. Nelle attuali circostanze in Bosnia questo è
molto importante, cioè molto positivo.
LIMES C’è stato in Bosnia un genocidio? In caso affermativo, perché il
Tribunale dell’Aja non ha dato nessun risultato?
MARKOVIC In Bosnia c’era la guerra. Tre popoli hanno combattuto gli uni
contro gli altri. La guerra, come tutto il mondo sa, e soprattutto come sa
la popolazione della Bosnia, è stata atroce. Non so, veramente, quale
possa essere il ruolo di un tribunale internazionale in tutto questo. Se
esistono i criminali di guerra in Bosnia, devono essere giudicati dai loro
popoli.
Quando il Tribunale internazionale per i crimini di guerra dell’Aja avrà
condannato tutti i criminali di guerra attivi in tutto il mondo dal
momento della costituzione di questo Tribunale, allora vengano pure a
prendersi anche questi criminali di Bosnia.
In realtà questo Tribunale, come tutto quanto si definisce internazionale,
già da tempo non è affatto internazionale. Tutte le istituzioni
apparentemente internazionali sono state messe al servizio di un unico
interesse e rappresentano l’espressione di un ’unica volontà.
LIMES Perché i serbi hanno un’immagine così cattiva nei media americani e
in quelli occidentali in generale?
MARKOVIC Perché i serbi si sono rifiutati di sottomettersi a questa unica
volontà; perché hanno rifiutato di mettersi in funzione di questo
interesse unico. Perché hanno un forte senso di libertà, di indipendenza
statale, di dignità nazionale. La “cattiva immagine” del popolo serbo nei
media occidentali, e soprattutto nei media americani, è una rappresaglia
per questo modo di essere del popolo serbo. Tuttavia, a dire la verità,
questa “cattiva immagine” è dovuta anche all’assenza di qualsiasi
tentativo se rio da parte serba di renderla meno brutta, migliore. I
serbi, in modo ingenuo, troppo ingenuo, erano convinti che la verità
sarebbe venuta fuori da sola, che la giustizia avrebbe prevalso. Sono un
popolo irrazionale. Ma di popoli ce ne sono anche così. U n po’
utopistici, abbastanza romantici, irrazionali in modo quasi infantile.
LIMES Nel corso degli ultimi anni, le lobby croate e slovene e le loro
diaspore in Europa e in America si sono adoperate a difendere le posizioni
della Slovenia e della Croazia. Perché anche i serbi non si sono
comportati nella stessa maniera?
MARKOVIC Le ho già detto poco fa - perché erano convinti che la verità e
la giustizia avrebbero prevalso da sole. Perché credono che lassù nel
cielo vi è un Dio che alla fine proteggerà i buoni e gli innocenti. Ma
anche perché non hanno soldi. La Serbia, come sapete, è allo stremo. Per
anni è stata soggetta alle sanzioni. Inoltre, ha accolto un enorme numero
di profughi. Ha aiutato il proprio popolo durante la guerra in Bosnia, ma
anche dopo, in tempi di pace. Ora sta raccogliendo aiuti per gli albanesi
c he, dalle foreste dove si erano rifugiati fuggendo davanti ai terroristi
albanesi, stanno rientrando nelle proprie case saccheggiate da questi
stessi terroristi. Naturalmente, si raccolgono aiuti anche per i serbi le
cui case sono state bruciate dai terro risti e i loro beni portati via…
Dove li prende un popolo come questo i fondi per pagare i giornalisti a
New York e a Londra affinché scrivano che i serbi si comportano veramente
così come ho scritto io, che non sono stati loro a provocare la guerra in
Bosnia, come in realtà non sono sta ti, che non stuprano le donne
albanesi, come veramente non fanno, e che non perseguitano nessuna
minoranza, come in realtà non la perseguitano… Io questo lo capisco
perfettamente. È come se lei dovesse pagare qualcuno per scrivere che lei
è un italiano, u n giornalista e un uomo.
LIMES Perché la crisi nel Kosovo, annunciata da anni, è esplosa senza che
nessuno cercasse di prevenirla? Qual è la possibile soluzione per questa
crisi?
MARKOVIC La crisi nel Kosovo è iniziata nel momento in cui nella
cosiddetta comunità internazionale fu deciso che iniziasse. Gli albanesi
hanno ricevuto il segnale di avviare la guerra santa per la secessione
dalla Serbia. I serbi e gli albanesi convivono nel Kosovo da molti anni.
Periodi di tolleranza seguivano periodi di intolleranza. Così avviene in
tutte le comunità plurinazionali. E in ciascuna di esse vi è motivo per
credere che il prossimo secolo possa portare alla limitazione
dell’intolleranza e a ll’estensione della zona di tolleranza, di buona
volontà, di comprensione. Sarà così, credo, nel secolo venturo.
L’espansione dell’odio, dell’intolleranza e della violenza un anno e mezzo
prima dell’inizio di questo nuovo secolo non può essere altro che i l
risultato di spinte particolarmente perfide, di un male programmato,
motivato da un forte, molto egoistico e crudele interesse - nazionale,
sociale, politico, e il più delle volte, un interesse di gruppo.
La crisi si risolverebbe in tempi relativamente brevi e assai facilmente
se dall’area colpita dalla crisi se ne andassero via coloro che l’hanno
provocata, per i quali qui non c’è posto. Tutti gli estranei, soprattutto
quelli malintenzionati, intriganti e faccendieri tra politici,
diplomatici, apparenti operatori umanitari, innumerevoli negoziatori ed
osservatori, tutta questa gente vana che invece di occuparsi dei problemi
del proprio paese e della propria famiglia si occupa di quelli di un paese
e delle famiglie altrui.
LIMES Nella stampa jugoslava spesso si può leggere che il Kosovo è la
Gerusalemme serba”. Lei è d’accordo con questo?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Cosa pensa della divisione del Kosovo?
MARKOVIC L’attuale generazione di serbi, la mia generazione di serbi, non
può pensare alla divisione del Kosovo. La sua generazione di italiani
pensa forse alla divisione dell’Italia settentrionale?
Cosa ne penseranno i futuri serbi ed italiani, oggi nessuno lo sa dire.
Io, comunque, credo che le divisioni, i confini e gli Stati saranno
attuali ancora per un po’ di tempo, forse molto breve. Davanti a noi vi è
un mondo senza confini. Vivremo tutti su questo pianeta che sarà la nostra
patria.
LIMES Se lei fosse un’albanese e vivesse nel Kosovo, cosa farebbe?
MARKOVIC Ecco cosa farei. Se io, albanese, sentissi il Kosovo come la mia
terra, la terra ove trascorrere la mia vita, farei tutto il possibile per
trovare un linguaggio comune con i serbi del Kosovo, e con loro e con
tutti gli altri mi adopererei a costr uire un posto comune sotto il sole.
Se invece i miei sentimenti fossero di odio e di intolleranza nei
confronti dei serbi, se la Serbia e la Jugoslavia mi fossero estranee,
allora mi trasferirei in Albania, nel peggiore dei casi, o meglio a
Lugano. Lì ci sono molti albanesi. Però, in Svizzera non sono equiparati
nei diritti con gli svizzeri come lo sono con i serbi nel Kosovo. Questa
mancata parità di diritti rispetto agli svizzeri, tuttavia, non suscita
nessuna tensione, perché non si illudono che, malgr ado la loro numerosa
presenza, Lugano possa mai diventare una repubblica albanese, nonostante
che pure lì possano presto diventare una popolazione maggioritaria.
LIMES Quale è oggi il ruolo delle mafie nei Balcani?
MARKOVIC In tutti i paesi ex socialisti c’è stata una crescita della
criminalità. In questi paesi prima la criminalità era marginale. Tutti i
paesi socialisti erano posti dove si poteva vivere sicuri. Con il
cambiamento del sistema sociale si è avuta una grande espansione della
criminalità in quei paesi, insieme ad altre forme di distruzione della
società.
LIMES Ma nell’area balcanica ed ex jugoslava, in particolare, c’è una
compenetrazione fra mafie e nazionalismi?
MARKOVIC Io mi sono già segnalata come avversaria del nazionalismo. Credo
di aver detto tutto quello che di brutto si può dire dei nazionalismi.
Però è difficile trovare un legame fra criminalità e nazionalismi. Non
trovo, veramente, nessun punto in comun e tra questi due fenomeni, tra
questi due mali. Qui da noi una cosa del genere è fuori questione.
Anzi, penso che la criminalità non abbia nessun senso per le nazioni, i
confini e gli Stati. Ha piuttosto un effetto integrativo, è molto
internazionale. Questo naturalmente è ironico, perché dovrebbero essere i
valori positivi a collegare i popoli. Ma se parliamo della criminalità in
questo secolo, le cose stanno proprio così.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, il progetto di una “dorsale verde” che dovrebbe
collegare i musulmani della Bosnia con quelli del Sangiaccato, di Novi
Pazar, del Montenegro, del Kosovo e dell’Albania?
MARKOVIC Non saprei, veramente, se esiste proprio un progetto del genere.
Però, esiste una solidarietà musulmana in tutto il mondo. I musulmani
dell’Africa e dell’Asia sono popoli che hanno sofferto molto, per cui è
logico che vogliano uscire da questo st ato di povertà, di arretratezza e
di subordinazione rispetto ai popoli occidentali ed europei. Io penso che
debbano uscirvi non fondandosi sulla religione, ma attraverso lo sviluppo
materiale ed economico, attraverso l’instaurazione di legami con altri po
poli, altre culture ed altre esperienze.
Per quanto riguarda invece i musulmani dei Balcani, quelli ai quali lei fa
riferimento, per loro tutto quanto ho appena detto non vale. Loro, pur
essendo musulmani, non erano né più poveri né più arretrati rispetto agli
altri popoli con cui convivevano ne i Balcani. E soprattutto, non erano
subordinati agli altri popoli balcanici. La posizione dei musulmani nei
Balcani va risolta in base ai princìpi di una razionale, economica,
sociale, umana e moderna vita culturale con gli altri. Il rispetto e
l’attuazio ne di questi princìpi darà un impulso maggiore e più rapido
allo sviluppo di queste regioni musulmane di quanto lo possa dare la
medievale illusione di un’integrazione su basi religiose.
LIMES Esiste, secondo lei, un’“Internazionale ortodossa”, un rapporto
privilegiato che collega in particolare la Russia, la Grecia e la
Jugoslavia?
MARKOVIC No.
LIMES Come giudica la posizione americana nella crisi balcanica? E quella
dei paesi europei, in particolare di Germania, Francia e Italia?
MARKOVIC Alla grave crisi dei paesi balcanici hanno contribuito molto
anche gli Stati Uniti d’America e alcuni influenti paesi dell’Europa
occidentale. Io, naturalmente, non so quale sia stato il contributo
apportato da ciascuno di questi paesi europei. A lcuni di loro sono più
responsabili per il dramma balcanico, altri meno. Penso che il contributo
dell’Italia a questa triste vicenda sia stato modesto. Questo non lo dico
per cortesia, per il fatto d’avere lei come interlocutore.
LIMES Potrebbe definire i confini dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC I confini dei Balcani per me oggi restano quelli che mi sono
stati insegnati durante le lezioni di geografia quando frequentavo il
liceo. Tra l’Ungheria a nord e la Grecia a sud. Tra la Slovenia a ovest e
la Romania a est. A lei, quando frequenta va la scuola, hanno forse
insegnato diversamente?
LIMES Quale configurazione dovrebbe avere secondo lei l’area balcanica nel
futuro?
MARKOVIC Per quanto riguarda il futuro dei Balcani, io lo vedo come una
comunità dei popoli che vivono nei Balcani. In nessun’altra parte del
mondo, o almeno in nessun’altra parte d’Europa, esistono tanti popoli che
vivono insieme in una sola regione. In Ungheria ci sono molti rumeni, in
Romania molti bulgari, in Bulgaria i turchi, in Turchia i greci, in Grecia
gli albanesi, in Albania i montenegrini, nel Montenegro i serbi, in Serbia
i croati, in Croazia gli sloveni, in Slovenia i bosniaci.
Tra gli Stati balcanici ci saranno sempre - nel migliore dei casi -
tensioni, per non dire scontri. Per mille anni ancora, continueranno a
scontrarsi per un villaggio o un fiume, per una battaglia del passato o
per l’alfabeto. Ci vorrà ancora un secolo di chiarimenti e litigi su
questioni come chi tra loro sia stato il primo ad insediarsi nei Balcani,
chi il più coraggioso nel passato, chi abbia apportato il maggior
contributo alla cultura, chi goda della migliore reputazione nella
comunità internazionale , chi abbia la religione più antica, la
letteratura più famosa…
Queste tensioni e questi scontri potranno essere fermati soltanto da una
comunità dei popoli - da un’Unione, Confederazione o Stati Uniti dei
Balcani, una qualsiasi di queste forme, ma solo una comunità di questo
tipo potrà costituire il presupposto per l a pace e lo sviluppo di questa
parte del mondo.
Negli Stati Uniti dei Balcani tutti gli albanesi, tutti i serbi, tutti i
bulgari, tutti i croati eccetera potranno vivere in un solo Stato. Uso il
termine “Stati Uniti” perché vedo gli Stati Uniti d’America come un
esempio di successo nella convivenza. Le differenze fra coloro che hanno
costituito gli Usa erano molto più grandi di quelle che separano i popoli
balcanici. Se in America tedeschi, portoricani, irlandesi e giapponesi
possono vivere insieme, perché non potrebbero riuscirvi serbi, bulgari,
croat i, montenegrini e albanesi, popoli molto simili ormai da secoli?
LIMES Il territorio degli Stati Uniti era vergine, quello dei Balcani è
carico di storia…
MARKOVIC Non è detto che questo fosse un vantaggio per gli americani e sia
un punto debole per noi. Se certo il fatto che gli spazi nel Nuovo Mondo
fossero vuoti era un vantaggio, è anche vero che le differenze fra i
popoli che vi si insediarono erano eno rmi. Sotto il profilo religioso,
etnico e culturale le differenze erano molto spiccate, e poi si trattava
spesso di persone di struttura molto aggressiva. Ciò nonostante gli
americani sono riusciti a creare la base di uno Stato comune.
Per quanto riguarda noi balcanici, è vero che la nostra lunga storia può
essere un punto debole negli sforzi volti a creare uno Stato comune. Ma
può essere anche un vantaggio. Proprio perché la nostra lunga storia
comprende giorni difficili, guerre sangui nose. Una tale esperienza
storica può dare impulso alla ricerca della convivenza comune. Può
facilmente accadere che un giorno le persone più intelligenti che vivono
nei Balcani dicano: “Basta! Adesso bisogna cambiare!”.
Non deve credere che questa soluzione sia troppo radicale, irrealistica. A
volte mi si dice che sono un’utopista. E io non mi adopero troppo a
smentirlo. Tutte le utopie si sono finora, in sostanza, realizzate: nella
scienza, nella tecnologia, nella cultu ra, nella politica e nella vita
sociale. Naturalmente mi riferisco alle cosiddette utopie felici. Per
quanto attiene a quelle nere, finora non se ne è realizzata nessuna.
LIMES Fra quanto tempo avremo dunque gli Stati Uniti dei Balcani? Anni,
decenni, secoli?
MARKOVIC Io spero che si tratti di anni. La storia della fine di questo
secolo è piena di sorprese. Vi sono molti motivi razionali e morali che
fanno sperare che i popoli balcanici possano nel prossimo secolo vivere
sotto un cielo nuovo, più felice.
Jugoslavia 1945-1991
LIMES E quali saranno i confini degli Stati Uniti dei Balcani?
MARKOVIC Se si costituisse una comunità di tali popoli, questa si
troverebbe sul territorio oggi da loro abitato, la penisola balcanica.
Come le ho detto, per me i confini dei Balcani sono compresi tra Ungheria,
Romania, Grecia e Slovenia. Ma io spero che alla fine del prossimo secolo
non ci siano più né confini né Stati.
Oggi i separatisti e secessionisti sono all’offensiva. Tuttavia io penso
che sia una forma di resistenza medievale alla tendenza al cosmopolitismo,
al mondialismo che prevarrà. Il vecchio mondo sta resistendo al nuovo con
le sue ultime forze. La parte più scura della notte è quella che precede
l’alba.
Noi siamo alla vigilia della società universale. Sotto l’aspetto
tecnologico, scientifico, culturale, delle comunicazioni questo mondo è
già molto unito. L’idea del villaggio globale, del pianeta come patria di
tutti, è oggi un’idea reale, che deriva dal modo di vita moderno. Per me i
separatismi che stanno emergendo in questi anni - dal Kosovo alla Corsica
al Paese Basco al Québec - sono semplicemente assurdi, grotteschi. È il
canto del cigno di un mondo che sta morendo.
LIMES Secondo lei la politica di Belgrado è coerente con questa sua utopia?
MARKOVIC Il fatto che io stessa abbia usato il termine utopia non vuol
dire che lo debba usare anche lei. Tutto nello sviluppo economico,
politico e culturale del mondo contemporaneo ci indica che il mondialismo
non è una visione utopistica, ma una vision e scientifica del mondo.
Quanto alla politica di Belgrado, come quelle di Tokyo, di Washington o di
Londra, non è fondata sulla scienza. O almeno non in modo particolare, non
in modo sufficiente. Tuttavia, il grado attuale di sviluppo della scienza
in gen erale, e soprattutto delle scienze sociali, fa venir meno i motivi
per cui la politica era sinora costretta a fondarsi sulle improvvisazioni.
E incentiva la politica a utilizzare di più il metodo scientifico per
capire la società, le consente di pianifica re meglio lo sviluppo.
LIMES Quale sarebbe il rapporto fra Stati Uniti dei Balcani ed Europa?
MARKOVIC L’Europa, la cui parte più progressiva tende ad integrarsi in una
comunità associata, non potrà mai raggiungere questo obiettivo finché non
ci sarà anche un’integrazione della penisola balcanica. L’integrazione dei
Balcani è il presupposto non so lo per la pace e lo sviluppo dell’area
balcanica, ma anche la condizione per la pace e lo sviluppo in Europa.
L’Europa non potrà essere un continente pacifico, sviluppato e
progressivo, senza che lo siano tutte le sue parti, ivi compresa quella
alla quale l’Europa rinuncerebbe volentieri. Ma non si può. I Balcani
restano parte dell’Europa, sono Europa. Perciò l’Europa deve investire
nella pace e nello sviluppo di questa sua parte, per assicurare la pace e
lo sviluppo a se stessa. Non faccio appello all’um anesimo e alla
giustizia dell’Europa, ma conto sul suo egoismo e sulla sua ragione.
(a cura di Lucio Caracciolo)
---
Tutti i colori possono stare insieme tranne il nero
di Mira Markovic
(da "Notte e giorno - Diario", BMG Belgrado 1995;
in italiano su LIMES 3/1996)
Dal diario di una testimone d’eccezione del dramma jugoslavo, la moglie
del presidente serbo Milosevic. Un’invettiva contro Biljana Plavsic, la
dama di ferro’ di Pale, proiettata sul palcoscenico internazionale dopo
il ritiro formale di Karadzic.
Belgrado, 10 settembre 1993
Le dichiarazioni di Biljana Plavsic - che propone di espellere tutti i
musulmani dal territorio della Bosnia orientale e di concedere loro una
parte della ex Bosnia-Erzegovina, per non doversi trovare a contatto con
loro - sono nazismo puro e semplice. Ch i conosce il nazismo non può avere
dubbi in proposito; ma vedo che anche gente a cui le teorie del nazismo
non sono familiari e che sa poco della sua storia è stata turbata da
queste dichiarazioni, le quali non presagiscono niente di buono non solo
per i musulmani ma nemmeno per i serbi. In tutta la loro storia i serbi
non sono mai stati aggressori; hanno combattuto, al contrario, per
resistere alle aggressioni altrui. Hanno combattuto con molto valore, ma
anche con molto onore; e non sono mai stati incli ni alla vendetta.
Durante la seconda guerra mondiale i serbi sono stati i primi tra i popoli
jugoslavi, e tra i primi in Europa, a prendere posizione contro il
fascismo. Hanno combattuto contro il fascismo con tutta l’anima,
impegnandosi completamente e d ando alla lotta un contributo forse
maggiore di quello che immaginavano di poter dare.
La nazione serba ha lasciato la sua impronta sulla storia mondiale e sulla
civiltà mondiale del XX secolo, specie nella seconda metà, in virtù del
suo coraggio e della sua dirittura morale. Non si vuol dire con ciò che
noi non veniamo accusati, per lo più giustamente, di avere alcuni difetti;
ma nessuno ci ha mai negato i nostri pregi. Al contrario.
Per la prima volta l’immagine della nazione serba si è offuscata agli
occhi del mondo. Per la prima volta si parla e si scrive di noi come di
aggressori e criminali. Anche fra di noi, naturalmente, non sono mancate
le mele bacate, gente che ha fatto del m ale ad altri popoli e nazioni (e
ai suoi stessi connazionali e consanguinei); ma questa genia non è mai
stata prevalente, ed è stata controbilanciata dall’amore per la libertà e
dalle qualità umane coltivate dai serbi di tutte le generazioni, nel corso
de i secoli.
A mio parere non dovremmo turbarci troppo per la nuova e brutta immagine
del popolo serbo a cui negli ultimi anni è stata data tanta pubblicità.
Dobbiamo, invece, cercare di analizzare questa immagine.
In primo luogo, non è vero che tutti ci odiano. Non è vero che tutto il
mondo, e neanche la maggior parte, nutre avversione per il popolo serbo.
Ho l’impressione che nemmeno i tedeschi, da noi considerati come il nostro
nemico numero uno nel XX secolo, ab biano un atteggiamento negativo verso
l’insieme della nazione serba. In secondo luogo, dobbiamo cercare di
vedere in che misura siamo noi stessi responsabili di questa brutta
immagine. La cattiva fama acquistata dalla Serbia non è tutta colpa
nostra; ma c erto il biasimo ricade in parte su di noi.
E adesso, dopo i discorsi di Biljana Plavsic, direi perfino che noi siamo
da biasimare fortemente. Ci sono stati parecchi discorsi del genere, e
comportamenti conformi; e spesso non hanno suscitato nel pubblico serbo la
debita reazione. Oggi, 10 settembre , voglio parlare non delle
dichiarazioni nazistoidi di Biljana Plavsic, ma della tiepida reazione che
le ha accolte. Le parole crudeli della Plavsic non mi feriscono e non mi
preoccupano più di tanto. Nella nostra nazione serba persone del genere ci
sono sempre state, prima dei turchi ottomani e sotto i turchi ottomani,
prima dei fascisti, sotto i fascisti e dopo i fascisti... sempre. Ma mi
preoccupa la risposta debole, appena percettibile, a simili opinioni: che
data l’alta posizione politica della loro autrice possono avere e
probabilmente hanno avuto conseguenze pratiche. Le sue parole possono
stimolare determinate azioni, e forse l’hanno già fatto.
Il “mondo” ci ritiene colpevoli della pulizia etnica operata dai serbi
bosniaci a danno dei musulmani. Noi neghiamo ogni responsabilità. Perché,
allora, reagiamo in modo così apatico alle brutali dichiarazioni del
vicepresidente della Repubblica serba, il nuovo Stato serbo, invocanti una
pulizia etnica nella ex Bosnia-Erzegovina? Queste dichiarazioni naziste
avrebbero dovuto suscitare qui in Serbia un’ondata di proteste, da parte
della destra e della sinistra, del governo e dell’opposizione, da parte di
t utti. Invece le proteste sono state fiacche. Dai comunisti non si è
udita una sillaba; i socialisti si sono limitati a borbottare qualcosa in
un breve e anemico comunicato stampa del vicepresidente del partito;
qualche protesta è venuta dai democratici, m a tutte sono state sovrastate
da altre proteste che al momento ci toccano più da vicino e sono quindi
considerate più importanti.
Ho parlato con molta gente di questo episodio; e tutti all’unanimità hanno
convenuto sul carattere brutale, fascista e nazista di tali dichiarazioni.
Ho tuttavia l’impressione che molti sottovalutino il pericolo che qui da
noi si cada in preda al fascismo . Pensano che nel nostro paese una cosa
simile non potrebbe mai accadere, che i discorsi fascisti e nazisti non
vanno presi sul serio perché chi li fa non merita di essere preso sul
serio. Forse è vero che il fascismo non metterà mai radici in Serbia o tr
a i serbi nostri vicini. Eppure io personalmente ritengo che il minimo
sintomo di fascismo sia motivo di preoccupazione e meriti una risposta
vigorosa. Meglio reagire con troppa forza che in modo fiacco e incerto;
meglio troppo presto che troppo tardi.
A questo riguardo la storia recente dovrebbe servire di monito. Fino
all’ultimo momento, fino al trionfo elettorale di Hitler, le persone colte
e intelligenti lo presero sottogamba, considerandolo un buffone, un
predicatore di assurdità che non avrebbe ma i attecchito nella patria di
Goethe.
Temo, ogni giorno di più, che il popolo serbo confidi troppo nello spirito
espresso da Branko Radicevic in Kolo, poema umanistico sulla fratellanza
di tutte le nazioni slavo-meridionali, esaltante una vita in comune. Temo
che il popolo serbo sia troppo co nvinto e compiaciuto della propria
nobiltà d’animo per riconoscere che nel suo seno si annida la vipera
dell’odio per altre nazioni e di un potenziale fascismo.
Se la Serbia ha bisogno di una qualche coalizione, alleanza o fronte
comune, si tratta di una coalizione, alleanza o fronte comune per una
campagna contro la violenza e il pericolo fascista; una campagna che
dovrebbe indurre tutte le persone normali a uni re le proprie forze.
Davanti a un male di questa natura, anche le differenze tra i vari partiti
politici, che oggi eccitano tante controversie, impallidiscono e diventano
irrilevanti, e così ogni altra differenza: di educazione, origine, età e
professione , di religione e di nazionalità. Qualunque alleanza è
necessaria e morale tranne una. Tutti i colori possono stare insieme
tranne il nero.
Il tempo ci saprà dire, e non in un futuro remoto. I fatti mi daranno
ragione.
(traduzione di Riccardo Ricci)
---
(*) NOTA DEL CRJ
Questo parere della Markovic e' per noi incomprensibile.
La Plavsic non puo' usare la "lingua croata", perche' questa non esiste
(la lingua di tutte le popolazioni della Bosnia-Erzegovina e' il
serbocroato), a meno che non si voglia dire che la Plavsic usa il lessico
artificialmente reintrodotto in questi anni anni dal "MinCulPop" di
Tudjman, il che ci sembra inverosimile.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Sulla possibilita' che proiettili all'uranio impoverito fosse stati
preparati dai nazisti si vedano le precedenti puntate:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/205?&start=1
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/206?&start=1
---
From: Marco Saba
Subject: Uranio e nazisti (note)
To: Francesco Polcaro
Egregio Dr. Polcaro,
ho notato i suoi commenti sulla lettera che avevo
inviato (e che riassume un trattato di 400 pagine).
A me risulta quanto segue:
- che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio
fu messo a punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
- che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
siano stati dissegretati;
- che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
- che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
Gradirei capire se sono questi i punti con cui non
concorda.
Cordiali saluti,
Marco Saba
Osservatorio Etico Ambientale
via F.lli Cervi Res. Idra
20090 Segrate (MI) Italy
Tel (Italy+) 2 21591373
GSM (Italy+) 338 5838282
---
Caro Marco, rispondo alle tue diverse domande, fermo restando quello che
ritengo il punto fondamentale, cioe' che se i nazisti avessero avuto sia
il materiale fissile che il sistema d'innesco, dato che avevano
a disposizione i vettori, avrebbero sicuramente bombardato
qualche capitale europea (Londra, Parigi, ecc.) a meno naturalmente di
non
supporre che avessero remore di carattere morale, cosa della quale mi
permetto fortemente di dubitare:
Dunque:
> - che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio > fu messo a
punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
> basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
> detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
dipende ovviamente da cosa si intende per mettere a punto: Alvarez
ebbe
l'idea della suddivisione della massa critica, ma l'elettronica che
gestisce il detonatore si basa sulle "anticoincidenze alla Rossi", ed
e'
la parte elettronica, non quella meccanica, la piu' difficile da
realizzare (a quell'epoca; ora non piu' ma ora ci sono i circuiti
integrati e mezzo secolo di studi).
> - che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
> siano stati dissegretati;
Tutti i documenti relativi al progetto Manahattan noti sono stati
declassificati, o almeno cosi' era riportato nel numero del "Bulletin of
the Atomic Scientist" dedicato al cinquantenario della bomba;
naturalmente, se qualche documento non fosse mai stato inserito nella
classificazione, non sarebbe neanche stato declassificato, pero' non
credo
che si possa neanche dimostrare che sia mai esistito.
> - che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
> non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
Sono diversi nei dettagli costruttivi, ma la logica e' ovviamente la
stessa
> - che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
> solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
E' vero: infatti, uno dei grossi problemi del progetto Manahattan fu
proprio la tempistica. Ma proprio il fatto che fu consegnato a quella
data
mi sembra dimostrare che fu arricchito proprio nell'impianto che e'
stato
dichiarato, del quale e' noto sia il metodo di arricchimento che la
potenzialita' produttiva che le quantita' prodotte nei diversi mesi del
'45.
Suggerisco inoltre di leggere, sempre sul numero in questione del
"Bulletin", le registrazioni, ottenute segretamente con
quelle che ora si definirebbero intercettazioni ambientali dal Servizio
Segreto inglese, delle conversazioni dei maggiori scienziati atomici
tedeschi (incluso Heisenberg) radunati in una villa vicino Londra
trasformata in campo di prigionia speciale, quando furono dati loro i
giornali che riportavano la notizia delle esplosioni di Hiroshima e
Nagasaki: e' chiarissimo che non avevano idea di come gli americani
avessero potuto fare. E' per altro ben noto che Hitler in persona aveva
fatto ridurre al minimo le ricerche in campo nucleare, perche', non
potendo prescindere dalle teorie relativistiche, erano considerate
troppo
legate alla "scienza giudea" alla quale si doveva contrapporre una
"scienza ariana".
In definitiva, non si puo' dare ai nazi la colpa della bomba atomica
(tanto, direi che ne hanno gia' abbastanza per essere maledetti per i
prossimi miliardi di anni): gli americani hanno fatto tutto da soli,
naturalmente con l'aiuto di quegli scienziati europei che i nazifascisti
avevano costretto alla fuga dai loro paesi. Ed e' anche noto che molti
di
questi scienziati, quando si resero conto che ormai il bersaglio non era
piu' la Germania nazista, tentarono di fermare il progetto, anche se
senza
risultati perche' c'era una componente notevolissima del mondo
scientifico
alla quale stava molto bene sviluppare la bomba in funzione anti-URSS
Cordialmente
Francesco
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
preparati dai nazisti si vedano le precedenti puntate:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/205?&start=1
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/206?&start=1
---
From: Marco Saba
Subject: Uranio e nazisti (note)
To: Francesco Polcaro
Egregio Dr. Polcaro,
ho notato i suoi commenti sulla lettera che avevo
inviato (e che riassume un trattato di 400 pagine).
A me risulta quanto segue:
- che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio
fu messo a punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
- che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
siano stati dissegretati;
- che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
- che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
Gradirei capire se sono questi i punti con cui non
concorda.
Cordiali saluti,
Marco Saba
Osservatorio Etico Ambientale
via F.lli Cervi Res. Idra
20090 Segrate (MI) Italy
Tel (Italy+) 2 21591373
GSM (Italy+) 338 5838282
---
Caro Marco, rispondo alle tue diverse domande, fermo restando quello che
ritengo il punto fondamentale, cioe' che se i nazisti avessero avuto sia
il materiale fissile che il sistema d'innesco, dato che avevano
a disposizione i vettori, avrebbero sicuramente bombardato
qualche capitale europea (Londra, Parigi, ecc.) a meno naturalmente di
non
supporre che avessero remore di carattere morale, cosa della quale mi
permetto fortemente di dubitare:
Dunque:
> - che il sistema di accensione della bomba al plutonio > fu messo a
punto da Luis Alvarez (poi premio nobel)
> basandosi sui suggerimenti di Schikle (e su alcuni
> detonatori presenti nel sommergibile);
dipende ovviamente da cosa si intende per mettere a punto: Alvarez
ebbe
l'idea della suddivisione della massa critica, ma l'elettronica che
gestisce il detonatore si basa sulle "anticoincidenze alla Rossi", ed
e'
la parte elettronica, non quella meccanica, la piu' difficile da
realizzare (a quell'epoca; ora non piu' ma ora ci sono i circuiti
integrati e mezzo secolo di studi).
> - che non tutti i dati relativi al progetto Manhattan
> siano stati dissegretati;
Tutti i documenti relativi al progetto Manahattan noti sono stati
declassificati, o almeno cosi' era riportato nel numero del "Bulletin of
the Atomic Scientist" dedicato al cinquantenario della bomba;
naturalmente, se qualche documento non fosse mai stato inserito nella
classificazione, non sarebbe neanche stato declassificato, pero' non
credo
che si possa neanche dimostrare che sia mai esistito.
> - che il sistema di innesco della bomba al plutonio
> non c'entra niente con una bomba all'uranio 235;
Sono diversi nei dettagli costruttivi, ma la logica e' ovviamente la
stessa
> - che l'uranio necessario alla bomba venne consegnato
> solo tre settimane prima del lancio.
E' vero: infatti, uno dei grossi problemi del progetto Manahattan fu
proprio la tempistica. Ma proprio il fatto che fu consegnato a quella
data
mi sembra dimostrare che fu arricchito proprio nell'impianto che e'
stato
dichiarato, del quale e' noto sia il metodo di arricchimento che la
potenzialita' produttiva che le quantita' prodotte nei diversi mesi del
'45.
Suggerisco inoltre di leggere, sempre sul numero in questione del
"Bulletin", le registrazioni, ottenute segretamente con
quelle che ora si definirebbero intercettazioni ambientali dal Servizio
Segreto inglese, delle conversazioni dei maggiori scienziati atomici
tedeschi (incluso Heisenberg) radunati in una villa vicino Londra
trasformata in campo di prigionia speciale, quando furono dati loro i
giornali che riportavano la notizia delle esplosioni di Hiroshima e
Nagasaki: e' chiarissimo che non avevano idea di come gli americani
avessero potuto fare. E' per altro ben noto che Hitler in persona aveva
fatto ridurre al minimo le ricerche in campo nucleare, perche', non
potendo prescindere dalle teorie relativistiche, erano considerate
troppo
legate alla "scienza giudea" alla quale si doveva contrapporre una
"scienza ariana".
In definitiva, non si puo' dare ai nazi la colpa della bomba atomica
(tanto, direi che ne hanno gia' abbastanza per essere maledetti per i
prossimi miliardi di anni): gli americani hanno fatto tutto da soli,
naturalmente con l'aiuto di quegli scienziati europei che i nazifascisti
avevano costretto alla fuga dai loro paesi. Ed e' anche noto che molti
di
questi scienziati, quando si resero conto che ormai il bersaglio non era
piu' la Germania nazista, tentarono di fermare il progetto, anche se
senza
risultati perche' c'era una componente notevolissima del mondo
scientifico
alla quale stava molto bene sviluppare la bomba in funzione anti-URSS
Cordialmente
Francesco
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
BILANCIO DI 11 MESI DI OCCUPAZIONE U.C.K.F.O.R. IN KOSOVO-METOHIJA:
- 4792 ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI
- 1010 MORTI AMMAZZATI (DI CUI 888 SERBI O MONTENEGRINI)
- 936 SCOMPARSI
- 924 FERITI
- 350MILA PROFUGHI
- 200 ARRESTI ARBITRARI
- 86 CHIESE E MONUMENTI VANDALIZZATI
- 250MILA ENTRATE ILLEGALI
- 364 SCONFINAMENTI DELLA KFOR NELLA FASCIA DI SICUREZZA
*** L'IMPORTANTE E' NON PARLARNE IN TV ***
---
Fonte: Yugoslav Daily Survey 15-16/5/2000
http://www1.mfa.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.smip.sv.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.mfa.gov.yu/
> SERBIAN PROVINCE OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
>
> THOUSANDS SUPPORT DEMANDS OF IMPRISONED SERBS IN KOSOVSKA
>MITROVICA
>
> KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - More than 7,000 Serbs
from
>Kosovska Mitrovica, Zvecane, Zubin Potok and Leposavic gathered again on
>Monday outside the district prison in Kosovska Mitrovica in sign of support
to
>the Serbs and Roma who have been imprisoned for 11 months, demanding that
they
>be be released on bail and that dates finally be set for the trials.
>
> Stressing that the head of the civilian mission in
Kosovo-Metohija
>Bernard Kouchner did not obtain under Security Council Resolution 1244 the
>mandate to annihilate and dislocate Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and to
>organize a travesty of justice, member of the Yugoslav committee for
>cooperation with UNMIK and Serbian Deputy Justice Minister Zoran Balinovac
>said that the civilian mission in Kosovo-Metohija was systematically
violating
>that resolution, because, he added not a single Albanian has been arrested
on
>charges of war genocide.
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT SUBMITS OVERVIEW ON KOSOVO-METOHIJA
TERRORISM
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav Government has
submitted
>to the president of the U.N. Security Council and the U.N. Secretary
General
>an annex to its Saturday's Memorandum on the need for a strict and
consistent
>implementation of U.N. Resolution 1244.
>
> The Annex gives an overview of terrorist attacks and other
crimes
>committed in Kosovo-Metohija since the international mission was deployed
to
>that U.N.-administered province of the Yugoslav republic of Serbia in June
>1999.
>
> The full text of the Overview follows (official translation):
>
> O V E R V I E W
>
> of terrorist and other acts of violence and of certain
violations
>of Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) of 10 June 1999 in Kosovo and
>Metohija, the autonomous province of the Yugoslav constituent Republic of
>Serbia, since the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK, in the period from 10 June
1999
>to 7 May 2000
>
> (1) Number of terrorist attacks: 4,792
>
> 4,511 committed against Serbs and Montenegrins, 109 against
>Albanians and 172 against Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (2) Number of killed persons: 1,010
>
> 888 Serbs and Montenegrins, 75 Albanians and 47 members of
other
>ethnic communities in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
> (3) Number of abducted and missing persons: 936
>
> 860 Serbs and Montenegrins, 42 Albanians and 34 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> The fate of 786 persons is still unknown; 95 abducted persons
were
>killed, 7 persons escaped, while 48 were released.
>
> (4) Number of wounded persons: 924
>
> 867 Serbs and Montenegrins, 20 Albanians and 37 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (5) Ethnic cleansing: In the campaign of ethnic cleansing
>following the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK, two-thirds of the non-Albanian
>population, i.e. over 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims, Goranci,
>Turks and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo and Metohija,
of
>whom 270,000 are Serbs.
>
> The following towns and villages have been ethnically cleansed
of
>Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians:
>
> a.. Pristina (all Serbs have been driven out of its largest
>suburbs of Ulpijana, Suncani Breg, Dardanija, Univerzitetsko Naselje. Of
the
>40,000 Serbs who used to live in Pristina before KFOR and UNMIK came to
Kosovo
>and Metohija, 25,000 were school and university students. Today, only 35
>Serbian schoolchildren live in Pristina and attend classes in the local
school
>in the village of Laplje;
> b.. Prizren (only 100 Serbian families remain);
> c.. Gnjilane, the situation in this town was alarming in
March
>and April (in this period alone 350 houses of Serbs were sold). The number
of
>remaining Serbs has been halved and today only about 1,500 Serbs remain.
KFOR
>and UNMIK have warned them not to leave their homes.
> d.. Djakovica, Pec, Podujevo, Glogovac, as well as the
areas
>of Kosovska Mitrovica (Vucitrn, Srbica), Lipljan, Kosovo Polje, from which
80
>per cent of their Serbian residents have been expelled, i.e. 7,000 Serbs
and
>4,000 other non-Albanians (their homes have been burned and looted, while
>shops, cafes and other property are being seized from their owners. In the
>presence of KFOR, ethnic Albanian terrorists brutalize and harass the Serbs
>who refuse to sell their homes and leave Kosovo and Metohija);
> e.. the whole area of the municipalities of Istok and Klina
>including the villages of Dzakovo, Osojane, Tucepom, Kos, Zac, Belica,
>Krnjine, Maticane, Kacanik, Stimlje, Kmetovacka Vrbica and others, where
3,440
>Serbian homes were burned down;
> f.. the surroundings of Urosevac, Slivovo, Nedakovac,
>Nevoljane, Vrpica, Ljestar, Zegra (municipality of Gnjilane), Zitnje,
>Pozaranje, Grmovo, Drobes; in the village of Talinovac the two last Serbian
>houses whose owners had been forced to move out were burnt down at the
>beginning of April;
> g.. the surroundings of Vitina (Kabas, Binac and other
>villages), the areas of Kosovska Kamenica (villages of Bratilovce, Firiceja
>and others) and Kosovsko Pomoravlje, as well as the villages of Toplicane,
>Rujice, Magure, Slovinja, Staro Gracko, Klobukar in the municipality of
Novo
>Brdo. (All Serbian houses have been burned down and all its owners forced
to
>leave.)
>
>
> Members of the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
>exert great pressure on ethnic Goranci, the indigenous residents of the
region
>of Gora, who are not allowed to use their maternal Serbian language in
schools
>and in everyday life, in an attempt to misrepresent this ethnic group as
>Albanians.
>
> Expulsion of the members of the Muslim ethnic community,
loyal
>citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia, has intensified particularly in the area
of
>the municipality of Istok.
>
> In the area of Prizren and Djakovica about 65,000 Kosovo
>Albanian Catholics live in a difficult situation and under great pressure
from
>Albanian terrorists who accuse them of "collaboration with Serbs".
>
> Albanian separatists continue their deliberate actions,
aimed
>at preventing the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija. They raze Serbian
>houses in a pre-planned and synchronized manner. The most drastic example
has
>been the looting and bulldozing of over 250 Serbian houses in the village
of
>Bijelo Polje. The area of this village was turned into a garbage dump.
Serbian
>houses in the villages of Brezanik and Osojane have also been bulldozed.
>Fourteen Serbian villages in the municipality of Vitina do not exist any
more
>because all the houses have been destroyed. At the end of April, Albanian
>terrorists announced that they will carry out similar organized actions of
>looting and destroying Serbian houses in the villages near Istok and Novo
>Brdo.
>
> (6) The latest brutal crimes:
>
> shelling of the Serbian village of Gorazdevac (10 March, 25
>March, 22 April 2000); killing of Gashi Sheqeri in his house in the village
of
>Rogovo, municipality of Djakovica, and a Roma boy whose identity has not
been
>established. This murder was committed by the members of the so-called
Kosovo
>Protection Corps Bajram Gashi and Hallim Shala (30 March); bomb attack on
the
>apartment of Franjo Milic, a Croat, in Obilic (3 April 2000); cruel murder
of
>87-year Metodije Haljausku, a Czech, in Pristina, who was shot in the back
of
>the head (3 April 2000); mortar attack on a group of Serbs who played
football
>in a field in the village of Cernice in which two persons were injured (5
>April 2000); attack of eight terrorists on Stojan Petronijevic in the
>courtyard of his family house in the village of Babin Most, municipality of
>Obilic (5 April 2000); killing of Dobrivoje Jovanovic in Gnjilane (9 April
>2000); mining of the Orthodox Church of Our Lady in Zociste for the third
time
>(18 April 2000); mortar attack on an apartment building housing Serbs and
>Turks in downtown Pristina in which two persons were wounded (18 April
2000);
>killing of Srdjan Markovic from the village of Badovac, who was killed by
>terrorists in his car on his way to visit his friends (21 April 2000);
murder
>of Stojanka Stojanovic (65) in Gnjilane, in mid-April, whose body was found
on
>26 April 2000; terrorist attack on a bus in Kosovska Mitrovica ferrying
Serbs
>to church (28 April 2000); vandal desecration of Serbian cemeteries and
>tombstones in the village of Glavotina, municipality of Vucitrn (26 April
>2000), and in the village of Klobukar, municipality Novo Brdo (30 April
2000);
>dynamiting the Orthodox church of St. Nicholas from 16th century in the
>village of Grncar, municipality of Vitina (28 April 2000); brutal murder of
>Milorad Peric (50) from the village of Pasjane who was working in the
fields
>(29 April 2000); terrorist bomb attack on a group of residents of the
village
>of Crkvena Vodica, municipality of Obilic, in which several children were
>wounded (2 May 2000); bomb attack on the house belonging to Hadzija Agusi
>(74), a Roma, who died from the wounds sustained in the attack (29 April
>2000); killing of Zivko Stolic (67) in Kosovska Vitina, who was brutally
>tortured by terrorists and later killed (6 May 2000); attack on a Serbian
>family in Kosovska Vitina in the courtyard of their house on which occasion
>two adults and two children were wounded.
>
> (7) New forms of terror against Serbs and other
non-Albanians:
>
> In its security actions against Serbian and other
>non-Albanians, KFOR is increasingly demonstrating force and resorting to
>harassment and physical violence and causing damage to Serbian property.
>Drastic incidents occurred in Kosovska Mitrovica (on 20-25 February), in
the
>villages of Mogila (on 25-26 February), in which Serbian houses were
searched
>by in a most brutal way, Draganovac (municipality of Gnjilane) and Miolice
>(Municipality of Leposavic), Mali Zvecan (27 February), Gornje Kusce (1
March)
>and the Serbian villages of Rudare and Grabovac (1 March). The searches
were
>conducted by KFOR jointly with the terrorists of the so-called KLA, who
wore
>international security forces uniforms, in an open display of the existence
of
>co-ordination between KFOR and Albanian terrorists. In April violence
against
>Serbs in the so-called security actions of KFOR has assumed dramatic
>proportions. The most drastic examples were the incidents which took place
in
>the village of Dobrotin on 2 April, in the village of Sevce on 4 April and
in
>the villages of Lepina and Jazine, when KFOR members released dogs on the
>Serbs who had gathered to protest the difficult situation and when a large
>number of people were seriously injured. Several persons were also injured
in
>a brutal action of KFOR against Serbian demonstrators in Gracanica on 7
April
>2000.
>
> (8) Latest terrorist attacks on Serbian convoys:
>
> Attacks on a Serbian convoys headed for Strpce, near the
>village of Radivojce (on 22 and 29 February); attack on a Serbian convoy en
>route to Koretiste, in the village of Dobricane (28 February); attack on a
bus
>ferrying Serbian children home from school on the road between Gornje Kusce
>and Koretiste (29 February); Lieutenant Peter Ramstell (KFOR, Kosovska
>Mitrovica area) banned all KFOR security escorts for buses transporting
>Serbian schoolchildren and sick persons to Gracanica (1 March); attacks
>against Serbian convoys in the village of Koretin (6 and 20 March);
repeated
>attacks against Serbian convoys in Gnjilane (7, 10 and 31 March); an attack
on
>a Serbian convoy in the village of Dobrovce (27 March); attack on a Serbian
>convoy on the road between Bujanovac and Gracanica (11 April 2000); attack
on
>a convoy from Strpce in the village of Pozaranje, municipality of Vitina
(18
>April 2000).
>
> KFOR has not prevented these terrorist attacks. Also, it
has
>refused to provide security escorts to convoys between Merdare and Kosovo
>Polje. In addition to daily terror against them, this is added pressure on
>Serbs to leave Kosovo Polje.
>
> (9) Number of arbitrarily arrested persons by KFOR and
UNMIK:
>200
>
> Arrested Serbs are detained in prisons in Pristina,
Prizren,
>Sojevo near Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, Gnjilane, Lipljan and Klokot
Banja.
>They have been arrested without any explanation or charges, only on the
ground
>of information provided by the Albanians, most frequently by the members of
>the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army. 43 Serbs arbitrarily
arrested
>without legal grounds by KFOR and UNMIK have been detained in a prison in
>Kosovska Mitrovica for almost ten months. In this period no investigation
or
>any court proceedings have been instituted. On 10 April 2000, 37 detained
>Serbs and 5 Roma went on a hunger strike. The immediate cause was the
release
>of Gjelal Ademi, an ethnic Albanian, against whom an investigation had been
>instituted because of a hand grenade attack in which 22 Serbs and 14 French
>soldiers of KFOR were injured. Doctors from the School of Medicine of the
>University of Pristina found out at the last examination (6 May 2000) that
>their health condition was rapidly deteriorating and that eleven of them
were
>in critical conditions. On 7 May 2000, Arsenije Vitosevic, suffering from a
>chronic heart condition, was admitted to the City hospital. Due to
exhaustion,
>high blood pressure and heart condition he has been placed in an intensive
>care unit. He was given infusion and is in a difficult psychological
condition
>(two years ago KLA terrorists abducted his son and he has not heard from
him
>since). The doctors who examined the strikers requested that 10 detainees
be
>sent to hospital due to exhaustion and deteriorating health condition. They
>called on the competent judicial and police UNMIK authorities to release
the
>strikers without delay so that they could given proper medical treatment
and
>that their condition stabilized.
>
> (10) Prisons and labour camps run by the terrorist
so-called
>Kosovo Liberation Army:
>
> The abducted Serbian civilians, detained by the terrorist
>so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, are kept in the labour camps located in
the
>village of Maticane and in the wider area of Prizren ("Ortokal" estate, a
>building situated on the road to Djakovica) and in Drenica. 472 abducted
Serbs
>are kept in the camps.
>
> KLA prisons for Serbs, Montenegrin and members of other
ethnic
>communities who are not supportive of Albanian terrorists are situated also
>around the village of Brod, municipality of Dragas, and along the Djakovica
>road towards the village of Junik, municipality of Decani, as well as in
the
>villages of Glodjane, Izbica and Strovce in the Kosovska Mitrovica
district;
>and in the premises of Railroad Transport Co. in Urosevac.
>
> (11) Situation in Kosovska Mitrovica:
>
> Since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in Kosovo and
Metohija,
>the security situation has been very serious, particularly in and around
>Kosovska Mitrovica. Some of the most salient types and instances of
atrocities
>have been:
>
> h.. looting and the destruction of 2,365 homes belonging to
>Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians (1,200 in Kosovska Mitrovica;
>1,060 in Vucitrn; and 105 in Srbica);
> i.. eviction of 700 Serbian families from their apartments
>(500 southern Kosovska Mitrovica; 150 in Vucitrn; and 50 in Srbica);
> j.. looting and the destruction of the property of the
>following companies:
> 1. In Kosovska Mitrovica: Socially-owned companies
>"Kosovo-Sirovina", "Betonjerka", "Lux", "AMD", "Kosmet-Prevoz",
>"Trans-Kosovo", Duvanska, Minel, Zemljoradnicka zadruga (cooperative),
>Hortikultura, Mitrovcanka, DES, "Ibar-Rozaje" warehouse, water utility
company
>"Vodovod", printing company "Progres", electric power generation company
>"Elektro-Kosovo", PTT and a large number of bars and cafes owned by
>non-Albanians.
>
> 2. In Vucitrn: Socially-owned companies "Sartid",
>"Vucitrn-Prevoz", "Ratar", Farm Cooperative, paints and coatings factory
>"Ekstra", construction company "Kosovo", utilities company "Sitnica",
private
>company "Cicavica", employment bureau, local community centre, Town Hall of
>Vucitrn, Construction Land Fund, local department store, Auditing Office
>building, Jugobanka, primary and secondary schools, Jugopetrol, Beopetrol,
>electric power generationcompany "Elektro-Kosovo", PTT.
>
> 3. In Srbica: Hunting munitions factory, plastics factory,
>socially-owned company "Buducnost", Farm Cooperative, public utilities
>company, "Dijamant-produkt" Co., local community centre, local
self-managing
>community of interest, "Zitopromet" Co. and its silos.
>
> (12) Recent killings and terrorizing of Albanians loyal to
the
>FR of Yugoslavia:
>
> The terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has stepped
up
>the execution of Albanians who do support their policy and goals,
particularly
>in the areas of Pristina, Podujevo and Pec. The most drastic examples are:
the
>murder of Hejdi Sejdiu, a member of the Provincial Committee of the Serbian
>Socialist Party, in his home town of Urosevac in front of his wife and
three
>children (on 10 February), the killing of Danush Januzi in Vitina (on 10
>February); the massacre of Tahir Bekim, abducted and later killed by the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (parts of his mutilated
>body were found on 24 February).
>
> The terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
burnt
>down the house of Sellim Broshi, former head of the Provincial Ministry of
the
>Interior, in the village of Odanovce, municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, on
20
>March 2000. They are also looking for Sinan Rexhepi, former employee of the
>Provincial Ministry of the Interior. They threaten Sadik Hajrulah from
Vitina,
>Ramadan Sermaxhi, employee of the Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane,
Minir
>Krasniqi from Kosovska Kamenica, as well as other former or present ethnic
>Albanian members of the Provincial Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane.
>
> In mid-March, terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation
>Army abducted Noa and Nua Kajtazi, catholic Albanians, in the village of
Zjum
>accusing them that they are loyal citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia. They
>requested a ransom from their family in the amount of DM 40,000. They also
>searched their houses, looted it and beat the members of their family.
>
> In addition to Serbs, the terrorist so-called Kosovo
>Liberation Army also rounds up Albanians, loyal to the State of the FR of
>Yugoslavia, and detain them in their prison camps (around the village of
Brod,
>municipality of Dragas).
>
> (13) Destruction of churches, monasteries and cultural
>monuments:
>
> 86 churches, monasteries and other cultural monuments were
>burned down, demolished or seriously damaged, among them the Church of the
>Entrance of Our Lady into the Temple at Dolac, monastery of St. Mark at
Korisa
>from 1467, monastery of Prophets Kosmo and Damien in Zociste from 14th
>century, the church in Kijevo from the 14th century, the Holy Trinity
>monastery from the 14th century near Musutiste, monastery Devic built in
1440,
>Church of St. Paraskeva in Drenik from the 16th century, Church of St.
>Demetrius near Pec, the Orthodox church at Grmovo near Vitina, Church of
St.
>Elijah at Zegra near Gnjilane, church of Holy Mother in Musutiste from
1315,
>Church of St. Elijah at Bistrazin, Church of Apostles Peter and Paul in
Suva
>Reka, monastery of St. Uros in Nerodimlje, monastery of St. Archangel
Gabriel
>from the 14th century in Binac, Church of St. Mary from the 16th century in
>Belo Polje, Church of St. John the Baptist in Pecka Banja, churches in the
>villages of Naklo, Vucitrn, Petrovac, Urosevac, Podgorce, Djurakovac,
Krusevo,
>Osojane, Samodreza, Dresna near Klina, Rekovac, Petric, monastery Binac
near
>Vitina, Holy Trinity Cathedral in Djakovica, St. Nicholas' Church in
Gnjilane.
>
>
> Monks and other clergy are being terrorized and persecuted.
>More than 150 parish residences were destroyed or damaged. Over 10,000
icons
>and other sacral objects, most of which are part of cultural treasures
under
>the special protection of the State, were stolen or destroyed. Medieval
>frescoes were destroyed in 70 per cent of Orthodox churches and
monasteries.
>
> Assaults on members of the Catholic religious community by
the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army have intensified in
Prizren
>and Pec, particularly assaults on clergymen (The homes of two Franciscan
>priests were burned down.).
>
> The following cultural monuments were damaged or
demolished:
>
> - statues of the greatest lexicographer of the Serbian
>language Vuk Karadzic and the great Montenegrin poet Petar Petrovic Njegos
in
>downtown Pristina;
>
> - memorials to King Uros in Urosevac and King Dusan in
>Prizren;
>
> - memorial to Prince Lazar in Gnjilane and the memorial to
>Serbian rulers from the Nemanjic dynasty in the village of Gornje
Nerodimlje;
>
> - memorial to Milos Obilic, the symbol of the town of
Obilic.
>KFOR removed the damaged statue to the compounds of the thermal electric
power
>plant "Kosovo B".
>
> - about 400 000 books vanished in the fire set to the
Pristina
>Library.
>
> Many of the destroyed monuments are outstanding examples of
>the Serbian cultural heritage and are on the list of the monuments of
>exceptional cultural value under the protection of UNESCO.
>
> (14) Forced and illegal taking over of public institutions:
>
> - Forcible and illegal takeovers of premises and buildings
of
>post offices, banks, medical institutions, water and power supply systems,
>university, elementary and secondary schools, municipal and other local
>government buildings, local communes, buildings of the Ministry of the
>Interior and the Army of Yugoslavia, factories, enterprises, cooperatives,
>etc. in Pristina (premises of the Clinical Centre "Pristina" and the health
>station whose equipment has been stolen and taken by doctors in private
>practice, Federal Customs Administration, Public Housing Company, Institute
>for Urban Planning, water supply company "Vodovod", thermal electric power
>plant "Kosovo B", depots and petrol stations of "Jugopetrol", the
shareholding
>companies "Kosmet-Pristina", "Kosovo-Trans", "Energoinvest",
"Autopristina",
>car shock absorbers factory, "Jugotrans", etc.) as well as in Prizren,
Dragas,
>Podujevo, Lipljan, Strpci, Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Polje (with the
>assistance of KFOR), Djakovica (with the assistance of KFOR).
>
> - By forced and illegal taking over of public enterprises
and
>institutions tens of thousands employed Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims,
>Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians were sacked and left with no means
to
>support themselves.
>
> - More than 190 major companies were forcibly and illegally
>seized, whose equipment was looted and most often taken to Albania.
>
> (15) Armed artillery attacks on villages:
>
> Slovinj, Maticane, Orahovac, Konjuh, Berivojce, Gornja
>Brnjica, the villages around Kosovska Kamenica: Grncar, Magila, Ajvalija,
all
>the villages of the Istok-Klina region, Gorazdevac near Pec, Svinjare,
Klokot,
>Novo Brdo, Zjum, Donja and Gornja Gusterica, Susica, Badavac, Bresje,
Vrbovac,
>Vitina, Cernice, (municipality of Gnjilane), Dobrusa, Veliko Ropotovo
>(municipality of Kosovska Kamenica), Partes, Podgradje, Malisevo and
Pasjane
>(municipality of Gnjilane), Ljestar, Budriga, Dobrotin (municipality of
>Lipljan), Grncar, Binac, Ranilug, Silovo, Odovce, Rajanovce, Bosce,
Caglavica,
>Paravolo, Lebane, Gojbulja, Suvo Grlo and Banje (municipality of Srbica),
in
>the following villages in the area of the municipality of Gora: Brodosavce,
>Belobrod, Kukavce; frequent attacks on houses of Goranci, Muslims and
>Albanians, loyal to the FR of Yugoslavia, and in Grabovac (municipality of
>Zvecan).
>
> All Serbian houses in the villages of Donji Livoc, Kmetova
>Vrbica, Lipovica and Cernice in the municipality of Gnjilane, and in the
>villages of Vaganes, Gradjenik and Orahovica in the municipality of
Kosovska
>Kamenica, all forming part of Kosovsko Pomoravlje, were set on fire or
>destroyed by mortars or explosives.
>
> All this runs counter to assertions by KFOR and UNMIK that
the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has been disarmed.
>
> (16) Blockade of towns and villages:
>
> Gadnje, Orahovac and Velika Hoca, Koretin, villages around
>Gnjilane, Gornja Srbica, Gorazdevac, Priluzje (the village surrounded by
>Albanians, with no doctors, shops and phone lines; about 80 per cent of the
>villagers who worked for the Electric Power Industry of Serbia have
remained
>jobless). About 3,500 Serbian residents of Orahovac have been living for
more
>than nine months since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in the first
>concentration camp in Europe after the Second World War, besieged by the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army.
>
> (17) Armed threats against villages and terror committed on
a
>daily basis against non-Albanians:
>
> Ugljari, Srpski Babus, Stimlje, Novo Selo, Bresje, Obilic,
the
>area around Kosovo Polje, Milosevo (on which an armed attack was recently
>carried out), the village of Zebnice (dramatic humanitarian situation),
most
>of the mainly Catholic Croatian population ofn the villages of Letinice,
>Vrnez, Vrnavo Kolo and Sasare have moved out, Drenovac (50 Serbs
massacred),
>village of Cernice (a series of incidents in which US KFOR soldiers
maltreated
>Serbs), Pozaranje, Gotovusa, Gatnje, Zubin Potok, Veliki Alas, Vrelo and
>Radevo, Plemetin and Slatina (municipality of Vucitrn), Crkolez
(municipality
>of Istok), Ogose - municipality of Kosovska Kamenica (where almost all Roma
>families have been driven out), Banjska, Gojbulja and Miroce (municipality
of
>Vucitrn), Brezanik (municipality of Pec). Ruthless terror is used against
the
>remaining Serbs in the village of Obilic: their houses are attacked and set
on
>fire. They cannot call fire emergency services or ask for KFOR and UNMIK
>assistance since their telephone lines are disconnected, while those
belonging
>to Albanian households are connected. This provides further evidence of
>against Serb by KFOR and UNMIK who sit idly by.
>
> (18) The looted Serbian villages whose residents were
forced
>out:
>
> Muzicani, Slivovo, Orlovic, Dragas, the area around Kosovo
>Polje, Livadice, Mirovac, Sirinicka Zupa, Medregovac, Grace, Zociste,
>Sofalija, Dragoljevac, Tomance, Koretin, Lestar, Donja Sipasnica,
Miganovce,
>Laniste and Zmijarnik (municipality of Kosovska Kamenica).
>
> (19) Serbian settlements set on fire:
>
> Istok, Klina, Donja Lapastica, Obrandza, Velika Reka,
Perane,
>Lause, the villages around Podujevo, Grace, Donja Dubica, Zociste,
Orahovac,
>Naklo, Vitomirice, Belo Polje, Mojlovice, Alos-Toplicane, Krajiste, Rudnik,
>Donji Strmac, Goles (municipality of Lipljan), Orlovic (municipality of
>Pristina), Krpimej and Lausa (municipality of Podujevo), Muzicane (all
Serbian
>houses burned down), Zaimovo, Denovac, Lesjane, Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje
>(all Serbian houses looted and burned down), Sinaje (municipality of
Istok),
>Balovac, Mali Talinovac, Ljubizda, Klobuka and Oraovica (municipality of
>Kosovska Kamenica), Zaskok and Novi Miros (municipality of Urosevac).
>
> (20) Registered number of homes burned down: About 50,000
>houses of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci and other non-Albanians were burned
>down in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
>
> (21) Registered number of illegal entries of foreign
citizens
>into the FR of Yugoslavia (Kosovo and Metohija) without the necessary
papers
>(visas and registration of stay with the competent authorities): 811
>
> Over 250,000 foreigners have illegally entered Kosovo and
>Metohija with approval of UNMIK and KFOR. The Government of the FR of
>Yugoslavia has officially requested their deportation on several occasions.
>These requests went unheeded, although those persons are international
>terrorists, criminals, narco-mafia members, white slave merchants,
organizers
>of brothels and other forms of international crime.
>
> (22) Registered number of stolen vehicles: over 12,000
>
> As a result of open borders with Macedonia and Albania
250,000
>vehicles were brought into Kosovo and Metohija without payment of customs
>duties. Most of these vehicles were stolen.
>
> UNMIK has extended the period for the registration of
vehicles
>in Kosovo and Metohija until 31 May 2000. It is expected that it will
register
>about 200,000 vehicles thus legalizing crime and theft.
>
> (23) Registered number of cases of violation of the ground
>security zone by KFOR: 364.
>
> BRUSSELS, May 16 (Tanjug) - The European Commission has made
>public a list of scandals, mismanagement and irresponsible management of
>humanitarian aid and other forms of aid from the budget of the European Union
>(EU), and that is why it has prepared a package of measures, it was said in
>Brussels on Tuesday.
>
> The report of the "European government" said that the money sent
>by donors to European funds in Brussels is not reaching those to whom it is
>intended, that many projects are never completed, many promises that the aid
>will be sent never fulfilled, and there is a growing number of examples of
>mismanagement and embezzlement.
>
> The example of Kosovo-Metohija is only one in a series of cases
>that confirm the inefficiency of the program of aid of the European Union
>which has earmarked 9.6 billion euros for extending various forms of financial
>support throughout the world.
>
> The EU had planned a 310 million euro aid to Kosovo-Metohija after
>NATO's bombing but EU members cannot agree over how the money should be used.
>
> However, because EU's aid is often used for other purposes - the
>upkeep of the military and civilian missions in Kosovo-Metohija - the sum of
>money planned for the reconstruction of the province is not known.
>
> NATO CONDUCTED MASSIVE TRAINING OF TERRORISTS
>
> PRISTINA, May 16 (Tanjug) - Under the cover of NATO military
>exercises "dynamic response-2000," held this spring in Kosovo-Metohija, in top
>secrecy and closely watched by American officers, was an action of intensive
>training of terrorists.
>
> The training included over two thousand Albanian extremists for
>terrorist activity aimed against Serbian civilians, soldiers and policemen.
>
> The objective of the training of terrorists, masterminded and
>organized by the CIA and which runs counter the rhetoric of the officials of
>the international community, is the fanning of the conflict in southern Serbia
>(border zone Presevo, Bujanovac, Medvedja) and incitement of the exodus of
>non-Albanian population in order to provoke a reaction of the security forces
>of the Republic of Serbia and of the Yugoslav Army and the further
>internationalization of the issue of the status of the Albanian minority in
>that part of Serbia.
>
> Heading the new contingent of officers for waging dirty warfare is
>a certified Serb-hater, senior officer of the Kosovo Protection Corps -
>commander of the sixth zone of defense Shaban Shalje - and the training was
>conducted in late May in the military base Bonsteel, nearby Urosevac.
>
> The training of terrorists is a significant stage in the plans of
>externists, who in collusion with ideological sympathizers, while relying on
>the support of the international community, have not abandoned the plan of
>breaking away Kosoov and Metohija from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
>creating a "Greater Albania."
>
> NATO AGGRESSION - INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS
>
> NATO STOKING OPPOSITION AND SECESSIONIST MOVEMENTS
>
> BELGRADE, May 16 (Tanjug) - Austrian-Serbian Solidarity movement
>President Wilhelm Langtaler said late Monday that NATO would try to create
>conditions for a new intervention and a new war by stoking opposition,
>secessionist movements, since it failed to realize its goals with the 1999
>aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> Solidarity was founded in Vienna to demonstrate resistance to the
>NATO aggression and support to Yugoslavia.
>
> Speaking in an interview to Serbian Radio Television RTS,
>Langtaler specified that the real reason behind the aggression on Yugoslavia
>was "to throw to its knees a country which dared to oppose the demands of the
>new world order." This presented an obstacle to NATO's breathrought toward
>Russia, he said.
>
> Speaking about his recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, a town in
>Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Langtaler said the southern part of
>that town was a site "of genuine occupation."
>
> "There is countless evidence that Security Council Resolution 1244
>is absolutely not implemented," Langtaler said, adding that Serbs are being
>systematically expelled from Kosovo and Metohija, controlled, disarmed, and
>denied every right to self-defense, which is not the case with ethnic
>Albanians, he said.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
- 4792 ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI
- 1010 MORTI AMMAZZATI (DI CUI 888 SERBI O MONTENEGRINI)
- 936 SCOMPARSI
- 924 FERITI
- 350MILA PROFUGHI
- 200 ARRESTI ARBITRARI
- 86 CHIESE E MONUMENTI VANDALIZZATI
- 250MILA ENTRATE ILLEGALI
- 364 SCONFINAMENTI DELLA KFOR NELLA FASCIA DI SICUREZZA
*** L'IMPORTANTE E' NON PARLARNE IN TV ***
---
Fonte: Yugoslav Daily Survey 15-16/5/2000
http://www1.mfa.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.smip.sv.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.mfa.gov.yu/
> SERBIAN PROVINCE OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
>
> THOUSANDS SUPPORT DEMANDS OF IMPRISONED SERBS IN KOSOVSKA
>MITROVICA
>
> KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - More than 7,000 Serbs
from
>Kosovska Mitrovica, Zvecane, Zubin Potok and Leposavic gathered again on
>Monday outside the district prison in Kosovska Mitrovica in sign of support
to
>the Serbs and Roma who have been imprisoned for 11 months, demanding that
they
>be be released on bail and that dates finally be set for the trials.
>
> Stressing that the head of the civilian mission in
Kosovo-Metohija
>Bernard Kouchner did not obtain under Security Council Resolution 1244 the
>mandate to annihilate and dislocate Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and to
>organize a travesty of justice, member of the Yugoslav committee for
>cooperation with UNMIK and Serbian Deputy Justice Minister Zoran Balinovac
>said that the civilian mission in Kosovo-Metohija was systematically
violating
>that resolution, because, he added not a single Albanian has been arrested
on
>charges of war genocide.
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT SUBMITS OVERVIEW ON KOSOVO-METOHIJA
TERRORISM
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav Government has
submitted
>to the president of the U.N. Security Council and the U.N. Secretary
General
>an annex to its Saturday's Memorandum on the need for a strict and
consistent
>implementation of U.N. Resolution 1244.
>
> The Annex gives an overview of terrorist attacks and other
crimes
>committed in Kosovo-Metohija since the international mission was deployed
to
>that U.N.-administered province of the Yugoslav republic of Serbia in June
>1999.
>
> The full text of the Overview follows (official translation):
>
> O V E R V I E W
>
> of terrorist and other acts of violence and of certain
violations
>of Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) of 10 June 1999 in Kosovo and
>Metohija, the autonomous province of the Yugoslav constituent Republic of
>Serbia, since the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK, in the period from 10 June
1999
>to 7 May 2000
>
> (1) Number of terrorist attacks: 4,792
>
> 4,511 committed against Serbs and Montenegrins, 109 against
>Albanians and 172 against Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (2) Number of killed persons: 1,010
>
> 888 Serbs and Montenegrins, 75 Albanians and 47 members of
other
>ethnic communities in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
> (3) Number of abducted and missing persons: 936
>
> 860 Serbs and Montenegrins, 42 Albanians and 34 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> The fate of 786 persons is still unknown; 95 abducted persons
were
>killed, 7 persons escaped, while 48 were released.
>
> (4) Number of wounded persons: 924
>
> 867 Serbs and Montenegrins, 20 Albanians and 37 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (5) Ethnic cleansing: In the campaign of ethnic cleansing
>following the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK, two-thirds of the non-Albanian
>population, i.e. over 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims, Goranci,
>Turks and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo and Metohija,
of
>whom 270,000 are Serbs.
>
> The following towns and villages have been ethnically cleansed
of
>Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians:
>
> a.. Pristina (all Serbs have been driven out of its largest
>suburbs of Ulpijana, Suncani Breg, Dardanija, Univerzitetsko Naselje. Of
the
>40,000 Serbs who used to live in Pristina before KFOR and UNMIK came to
Kosovo
>and Metohija, 25,000 were school and university students. Today, only 35
>Serbian schoolchildren live in Pristina and attend classes in the local
school
>in the village of Laplje;
> b.. Prizren (only 100 Serbian families remain);
> c.. Gnjilane, the situation in this town was alarming in
March
>and April (in this period alone 350 houses of Serbs were sold). The number
of
>remaining Serbs has been halved and today only about 1,500 Serbs remain.
KFOR
>and UNMIK have warned them not to leave their homes.
> d.. Djakovica, Pec, Podujevo, Glogovac, as well as the
areas
>of Kosovska Mitrovica (Vucitrn, Srbica), Lipljan, Kosovo Polje, from which
80
>per cent of their Serbian residents have been expelled, i.e. 7,000 Serbs
and
>4,000 other non-Albanians (their homes have been burned and looted, while
>shops, cafes and other property are being seized from their owners. In the
>presence of KFOR, ethnic Albanian terrorists brutalize and harass the Serbs
>who refuse to sell their homes and leave Kosovo and Metohija);
> e.. the whole area of the municipalities of Istok and Klina
>including the villages of Dzakovo, Osojane, Tucepom, Kos, Zac, Belica,
>Krnjine, Maticane, Kacanik, Stimlje, Kmetovacka Vrbica and others, where
3,440
>Serbian homes were burned down;
> f.. the surroundings of Urosevac, Slivovo, Nedakovac,
>Nevoljane, Vrpica, Ljestar, Zegra (municipality of Gnjilane), Zitnje,
>Pozaranje, Grmovo, Drobes; in the village of Talinovac the two last Serbian
>houses whose owners had been forced to move out were burnt down at the
>beginning of April;
> g.. the surroundings of Vitina (Kabas, Binac and other
>villages), the areas of Kosovska Kamenica (villages of Bratilovce, Firiceja
>and others) and Kosovsko Pomoravlje, as well as the villages of Toplicane,
>Rujice, Magure, Slovinja, Staro Gracko, Klobukar in the municipality of
Novo
>Brdo. (All Serbian houses have been burned down and all its owners forced
to
>leave.)
>
>
> Members of the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
>exert great pressure on ethnic Goranci, the indigenous residents of the
region
>of Gora, who are not allowed to use their maternal Serbian language in
schools
>and in everyday life, in an attempt to misrepresent this ethnic group as
>Albanians.
>
> Expulsion of the members of the Muslim ethnic community,
loyal
>citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia, has intensified particularly in the area
of
>the municipality of Istok.
>
> In the area of Prizren and Djakovica about 65,000 Kosovo
>Albanian Catholics live in a difficult situation and under great pressure
from
>Albanian terrorists who accuse them of "collaboration with Serbs".
>
> Albanian separatists continue their deliberate actions,
aimed
>at preventing the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija. They raze Serbian
>houses in a pre-planned and synchronized manner. The most drastic example
has
>been the looting and bulldozing of over 250 Serbian houses in the village
of
>Bijelo Polje. The area of this village was turned into a garbage dump.
Serbian
>houses in the villages of Brezanik and Osojane have also been bulldozed.
>Fourteen Serbian villages in the municipality of Vitina do not exist any
more
>because all the houses have been destroyed. At the end of April, Albanian
>terrorists announced that they will carry out similar organized actions of
>looting and destroying Serbian houses in the villages near Istok and Novo
>Brdo.
>
> (6) The latest brutal crimes:
>
> shelling of the Serbian village of Gorazdevac (10 March, 25
>March, 22 April 2000); killing of Gashi Sheqeri in his house in the village
of
>Rogovo, municipality of Djakovica, and a Roma boy whose identity has not
been
>established. This murder was committed by the members of the so-called
Kosovo
>Protection Corps Bajram Gashi and Hallim Shala (30 March); bomb attack on
the
>apartment of Franjo Milic, a Croat, in Obilic (3 April 2000); cruel murder
of
>87-year Metodije Haljausku, a Czech, in Pristina, who was shot in the back
of
>the head (3 April 2000); mortar attack on a group of Serbs who played
football
>in a field in the village of Cernice in which two persons were injured (5
>April 2000); attack of eight terrorists on Stojan Petronijevic in the
>courtyard of his family house in the village of Babin Most, municipality of
>Obilic (5 April 2000); killing of Dobrivoje Jovanovic in Gnjilane (9 April
>2000); mining of the Orthodox Church of Our Lady in Zociste for the third
time
>(18 April 2000); mortar attack on an apartment building housing Serbs and
>Turks in downtown Pristina in which two persons were wounded (18 April
2000);
>killing of Srdjan Markovic from the village of Badovac, who was killed by
>terrorists in his car on his way to visit his friends (21 April 2000);
murder
>of Stojanka Stojanovic (65) in Gnjilane, in mid-April, whose body was found
on
>26 April 2000; terrorist attack on a bus in Kosovska Mitrovica ferrying
Serbs
>to church (28 April 2000); vandal desecration of Serbian cemeteries and
>tombstones in the village of Glavotina, municipality of Vucitrn (26 April
>2000), and in the village of Klobukar, municipality Novo Brdo (30 April
2000);
>dynamiting the Orthodox church of St. Nicholas from 16th century in the
>village of Grncar, municipality of Vitina (28 April 2000); brutal murder of
>Milorad Peric (50) from the village of Pasjane who was working in the
fields
>(29 April 2000); terrorist bomb attack on a group of residents of the
village
>of Crkvena Vodica, municipality of Obilic, in which several children were
>wounded (2 May 2000); bomb attack on the house belonging to Hadzija Agusi
>(74), a Roma, who died from the wounds sustained in the attack (29 April
>2000); killing of Zivko Stolic (67) in Kosovska Vitina, who was brutally
>tortured by terrorists and later killed (6 May 2000); attack on a Serbian
>family in Kosovska Vitina in the courtyard of their house on which occasion
>two adults and two children were wounded.
>
> (7) New forms of terror against Serbs and other
non-Albanians:
>
> In its security actions against Serbian and other
>non-Albanians, KFOR is increasingly demonstrating force and resorting to
>harassment and physical violence and causing damage to Serbian property.
>Drastic incidents occurred in Kosovska Mitrovica (on 20-25 February), in
the
>villages of Mogila (on 25-26 February), in which Serbian houses were
searched
>by in a most brutal way, Draganovac (municipality of Gnjilane) and Miolice
>(Municipality of Leposavic), Mali Zvecan (27 February), Gornje Kusce (1
March)
>and the Serbian villages of Rudare and Grabovac (1 March). The searches
were
>conducted by KFOR jointly with the terrorists of the so-called KLA, who
wore
>international security forces uniforms, in an open display of the existence
of
>co-ordination between KFOR and Albanian terrorists. In April violence
against
>Serbs in the so-called security actions of KFOR has assumed dramatic
>proportions. The most drastic examples were the incidents which took place
in
>the village of Dobrotin on 2 April, in the village of Sevce on 4 April and
in
>the villages of Lepina and Jazine, when KFOR members released dogs on the
>Serbs who had gathered to protest the difficult situation and when a large
>number of people were seriously injured. Several persons were also injured
in
>a brutal action of KFOR against Serbian demonstrators in Gracanica on 7
April
>2000.
>
> (8) Latest terrorist attacks on Serbian convoys:
>
> Attacks on a Serbian convoys headed for Strpce, near the
>village of Radivojce (on 22 and 29 February); attack on a Serbian convoy en
>route to Koretiste, in the village of Dobricane (28 February); attack on a
bus
>ferrying Serbian children home from school on the road between Gornje Kusce
>and Koretiste (29 February); Lieutenant Peter Ramstell (KFOR, Kosovska
>Mitrovica area) banned all KFOR security escorts for buses transporting
>Serbian schoolchildren and sick persons to Gracanica (1 March); attacks
>against Serbian convoys in the village of Koretin (6 and 20 March);
repeated
>attacks against Serbian convoys in Gnjilane (7, 10 and 31 March); an attack
on
>a Serbian convoy in the village of Dobrovce (27 March); attack on a Serbian
>convoy on the road between Bujanovac and Gracanica (11 April 2000); attack
on
>a convoy from Strpce in the village of Pozaranje, municipality of Vitina
(18
>April 2000).
>
> KFOR has not prevented these terrorist attacks. Also, it
has
>refused to provide security escorts to convoys between Merdare and Kosovo
>Polje. In addition to daily terror against them, this is added pressure on
>Serbs to leave Kosovo Polje.
>
> (9) Number of arbitrarily arrested persons by KFOR and
UNMIK:
>200
>
> Arrested Serbs are detained in prisons in Pristina,
Prizren,
>Sojevo near Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, Gnjilane, Lipljan and Klokot
Banja.
>They have been arrested without any explanation or charges, only on the
ground
>of information provided by the Albanians, most frequently by the members of
>the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army. 43 Serbs arbitrarily
arrested
>without legal grounds by KFOR and UNMIK have been detained in a prison in
>Kosovska Mitrovica for almost ten months. In this period no investigation
or
>any court proceedings have been instituted. On 10 April 2000, 37 detained
>Serbs and 5 Roma went on a hunger strike. The immediate cause was the
release
>of Gjelal Ademi, an ethnic Albanian, against whom an investigation had been
>instituted because of a hand grenade attack in which 22 Serbs and 14 French
>soldiers of KFOR were injured. Doctors from the School of Medicine of the
>University of Pristina found out at the last examination (6 May 2000) that
>their health condition was rapidly deteriorating and that eleven of them
were
>in critical conditions. On 7 May 2000, Arsenije Vitosevic, suffering from a
>chronic heart condition, was admitted to the City hospital. Due to
exhaustion,
>high blood pressure and heart condition he has been placed in an intensive
>care unit. He was given infusion and is in a difficult psychological
condition
>(two years ago KLA terrorists abducted his son and he has not heard from
him
>since). The doctors who examined the strikers requested that 10 detainees
be
>sent to hospital due to exhaustion and deteriorating health condition. They
>called on the competent judicial and police UNMIK authorities to release
the
>strikers without delay so that they could given proper medical treatment
and
>that their condition stabilized.
>
> (10) Prisons and labour camps run by the terrorist
so-called
>Kosovo Liberation Army:
>
> The abducted Serbian civilians, detained by the terrorist
>so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, are kept in the labour camps located in
the
>village of Maticane and in the wider area of Prizren ("Ortokal" estate, a
>building situated on the road to Djakovica) and in Drenica. 472 abducted
Serbs
>are kept in the camps.
>
> KLA prisons for Serbs, Montenegrin and members of other
ethnic
>communities who are not supportive of Albanian terrorists are situated also
>around the village of Brod, municipality of Dragas, and along the Djakovica
>road towards the village of Junik, municipality of Decani, as well as in
the
>villages of Glodjane, Izbica and Strovce in the Kosovska Mitrovica
district;
>and in the premises of Railroad Transport Co. in Urosevac.
>
> (11) Situation in Kosovska Mitrovica:
>
> Since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in Kosovo and
Metohija,
>the security situation has been very serious, particularly in and around
>Kosovska Mitrovica. Some of the most salient types and instances of
atrocities
>have been:
>
> h.. looting and the destruction of 2,365 homes belonging to
>Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians (1,200 in Kosovska Mitrovica;
>1,060 in Vucitrn; and 105 in Srbica);
> i.. eviction of 700 Serbian families from their apartments
>(500 southern Kosovska Mitrovica; 150 in Vucitrn; and 50 in Srbica);
> j.. looting and the destruction of the property of the
>following companies:
> 1. In Kosovska Mitrovica: Socially-owned companies
>"Kosovo-Sirovina", "Betonjerka", "Lux", "AMD", "Kosmet-Prevoz",
>"Trans-Kosovo", Duvanska, Minel, Zemljoradnicka zadruga (cooperative),
>Hortikultura, Mitrovcanka, DES, "Ibar-Rozaje" warehouse, water utility
company
>"Vodovod", printing company "Progres", electric power generation company
>"Elektro-Kosovo", PTT and a large number of bars and cafes owned by
>non-Albanians.
>
> 2. In Vucitrn: Socially-owned companies "Sartid",
>"Vucitrn-Prevoz", "Ratar", Farm Cooperative, paints and coatings factory
>"Ekstra", construction company "Kosovo", utilities company "Sitnica",
private
>company "Cicavica", employment bureau, local community centre, Town Hall of
>Vucitrn, Construction Land Fund, local department store, Auditing Office
>building, Jugobanka, primary and secondary schools, Jugopetrol, Beopetrol,
>electric power generationcompany "Elektro-Kosovo", PTT.
>
> 3. In Srbica: Hunting munitions factory, plastics factory,
>socially-owned company "Buducnost", Farm Cooperative, public utilities
>company, "Dijamant-produkt" Co., local community centre, local
self-managing
>community of interest, "Zitopromet" Co. and its silos.
>
> (12) Recent killings and terrorizing of Albanians loyal to
the
>FR of Yugoslavia:
>
> The terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has stepped
up
>the execution of Albanians who do support their policy and goals,
particularly
>in the areas of Pristina, Podujevo and Pec. The most drastic examples are:
the
>murder of Hejdi Sejdiu, a member of the Provincial Committee of the Serbian
>Socialist Party, in his home town of Urosevac in front of his wife and
three
>children (on 10 February), the killing of Danush Januzi in Vitina (on 10
>February); the massacre of Tahir Bekim, abducted and later killed by the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (parts of his mutilated
>body were found on 24 February).
>
> The terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
burnt
>down the house of Sellim Broshi, former head of the Provincial Ministry of
the
>Interior, in the village of Odanovce, municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, on
20
>March 2000. They are also looking for Sinan Rexhepi, former employee of the
>Provincial Ministry of the Interior. They threaten Sadik Hajrulah from
Vitina,
>Ramadan Sermaxhi, employee of the Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane,
Minir
>Krasniqi from Kosovska Kamenica, as well as other former or present ethnic
>Albanian members of the Provincial Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane.
>
> In mid-March, terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation
>Army abducted Noa and Nua Kajtazi, catholic Albanians, in the village of
Zjum
>accusing them that they are loyal citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia. They
>requested a ransom from their family in the amount of DM 40,000. They also
>searched their houses, looted it and beat the members of their family.
>
> In addition to Serbs, the terrorist so-called Kosovo
>Liberation Army also rounds up Albanians, loyal to the State of the FR of
>Yugoslavia, and detain them in their prison camps (around the village of
Brod,
>municipality of Dragas).
>
> (13) Destruction of churches, monasteries and cultural
>monuments:
>
> 86 churches, monasteries and other cultural monuments were
>burned down, demolished or seriously damaged, among them the Church of the
>Entrance of Our Lady into the Temple at Dolac, monastery of St. Mark at
Korisa
>from 1467, monastery of Prophets Kosmo and Damien in Zociste from 14th
>century, the church in Kijevo from the 14th century, the Holy Trinity
>monastery from the 14th century near Musutiste, monastery Devic built in
1440,
>Church of St. Paraskeva in Drenik from the 16th century, Church of St.
>Demetrius near Pec, the Orthodox church at Grmovo near Vitina, Church of
St.
>Elijah at Zegra near Gnjilane, church of Holy Mother in Musutiste from
1315,
>Church of St. Elijah at Bistrazin, Church of Apostles Peter and Paul in
Suva
>Reka, monastery of St. Uros in Nerodimlje, monastery of St. Archangel
Gabriel
>from the 14th century in Binac, Church of St. Mary from the 16th century in
>Belo Polje, Church of St. John the Baptist in Pecka Banja, churches in the
>villages of Naklo, Vucitrn, Petrovac, Urosevac, Podgorce, Djurakovac,
Krusevo,
>Osojane, Samodreza, Dresna near Klina, Rekovac, Petric, monastery Binac
near
>Vitina, Holy Trinity Cathedral in Djakovica, St. Nicholas' Church in
Gnjilane.
>
>
> Monks and other clergy are being terrorized and persecuted.
>More than 150 parish residences were destroyed or damaged. Over 10,000
icons
>and other sacral objects, most of which are part of cultural treasures
under
>the special protection of the State, were stolen or destroyed. Medieval
>frescoes were destroyed in 70 per cent of Orthodox churches and
monasteries.
>
> Assaults on members of the Catholic religious community by
the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army have intensified in
Prizren
>and Pec, particularly assaults on clergymen (The homes of two Franciscan
>priests were burned down.).
>
> The following cultural monuments were damaged or
demolished:
>
> - statues of the greatest lexicographer of the Serbian
>language Vuk Karadzic and the great Montenegrin poet Petar Petrovic Njegos
in
>downtown Pristina;
>
> - memorials to King Uros in Urosevac and King Dusan in
>Prizren;
>
> - memorial to Prince Lazar in Gnjilane and the memorial to
>Serbian rulers from the Nemanjic dynasty in the village of Gornje
Nerodimlje;
>
> - memorial to Milos Obilic, the symbol of the town of
Obilic.
>KFOR removed the damaged statue to the compounds of the thermal electric
power
>plant "Kosovo B".
>
> - about 400 000 books vanished in the fire set to the
Pristina
>Library.
>
> Many of the destroyed monuments are outstanding examples of
>the Serbian cultural heritage and are on the list of the monuments of
>exceptional cultural value under the protection of UNESCO.
>
> (14) Forced and illegal taking over of public institutions:
>
> - Forcible and illegal takeovers of premises and buildings
of
>post offices, banks, medical institutions, water and power supply systems,
>university, elementary and secondary schools, municipal and other local
>government buildings, local communes, buildings of the Ministry of the
>Interior and the Army of Yugoslavia, factories, enterprises, cooperatives,
>etc. in Pristina (premises of the Clinical Centre "Pristina" and the health
>station whose equipment has been stolen and taken by doctors in private
>practice, Federal Customs Administration, Public Housing Company, Institute
>for Urban Planning, water supply company "Vodovod", thermal electric power
>plant "Kosovo B", depots and petrol stations of "Jugopetrol", the
shareholding
>companies "Kosmet-Pristina", "Kosovo-Trans", "Energoinvest",
"Autopristina",
>car shock absorbers factory, "Jugotrans", etc.) as well as in Prizren,
Dragas,
>Podujevo, Lipljan, Strpci, Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Polje (with the
>assistance of KFOR), Djakovica (with the assistance of KFOR).
>
> - By forced and illegal taking over of public enterprises
and
>institutions tens of thousands employed Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims,
>Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians were sacked and left with no means
to
>support themselves.
>
> - More than 190 major companies were forcibly and illegally
>seized, whose equipment was looted and most often taken to Albania.
>
> (15) Armed artillery attacks on villages:
>
> Slovinj, Maticane, Orahovac, Konjuh, Berivojce, Gornja
>Brnjica, the villages around Kosovska Kamenica: Grncar, Magila, Ajvalija,
all
>the villages of the Istok-Klina region, Gorazdevac near Pec, Svinjare,
Klokot,
>Novo Brdo, Zjum, Donja and Gornja Gusterica, Susica, Badavac, Bresje,
Vrbovac,
>Vitina, Cernice, (municipality of Gnjilane), Dobrusa, Veliko Ropotovo
>(municipality of Kosovska Kamenica), Partes, Podgradje, Malisevo and
Pasjane
>(municipality of Gnjilane), Ljestar, Budriga, Dobrotin (municipality of
>Lipljan), Grncar, Binac, Ranilug, Silovo, Odovce, Rajanovce, Bosce,
Caglavica,
>Paravolo, Lebane, Gojbulja, Suvo Grlo and Banje (municipality of Srbica),
in
>the following villages in the area of the municipality of Gora: Brodosavce,
>Belobrod, Kukavce; frequent attacks on houses of Goranci, Muslims and
>Albanians, loyal to the FR of Yugoslavia, and in Grabovac (municipality of
>Zvecan).
>
> All Serbian houses in the villages of Donji Livoc, Kmetova
>Vrbica, Lipovica and Cernice in the municipality of Gnjilane, and in the
>villages of Vaganes, Gradjenik and Orahovica in the municipality of
Kosovska
>Kamenica, all forming part of Kosovsko Pomoravlje, were set on fire or
>destroyed by mortars or explosives.
>
> All this runs counter to assertions by KFOR and UNMIK that
the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has been disarmed.
>
> (16) Blockade of towns and villages:
>
> Gadnje, Orahovac and Velika Hoca, Koretin, villages around
>Gnjilane, Gornja Srbica, Gorazdevac, Priluzje (the village surrounded by
>Albanians, with no doctors, shops and phone lines; about 80 per cent of the
>villagers who worked for the Electric Power Industry of Serbia have
remained
>jobless). About 3,500 Serbian residents of Orahovac have been living for
more
>than nine months since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in the first
>concentration camp in Europe after the Second World War, besieged by the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army.
>
> (17) Armed threats against villages and terror committed on
a
>daily basis against non-Albanians:
>
> Ugljari, Srpski Babus, Stimlje, Novo Selo, Bresje, Obilic,
the
>area around Kosovo Polje, Milosevo (on which an armed attack was recently
>carried out), the village of Zebnice (dramatic humanitarian situation),
most
>of the mainly Catholic Croatian population ofn the villages of Letinice,
>Vrnez, Vrnavo Kolo and Sasare have moved out, Drenovac (50 Serbs
massacred),
>village of Cernice (a series of incidents in which US KFOR soldiers
maltreated
>Serbs), Pozaranje, Gotovusa, Gatnje, Zubin Potok, Veliki Alas, Vrelo and
>Radevo, Plemetin and Slatina (municipality of Vucitrn), Crkolez
(municipality
>of Istok), Ogose - municipality of Kosovska Kamenica (where almost all Roma
>families have been driven out), Banjska, Gojbulja and Miroce (municipality
of
>Vucitrn), Brezanik (municipality of Pec). Ruthless terror is used against
the
>remaining Serbs in the village of Obilic: their houses are attacked and set
on
>fire. They cannot call fire emergency services or ask for KFOR and UNMIK
>assistance since their telephone lines are disconnected, while those
belonging
>to Albanian households are connected. This provides further evidence of
>against Serb by KFOR and UNMIK who sit idly by.
>
> (18) The looted Serbian villages whose residents were
forced
>out:
>
> Muzicani, Slivovo, Orlovic, Dragas, the area around Kosovo
>Polje, Livadice, Mirovac, Sirinicka Zupa, Medregovac, Grace, Zociste,
>Sofalija, Dragoljevac, Tomance, Koretin, Lestar, Donja Sipasnica,
Miganovce,
>Laniste and Zmijarnik (municipality of Kosovska Kamenica).
>
> (19) Serbian settlements set on fire:
>
> Istok, Klina, Donja Lapastica, Obrandza, Velika Reka,
Perane,
>Lause, the villages around Podujevo, Grace, Donja Dubica, Zociste,
Orahovac,
>Naklo, Vitomirice, Belo Polje, Mojlovice, Alos-Toplicane, Krajiste, Rudnik,
>Donji Strmac, Goles (municipality of Lipljan), Orlovic (municipality of
>Pristina), Krpimej and Lausa (municipality of Podujevo), Muzicane (all
Serbian
>houses burned down), Zaimovo, Denovac, Lesjane, Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje
>(all Serbian houses looted and burned down), Sinaje (municipality of
Istok),
>Balovac, Mali Talinovac, Ljubizda, Klobuka and Oraovica (municipality of
>Kosovska Kamenica), Zaskok and Novi Miros (municipality of Urosevac).
>
> (20) Registered number of homes burned down: About 50,000
>houses of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci and other non-Albanians were burned
>down in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
>
> (21) Registered number of illegal entries of foreign
citizens
>into the FR of Yugoslavia (Kosovo and Metohija) without the necessary
papers
>(visas and registration of stay with the competent authorities): 811
>
> Over 250,000 foreigners have illegally entered Kosovo and
>Metohija with approval of UNMIK and KFOR. The Government of the FR of
>Yugoslavia has officially requested their deportation on several occasions.
>These requests went unheeded, although those persons are international
>terrorists, criminals, narco-mafia members, white slave merchants,
organizers
>of brothels and other forms of international crime.
>
> (22) Registered number of stolen vehicles: over 12,000
>
> As a result of open borders with Macedonia and Albania
250,000
>vehicles were brought into Kosovo and Metohija without payment of customs
>duties. Most of these vehicles were stolen.
>
> UNMIK has extended the period for the registration of
vehicles
>in Kosovo and Metohija until 31 May 2000. It is expected that it will
register
>about 200,000 vehicles thus legalizing crime and theft.
>
> (23) Registered number of cases of violation of the ground
>security zone by KFOR: 364.
>
> BRUSSELS, May 16 (Tanjug) - The European Commission has made
>public a list of scandals, mismanagement and irresponsible management of
>humanitarian aid and other forms of aid from the budget of the European Union
>(EU), and that is why it has prepared a package of measures, it was said in
>Brussels on Tuesday.
>
> The report of the "European government" said that the money sent
>by donors to European funds in Brussels is not reaching those to whom it is
>intended, that many projects are never completed, many promises that the aid
>will be sent never fulfilled, and there is a growing number of examples of
>mismanagement and embezzlement.
>
> The example of Kosovo-Metohija is only one in a series of cases
>that confirm the inefficiency of the program of aid of the European Union
>which has earmarked 9.6 billion euros for extending various forms of financial
>support throughout the world.
>
> The EU had planned a 310 million euro aid to Kosovo-Metohija after
>NATO's bombing but EU members cannot agree over how the money should be used.
>
> However, because EU's aid is often used for other purposes - the
>upkeep of the military and civilian missions in Kosovo-Metohija - the sum of
>money planned for the reconstruction of the province is not known.
>
> NATO CONDUCTED MASSIVE TRAINING OF TERRORISTS
>
> PRISTINA, May 16 (Tanjug) - Under the cover of NATO military
>exercises "dynamic response-2000," held this spring in Kosovo-Metohija, in top
>secrecy and closely watched by American officers, was an action of intensive
>training of terrorists.
>
> The training included over two thousand Albanian extremists for
>terrorist activity aimed against Serbian civilians, soldiers and policemen.
>
> The objective of the training of terrorists, masterminded and
>organized by the CIA and which runs counter the rhetoric of the officials of
>the international community, is the fanning of the conflict in southern Serbia
>(border zone Presevo, Bujanovac, Medvedja) and incitement of the exodus of
>non-Albanian population in order to provoke a reaction of the security forces
>of the Republic of Serbia and of the Yugoslav Army and the further
>internationalization of the issue of the status of the Albanian minority in
>that part of Serbia.
>
> Heading the new contingent of officers for waging dirty warfare is
>a certified Serb-hater, senior officer of the Kosovo Protection Corps -
>commander of the sixth zone of defense Shaban Shalje - and the training was
>conducted in late May in the military base Bonsteel, nearby Urosevac.
>
> The training of terrorists is a significant stage in the plans of
>externists, who in collusion with ideological sympathizers, while relying on
>the support of the international community, have not abandoned the plan of
>breaking away Kosoov and Metohija from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
>creating a "Greater Albania."
>
> NATO AGGRESSION - INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS
>
> NATO STOKING OPPOSITION AND SECESSIONIST MOVEMENTS
>
> BELGRADE, May 16 (Tanjug) - Austrian-Serbian Solidarity movement
>President Wilhelm Langtaler said late Monday that NATO would try to create
>conditions for a new intervention and a new war by stoking opposition,
>secessionist movements, since it failed to realize its goals with the 1999
>aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> Solidarity was founded in Vienna to demonstrate resistance to the
>NATO aggression and support to Yugoslavia.
>
> Speaking in an interview to Serbian Radio Television RTS,
>Langtaler specified that the real reason behind the aggression on Yugoslavia
>was "to throw to its knees a country which dared to oppose the demands of the
>new world order." This presented an obstacle to NATO's breathrought toward
>Russia, he said.
>
> Speaking about his recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, a town in
>Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Langtaler said the southern part of
>that town was a site "of genuine occupation."
>
> "There is countless evidence that Security Council Resolution 1244
>is absolutely not implemented," Langtaler said, adding that Serbs are being
>systematically expelled from Kosovo and Metohija, controlled, disarmed, and
>denied every right to self-defense, which is not the case with ethnic
>Albanians, he said.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
DISCORSO DI SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
dinanzi ad un milione di persone convenute a Gazimestan,
nella piana di Campo dei Merli ("Kosovo Polje") il 28/6/1989,
nel seicentesimo anniversario della omonima battaglia
Fonte: National Technical Information Service, Dept. of Commerce, USA
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/facts/Milosevic-speech.html
Traduzione a cura del Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia,
luglio 1999 - http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/jugo/crj/m_l/150799.htm
--
Circostanze sociali hanno fatto si che questo grande seicentesimo
anniversario della battaglia di Kosovo Polje abbia luogo in un
anno in cui la Serbia, dopo molti anni, dopo molte decadi, ha
riottenuto la sua integrita' statale, nazionale, e spirituale
[si riferisce alla abrogazione della "autonomia speciale", in
vigore nella regione del Kosovo dal 1974, che le garantiva uno
status di settima Repubblica jugoslava "de facto"; n.d.crj].
Percio' non e' difficile per noi oggi rispondere alla vecchia
domanda: come ci porremo davanti a Milos [Milos Obilic,
leggendario eroe della battaglia del Kosovo; n.d.crj]. Guardando a
tutto il corso della storia e della vita sembra che la Serbia abbia,
proprio in questo anno, nel 1989, riottenuto il suo Stato e la sua
dignita' e percio' che abbia celebrato un evento del passato
remoto che ha un grande significato storico e simbolico per il
suo futuro.
* La Liberazione come carattere proprio della Serbia
Oggi come oggi e' difficile dire quale sia la verita' storica
sulla battaglia del Kosovo e cosa sia solo leggenda. Oggi
come oggi questo non ha piu' importanza. Oppressa dalla
sofferenza e piena di fiducia, la popolazione era solita
rievocare e dimenticare, come in fondo tutte le popolazioni
del mondo fanno, e si vergognava del tradimento e glorificava
l'eroismo. Percio' e' difficile dire oggi se la battaglia del
Kosovo fu una sconfitta o una vittoria per la gente serba,
se grazie ad essa piombo' nella schiavitu' o se ne sottrasse
[lo smembramento del regno di Serbia come Stato avvenne infatti
solo settanta anni dopo; n.d.crj].
Le risposte a queste domande saranne sempre cercate dalla scienza e
dal popolo. Quello che e' stato certo attraverso i secoli fino al
nostro tempo e' che la discordia si abbatte' sul Kosovo seicento
anni fa. Se perdemmo la battaglia, non deve essere stato solamente
il risultato della superiorita' sociale e del vantaggio militare
dell'Impero Ottomano, ma anche della tragica divisione nella
leadership dello Stato serbo a quel tempo. In quel lontano 1389,
l'Impero Ottomano non fu solamente piu' forte di quello dei serbi
ma ebbe anche una sorte migliore che non il regno serbo.
La mancanza di unita' ed il tradimento in Kosovo continueranno ad
accompagnare il popolo serbo come un destino diabolico per tutto
il corso della sua storia [non a caso le "quattro esse"
cirilliche della bandiera tradizionale serba significano "Samo
Sloga Srbe Spasava", ovvero "solo la concordia salvera' i serbi";
n.d.crj]. Persino nell'ultima guerra, questa mancanza di unita'
ed il tradimento hanno gettato il popolo serbo e la Serbia in una
agonia, le conseguenze della quale in senso storico e morale hanno
sorpassato l'aggressione fascista [Milosevic si riferisce
evidentemente al patto sottoscritto dal governo Cvetkovic-Macek con
i nazisti, e forse anche al governo collaborazionista di Nedic
ed alla alleanza dei cetnici con il nazismo tedesco dopo la
capitolazione dell'Italia, in funzione anticomunista; n.d.crj].
Anche in seguito, quando fu messa in piedi la Jugoslavia socialista,
in questo nuovo Stato la leadership serba continuava ad essere
divisa, disposta al compromesso a detrimento del suo stesso
popolo. Le concessioni che molti leaders serbi fecero a spese del
loro popolo non erano storicamemte ne' eticamente accettabili
per alcuna nazione del mondo [si riferisce evidentemente alla
strutturazione della Serbia in Repubblica con due regione autonome
con diritto di veto, quasi Repubbliche a se' stanti; n.d.crj],
specialmente perche' i serbi non hanno mai fatto guerra di conquista
o sfruttato altri nel corso della loro storia. Il loro essere
nazionale e storico e' stato di carattere liberatorio durante tutti
i secoli e nel corso di entrambe le guerre mondiali, cosi' come
oggi. Hanno liberato se' stessi e quando hanno potuto hanno anche
aiutato altri a liberarsi. Il fatto che in questa regione siano
una nazionalita' maggioritaria non e' un peccato od una colpa dei
serbi: questo e' un vantaggio che essi non hanno usato contro
altri, ma devo dire che qui, in questo grande, leggendario Campo
dei Merli, i serbi non hanno usato il vantaggio di essere grandi
neppure a loro beneficio.
A causa dei loro leaders e dei loro uomini politici e di una
mentalita' succube si sentivano colpevoli dinanzi a loro stessi
ed agli altri. Questa situazione e' durata per decenni, e' durata
per anni, e ci ritroviamo adesso a Campo dei Merli a dire che le
cose ora stanno diversamente.
* L'unita' rendera' possibile la prosperita'
La divisione tra i politici serbi ha nuociuto alla Serbia, e la
loro inferiorita' l'ha umiliata. Percio', nessun posto in Serbia
e' piu' adeguato per affermare questo della piana del Kosovo, nessun
posto in Serbia e' piu' adeguato della piana del Kosovo per dire
che l'unita' in Serbia portera' la prosperita' al popolo serbo in
Serbia ed a ciascuno dei cittadini della Serbia, indipendentemente
dalla sua nazionalita' o dal credo religioso.
La Serbia oggi e' unita e pari alle altre repubbliche ed e'
pronta a fare ogni cosa per migliorare la sua posizione economica
e sociale, e quella dei suoi cittadini. Se c'e' unita', cooperazione
e serieta', si riuscira' nell'intento. Ecco perche' l'ottimismo
che e' oggi in larga misura presente in Serbia, riguardo al futuro,
e' realistico, anche perche' e' basato sulla liberta' che rende
possibile a tutta la popolazione di esprimere le sue capacita'
positive, creative ed umane, allo scopo di migliorare la vita
sociale e personale.
In Serbia non hanno mai vissuto solamente i serbi. Oggi, piu'
che nel passato, pure componenti di altri popoli e nazionalita'
ci vivono. Questo non e' uno svantaggio per la Serbia. Io sono
assolutamente convinto che questo e' un vantaggio. La composizione
nazionale di quasi tutti i paesi del mondo oggi, e soprattutto
di quelli sviluppati, si e' andata trasformando in questa
direzione. Cittadini di diverse nazionalita', religioni, e razze
sempre piu' spesso e con sempre maggior successo vivono insieme.
In particolare il socialismo, che e' una societa' democratica
progressista e giusta, non dovrebbe consentire alle genti di essere
divise sotto il profilo nazionale o sotto quelo religioso. Le sole
differenze che uno potrebbe e dovrebbe consentire nel socialismo
sono tra quelli che lavorano sodo ed i fannulloni, ovvero tra
gli onesti ed i disonesti. Percio', tutte le persone che in Serbia
vivono del loro lavoro, onestamente, rispettando le altre
persone e le altre nazionalita', vivono nella loro Repubblica.
* Le drammatiche divisioni nazionali
Dopotutto, l'intero nostro paese dovrebbe essere fondato sulla base
di questi principi. La Jugoslavia e' una comunita' multinazionale
e puo' sopravvivere solo alle condizioni della eguaglianza piena
per tutte le nazioni che ci vivono.
La crisi che ha colpito la Jugoslavia ha portato con se' divisioni
nazionali, ma anche sociali, culturali, religiose e molte altre,
meno importanti. Tra queste divisioni, quelle nazionalistiche hanno
dimostrato di essere le piu' drammatiche. Risolverle rendera' piu'
semplice rimuovere altre divisioni e mitigare le conseguenze che
esse hanno creato.
Da quando esistono le comunita' multinazionali, il loro punto
debole e' sempre stato nei rapporti tra le varie nazionalita'.
La minaccia e' che ad un certo punto emerga l'interrogativo se
una nazione sia messa in pericolo dalle altre - e questo puo' dare
il via ad una ondata di sospetti, di accuse, e di intolleranza,
una ondata che necessariamente cresce e si arresta con difficolta'.
Questa minaccia e' stata appesa come una spada sulle nostre teste
per tutto il tempo. Nemici interni ed esterni delle comunita'
multinazionali sono coscienti di questo e percio' organizzano la
loro attivita' contro le societa' multinazionali, soprattutto
fomentando i conflitti nazionali. A questo punto, noi qui in
Jugoslavia ci comportiamo come se non avessimo mai avuto una
esperienza del genere e come se nel nostro passato recente e
remoto non avessimo mai vissuto la peggiore tragedia, in tema
di conflitti nazionali, che una societa' possa mai vivere ed a
cui possa mai sopravvivere.
Rapporti equi ed armoniosi tra i popoli jugoslavi sono una
condizione necessaria per l'esistenza della Jugoslavia e perche'
essa trovi la sua via d'uscita dalla crisi, ed in particolare
essi sono condizione necessaria per la sua prosperita' economica e
sociale. A questo riguardo la Jugoslavia non si pone al di fuori
del contesto sociale del mondo contemporaneo, in particolare
di quello sviluppato. Questo mondo e' sempre piu' contrassegnato
dalla tolleranza tra nazioni, dalla cooperazione tra nazioni, ed
anche dalla eguaglianza tra nazioni. Il moderno sviluppo economico
e tecnologico, ed anche quello politico e culturale, hanno condotto
i vari popoli l'uno verso l'altro, rendendoli interdipendenti e
sempre piu' paritari. Popoli eguali ed uniti tra loro possono
soprattutto diventare parte della civilta' verso cui si dirige
il genere umano. Se noi non possiamo essere alla testa della
colonna che guida la suddetta civilta', sicuramente non c'e' nessuna
ragione nemmeno per rimanere in fondo.
Ai tempi di questa famosa battaglia combattuta nel Kosovo, le
genti guardavano alle stelle attendendosi aiuto da loro. Adesso,
sei secoli dopo, essi guardano ancora le stelle, in attesa di
conquistarle. Nel primo caso, potevano ancora permettersi di
essere disuniti e di coltivare odio e tradimento perche' vivevano
in mondi piu' piccoli, solo poco legati tra loro. Adesso, come
abitanti di questo pianeta, non possono conquistare nemmeno il
loro stesso pianeta se non sono uniti, per non parlare degli altri
pianeti, a meno che non vivano in mutua armonia e solidarieta'.
Percio', le parole dedicate all'unita', alla solidarieta', alla
cooperazione tra le genti non hanno significato piu' grande in
alcun luogo della nostra terra natia di quello che hanno qui,
sul campo del Kosovo, che e' simbolo di divisione e di tradimento.
Nella memoria del popolo serbo, questa disunione fu decisiva nel
causare la perdita della battaglia e nell'arrecare il destino che
che gravo' sulla Serbia per ben sei secoli.
Ma se pure da un punto di vista storico le cose non andarono cosi',
rimane certo che il popolo considero' la divisione come il
suo peggior flagello. Percio' e' un obbligo per il popolo
rimuovere le divisioni, cosi' da potersi proteggere dalle sconfitte,
dai fallimenti, e dalla sfiducia nel futuro.
* L'unita' riporta la dignita'
Quest'anno il popolo serbo ha compreso la necessita' della
mutua armonia come condizione indispensabile per la sua vita
presente e gli sviluppi futuri.
Io sono convinto che questa coscienza dell'armonia e dell'unita'
rendera' possibile alla Serbia non solo di funzionare in quanto
Stato ma di funzionare bene. Percio' io credo che abbia senso
dirlo qui, in Kosovo, dove quella divisione un tempo fece precipitare
la Serbia tragicamente all'indietro di secoli, mettendola a
repentaglio, e dove l'unita' rinnovata puo' farla avanzare e
farle riacquistare dignita'. Questa coscienza dei reciproci rapporti
costituisce una necessita' elementare anche per la Jugoslavia,
perche' il suo destino e' nelle mani unite di tutti i suoi popoli.
L'eroismo del Kosovo ha ispirato la nostra creativita' per sei
secoli, ed ha nutrito il nostro orgoglio e non ci consente di
dimenticare che un tempo fummo un'esercito grande, coraggioso,
ed orgoglioso, uno dei pochi che non si potevano vincere nemmeno
nella sconfitta.
Sei secoli dopo, adesso, noi veniamo nuovamente impegnati in
battaglie e dobbiamo affrontare battaglie. Non sono battaglie
armate, benche' queste non si possano ancora escludere.
Tuttavia, indipendentemente dal tipo di battaglie, nessuna di esse
puo' essere vinta senza determinazione, coraggio, e sacrificio,
senza le qualita' nobili che erano presenti qui sul campo del
Kosovo nei tempi andati. La nostra battaglia principale adesso
riguarda il raggiungimento della prosperita' economica, politica,
culturale, e sociale in genere, perche' si trovi un approccio piu'
veloce ed efficace verso la civilta' nella quale la gente vivra'
nel XXImo secolo. Per questa battaglia noi abbiamo sicuramente
bisogno di eroismo, naturalmente un eroismo di un tipo un po'
diverso; ma quel coraggio senza il quale non si ottiene
niente di serio e di grande resta resta immutato e resta
assolutamente necessario.
Sei secoli fa, la Serbia si e' eroicamente difesa sul campo del
Kosovo, ma ha anche difeso l'Europa. A quel tempo la Serbia era
il bastione a difesa della cultura, della religione, e della
societa' europea in generale. Percio' oggi ci sembra non solo
ingiusto, ma persino antistorico e del tutto assurdo parlare
della appartenenza della Serbia all'Europa. La Serbia e' stata
una parte dell'Europa incessantemente, ed ora tanto quanto nel
passato, ovviamente nella sua maniera specifica, ma in una
maniera che non l'ha mai privata di dignita' in senso storico.
E' con questo spirito che noi ci accingiamo adesso a costruire una
societa' ricca e democratica, contribuendo cosi' alla prosperita'
di questa bella terra, questa terra che ingiustamente soffre,
ma contribuendo anche agli sforzi di tutti i popoli della nostra
era lanciati verso il progresso, sforzi che essi compiono per un
mondo migliore e piu' felice.
Che la memoria dell'eroismo del Kosovo viva in eterno!
Viva la Serbia!
Viva la Jugoslavia!
Viva la pace e la fratellanza tra i popoli!
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
dinanzi ad un milione di persone convenute a Gazimestan,
nella piana di Campo dei Merli ("Kosovo Polje") il 28/6/1989,
nel seicentesimo anniversario della omonima battaglia
Fonte: National Technical Information Service, Dept. of Commerce, USA
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/facts/Milosevic-speech.html
Traduzione a cura del Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia,
luglio 1999 - http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/jugo/crj/m_l/150799.htm
--
Circostanze sociali hanno fatto si che questo grande seicentesimo
anniversario della battaglia di Kosovo Polje abbia luogo in un
anno in cui la Serbia, dopo molti anni, dopo molte decadi, ha
riottenuto la sua integrita' statale, nazionale, e spirituale
[si riferisce alla abrogazione della "autonomia speciale", in
vigore nella regione del Kosovo dal 1974, che le garantiva uno
status di settima Repubblica jugoslava "de facto"; n.d.crj].
Percio' non e' difficile per noi oggi rispondere alla vecchia
domanda: come ci porremo davanti a Milos [Milos Obilic,
leggendario eroe della battaglia del Kosovo; n.d.crj]. Guardando a
tutto il corso della storia e della vita sembra che la Serbia abbia,
proprio in questo anno, nel 1989, riottenuto il suo Stato e la sua
dignita' e percio' che abbia celebrato un evento del passato
remoto che ha un grande significato storico e simbolico per il
suo futuro.
* La Liberazione come carattere proprio della Serbia
Oggi come oggi e' difficile dire quale sia la verita' storica
sulla battaglia del Kosovo e cosa sia solo leggenda. Oggi
come oggi questo non ha piu' importanza. Oppressa dalla
sofferenza e piena di fiducia, la popolazione era solita
rievocare e dimenticare, come in fondo tutte le popolazioni
del mondo fanno, e si vergognava del tradimento e glorificava
l'eroismo. Percio' e' difficile dire oggi se la battaglia del
Kosovo fu una sconfitta o una vittoria per la gente serba,
se grazie ad essa piombo' nella schiavitu' o se ne sottrasse
[lo smembramento del regno di Serbia come Stato avvenne infatti
solo settanta anni dopo; n.d.crj].
Le risposte a queste domande saranne sempre cercate dalla scienza e
dal popolo. Quello che e' stato certo attraverso i secoli fino al
nostro tempo e' che la discordia si abbatte' sul Kosovo seicento
anni fa. Se perdemmo la battaglia, non deve essere stato solamente
il risultato della superiorita' sociale e del vantaggio militare
dell'Impero Ottomano, ma anche della tragica divisione nella
leadership dello Stato serbo a quel tempo. In quel lontano 1389,
l'Impero Ottomano non fu solamente piu' forte di quello dei serbi
ma ebbe anche una sorte migliore che non il regno serbo.
La mancanza di unita' ed il tradimento in Kosovo continueranno ad
accompagnare il popolo serbo come un destino diabolico per tutto
il corso della sua storia [non a caso le "quattro esse"
cirilliche della bandiera tradizionale serba significano "Samo
Sloga Srbe Spasava", ovvero "solo la concordia salvera' i serbi";
n.d.crj]. Persino nell'ultima guerra, questa mancanza di unita'
ed il tradimento hanno gettato il popolo serbo e la Serbia in una
agonia, le conseguenze della quale in senso storico e morale hanno
sorpassato l'aggressione fascista [Milosevic si riferisce
evidentemente al patto sottoscritto dal governo Cvetkovic-Macek con
i nazisti, e forse anche al governo collaborazionista di Nedic
ed alla alleanza dei cetnici con il nazismo tedesco dopo la
capitolazione dell'Italia, in funzione anticomunista; n.d.crj].
Anche in seguito, quando fu messa in piedi la Jugoslavia socialista,
in questo nuovo Stato la leadership serba continuava ad essere
divisa, disposta al compromesso a detrimento del suo stesso
popolo. Le concessioni che molti leaders serbi fecero a spese del
loro popolo non erano storicamemte ne' eticamente accettabili
per alcuna nazione del mondo [si riferisce evidentemente alla
strutturazione della Serbia in Repubblica con due regione autonome
con diritto di veto, quasi Repubbliche a se' stanti; n.d.crj],
specialmente perche' i serbi non hanno mai fatto guerra di conquista
o sfruttato altri nel corso della loro storia. Il loro essere
nazionale e storico e' stato di carattere liberatorio durante tutti
i secoli e nel corso di entrambe le guerre mondiali, cosi' come
oggi. Hanno liberato se' stessi e quando hanno potuto hanno anche
aiutato altri a liberarsi. Il fatto che in questa regione siano
una nazionalita' maggioritaria non e' un peccato od una colpa dei
serbi: questo e' un vantaggio che essi non hanno usato contro
altri, ma devo dire che qui, in questo grande, leggendario Campo
dei Merli, i serbi non hanno usato il vantaggio di essere grandi
neppure a loro beneficio.
A causa dei loro leaders e dei loro uomini politici e di una
mentalita' succube si sentivano colpevoli dinanzi a loro stessi
ed agli altri. Questa situazione e' durata per decenni, e' durata
per anni, e ci ritroviamo adesso a Campo dei Merli a dire che le
cose ora stanno diversamente.
* L'unita' rendera' possibile la prosperita'
La divisione tra i politici serbi ha nuociuto alla Serbia, e la
loro inferiorita' l'ha umiliata. Percio', nessun posto in Serbia
e' piu' adeguato per affermare questo della piana del Kosovo, nessun
posto in Serbia e' piu' adeguato della piana del Kosovo per dire
che l'unita' in Serbia portera' la prosperita' al popolo serbo in
Serbia ed a ciascuno dei cittadini della Serbia, indipendentemente
dalla sua nazionalita' o dal credo religioso.
La Serbia oggi e' unita e pari alle altre repubbliche ed e'
pronta a fare ogni cosa per migliorare la sua posizione economica
e sociale, e quella dei suoi cittadini. Se c'e' unita', cooperazione
e serieta', si riuscira' nell'intento. Ecco perche' l'ottimismo
che e' oggi in larga misura presente in Serbia, riguardo al futuro,
e' realistico, anche perche' e' basato sulla liberta' che rende
possibile a tutta la popolazione di esprimere le sue capacita'
positive, creative ed umane, allo scopo di migliorare la vita
sociale e personale.
In Serbia non hanno mai vissuto solamente i serbi. Oggi, piu'
che nel passato, pure componenti di altri popoli e nazionalita'
ci vivono. Questo non e' uno svantaggio per la Serbia. Io sono
assolutamente convinto che questo e' un vantaggio. La composizione
nazionale di quasi tutti i paesi del mondo oggi, e soprattutto
di quelli sviluppati, si e' andata trasformando in questa
direzione. Cittadini di diverse nazionalita', religioni, e razze
sempre piu' spesso e con sempre maggior successo vivono insieme.
In particolare il socialismo, che e' una societa' democratica
progressista e giusta, non dovrebbe consentire alle genti di essere
divise sotto il profilo nazionale o sotto quelo religioso. Le sole
differenze che uno potrebbe e dovrebbe consentire nel socialismo
sono tra quelli che lavorano sodo ed i fannulloni, ovvero tra
gli onesti ed i disonesti. Percio', tutte le persone che in Serbia
vivono del loro lavoro, onestamente, rispettando le altre
persone e le altre nazionalita', vivono nella loro Repubblica.
* Le drammatiche divisioni nazionali
Dopotutto, l'intero nostro paese dovrebbe essere fondato sulla base
di questi principi. La Jugoslavia e' una comunita' multinazionale
e puo' sopravvivere solo alle condizioni della eguaglianza piena
per tutte le nazioni che ci vivono.
La crisi che ha colpito la Jugoslavia ha portato con se' divisioni
nazionali, ma anche sociali, culturali, religiose e molte altre,
meno importanti. Tra queste divisioni, quelle nazionalistiche hanno
dimostrato di essere le piu' drammatiche. Risolverle rendera' piu'
semplice rimuovere altre divisioni e mitigare le conseguenze che
esse hanno creato.
Da quando esistono le comunita' multinazionali, il loro punto
debole e' sempre stato nei rapporti tra le varie nazionalita'.
La minaccia e' che ad un certo punto emerga l'interrogativo se
una nazione sia messa in pericolo dalle altre - e questo puo' dare
il via ad una ondata di sospetti, di accuse, e di intolleranza,
una ondata che necessariamente cresce e si arresta con difficolta'.
Questa minaccia e' stata appesa come una spada sulle nostre teste
per tutto il tempo. Nemici interni ed esterni delle comunita'
multinazionali sono coscienti di questo e percio' organizzano la
loro attivita' contro le societa' multinazionali, soprattutto
fomentando i conflitti nazionali. A questo punto, noi qui in
Jugoslavia ci comportiamo come se non avessimo mai avuto una
esperienza del genere e come se nel nostro passato recente e
remoto non avessimo mai vissuto la peggiore tragedia, in tema
di conflitti nazionali, che una societa' possa mai vivere ed a
cui possa mai sopravvivere.
Rapporti equi ed armoniosi tra i popoli jugoslavi sono una
condizione necessaria per l'esistenza della Jugoslavia e perche'
essa trovi la sua via d'uscita dalla crisi, ed in particolare
essi sono condizione necessaria per la sua prosperita' economica e
sociale. A questo riguardo la Jugoslavia non si pone al di fuori
del contesto sociale del mondo contemporaneo, in particolare
di quello sviluppato. Questo mondo e' sempre piu' contrassegnato
dalla tolleranza tra nazioni, dalla cooperazione tra nazioni, ed
anche dalla eguaglianza tra nazioni. Il moderno sviluppo economico
e tecnologico, ed anche quello politico e culturale, hanno condotto
i vari popoli l'uno verso l'altro, rendendoli interdipendenti e
sempre piu' paritari. Popoli eguali ed uniti tra loro possono
soprattutto diventare parte della civilta' verso cui si dirige
il genere umano. Se noi non possiamo essere alla testa della
colonna che guida la suddetta civilta', sicuramente non c'e' nessuna
ragione nemmeno per rimanere in fondo.
Ai tempi di questa famosa battaglia combattuta nel Kosovo, le
genti guardavano alle stelle attendendosi aiuto da loro. Adesso,
sei secoli dopo, essi guardano ancora le stelle, in attesa di
conquistarle. Nel primo caso, potevano ancora permettersi di
essere disuniti e di coltivare odio e tradimento perche' vivevano
in mondi piu' piccoli, solo poco legati tra loro. Adesso, come
abitanti di questo pianeta, non possono conquistare nemmeno il
loro stesso pianeta se non sono uniti, per non parlare degli altri
pianeti, a meno che non vivano in mutua armonia e solidarieta'.
Percio', le parole dedicate all'unita', alla solidarieta', alla
cooperazione tra le genti non hanno significato piu' grande in
alcun luogo della nostra terra natia di quello che hanno qui,
sul campo del Kosovo, che e' simbolo di divisione e di tradimento.
Nella memoria del popolo serbo, questa disunione fu decisiva nel
causare la perdita della battaglia e nell'arrecare il destino che
che gravo' sulla Serbia per ben sei secoli.
Ma se pure da un punto di vista storico le cose non andarono cosi',
rimane certo che il popolo considero' la divisione come il
suo peggior flagello. Percio' e' un obbligo per il popolo
rimuovere le divisioni, cosi' da potersi proteggere dalle sconfitte,
dai fallimenti, e dalla sfiducia nel futuro.
* L'unita' riporta la dignita'
Quest'anno il popolo serbo ha compreso la necessita' della
mutua armonia come condizione indispensabile per la sua vita
presente e gli sviluppi futuri.
Io sono convinto che questa coscienza dell'armonia e dell'unita'
rendera' possibile alla Serbia non solo di funzionare in quanto
Stato ma di funzionare bene. Percio' io credo che abbia senso
dirlo qui, in Kosovo, dove quella divisione un tempo fece precipitare
la Serbia tragicamente all'indietro di secoli, mettendola a
repentaglio, e dove l'unita' rinnovata puo' farla avanzare e
farle riacquistare dignita'. Questa coscienza dei reciproci rapporti
costituisce una necessita' elementare anche per la Jugoslavia,
perche' il suo destino e' nelle mani unite di tutti i suoi popoli.
L'eroismo del Kosovo ha ispirato la nostra creativita' per sei
secoli, ed ha nutrito il nostro orgoglio e non ci consente di
dimenticare che un tempo fummo un'esercito grande, coraggioso,
ed orgoglioso, uno dei pochi che non si potevano vincere nemmeno
nella sconfitta.
Sei secoli dopo, adesso, noi veniamo nuovamente impegnati in
battaglie e dobbiamo affrontare battaglie. Non sono battaglie
armate, benche' queste non si possano ancora escludere.
Tuttavia, indipendentemente dal tipo di battaglie, nessuna di esse
puo' essere vinta senza determinazione, coraggio, e sacrificio,
senza le qualita' nobili che erano presenti qui sul campo del
Kosovo nei tempi andati. La nostra battaglia principale adesso
riguarda il raggiungimento della prosperita' economica, politica,
culturale, e sociale in genere, perche' si trovi un approccio piu'
veloce ed efficace verso la civilta' nella quale la gente vivra'
nel XXImo secolo. Per questa battaglia noi abbiamo sicuramente
bisogno di eroismo, naturalmente un eroismo di un tipo un po'
diverso; ma quel coraggio senza il quale non si ottiene
niente di serio e di grande resta resta immutato e resta
assolutamente necessario.
Sei secoli fa, la Serbia si e' eroicamente difesa sul campo del
Kosovo, ma ha anche difeso l'Europa. A quel tempo la Serbia era
il bastione a difesa della cultura, della religione, e della
societa' europea in generale. Percio' oggi ci sembra non solo
ingiusto, ma persino antistorico e del tutto assurdo parlare
della appartenenza della Serbia all'Europa. La Serbia e' stata
una parte dell'Europa incessantemente, ed ora tanto quanto nel
passato, ovviamente nella sua maniera specifica, ma in una
maniera che non l'ha mai privata di dignita' in senso storico.
E' con questo spirito che noi ci accingiamo adesso a costruire una
societa' ricca e democratica, contribuendo cosi' alla prosperita'
di questa bella terra, questa terra che ingiustamente soffre,
ma contribuendo anche agli sforzi di tutti i popoli della nostra
era lanciati verso il progresso, sforzi che essi compiono per un
mondo migliore e piu' felice.
Che la memoria dell'eroismo del Kosovo viva in eterno!
Viva la Serbia!
Viva la Jugoslavia!
Viva la pace e la fratellanza tra i popoli!
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
ALTRO CHE "CILIEGINE": ARAGOSTA E MOET CHANDON !
Questo è il menù di compleanno del pontefice (il 18 maggio ha compiuto
80
anni) servito al papa e ai suoi 115 commensali (tra cui 78 cardinali)
nella "Domus Sanctae Marthae" costruita apposta in Vaticano. Sei le
portate: antipasto di aragosta, gnocchetti di ricotta alla parmigiana,
risotto alla crema di scampi, filetto in crosta con asparagi all'agro e
nidini di spinaci, macedonia, torta "mimosa in fiore". Con due tipi di
vino ( "Santa Cristina" del'98 e "Villa Antinori" del'99), più uno
champagne "Moet & Chandon". Una domanda: che rapporto c'è tra i trionfi
del papa e la disperazione dei dannati della terra, assai cresciuta
nonostante i viaggi di Wojtyla nelle terre della fame? (t.d.f.)
(Notizia tratta dal quotidiano "il manifesto" di oggi 20 maggio 2000
pag.5/Mondo - trasmessa sulla lista Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Questo è il menù di compleanno del pontefice (il 18 maggio ha compiuto
80
anni) servito al papa e ai suoi 115 commensali (tra cui 78 cardinali)
nella "Domus Sanctae Marthae" costruita apposta in Vaticano. Sei le
portate: antipasto di aragosta, gnocchetti di ricotta alla parmigiana,
risotto alla crema di scampi, filetto in crosta con asparagi all'agro e
nidini di spinaci, macedonia, torta "mimosa in fiore". Con due tipi di
vino ( "Santa Cristina" del'98 e "Villa Antinori" del'99), più uno
champagne "Moet & Chandon". Una domanda: che rapporto c'è tra i trionfi
del papa e la disperazione dei dannati della terra, assai cresciuta
nonostante i viaggi di Wojtyla nelle terre della fame? (t.d.f.)
(Notizia tratta dal quotidiano "il manifesto" di oggi 20 maggio 2000
pag.5/Mondo - trasmessa sulla lista Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Della miseria della opposizione di destra in Serbia
Terza parte:
IL SOSTEGNO U.S.A. AI PARTITI ED AI MEDIA REAZIONARI
1. Interferenze esplicite del Dipartimento di Stato (Reuters 20/5/00)
2. Dibattito al Senato USA sull'appoggio alla "opposizione"
(29/7/99 - prima parte)
===
Europe, U.S. Back Further Protests Against Milosevic
4.01 a.m. ET (812 GMT) May 20, 2000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) — The United States and Europe
are coordinating initiatives to encourage strong
opposition among the Serb people to President Slobodan
Milosevic, top U.S. and European officials said.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Jaime Gama,
foreign minister of Portugal which holds the European
Union presidency, told reporters they were encouraged
by public protests against Milosevic, who this week
cracked down on the independent media.
In a meeting here to prepare for next month's EU-U.S.
summit in Lisbon, Albright said they discussed ways to
"increase our support for the courageous men and women
who are demanding their rights in the cities and towns
across Serbia.'' Gama said the EU was focusing its
cooperation with Yugoslavia on "the civil society,
independent media, opposition municipalities, thus
creating conditions for a strong opposition coming
into the streets and expressing the will of the
people.''
He added: "And that's happening these last recent
months, and that's a very effective symbol of a
concrete hope for that country.''
The United States has helped coordinate the opposition
to Milosevic, condemning him for fomenting a series of
wars in former Yugoslavia culminating in NATO's air
campaign that drove marauding Serbian forces out of
Kosovo province last year.
Senior U.S. officials have held a number of meetings
with the disparate groups that oppose Milosevic, but
have been frustrated in their attempts to help forge a
united front.
Albright is due to discuss the issue with NATO allies
and with Balkan countries surrounding Serbia when she
attends a meeting of alliance foreign ministers in
Florence next Wednesday and Thursday.
BOLSHEVIK-STYLE OPPRESSION
The State Department on Wednesday condemned the
overnight occupation of the main independent
television station as an act of "desperate
Bolshevik-style oppression.''
It said Washington was adding six judges and
prosecutors linked with the crackdown to its list of
those barred from getting U.S. visas, as well as the
families of several unnamed top government officials.
State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told a news
briefing Washington would encourage its European
allies to join in this action and said Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright would discuss these and other
"joint actions'' during a NATO meeting in Florence
next week.
Albright said Friday that she had discussed the issue
with Gama, and said European countries "will be
considering this step.''
The U.S. list includes 808 names, not including the
six names due to be added, and is very similar to the
EU list, U.S. officials said.
In Belgrade around 2,000 opposition supporters
gathered on Friday for a third day of protests against
the government's seizure of the television station,
Studio B, but the turnout looked much smaller than
during the previous two nights.
On Thursday, hundreds of riot police broke up a rally
of around 10,000 at the same place, firing tear gas
and using batons. Several people were injured in the
clashes.
The opposition has accused the leftist-nationalist
authorities of leading the Balkan country into a state
of emergency and open dictatorship by seizing the
station.
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Dear friends,
As the attack on Serbs and others continues in Kosovo and the US tries
to
assemble the forces to crush Serbia, it is very important to understand
just
how people like Richard Gelbard, formerly special Envoy to the Balkans,
view
the Serbian "Opposition." This is spelled out in detail in the text of
the
July 29, 1999 Senate hearings, supposedly concerning democratization of
Serbia. The text is most revealing. In it these officials state
plainly
that they view a CONTYROLLED opposition as a key part of their arsenal
of
weapons against Serbia. I have divided it into two emails, which follow.
Best regards,
Jared Israel
JULY 29, 1999, THURSDAY
HEARING OF THE EUROPEAN AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE SENATE FOREIGN
RELATIONS
COMMITTEE
"PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN YUGOSLAVIA"
WITNESSES: ROBERT GELBARD, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT AND
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS
JAMES PARDEW, JR., DEPUTY SPECIAL ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY
OF
STATE FOR KOSOVO AND DAYTON IMPLEMENTATION
CHAIRED BY SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)
SEN. G. SMITH: (Sounds gavel.) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
apologize for our late beginning, but we are voting a lot today. But we
adjourn (sic) this Subcommittee on European Affairs to discuss the
prospects
for democracy in Yugoslavia and what the United States can do to assist
those
in Serbia who seek to oust the dictatorial regime of Slobodan Milosevic.
Our first panel consists of Ambassador Robert Gelbard, special
representative
of the president and the secretary of State for implementation of the
Dayton
peace accords, and Ambassador James Pardew, deputy special advisor to
the
president the secretary of State for Kosovo and Dayton implementation.
After we hear from administration representatives, the committee will
welcome
Ms. Sonja Biserko -- I apologize if my pronunciation is incorrect --
chairperson of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia; Mr.
James
Hooper, executive director of the Balkan Action Council [Hooper has been
adviser to the KLA]; Father Irinej Dobrijevic, executive director of the
Office of External Affairs of the Serbian Orthodox Church here in the
United
States; Mr. John Fox, director of the Washington office at the Open
Society
Institute. [Soros group]
This hearing, by the way, will be the first in a series for this
committee on
United States policy in the Balkans. This afternoon we're going to focus
specifically on what is happening in Serbia right now as opposition
parties
are rallying their supporters to take to the streets against Milosevic,
as
army reservists are launching protests after their return from Kosovo,
as the
Serbian Orthodox Church has at least spoken out in favor of replacing
the
regime for the good of the Serbian people. In the fall, we will examine
the
course of political and diplomatic events that led to the NATO bombing
in
Kosovo, as well as the lessons the United States and our NATO allies can
learn from the manner in which the war was waged. This has enormous
implications for NATO and its future. In addition, I'm pleased that
Senator
Rod Grams will convene a hearing in September to look into the response
of
UNHCR to the Kosovo- Albanian refugee crisis. I agree with Senator Grams
that
assessing the performance, both positive and negative, of UNHCR can be
useful, if and when we are faced with another refugee explosion in the
future.
I appreciate the willingness of all our witnesses today to appear before
the
committee to share their thoughts and expertise on the prospects for
democracy in Yugoslavia.
We have an opportunity in Yugoslavia that we must not let pass.
Milosevic has been weakened by the Serbian defeat in Kosovo. And I feel
that
for the first time, many average citizens of Yugoslavia have finally
decided
that they've had enough as well of his policies of repression and
destruction.
He is now vulnerable. But as we all know, he has managed to be in
vulnerable
positions before, always managing to outmaneuver his opponents. He seems
to
be able to divide and conquer that way.
Now that he has been indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal, I can only
imagine
that his desperation to hang on to power has intensified. Since the end
of
the war in Kosovo, opposition leaders in Serbia have launched
demonstrations
throughout the country. But thus far they have been unable to coordinate
their message or their actions to reach out to a broader segment of the
population.
If these opposition forces have any hope of ousting Mr. Milosevic, it
seems
obvious to me that they must put aside personal differences and
political
ambition and for the sake of their country work together.
Ambassador Gelbard, I know that you have been working very hard on this
issue. And I hope that in your comments you can offer me and other
members
who will join us some hope that we're moving in the right direction.
Furthermore, there are several other actors in this process: Montenegran
President Milo Djukanovic, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the student
movement
which was so active in the 1996-97 demonstrations, and organizations
like the
independent media and trade unions. I'm interested in exploring what
role
they can play in bringing about democratic change for Serbia.
I note that just yesterday the Foreign Relations Committee approved the
Serbian Democratization Act, legislation that was introduced by Senator
Helms
in March that I co-sponsored along with 11 other senators. Specifically,
the
legislation authorizes $100 million in democratic assistance to Serbia
over
the course of the next two years. This is critically important. We must
help
those who are trying to establish democracy in their country. I'm
pleased
that the administration agrees with this approach, and I understand that
tomorrow in Sarajevo the president will announce that the United States
will
dedicate $10 million for this purpose.
I encourage the administration to quickly identify appropriate
organizations
in Serbia so that this money can begin to have an effect as soon as
possible.
Milosevic must get this message: his days in power are over.
I believe we will soon be joined by Senator Biden and other members, but
without delay we will turn to you, Ambassador Gelbard, and we well
welcome
you and look forward to your remarks.
MR. GELBARD: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you particularly for giving
me
the opportunity once again to appear before the committee to discuss the
status of our efforts on democratization in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. With your permission, sir, I'd like to enter the full text
of
this statement for the record,
SEN. G. SMITH: Without objection, we'll receive that.
MR. GELBARD: This hearing comes at a moment of particular importance for
the
future of Yugoslavia and for the entire Southeast European region. The
success of the NATO air campaign, the deployment of KFOR, and the
establishment of the U.N. civil administration in Kosovo have left
President
Slobodan Milosevic weakened and his policies discredited domestically,
as
well as internationally.
Milosevic, as you said, Mr. Chairman, is now an international pariah and
an
indicted war criminal. While he and his regime remain in power in
Belgrade,
Serbia and the FRY cannot take their place among the community of
nations,
nor can they join the process of Euro- Atlantic integration symbolized
tomorrow by the Stability Pact summit in Sarajevo.
Our policy with regard to Serbia has been very clearly articulated by
President Clinton. As long as the Milosevic regime is in place, the
United
States will provide no reconstruction assistance to Serbia and we will
continue our policy of overall isolation. Although we continue to
provide the
people of Serbia with humanitarian assistance through international
organizations like UNHCR, we cannot allow Milosevic or his political
cronies
to benefit from our aid. Helping to rebuild Serbia's roads and bridges
would
funnel money directly into the pockets of Milosevic and his friends,
prolonging the current regime and denying
Serbia any hope of a brighter future. We must keep Milosevic isolated.
Our European allies agree fully with this approach. We are working
closely
with them to coordinate our activities on Serbia and to deter any
attempt at
weakening the existing sanctions regime against the FRY.
Another key aspect of our policy on Serbia is to support the forces of
democratic change that exist within Serbian society. Serbia's citizens
have
spontaneously demonstrated their disgust for Milosevic and their hunger
for
democratic government by gathering in the streets of cities throughout
the
country for the last several weeks. Opposition parties, taking advantage
of
the popular sentiment against Milosevic, have organized their own
rallies and
are beginning to mobilize for a larger effort in the fall. Serbia's
independent media are also attempting to struggle out from under the
weight
of a draconian and repressive media law. These are all very positive
signs,
and we want to nurture them.
At the same time, however, I do not want to overemphasize the
possibility
that the Milosevic regime will fall soon. Milosevic continues to hold
the
main levers of power in his hands, most importantly the army, the police
and
the state-owned media. Overcoming these obstacles would be difficult
even for
a united opposition in Serbia, but sadly the Serbian opposition remains
far
from united.
In all our dealings with Serbian opposition leaders -- and I am in
regular
contact with every segment of the democratic opposition -- we have urged
them
to overcome the politics of ego and to work together instead for the
common
good of Serbia and their people. I have repeatedly told opposition
leaders --
and I want to emphasize here that the United States, and the
international
community more broadly, cannot do their job for them.
Change in Serbia must come from within, not from the outside, which
means
from us. We can buttress the opposition's efforts; we can provide
training
and technical assistance to opposition parties; we can even provide
equipment, and we can help widen the reach of the independent media, but
we
cannot win the hearts and minds of the Serbian people. That can only
happen
if the opposition unites around a strong platform for positive change, a
platform that must emphasize the destructive nature of Milosevic's
policies
and presents a viable democratic alternative. It's not for us to pick a
single winner out of the opposition pack. It is for them to combine
their
different strengths in service for a great goal.
Having said that, I would like to outline for you where we are focusing
our
efforts and in what ways we are promoting democratization in the FRY.
Regardless of whether Milosevic stays or goes in the very short term,
our
support for democratic forces is an investment in Serbia's and
Yugoslavia's
future.
I should note, in fact, that we are not beginning from ground zero by
any
means here. In the two years leading up to the Kosovo crisis, we spent
$16.5
million on programs in support of Serbia democratization. The beginning
of
the conflict in Kosovo and the subsequent closure of our embassy in
Belgrade
by necessity cut short some of our programs, but we're now revitalizing
our
democracy support as quickly as possible.
I would divide the U.S. government's efforts on Serbia democratization
into
five categories. First, as I noted at the beginning, we are making sure
that
Milosevic remains completely isolated. This involves not just our
sanctions
policy, which means three levels of sanctions, starting with the outer
wall,
the Kosovo- related sanctions started a year and a half ago, and then
the
wartime sanctions, including the fuel embargo, but also the visa ban,
which
has had a demonstrably negative effect on members of the Milosevic
regime
psychologically and in real terms, and, of course, the The Hague
Tribunal
indictments.
Second, we are beginning to assist a wide array of democratic groups,
including NGOs, political parties, independent media, youth
organizations and
independent labor unions, as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman. Third, we are
consulting closely with European allies in order to coordinate our
activities
both on Kosovo and on Serbia democratization generally. Fourth, we are
encouraging the active engagement of regional countries in Southeast
Europe,
and particularly the neighbors, to harness their expertise with
democratization and transition. And fifth, we're providing strong
support for
the reform government in the FRY Republic of Montenegro.
I would like to discuss briefly some of these tracks in greater detail.
As I
mentioned, over the past two years U.S. agencies such as AID, as well as
NGOs
such as the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican
Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy have spent $16.5
million
on projects aimed at the development of democratic governance and civil
society in the FRY. The situation this year was complicated by the
outbreak
of the conflict in Kosovo, but we still have money available in the
pipeline
for immediate use on Serbian democratization projects, and we're using
it
right now.
I am working closely with the National Endowment family, including IRI
and
NDI, to explore the best ways to help the Serbian opposition and,
crucially,
to encourage all opposition groups to work together. The consensus among
the
experts is that opposition parties will be best served if we provide
them
with technical assistance and first-class political advice, the kinds
that
may seem commonplace to us but represent a whole different way of
thinking to
them.
Political parties are not the sole outlets for opposition in Serbia.
Youth
and student organizations, as well as independent labor unions, were
very
active in the '96-97 demonstrations in Serbia, and will undoubtedly be
important sources of mobilization in the future. The AFL-CIO's
Solidarity
Center has done good work with independent unions in Serbia and with our
support is now readying a new program for interaction.
On a larger economic scale, the Center for International Private
Enterprise
is preparing a program aimed at business leaders and independent
economists
in Serbia. Such economists, particularly those grouped under the G-17 in
Belgrade, are widely respected and influential in Serbian society.
In short, by working with these groups, we want to show the people of
Serbia
that our policy is not aimed against them but against their leadership.
With
regard to independent media, we are moving on two fronts. First, in
order to
increase the amount of objective news coverage reaching the Serbian
population, we are nearing completion of what we call the ring around
Serbia,
a network of transmitters that permits us to broadcast Voice of America,
Radio Free Europe, and other international news programs on FM
frequencies
throughout the country. RFE has now increased its Serbian language
broadcasting to 13-1/2 hours daily.
Perhaps even more important, however, we want to strengthen Serbia's own
independent media. Serbs, like Americans, prefer to get their news from
their
own sources, in their own context. To this end, AID, together with other
international donors, is reviewing a proposal by ANEM, the independent
electronic media network in Serbia, that would assist individual
television
and radio stations, as well as create new links among them.
Other programs to train journalists, support local print publications,
and
utilize Internet connections are also under consideration.
Overall, Mr. Chairman, I would add, as you know, that the administration
does
support the Serbian Democratization Act sponsored by Senator Helms and
you,
Mr. Chairman, and 11 others.
The second aspect of U.S. policy on Serbia that I'd like to highlight is
our
cooperation with the Europeans. The NATO alliance proved its strength
during
the Kosovo air campaign, and that solidarity has continued to be the
rule,
not the exception, in the post-conflict period. There are regular
consultations between Secretary Albright and her European colleagues on
issues related to both Kosovo and Serbia as well as periodic meetings at
the
expert level. The Western Europeans support our basic approach on Serbia
and
agree that isolating
Milosevic must be the cornerstone of our strategy.
We have pushed back on some efforts to lift selectively the oil embargo
and
provide fuel to opposition-controlled municipalities in Serbia, not
because
we object to helping opposition-run municipalities, but because oil is a
fungible commodity. And its distribution in Serbia would inevitably
benefit
Milosevic's regime. The Europeans, like us, are seeking the best ways to
promote democracy in Serbia. They are eager to coordinate their
democratization projects as well as to ensure that we are all sending
the
same message of unity to the Serbian opposition.
The third pillar of our policy is the effort to engage the countries of
Southeast Europe in the Serbia democratization process. Leaders of these
countries will meet together with Euro-Atlantic leaders tomorrow in
Sarajevo
under the rubric of the new stability pact for the region. At that
meeting
participants will reaffirm their commitment to democratic development
and
express their regret that the FRY cannot take its rightful place at the
summit because of the Milosevic regime.
We believe the countries of Central and Southeast Europe with their vast
experience in the transition to democratic and market- oriented
societies
have a great deal to offer the people of the FRY. We are encouraging
NGOs and
governments in the region to create links to democratic voices in Serbia
and
to share the benefits of the wisdom they've gained over the past decade.
Finally, in addition to our efforts to work with regional partners, we
assign
special importance to our cooperation with and support for the
government of
Montenegro.
This morning, I noticed an editorial in the Wall Street Journal accusing
the
United States of neglecting Montenegro, which I find astonishing in its
absolute incorrectness and the fact that it's totally wrong. We weren't
consulted on that editorial, of course. The fact is that over two years
ago
we recognized that Milo Djukanovic had the potential to become an
effective
counterweight to Milosevic and his authoritarian policies. I began
meeting
with Djukanovic regularly, even before he became the president of
Montenegro
a year and a half ago. I was with him during his inauguration when we
felt
that a strong international presence, a public presence, would deter a
Milosevic-inspired coup. The U.S. provided $20 million in budgetary
support
over the last several months, when no other countries stepped in to fill
the
gap, and we're prepared to do more.
We established a joint economic working group to discuss ways of
modernizing
the Montenegrin economy. We allowed Montenegrin-owned ships to enter
U.S.
ports during the conflict, and we provided a blanket waiver for
Montenegro
from FRY-related sanctions from the very beginning as a way of
stimulating
their economy.
Djukanovic has managed to craft a multi-ethnic democratic coalition
government that focused on political and economic reform and integration
with
the European mainstream. He and his government have consistently
demonstrated
courage and determination in implementing reform and in resisting
Belgrade's
attempts to strip Montenegro of its constitutional powers. As a result,
we
have steadily increased our support for Montenegro, providing financial
and
technical assistance as well as humanitarian assistance, with many
millions
of dollars through UNHCR.
Because the government of Montenegro represents the most credible and
powerful opposition force in the FRY today, we believe that President
Djukanovic and Montenegro can play a constructive role in promoting
democratic change in Serbia, too. While it's too small to change Serbia
directly, it can serve as a guiding light for the Serbian opposition.
What
Montenegro needs now is support from their European neighbors in
concrete
terms and particularly the same kind of sanctions waivers that we have
provided all along. We've urged the Europeans to take a more
forward-leaning
approach to Montenegro and come through in concrete terms.
Mr. Chairman, it's clear that we have not reached the point where we can
say
that Serbia is irreversibly on the road to democracy. Our efforts now,
however, can do two things. In the short term, we can help the
indigenous
Serbian opposition to focus their energies and more effectively
articulate
their anger and frustration of the Serbian public. In the longer term,
we can
cultivate and strengthen these forces that will carry the democracy
banner as
long as Milosevic remains in power. Both of these are important goals.
U.S.
leadership in this endeavor is critical, and your support is essential.
As I said, the proposed Serbian Democratization Act, which would
authorize
$100 million over two years for democratization projects, is an
excellent
example of the convergence of administration and congressional
perspectives
on the Serbia democracy issue. We look forward to working together with
Congress to bring democracy to Serbia and the entire Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia and restore real stability to the region......
[continued, following email]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Terza parte:
IL SOSTEGNO U.S.A. AI PARTITI ED AI MEDIA REAZIONARI
1. Interferenze esplicite del Dipartimento di Stato (Reuters 20/5/00)
2. Dibattito al Senato USA sull'appoggio alla "opposizione"
(29/7/99 - prima parte)
===
Europe, U.S. Back Further Protests Against Milosevic
4.01 a.m. ET (812 GMT) May 20, 2000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) — The United States and Europe
are coordinating initiatives to encourage strong
opposition among the Serb people to President Slobodan
Milosevic, top U.S. and European officials said.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Jaime Gama,
foreign minister of Portugal which holds the European
Union presidency, told reporters they were encouraged
by public protests against Milosevic, who this week
cracked down on the independent media.
In a meeting here to prepare for next month's EU-U.S.
summit in Lisbon, Albright said they discussed ways to
"increase our support for the courageous men and women
who are demanding their rights in the cities and towns
across Serbia.'' Gama said the EU was focusing its
cooperation with Yugoslavia on "the civil society,
independent media, opposition municipalities, thus
creating conditions for a strong opposition coming
into the streets and expressing the will of the
people.''
He added: "And that's happening these last recent
months, and that's a very effective symbol of a
concrete hope for that country.''
The United States has helped coordinate the opposition
to Milosevic, condemning him for fomenting a series of
wars in former Yugoslavia culminating in NATO's air
campaign that drove marauding Serbian forces out of
Kosovo province last year.
Senior U.S. officials have held a number of meetings
with the disparate groups that oppose Milosevic, but
have been frustrated in their attempts to help forge a
united front.
Albright is due to discuss the issue with NATO allies
and with Balkan countries surrounding Serbia when she
attends a meeting of alliance foreign ministers in
Florence next Wednesday and Thursday.
BOLSHEVIK-STYLE OPPRESSION
The State Department on Wednesday condemned the
overnight occupation of the main independent
television station as an act of "desperate
Bolshevik-style oppression.''
It said Washington was adding six judges and
prosecutors linked with the crackdown to its list of
those barred from getting U.S. visas, as well as the
families of several unnamed top government officials.
State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told a news
briefing Washington would encourage its European
allies to join in this action and said Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright would discuss these and other
"joint actions'' during a NATO meeting in Florence
next week.
Albright said Friday that she had discussed the issue
with Gama, and said European countries "will be
considering this step.''
The U.S. list includes 808 names, not including the
six names due to be added, and is very similar to the
EU list, U.S. officials said.
In Belgrade around 2,000 opposition supporters
gathered on Friday for a third day of protests against
the government's seizure of the television station,
Studio B, but the turnout looked much smaller than
during the previous two nights.
On Thursday, hundreds of riot police broke up a rally
of around 10,000 at the same place, firing tear gas
and using batons. Several people were injured in the
clashes.
The opposition has accused the leftist-nationalist
authorities of leading the Balkan country into a state
of emergency and open dictatorship by seizing the
station.
===
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Dear friends,
As the attack on Serbs and others continues in Kosovo and the US tries
to
assemble the forces to crush Serbia, it is very important to understand
just
how people like Richard Gelbard, formerly special Envoy to the Balkans,
view
the Serbian "Opposition." This is spelled out in detail in the text of
the
July 29, 1999 Senate hearings, supposedly concerning democratization of
Serbia. The text is most revealing. In it these officials state
plainly
that they view a CONTYROLLED opposition as a key part of their arsenal
of
weapons against Serbia. I have divided it into two emails, which follow.
Best regards,
Jared Israel
JULY 29, 1999, THURSDAY
HEARING OF THE EUROPEAN AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE SENATE FOREIGN
RELATIONS
COMMITTEE
"PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN YUGOSLAVIA"
WITNESSES: ROBERT GELBARD, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT AND
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS
JAMES PARDEW, JR., DEPUTY SPECIAL ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY
OF
STATE FOR KOSOVO AND DAYTON IMPLEMENTATION
CHAIRED BY SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)
SEN. G. SMITH: (Sounds gavel.) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
apologize for our late beginning, but we are voting a lot today. But we
adjourn (sic) this Subcommittee on European Affairs to discuss the
prospects
for democracy in Yugoslavia and what the United States can do to assist
those
in Serbia who seek to oust the dictatorial regime of Slobodan Milosevic.
Our first panel consists of Ambassador Robert Gelbard, special
representative
of the president and the secretary of State for implementation of the
Dayton
peace accords, and Ambassador James Pardew, deputy special advisor to
the
president the secretary of State for Kosovo and Dayton implementation.
After we hear from administration representatives, the committee will
welcome
Ms. Sonja Biserko -- I apologize if my pronunciation is incorrect --
chairperson of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia; Mr.
James
Hooper, executive director of the Balkan Action Council [Hooper has been
adviser to the KLA]; Father Irinej Dobrijevic, executive director of the
Office of External Affairs of the Serbian Orthodox Church here in the
United
States; Mr. John Fox, director of the Washington office at the Open
Society
Institute. [Soros group]
This hearing, by the way, will be the first in a series for this
committee on
United States policy in the Balkans. This afternoon we're going to focus
specifically on what is happening in Serbia right now as opposition
parties
are rallying their supporters to take to the streets against Milosevic,
as
army reservists are launching protests after their return from Kosovo,
as the
Serbian Orthodox Church has at least spoken out in favor of replacing
the
regime for the good of the Serbian people. In the fall, we will examine
the
course of political and diplomatic events that led to the NATO bombing
in
Kosovo, as well as the lessons the United States and our NATO allies can
learn from the manner in which the war was waged. This has enormous
implications for NATO and its future. In addition, I'm pleased that
Senator
Rod Grams will convene a hearing in September to look into the response
of
UNHCR to the Kosovo- Albanian refugee crisis. I agree with Senator Grams
that
assessing the performance, both positive and negative, of UNHCR can be
useful, if and when we are faced with another refugee explosion in the
future.
I appreciate the willingness of all our witnesses today to appear before
the
committee to share their thoughts and expertise on the prospects for
democracy in Yugoslavia.
We have an opportunity in Yugoslavia that we must not let pass.
Milosevic has been weakened by the Serbian defeat in Kosovo. And I feel
that
for the first time, many average citizens of Yugoslavia have finally
decided
that they've had enough as well of his policies of repression and
destruction.
He is now vulnerable. But as we all know, he has managed to be in
vulnerable
positions before, always managing to outmaneuver his opponents. He seems
to
be able to divide and conquer that way.
Now that he has been indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal, I can only
imagine
that his desperation to hang on to power has intensified. Since the end
of
the war in Kosovo, opposition leaders in Serbia have launched
demonstrations
throughout the country. But thus far they have been unable to coordinate
their message or their actions to reach out to a broader segment of the
population.
If these opposition forces have any hope of ousting Mr. Milosevic, it
seems
obvious to me that they must put aside personal differences and
political
ambition and for the sake of their country work together.
Ambassador Gelbard, I know that you have been working very hard on this
issue. And I hope that in your comments you can offer me and other
members
who will join us some hope that we're moving in the right direction.
Furthermore, there are several other actors in this process: Montenegran
President Milo Djukanovic, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the student
movement
which was so active in the 1996-97 demonstrations, and organizations
like the
independent media and trade unions. I'm interested in exploring what
role
they can play in bringing about democratic change for Serbia.
I note that just yesterday the Foreign Relations Committee approved the
Serbian Democratization Act, legislation that was introduced by Senator
Helms
in March that I co-sponsored along with 11 other senators. Specifically,
the
legislation authorizes $100 million in democratic assistance to Serbia
over
the course of the next two years. This is critically important. We must
help
those who are trying to establish democracy in their country. I'm
pleased
that the administration agrees with this approach, and I understand that
tomorrow in Sarajevo the president will announce that the United States
will
dedicate $10 million for this purpose.
I encourage the administration to quickly identify appropriate
organizations
in Serbia so that this money can begin to have an effect as soon as
possible.
Milosevic must get this message: his days in power are over.
I believe we will soon be joined by Senator Biden and other members, but
without delay we will turn to you, Ambassador Gelbard, and we well
welcome
you and look forward to your remarks.
MR. GELBARD: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you particularly for giving
me
the opportunity once again to appear before the committee to discuss the
status of our efforts on democratization in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. With your permission, sir, I'd like to enter the full text
of
this statement for the record,
SEN. G. SMITH: Without objection, we'll receive that.
MR. GELBARD: This hearing comes at a moment of particular importance for
the
future of Yugoslavia and for the entire Southeast European region. The
success of the NATO air campaign, the deployment of KFOR, and the
establishment of the U.N. civil administration in Kosovo have left
President
Slobodan Milosevic weakened and his policies discredited domestically,
as
well as internationally.
Milosevic, as you said, Mr. Chairman, is now an international pariah and
an
indicted war criminal. While he and his regime remain in power in
Belgrade,
Serbia and the FRY cannot take their place among the community of
nations,
nor can they join the process of Euro- Atlantic integration symbolized
tomorrow by the Stability Pact summit in Sarajevo.
Our policy with regard to Serbia has been very clearly articulated by
President Clinton. As long as the Milosevic regime is in place, the
United
States will provide no reconstruction assistance to Serbia and we will
continue our policy of overall isolation. Although we continue to
provide the
people of Serbia with humanitarian assistance through international
organizations like UNHCR, we cannot allow Milosevic or his political
cronies
to benefit from our aid. Helping to rebuild Serbia's roads and bridges
would
funnel money directly into the pockets of Milosevic and his friends,
prolonging the current regime and denying
Serbia any hope of a brighter future. We must keep Milosevic isolated.
Our European allies agree fully with this approach. We are working
closely
with them to coordinate our activities on Serbia and to deter any
attempt at
weakening the existing sanctions regime against the FRY.
Another key aspect of our policy on Serbia is to support the forces of
democratic change that exist within Serbian society. Serbia's citizens
have
spontaneously demonstrated their disgust for Milosevic and their hunger
for
democratic government by gathering in the streets of cities throughout
the
country for the last several weeks. Opposition parties, taking advantage
of
the popular sentiment against Milosevic, have organized their own
rallies and
are beginning to mobilize for a larger effort in the fall. Serbia's
independent media are also attempting to struggle out from under the
weight
of a draconian and repressive media law. These are all very positive
signs,
and we want to nurture them.
At the same time, however, I do not want to overemphasize the
possibility
that the Milosevic regime will fall soon. Milosevic continues to hold
the
main levers of power in his hands, most importantly the army, the police
and
the state-owned media. Overcoming these obstacles would be difficult
even for
a united opposition in Serbia, but sadly the Serbian opposition remains
far
from united.
In all our dealings with Serbian opposition leaders -- and I am in
regular
contact with every segment of the democratic opposition -- we have urged
them
to overcome the politics of ego and to work together instead for the
common
good of Serbia and their people. I have repeatedly told opposition
leaders --
and I want to emphasize here that the United States, and the
international
community more broadly, cannot do their job for them.
Change in Serbia must come from within, not from the outside, which
means
from us. We can buttress the opposition's efforts; we can provide
training
and technical assistance to opposition parties; we can even provide
equipment, and we can help widen the reach of the independent media, but
we
cannot win the hearts and minds of the Serbian people. That can only
happen
if the opposition unites around a strong platform for positive change, a
platform that must emphasize the destructive nature of Milosevic's
policies
and presents a viable democratic alternative. It's not for us to pick a
single winner out of the opposition pack. It is for them to combine
their
different strengths in service for a great goal.
Having said that, I would like to outline for you where we are focusing
our
efforts and in what ways we are promoting democratization in the FRY.
Regardless of whether Milosevic stays or goes in the very short term,
our
support for democratic forces is an investment in Serbia's and
Yugoslavia's
future.
I should note, in fact, that we are not beginning from ground zero by
any
means here. In the two years leading up to the Kosovo crisis, we spent
$16.5
million on programs in support of Serbia democratization. The beginning
of
the conflict in Kosovo and the subsequent closure of our embassy in
Belgrade
by necessity cut short some of our programs, but we're now revitalizing
our
democracy support as quickly as possible.
I would divide the U.S. government's efforts on Serbia democratization
into
five categories. First, as I noted at the beginning, we are making sure
that
Milosevic remains completely isolated. This involves not just our
sanctions
policy, which means three levels of sanctions, starting with the outer
wall,
the Kosovo- related sanctions started a year and a half ago, and then
the
wartime sanctions, including the fuel embargo, but also the visa ban,
which
has had a demonstrably negative effect on members of the Milosevic
regime
psychologically and in real terms, and, of course, the The Hague
Tribunal
indictments.
Second, we are beginning to assist a wide array of democratic groups,
including NGOs, political parties, independent media, youth
organizations and
independent labor unions, as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman. Third, we are
consulting closely with European allies in order to coordinate our
activities
both on Kosovo and on Serbia democratization generally. Fourth, we are
encouraging the active engagement of regional countries in Southeast
Europe,
and particularly the neighbors, to harness their expertise with
democratization and transition. And fifth, we're providing strong
support for
the reform government in the FRY Republic of Montenegro.
I would like to discuss briefly some of these tracks in greater detail.
As I
mentioned, over the past two years U.S. agencies such as AID, as well as
NGOs
such as the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican
Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy have spent $16.5
million
on projects aimed at the development of democratic governance and civil
society in the FRY. The situation this year was complicated by the
outbreak
of the conflict in Kosovo, but we still have money available in the
pipeline
for immediate use on Serbian democratization projects, and we're using
it
right now.
I am working closely with the National Endowment family, including IRI
and
NDI, to explore the best ways to help the Serbian opposition and,
crucially,
to encourage all opposition groups to work together. The consensus among
the
experts is that opposition parties will be best served if we provide
them
with technical assistance and first-class political advice, the kinds
that
may seem commonplace to us but represent a whole different way of
thinking to
them.
Political parties are not the sole outlets for opposition in Serbia.
Youth
and student organizations, as well as independent labor unions, were
very
active in the '96-97 demonstrations in Serbia, and will undoubtedly be
important sources of mobilization in the future. The AFL-CIO's
Solidarity
Center has done good work with independent unions in Serbia and with our
support is now readying a new program for interaction.
On a larger economic scale, the Center for International Private
Enterprise
is preparing a program aimed at business leaders and independent
economists
in Serbia. Such economists, particularly those grouped under the G-17 in
Belgrade, are widely respected and influential in Serbian society.
In short, by working with these groups, we want to show the people of
Serbia
that our policy is not aimed against them but against their leadership.
With
regard to independent media, we are moving on two fronts. First, in
order to
increase the amount of objective news coverage reaching the Serbian
population, we are nearing completion of what we call the ring around
Serbia,
a network of transmitters that permits us to broadcast Voice of America,
Radio Free Europe, and other international news programs on FM
frequencies
throughout the country. RFE has now increased its Serbian language
broadcasting to 13-1/2 hours daily.
Perhaps even more important, however, we want to strengthen Serbia's own
independent media. Serbs, like Americans, prefer to get their news from
their
own sources, in their own context. To this end, AID, together with other
international donors, is reviewing a proposal by ANEM, the independent
electronic media network in Serbia, that would assist individual
television
and radio stations, as well as create new links among them.
Other programs to train journalists, support local print publications,
and
utilize Internet connections are also under consideration.
Overall, Mr. Chairman, I would add, as you know, that the administration
does
support the Serbian Democratization Act sponsored by Senator Helms and
you,
Mr. Chairman, and 11 others.
The second aspect of U.S. policy on Serbia that I'd like to highlight is
our
cooperation with the Europeans. The NATO alliance proved its strength
during
the Kosovo air campaign, and that solidarity has continued to be the
rule,
not the exception, in the post-conflict period. There are regular
consultations between Secretary Albright and her European colleagues on
issues related to both Kosovo and Serbia as well as periodic meetings at
the
expert level. The Western Europeans support our basic approach on Serbia
and
agree that isolating
Milosevic must be the cornerstone of our strategy.
We have pushed back on some efforts to lift selectively the oil embargo
and
provide fuel to opposition-controlled municipalities in Serbia, not
because
we object to helping opposition-run municipalities, but because oil is a
fungible commodity. And its distribution in Serbia would inevitably
benefit
Milosevic's regime. The Europeans, like us, are seeking the best ways to
promote democracy in Serbia. They are eager to coordinate their
democratization projects as well as to ensure that we are all sending
the
same message of unity to the Serbian opposition.
The third pillar of our policy is the effort to engage the countries of
Southeast Europe in the Serbia democratization process. Leaders of these
countries will meet together with Euro-Atlantic leaders tomorrow in
Sarajevo
under the rubric of the new stability pact for the region. At that
meeting
participants will reaffirm their commitment to democratic development
and
express their regret that the FRY cannot take its rightful place at the
summit because of the Milosevic regime.
We believe the countries of Central and Southeast Europe with their vast
experience in the transition to democratic and market- oriented
societies
have a great deal to offer the people of the FRY. We are encouraging
NGOs and
governments in the region to create links to democratic voices in Serbia
and
to share the benefits of the wisdom they've gained over the past decade.
Finally, in addition to our efforts to work with regional partners, we
assign
special importance to our cooperation with and support for the
government of
Montenegro.
This morning, I noticed an editorial in the Wall Street Journal accusing
the
United States of neglecting Montenegro, which I find astonishing in its
absolute incorrectness and the fact that it's totally wrong. We weren't
consulted on that editorial, of course. The fact is that over two years
ago
we recognized that Milo Djukanovic had the potential to become an
effective
counterweight to Milosevic and his authoritarian policies. I began
meeting
with Djukanovic regularly, even before he became the president of
Montenegro
a year and a half ago. I was with him during his inauguration when we
felt
that a strong international presence, a public presence, would deter a
Milosevic-inspired coup. The U.S. provided $20 million in budgetary
support
over the last several months, when no other countries stepped in to fill
the
gap, and we're prepared to do more.
We established a joint economic working group to discuss ways of
modernizing
the Montenegrin economy. We allowed Montenegrin-owned ships to enter
U.S.
ports during the conflict, and we provided a blanket waiver for
Montenegro
from FRY-related sanctions from the very beginning as a way of
stimulating
their economy.
Djukanovic has managed to craft a multi-ethnic democratic coalition
government that focused on political and economic reform and integration
with
the European mainstream. He and his government have consistently
demonstrated
courage and determination in implementing reform and in resisting
Belgrade's
attempts to strip Montenegro of its constitutional powers. As a result,
we
have steadily increased our support for Montenegro, providing financial
and
technical assistance as well as humanitarian assistance, with many
millions
of dollars through UNHCR.
Because the government of Montenegro represents the most credible and
powerful opposition force in the FRY today, we believe that President
Djukanovic and Montenegro can play a constructive role in promoting
democratic change in Serbia, too. While it's too small to change Serbia
directly, it can serve as a guiding light for the Serbian opposition.
What
Montenegro needs now is support from their European neighbors in
concrete
terms and particularly the same kind of sanctions waivers that we have
provided all along. We've urged the Europeans to take a more
forward-leaning
approach to Montenegro and come through in concrete terms.
Mr. Chairman, it's clear that we have not reached the point where we can
say
that Serbia is irreversibly on the road to democracy. Our efforts now,
however, can do two things. In the short term, we can help the
indigenous
Serbian opposition to focus their energies and more effectively
articulate
their anger and frustration of the Serbian public. In the longer term,
we can
cultivate and strengthen these forces that will carry the democracy
banner as
long as Milosevic remains in power. Both of these are important goals.
U.S.
leadership in this endeavor is critical, and your support is essential.
As I said, the proposed Serbian Democratization Act, which would
authorize
$100 million over two years for democratization projects, is an
excellent
example of the convergence of administration and congressional
perspectives
on the Serbia democracy issue. We look forward to working together with
Congress to bring democracy to Serbia and the entire Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia and restore real stability to the region......
[continued, following email]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Della miseria della opposizione di destra in Serbia
Quarta parte:
DIBATTITO AL SENATO U.S.A. (2/2; per la parte 1/2 si veda:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/221?&start=218 )
===
Part 2 of Senate Hearings
Ambassador Gelbard, I wonder if Balkan ghosts are still alive even in
Serbia
that these opposition forces can actually unite to extricate Mr.
Milosevic,
what are the odds? I mean, you see it happening? There's a number of
parties
here:
Mr. Draskovic, Mr. Djindjic. I mean, can they put aside personal
ambition for
national good in this effort?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, Mr. Chairman, one thing I've learned after a
number
of years working in the Balkans is that I don't give odds.
SEN. SMITH: (Laughs.)
MR. GELBARD: I like to be pleasantly surprised, if that should happen.
The biggest obstacle right now, as I said, has been the fractiousness of
some
elements of the opposition and the possibility that they may not have
learned
from the mistakes they committed in the past, where they allowed their
egos,
personal differences, and perhaps even some ideological differences to
get in
the way from achieving the ultimate goal that they all say they desire.
As
you know, Mr. Chairman, and as Senator Biden knows very well, the
Zajedno
group blew their opportunity during the winter of '96-'97, when they had
victory in their hands. And a principal reason for that was, indeed, the
personality differences between Draskovic and Djindjic. Over the last
year
and a half some elements of the opposition appear to have learned from
this.
Several coalition groups have developed in a very positive way,
including the
Alliance For Change, the Alliance For Democratic Political Parties, and
others. And their message appears to be a constructive one, a
forward-looking
one about the future that could be that of Serbia and the FRY.
Our message to the opposition has been that this time they need to learn
from
the mistakes of the past because they have such an extraordinary
opportunity
now, and they need to find a way, if they can't construct a single
opposition
front, then at least to develop a loose coalition that follows the same
line
to avoid undercutting each other. There have been a number of
non-aggression
pacts signed among opposition groups and parties, so far. That's a
positive
sign, and we think it's critical that they continue to move forward on
this
kind of code of conduct, as well as similar platforms in their
demonstrations
as they move forward.
SEN. G. SMITH: As you look into the future, you think of Montenegro and
what
they're doing, is Montenegro something of a model for how Kosovo could
develop?
And is Montenegro likely to go independent as well?
MR. GELBARD: Well first, we have, as I said in my written testimony,
continued to point to the government, the ruling party, the ruling
coalition
in Montenegro as the right kind of example for Serbia in the sense that
they
have developed a multi-ethnic democratic coalition, which, incidentally,
includes Serbs, Montenegrans, Albanians, Bosniacs, lots of others. In
that
sense, we would hope that the Serbian political parties and NGOs, labor
unions and the like, could learn from this.
And it's very interesting for me that Serb opposition leaders really
look up
to President Djukanovic, not just because he's 6'-5", but because he is
somebody who clearly has demonstrated a willingness and an ability to
construct a democratic coalition that functions and that pursues
free-market
economic policies. So we certainly hope that whether it's the people of
Serbia and their leadership, their political parties, or in Kosovo, that
this
can be a kind of example.
At the same time, our preference, of course strong preference, as I have
repeatedly told President Djukanovic, is for Montenegro to remain an
integral
part of the The --
SEN. G. SMITH: Is that likely, or what do you suspect is happening?
MR. GELBARD: Well, President Djukanovic is looking for a fairer deal
under
the constitution that exists.
The constitution itself isn't bad. It has been the way Milosevic has
twisted
it over the last seven or eight years. And Djukanovic is now looking for
more
autonomy under this constitution, as a way of keeping Montenegro inside
of
Yugoslavia, and we don't disagree with that.
We want to continue to see Montenegro as part of Yugoslavia. And we feel
that
a country made up of equal republics is a reasonable and decent way to
go.
SEN. G. SMITH: Ambassador Pardew, without a democratic change in
Belgrade --
I mean, is it realistic for Kosovo to be a truly autonomous province of
Serbia?
MR. PARDEW: On the long run, we have to have a democratic change in
Belgrade.
We are going to do everything that we possibly can to create the
institutions
of democracy in Kosovo with or without regard to what happens in
Belgrade.
But you're right; there are limits to how far you can go with the
current
regime in Belgrade. So I agree with you.
SEN. G. SMITH: Senator Biden?
SEN. BIDEN: Gentlemen, they are both good statements I believe -- and so
much
to ask. Let me start by picking up where the chairman left off.
Montenegro has basically issued an ultimatum to Serbia. And it says
that: "We
want greater autonomy. We want to be able to conduct relations with
other
countries without Belgrade's interference." And it set a deadline for
that to
occur. They are going to hold a referendum. That's been pushed back
until, as
I understand it, until September, the ultimatum.
I don't know where that goes. I mean, Milosevic, it seems to me, if he
accedes to that, demonstrates he has even less power than he's trying to
portray he has hold of, and if he doesn't, there's nothing he can do to
stop
what Montenegro's going to do. And I don't know how they stop that from
rolling down the -- that ball from rolling. Would you comment on that,
Ambassador Gelbard?
MR. GELBARD: First, under the constitution of the FRY, the federal
constitution, and under Montenegro's constitution, they do have certain
rights which go further than we would normally expect part of a
sovereign
state to have. For example, they do have legitimately their own foreign
minister and ability to conduct some foreign policy functions
constitutionally. They also have the right to have a referendum on
independence under their constitution.
My sense is that right now the vote would not go in favor of
independence.
But what's very clear, Senator, is that Milosevic has been the one who
has
pushed the Montenegrin people in this direction over the course of the
last
two years. As I mentioned in my testimony, Milosevic and his puppet, the
former president of Montenegro, Momir Bulatovic, tried to overthrow
Djukanovic before he was inaugurated as president on June 15th, 1998.
They
also increased the size of the army, the VJ, in Montenegro during the
conflict in Kosovo from 9,500, which is its usual size, up to 40,000 by
adding on reservists and some other regular army personnel. And it was a
very
delicate dance that took place there between the VJ and the police,
which
come under the Montenegrin government.
I think Milosevic knew that if the army tried to overthrow Djukanovic,
there
was likely to be civil war, the army was likely to fracture; and the
police
are quite strong. Nonetheless, the Montenegrin government is showing
prudence
in how it's trying to proceed. Djukanovic, by his own public statements,
has
said that he doesn't want independence; what he wants is equal
opportunity
inside of the FRY.
SEN. BIDEN: But he's threatened a referendum, hasn't he?
MR. GELBARD: He's threatened a referendum, which, as I said, is
legitimate
under their constitution.
SEN. BIDEN: Yeah.
MR. GELBARD: So I wouldn't want to give you a hypothetical answer about
where
this is going.
But Djukanovic is trying to keep his coalition to gether, he's trying to
cope
with the significantly increased percentage of the population who are
now
tremendously frustrated by Milosevic's boycotts and blockades against
the
Montenegrin people, and I think President Djukanovic deserves a great
deal of
credit for trying to walk a very delicate line right now, even as he's
trying
to stay inside Yugoslavia.
SEN. BIDEN: Great non-answer. (Laughter.) And I appreciate it very much.
It
seems to me, because I'm not a diplomat and most people don't care about
foreign policy and they forget what I have to say anyway --
MR. GELBARD: I never do, Senator.
SEN. BIDEN: It seems to me that Djukanovic has himself -- and I'm not
being
critical of him -- I mean, I think he's looking around and saying, "How
do I
cut my deal so that I get a major piece of this reconstruction that's
going
to go on in the Balkans here?" Not a whole lot that Serbia can do to
block
access now; boycotts are aren't going to matter a whole lot if, in fact,
they
attempt to.
And I just wonder how this is playing in Belgrade, whether or not they
fear a
referendum or Djukanovic fears a referendum more than Belgrade fears a
referendum, but you've -- you know, you've answered it as you probably
should.
We talk about -- Ambassador Pardew -- we talk about supporting the
media, a
free and open media. How? How do we do that? I thought you had said
that, or
maybe you said that --
MR. PARDEW: Yes. Yes.
SEN. BIDEN: Either one of you or both of you. Mechanically, how do we do
that?
MR. PARDEW: Well, we work through nongovernmental organizations. We have
established, as Ambassador Gelbard mentioned, a ring around Serbia,
which is
using international broadcasts, but we're offering that to independent
voices
in Serbia. We are using international facilities to make -- and making
them
available to independent groups.
SEN. BIDEN: Let me put it another way. We can make facilities available;
are
we prepared to shut down facilities that spew propaganda?
MR. GELBARD: Well, we have, senator.
SEN. BIDEN: We have. I mean --
MR. GELBARD: During the --
SEN. BIDEN: -- over the long haul? Is this the --
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, during the conflict in Kosovo we and our
allies --
SEN. BIDEN: No, I know that. I want to know from now.
MR. GELBARD: Well, the -- as far as I'm aware, Serb television has still
been
cut off the (EUTELSAT ?) facilities, and we've made sure that whenever
they
made an attempt -- and there was a brief moment when they got back on
another
satellite -- we shut them off those. What we're really trying to do, the
use
of the international facilities that Ambassador Pardew referred to,
particularly the RFE, RL, and the ring around Serbia, is a temporary
measure.
What we're trying to do over the long term is support an alternative
indigenous voice for the Serbian people through mechanisms such as ANEM,
the
Network of Independent Radio and Television. We have funds available
that we
were just about to deliver when the conflict broke out and Milosevic
switched
them off. But we have funds available that we are on the verge of
providing
to them again so that independent television and radio can be augmented
throughout Serbia. We're supporting Montenegran television and radio so
that
they can be another voice for the Serb opposition and the Serb people as
well
as, of course, for the Montenegran people. And we're looking at other
means
to really augment the capability or start up again the capability of
free
Serbian voices inside of Serbia.
MR. PARDEW: Can I add to that, senator?
SEN. BIDEN: Yes.
MR. PARDEW: We are -- the international community is promoting printing
of
newspapers that were previously printed in Kosovo now being printed in
Macedonia and distributed in Kosovo free of charge. You will hear from
John
Fox (sp) later, I think, from the Soros Foundation. They've been
instrumental
in putting funding in to independent radio in Kosovo. We encourage that.
The
former Serbian radio and TV in Pristina has been taken over by the
international community, and we've denied one access to one group to
dominate
that because we don't want a single voice, and we will ensure that there
are
multiple voices on this.
So there are a range of programs ongoing in Kosovo, as Bob mentioned.
SEN. BIDEN: What can we do about inside Serbia? For example, Draskovic
continues to deny access to Studio B, which is supposedly, as I
understand it
-- he's not?
MR. GELBARD: No, he's actually given access to Studio B -- excuse me;
given
access of Studio B to Radio B-92. And my understanding is that Radio
B-92,
one of the independent voices, has just reopened as Radio B-292. We want
Draskovic to open up Studio B to the rest of the opposition, and that's
a
message that he'll be getting from us in the next few days.
SEN. BIDEN: Last question, if I may, Mr. Chairman?
SEN. G. SMITH: Sure.
SEN. BIDEN: We all say, including me, that ultimately there is no
long-term
integration of the Balkans into an undivided Europe until Milosevic
goes. I
wonder whether we're saying that too much these days, including me. Let
me be
more precise.
As long as there is success in Sarajevo today -- I guess it's today or
tomorrow -- tomorrow, as long as the commitments are real, as long as
the
civilian police force is put in place, the media is not dominated, the
reconstruction of Kosovo and Macedonia and Montenegro and the
surrounding
areas really begins in earnest, with the European Community taking the
lead,
I don't know what Serbia can do, under Milosevic's leadership, that can
much
effect whether or not we succeed in that part. In other words,
admittedly, at
the end of the day, until the Serbian people have come to terms with
their
leadership and what was done, you can't have a solution here. But I
don't
know what Milosevic and an antagonistic Serbia can do, as a practical
matter,
to effect about 500 things we've got to do in the meantime anyway, to
begin
to put together, economically and politically, a larger plan for the
Balkans.
Am I missing something here?
MR. GELBARD: Senator, I believe that Milosevic has an infinite
capability for
creating damage. Even while he had so many problems at home, he tried to
overthrow the Dodik government, the moderate Bosnian Serb government in
Republika Srpska. We were able to stymie that, and the Dodik -- Dodik
and his
government emerged strong after the conflict --
SEN. BIDEN: Is that related to his ability if it -- when it was even a
possibility, to his ability to provide force to back up any effort that
would
be undertaken, ultimately? The ability to provide assistance?
MR. GELBARD: He still has the capability of providing force, not in
Bosnia,
but in Montenegro, and in his own perverse way --
SEN. BIDEN: How can he do that? Be specific --
MR. GELBARD: Through the army.
SEN. BIDEN: If in fact that occurs, I can't imagine that the
international
community and KFOR will not come down on that effort like a God- -- a
gosh-darn mountainside being blown up. I don't understand that. I mean,
do
you mean -- is there any doubt on the part of the alliance that if there
is
use of military force, of the VJ, in Montenegro, that we won't use all
force
available to us to take them out?
SEN. SMITH: Or are you telling us that we won't? I mean, I don't --
MR. GELBARD: I'm not certain that that is something which is in -- that
is
not necessarily in NATO's agreed NATO action at this point, or when the
current mandate terminates. If it isn't --
SEN. BIDEN: But --
MR. GELBARD: -- what I worry about is that Milosevic survives by
creating
trouble. He is in the worst trouble he's ever been. He's in a corner.
The
economy has collapsed totally. Real wages were at the same level as the
early
1950s before the conflict, and right now they have virtually no reserves
left. But this is why it is imperative to see a change in the regime, to
have
democratic government arrive in Belgrade as a way of having the region
whole.
That's why we --
SEN. BIDEN: I couldn't agree more, but let me --
MR. GELBARD: -- consider that to be an imperative in our foreign policy.
SEN. BIDEN: As you know, there has been no one that you have known in
Congress that has been more supportive of arriving at that conclusion,
but I
like to think I am a realist.
The idea that we are going to produce a democratic government in Serbia,
between now an d the end of the year, is about as likely as this podium
getting up and walking to the back of the room. And what I want to sort
of
disabuse everybody of here is a new State Department-arrived-at notion
that,
through State Department-speak, we are going to arrive at something
that's
not possible. The most likely thing to do is nail the son of a gun by
literally going in and getting him and dragging him to The Hague. If we
had a
brain in our collective heads, that's what we would do; literally, not
figuratively. But we are not going to do that because our European
friends
all lack the will, and we will lack the willingness to push that
forcefully.
And so I just hope that we make it clear that the idea that he may be
alive
and well in Serbia does not mean that we -- the isolation of Serbia and
him
in fact -- and him in particular does not allow us to pursue all our
other
objectives in the meantime. If they want to wither on the vine and die,
so be
it -- so be it -- which takes me to a question relating to aid.
We are saying -- we and the Europeans are saying that we will provide
humanitarian financial -- we are not planning financial assistance or
reconstruction aid but that we will provide humanitarian assistance. I
think
that is a very, very, very fine line to draw. And I think that we should
be
very aware that his ability to create mischief and gain credibility will
relate to how tightly we parse that.
How do we prevent Milosevic from claiming credit for Western assistance
to
Serbia, particularly when the media is still not a free media?
So I just -- I'm not even asking you to respond, because it's unfair. If
you'd like to, I'd welcome it. But I just think that this ain't over
till
it's over. It's not over till he's gone. But we cannot assume as long as
he's
[not?]gone we can hedge our assessment of what we're able to do outside
of
Serbia, in my humble opinion.
SEN. G. SMITH: I'd like to follow on to what Senator Biden is saying
here.
One of the reasons that I voted to support President Clinton and the
allies
in this action in Kosovo was my belief that if Milosevic could work this
kind
of mischief, we would be pinned down in Bosnia for a long, long, long
time,
and that by defanging his military, we could go home earlier. Is that a
naïve
belief on my part?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, to answer Senator Biden's question --
SEN. G. SMITH: And by the way, I think he's going to commit mischief if
we're
saying that we're not willing to do anything.
MR. GELBARD: First to answer Senator Biden, though, Senator, I agree
with you.
That's why we are continuing to press ahead on all other initiatives and
we're working with the Europeans on the stability pact, which is a
regional
effort, a regional approach regarding democracy, security and economic
development. And that's what we feel it has to be, a regional focus on
every
place.
The line -- the fine line you ask about, I agree with you again. That's
why,
again, we're not trying to play games on the issue of assistance; we're
saying humanitarian assistance means food and medicine. We have looked
at
other types of possible assistance, but we feel, as I said in my
statement,
that it's imperative to maintain the isolation with the three layers of
sanctions -- the outer wall, Kosovo-related sanctions, and the wartime
sanctions.
And the -- President Clinton and the administration, entire
administration,
feel very strongly that we should be maintaining all these sanctions
until --
as a way of maintaining this type of isolation, because you're right, it
would be very easy to begin to blur the line. And I know, as you know,
Senator, there are countries out there that are interested in moving
over
different lines over time.
SEN. BIDEN: And I'm worried about us setting the bar so high that we
build in
failure here, because if a year from now there is not democracy in
Serbia,
after we keep talking this claptrap about, you know, democratic -- there
aren't any democratic forces in Serbia now. Draskovic ain't a Democrat.
This
guy is no box of chocolates. He's better than the other guy, but this is
no
box of chocolates. I think we should be honest about this.
And look, just to make it clear to you where I am, and just speaking as
one
senator, there's a big difference between clearing the bridge -- the
bridge
debris out of the Danube so our allies can use the Danube, and building
a new
bridge. I'll clear it. I will do everything in my power here to make
sure
there's not a cent that can be spent to build it.
And I just think that they've got to come to their -- the realization of
what
they have enabled Milosevic to do, and until there are democratic forces
there, I am -- like for example, the press asks me all the time, we
voted 100
-- what was it? -- $100 million in the Serbian -- I don't know who to
give it
to? Okay?
I mean, I know how -- I know what I'd like to give it to. But we
Americans
tend to think, whether it was Ronald Reagan in, you know, in Latin
America or
us in the Balkans, that there's some Jeffersonian democrat waiting to
spring
up somewhere to lead a -- you know, a democratic rival there. There
ain't no
Democrats in Serbia, that I've found. I mean -- democratic leadership,
that
has any realistic possibility of moving. So I guess what I'm trying to
say to
you is this. I just think it's a little bit like -- the secretary got
mad at
me when I a month ago said stop talking about Rambouillet, stop talking
about
how we want to bring them back to the table. We don't want to bring them
back, we want to beat the hell ou t of them until they stop. That's what
we
want. And that's the only thing that worked.
And I think this idea that we're really in effect saying we're not going
to
succeed until we have a democratic Serbia, then that is ultimate
success. But
I'm afraid you're going to have people up here saying, well, geez, it's
been
-- it's been four months, you know? -- don't have it yet, so I guess we
shouldn't be spending all this money doing this other stuff over here.
MR. GELBARD: Well, in fact, I said in my statement that in the short
term
it's hard to imagine that it will be able to achieve a democratic
solution in
Serbia. That's why we have to be prepared to support democratic forces
--
SEN. BIDEN: And there are democratic forces.
MR. GELBARD: Well --
SEN. BIDEN: Ain't much democratic leadership.
MR. GELBARD: Tomorrow a representative of the democratic opposition,
Draguslav Ovramovic (sp), will be in Sarajevo for the summit. This is a
man
who is a very high common denominator. He is part of the alliance for
change.
Vuk Draskovic is a really flawed individual. But --
SEN. BIDEN: He is the Rasputin of the 21st century, about to be. I mean,
we're not quite there yet.
MR. GELBARD: I'll tell him you said it. (Laughs.)
SEN. BIDEN: I told him that.
MR. GELBARD: Yeah.
SEN. BIDEN: So I -- I'd tell him. I --
MR. GELBARD: We still hope that he can be part of the solution here --
SEN.
BIDEN: I hope so, too, but he's going to take work.
MR. GELBARD: Mr. Chairman -- he's going to take a lot of work.
SEN. BIDEN: That's a very high maintenance fellow.
MR. GELBARD: I know. Believe me, I know. (Laughs.)
Mr. Chairman, regarding your question, the -- (stops) -- the Republika
Srpska
has emerged, coming out of the conflict, if anything with significantly
strengthened moderate leadership. The Dodik government is stronger than
they
were at the beginning of the year. They are stronger than they were
after the
elections in September.
When I last met with Prime Minister Dodik, about a month ago, he was
much
more comfortable, much more confident about his ability to govern. We
are
seeing that the extremes, who were weakened after the September national
elections, are becoming weaker still. High Representative Carlos
Westendorp,
whose last day is tomorrow, banished President Poplasen, the leader of
the
Radical Party, from his position, and it's now very clear that his
Radical
Party is weaker than ever, as is Karadzic's SDS. We see prospects for
the
moderates better than ever. And while there's still a ways to go, the
prospects look much better.
SEN. G. SMITH: Thank you.
MR. PARDEW: Could I just comment on the democracy issue? We don't have
any
illusions about who we're dealing with here, but I do think democracy is
an
aspiration of many of the Serb people. And in that regard, I don't think
we
ought to stop talking about it, Senator. I think we ought to -- we ought
to
continue to discuss it as an issue of --
SEN. BIDEN: I'm not suggesting we don't talk about it; I'm suggesting we
talk
about it realistically. I mean, for example, it's amazing what can
happen
when you eliminate the extremes. I mean, the single best thing that ever
happened to the Republic of Srpska is we kicked the living hell out of
Milosevic. There ain't no alternative left. That's the reason why it
happened. It had nothing to do with elections, it had to do with the
fact
that Westendorp had the right idea, number one; and number two, there
ain't
no alternative. Belgrade's no beacon, no help, no place to go. So there
is no
alternative. It's amazing what a salutary impact that has upon extremes
in
countries.
And that's why the single best thing we -- my dream is to visit
Milosevic in
prison. (Laughter.) I mean that sincerely. I'm not being facetious.
Because
you put Milosevic in prison, and things in the region will change
drastically.
If you said to me, "You can leave him where he is or give him a plane
ticket
to take off to some -- like the former leader of Uganda, well, you know,
we
gave him -- what was his name? -- Idi Amin -- we can give him an "Idi
Amin
passport"
and he would leave; I'd say no, leave him there, leave him there till we
get
him. Put him in jail. Short of that, I don't know how we get to the
point.
And by the way, I often wondered, Karadzic's party, the SDS, the only
misnomer, it should have dropped the "D." I mean, these guys are BAD
guys.
BAD guys. They're no good. SEN. G. SMITH: When Senator Biden makes that
visit
to that prison, I want to be your junior companion.
Gentlemen, thank you very much for your testimony. We appreciate it.
SEN. BIDEN: Thanks.
END
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Quarta parte:
DIBATTITO AL SENATO U.S.A. (2/2; per la parte 1/2 si veda:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/221?&start=218 )
===
Part 2 of Senate Hearings
Ambassador Gelbard, I wonder if Balkan ghosts are still alive even in
Serbia
that these opposition forces can actually unite to extricate Mr.
Milosevic,
what are the odds? I mean, you see it happening? There's a number of
parties
here:
Mr. Draskovic, Mr. Djindjic. I mean, can they put aside personal
ambition for
national good in this effort?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, Mr. Chairman, one thing I've learned after a
number
of years working in the Balkans is that I don't give odds.
SEN. SMITH: (Laughs.)
MR. GELBARD: I like to be pleasantly surprised, if that should happen.
The biggest obstacle right now, as I said, has been the fractiousness of
some
elements of the opposition and the possibility that they may not have
learned
from the mistakes they committed in the past, where they allowed their
egos,
personal differences, and perhaps even some ideological differences to
get in
the way from achieving the ultimate goal that they all say they desire.
As
you know, Mr. Chairman, and as Senator Biden knows very well, the
Zajedno
group blew their opportunity during the winter of '96-'97, when they had
victory in their hands. And a principal reason for that was, indeed, the
personality differences between Draskovic and Djindjic. Over the last
year
and a half some elements of the opposition appear to have learned from
this.
Several coalition groups have developed in a very positive way,
including the
Alliance For Change, the Alliance For Democratic Political Parties, and
others. And their message appears to be a constructive one, a
forward-looking
one about the future that could be that of Serbia and the FRY.
Our message to the opposition has been that this time they need to learn
from
the mistakes of the past because they have such an extraordinary
opportunity
now, and they need to find a way, if they can't construct a single
opposition
front, then at least to develop a loose coalition that follows the same
line
to avoid undercutting each other. There have been a number of
non-aggression
pacts signed among opposition groups and parties, so far. That's a
positive
sign, and we think it's critical that they continue to move forward on
this
kind of code of conduct, as well as similar platforms in their
demonstrations
as they move forward.
SEN. G. SMITH: As you look into the future, you think of Montenegro and
what
they're doing, is Montenegro something of a model for how Kosovo could
develop?
And is Montenegro likely to go independent as well?
MR. GELBARD: Well first, we have, as I said in my written testimony,
continued to point to the government, the ruling party, the ruling
coalition
in Montenegro as the right kind of example for Serbia in the sense that
they
have developed a multi-ethnic democratic coalition, which, incidentally,
includes Serbs, Montenegrans, Albanians, Bosniacs, lots of others. In
that
sense, we would hope that the Serbian political parties and NGOs, labor
unions and the like, could learn from this.
And it's very interesting for me that Serb opposition leaders really
look up
to President Djukanovic, not just because he's 6'-5", but because he is
somebody who clearly has demonstrated a willingness and an ability to
construct a democratic coalition that functions and that pursues
free-market
economic policies. So we certainly hope that whether it's the people of
Serbia and their leadership, their political parties, or in Kosovo, that
this
can be a kind of example.
At the same time, our preference, of course strong preference, as I have
repeatedly told President Djukanovic, is for Montenegro to remain an
integral
part of the The --
SEN. G. SMITH: Is that likely, or what do you suspect is happening?
MR. GELBARD: Well, President Djukanovic is looking for a fairer deal
under
the constitution that exists.
The constitution itself isn't bad. It has been the way Milosevic has
twisted
it over the last seven or eight years. And Djukanovic is now looking for
more
autonomy under this constitution, as a way of keeping Montenegro inside
of
Yugoslavia, and we don't disagree with that.
We want to continue to see Montenegro as part of Yugoslavia. And we feel
that
a country made up of equal republics is a reasonable and decent way to
go.
SEN. G. SMITH: Ambassador Pardew, without a democratic change in
Belgrade --
I mean, is it realistic for Kosovo to be a truly autonomous province of
Serbia?
MR. PARDEW: On the long run, we have to have a democratic change in
Belgrade.
We are going to do everything that we possibly can to create the
institutions
of democracy in Kosovo with or without regard to what happens in
Belgrade.
But you're right; there are limits to how far you can go with the
current
regime in Belgrade. So I agree with you.
SEN. G. SMITH: Senator Biden?
SEN. BIDEN: Gentlemen, they are both good statements I believe -- and so
much
to ask. Let me start by picking up where the chairman left off.
Montenegro has basically issued an ultimatum to Serbia. And it says
that: "We
want greater autonomy. We want to be able to conduct relations with
other
countries without Belgrade's interference." And it set a deadline for
that to
occur. They are going to hold a referendum. That's been pushed back
until, as
I understand it, until September, the ultimatum.
I don't know where that goes. I mean, Milosevic, it seems to me, if he
accedes to that, demonstrates he has even less power than he's trying to
portray he has hold of, and if he doesn't, there's nothing he can do to
stop
what Montenegro's going to do. And I don't know how they stop that from
rolling down the -- that ball from rolling. Would you comment on that,
Ambassador Gelbard?
MR. GELBARD: First, under the constitution of the FRY, the federal
constitution, and under Montenegro's constitution, they do have certain
rights which go further than we would normally expect part of a
sovereign
state to have. For example, they do have legitimately their own foreign
minister and ability to conduct some foreign policy functions
constitutionally. They also have the right to have a referendum on
independence under their constitution.
My sense is that right now the vote would not go in favor of
independence.
But what's very clear, Senator, is that Milosevic has been the one who
has
pushed the Montenegrin people in this direction over the course of the
last
two years. As I mentioned in my testimony, Milosevic and his puppet, the
former president of Montenegro, Momir Bulatovic, tried to overthrow
Djukanovic before he was inaugurated as president on June 15th, 1998.
They
also increased the size of the army, the VJ, in Montenegro during the
conflict in Kosovo from 9,500, which is its usual size, up to 40,000 by
adding on reservists and some other regular army personnel. And it was a
very
delicate dance that took place there between the VJ and the police,
which
come under the Montenegrin government.
I think Milosevic knew that if the army tried to overthrow Djukanovic,
there
was likely to be civil war, the army was likely to fracture; and the
police
are quite strong. Nonetheless, the Montenegrin government is showing
prudence
in how it's trying to proceed. Djukanovic, by his own public statements,
has
said that he doesn't want independence; what he wants is equal
opportunity
inside of the FRY.
SEN. BIDEN: But he's threatened a referendum, hasn't he?
MR. GELBARD: He's threatened a referendum, which, as I said, is
legitimate
under their constitution.
SEN. BIDEN: Yeah.
MR. GELBARD: So I wouldn't want to give you a hypothetical answer about
where
this is going.
But Djukanovic is trying to keep his coalition to gether, he's trying to
cope
with the significantly increased percentage of the population who are
now
tremendously frustrated by Milosevic's boycotts and blockades against
the
Montenegrin people, and I think President Djukanovic deserves a great
deal of
credit for trying to walk a very delicate line right now, even as he's
trying
to stay inside Yugoslavia.
SEN. BIDEN: Great non-answer. (Laughter.) And I appreciate it very much.
It
seems to me, because I'm not a diplomat and most people don't care about
foreign policy and they forget what I have to say anyway --
MR. GELBARD: I never do, Senator.
SEN. BIDEN: It seems to me that Djukanovic has himself -- and I'm not
being
critical of him -- I mean, I think he's looking around and saying, "How
do I
cut my deal so that I get a major piece of this reconstruction that's
going
to go on in the Balkans here?" Not a whole lot that Serbia can do to
block
access now; boycotts are aren't going to matter a whole lot if, in fact,
they
attempt to.
And I just wonder how this is playing in Belgrade, whether or not they
fear a
referendum or Djukanovic fears a referendum more than Belgrade fears a
referendum, but you've -- you know, you've answered it as you probably
should.
We talk about -- Ambassador Pardew -- we talk about supporting the
media, a
free and open media. How? How do we do that? I thought you had said
that, or
maybe you said that --
MR. PARDEW: Yes. Yes.
SEN. BIDEN: Either one of you or both of you. Mechanically, how do we do
that?
MR. PARDEW: Well, we work through nongovernmental organizations. We have
established, as Ambassador Gelbard mentioned, a ring around Serbia,
which is
using international broadcasts, but we're offering that to independent
voices
in Serbia. We are using international facilities to make -- and making
them
available to independent groups.
SEN. BIDEN: Let me put it another way. We can make facilities available;
are
we prepared to shut down facilities that spew propaganda?
MR. GELBARD: Well, we have, senator.
SEN. BIDEN: We have. I mean --
MR. GELBARD: During the --
SEN. BIDEN: -- over the long haul? Is this the --
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, during the conflict in Kosovo we and our
allies --
SEN. BIDEN: No, I know that. I want to know from now.
MR. GELBARD: Well, the -- as far as I'm aware, Serb television has still
been
cut off the (EUTELSAT ?) facilities, and we've made sure that whenever
they
made an attempt -- and there was a brief moment when they got back on
another
satellite -- we shut them off those. What we're really trying to do, the
use
of the international facilities that Ambassador Pardew referred to,
particularly the RFE, RL, and the ring around Serbia, is a temporary
measure.
What we're trying to do over the long term is support an alternative
indigenous voice for the Serbian people through mechanisms such as ANEM,
the
Network of Independent Radio and Television. We have funds available
that we
were just about to deliver when the conflict broke out and Milosevic
switched
them off. But we have funds available that we are on the verge of
providing
to them again so that independent television and radio can be augmented
throughout Serbia. We're supporting Montenegran television and radio so
that
they can be another voice for the Serb opposition and the Serb people as
well
as, of course, for the Montenegran people. And we're looking at other
means
to really augment the capability or start up again the capability of
free
Serbian voices inside of Serbia.
MR. PARDEW: Can I add to that, senator?
SEN. BIDEN: Yes.
MR. PARDEW: We are -- the international community is promoting printing
of
newspapers that were previously printed in Kosovo now being printed in
Macedonia and distributed in Kosovo free of charge. You will hear from
John
Fox (sp) later, I think, from the Soros Foundation. They've been
instrumental
in putting funding in to independent radio in Kosovo. We encourage that.
The
former Serbian radio and TV in Pristina has been taken over by the
international community, and we've denied one access to one group to
dominate
that because we don't want a single voice, and we will ensure that there
are
multiple voices on this.
So there are a range of programs ongoing in Kosovo, as Bob mentioned.
SEN. BIDEN: What can we do about inside Serbia? For example, Draskovic
continues to deny access to Studio B, which is supposedly, as I
understand it
-- he's not?
MR. GELBARD: No, he's actually given access to Studio B -- excuse me;
given
access of Studio B to Radio B-92. And my understanding is that Radio
B-92,
one of the independent voices, has just reopened as Radio B-292. We want
Draskovic to open up Studio B to the rest of the opposition, and that's
a
message that he'll be getting from us in the next few days.
SEN. BIDEN: Last question, if I may, Mr. Chairman?
SEN. G. SMITH: Sure.
SEN. BIDEN: We all say, including me, that ultimately there is no
long-term
integration of the Balkans into an undivided Europe until Milosevic
goes. I
wonder whether we're saying that too much these days, including me. Let
me be
more precise.
As long as there is success in Sarajevo today -- I guess it's today or
tomorrow -- tomorrow, as long as the commitments are real, as long as
the
civilian police force is put in place, the media is not dominated, the
reconstruction of Kosovo and Macedonia and Montenegro and the
surrounding
areas really begins in earnest, with the European Community taking the
lead,
I don't know what Serbia can do, under Milosevic's leadership, that can
much
effect whether or not we succeed in that part. In other words,
admittedly, at
the end of the day, until the Serbian people have come to terms with
their
leadership and what was done, you can't have a solution here. But I
don't
know what Milosevic and an antagonistic Serbia can do, as a practical
matter,
to effect about 500 things we've got to do in the meantime anyway, to
begin
to put together, economically and politically, a larger plan for the
Balkans.
Am I missing something here?
MR. GELBARD: Senator, I believe that Milosevic has an infinite
capability for
creating damage. Even while he had so many problems at home, he tried to
overthrow the Dodik government, the moderate Bosnian Serb government in
Republika Srpska. We were able to stymie that, and the Dodik -- Dodik
and his
government emerged strong after the conflict --
SEN. BIDEN: Is that related to his ability if it -- when it was even a
possibility, to his ability to provide force to back up any effort that
would
be undertaken, ultimately? The ability to provide assistance?
MR. GELBARD: He still has the capability of providing force, not in
Bosnia,
but in Montenegro, and in his own perverse way --
SEN. BIDEN: How can he do that? Be specific --
MR. GELBARD: Through the army.
SEN. BIDEN: If in fact that occurs, I can't imagine that the
international
community and KFOR will not come down on that effort like a God- -- a
gosh-darn mountainside being blown up. I don't understand that. I mean,
do
you mean -- is there any doubt on the part of the alliance that if there
is
use of military force, of the VJ, in Montenegro, that we won't use all
force
available to us to take them out?
SEN. SMITH: Or are you telling us that we won't? I mean, I don't --
MR. GELBARD: I'm not certain that that is something which is in -- that
is
not necessarily in NATO's agreed NATO action at this point, or when the
current mandate terminates. If it isn't --
SEN. BIDEN: But --
MR. GELBARD: -- what I worry about is that Milosevic survives by
creating
trouble. He is in the worst trouble he's ever been. He's in a corner.
The
economy has collapsed totally. Real wages were at the same level as the
early
1950s before the conflict, and right now they have virtually no reserves
left. But this is why it is imperative to see a change in the regime, to
have
democratic government arrive in Belgrade as a way of having the region
whole.
That's why we --
SEN. BIDEN: I couldn't agree more, but let me --
MR. GELBARD: -- consider that to be an imperative in our foreign policy.
SEN. BIDEN: As you know, there has been no one that you have known in
Congress that has been more supportive of arriving at that conclusion,
but I
like to think I am a realist.
The idea that we are going to produce a democratic government in Serbia,
between now an d the end of the year, is about as likely as this podium
getting up and walking to the back of the room. And what I want to sort
of
disabuse everybody of here is a new State Department-arrived-at notion
that,
through State Department-speak, we are going to arrive at something
that's
not possible. The most likely thing to do is nail the son of a gun by
literally going in and getting him and dragging him to The Hague. If we
had a
brain in our collective heads, that's what we would do; literally, not
figuratively. But we are not going to do that because our European
friends
all lack the will, and we will lack the willingness to push that
forcefully.
And so I just hope that we make it clear that the idea that he may be
alive
and well in Serbia does not mean that we -- the isolation of Serbia and
him
in fact -- and him in particular does not allow us to pursue all our
other
objectives in the meantime. If they want to wither on the vine and die,
so be
it -- so be it -- which takes me to a question relating to aid.
We are saying -- we and the Europeans are saying that we will provide
humanitarian financial -- we are not planning financial assistance or
reconstruction aid but that we will provide humanitarian assistance. I
think
that is a very, very, very fine line to draw. And I think that we should
be
very aware that his ability to create mischief and gain credibility will
relate to how tightly we parse that.
How do we prevent Milosevic from claiming credit for Western assistance
to
Serbia, particularly when the media is still not a free media?
So I just -- I'm not even asking you to respond, because it's unfair. If
you'd like to, I'd welcome it. But I just think that this ain't over
till
it's over. It's not over till he's gone. But we cannot assume as long as
he's
[not?]gone we can hedge our assessment of what we're able to do outside
of
Serbia, in my humble opinion.
SEN. G. SMITH: I'd like to follow on to what Senator Biden is saying
here.
One of the reasons that I voted to support President Clinton and the
allies
in this action in Kosovo was my belief that if Milosevic could work this
kind
of mischief, we would be pinned down in Bosnia for a long, long, long
time,
and that by defanging his military, we could go home earlier. Is that a
naïve
belief on my part?
MR. GELBARD: Well, first, to answer Senator Biden's question --
SEN. G. SMITH: And by the way, I think he's going to commit mischief if
we're
saying that we're not willing to do anything.
MR. GELBARD: First to answer Senator Biden, though, Senator, I agree
with you.
That's why we are continuing to press ahead on all other initiatives and
we're working with the Europeans on the stability pact, which is a
regional
effort, a regional approach regarding democracy, security and economic
development. And that's what we feel it has to be, a regional focus on
every
place.
The line -- the fine line you ask about, I agree with you again. That's
why,
again, we're not trying to play games on the issue of assistance; we're
saying humanitarian assistance means food and medicine. We have looked
at
other types of possible assistance, but we feel, as I said in my
statement,
that it's imperative to maintain the isolation with the three layers of
sanctions -- the outer wall, Kosovo-related sanctions, and the wartime
sanctions.
And the -- President Clinton and the administration, entire
administration,
feel very strongly that we should be maintaining all these sanctions
until --
as a way of maintaining this type of isolation, because you're right, it
would be very easy to begin to blur the line. And I know, as you know,
Senator, there are countries out there that are interested in moving
over
different lines over time.
SEN. BIDEN: And I'm worried about us setting the bar so high that we
build in
failure here, because if a year from now there is not democracy in
Serbia,
after we keep talking this claptrap about, you know, democratic -- there
aren't any democratic forces in Serbia now. Draskovic ain't a Democrat.
This
guy is no box of chocolates. He's better than the other guy, but this is
no
box of chocolates. I think we should be honest about this.
And look, just to make it clear to you where I am, and just speaking as
one
senator, there's a big difference between clearing the bridge -- the
bridge
debris out of the Danube so our allies can use the Danube, and building
a new
bridge. I'll clear it. I will do everything in my power here to make
sure
there's not a cent that can be spent to build it.
And I just think that they've got to come to their -- the realization of
what
they have enabled Milosevic to do, and until there are democratic forces
there, I am -- like for example, the press asks me all the time, we
voted 100
-- what was it? -- $100 million in the Serbian -- I don't know who to
give it
to? Okay?
I mean, I know how -- I know what I'd like to give it to. But we
Americans
tend to think, whether it was Ronald Reagan in, you know, in Latin
America or
us in the Balkans, that there's some Jeffersonian democrat waiting to
spring
up somewhere to lead a -- you know, a democratic rival there. There
ain't no
Democrats in Serbia, that I've found. I mean -- democratic leadership,
that
has any realistic possibility of moving. So I guess what I'm trying to
say to
you is this. I just think it's a little bit like -- the secretary got
mad at
me when I a month ago said stop talking about Rambouillet, stop talking
about
how we want to bring them back to the table. We don't want to bring them
back, we want to beat the hell ou t of them until they stop. That's what
we
want. And that's the only thing that worked.
And I think this idea that we're really in effect saying we're not going
to
succeed until we have a democratic Serbia, then that is ultimate
success. But
I'm afraid you're going to have people up here saying, well, geez, it's
been
-- it's been four months, you know? -- don't have it yet, so I guess we
shouldn't be spending all this money doing this other stuff over here.
MR. GELBARD: Well, in fact, I said in my statement that in the short
term
it's hard to imagine that it will be able to achieve a democratic
solution in
Serbia. That's why we have to be prepared to support democratic forces
--
SEN. BIDEN: And there are democratic forces.
MR. GELBARD: Well --
SEN. BIDEN: Ain't much democratic leadership.
MR. GELBARD: Tomorrow a representative of the democratic opposition,
Draguslav Ovramovic (sp), will be in Sarajevo for the summit. This is a
man
who is a very high common denominator. He is part of the alliance for
change.
Vuk Draskovic is a really flawed individual. But --
SEN. BIDEN: He is the Rasputin of the 21st century, about to be. I mean,
we're not quite there yet.
MR. GELBARD: I'll tell him you said it. (Laughs.)
SEN. BIDEN: I told him that.
MR. GELBARD: Yeah.
SEN. BIDEN: So I -- I'd tell him. I --
MR. GELBARD: We still hope that he can be part of the solution here --
SEN.
BIDEN: I hope so, too, but he's going to take work.
MR. GELBARD: Mr. Chairman -- he's going to take a lot of work.
SEN. BIDEN: That's a very high maintenance fellow.
MR. GELBARD: I know. Believe me, I know. (Laughs.)
Mr. Chairman, regarding your question, the -- (stops) -- the Republika
Srpska
has emerged, coming out of the conflict, if anything with significantly
strengthened moderate leadership. The Dodik government is stronger than
they
were at the beginning of the year. They are stronger than they were
after the
elections in September.
When I last met with Prime Minister Dodik, about a month ago, he was
much
more comfortable, much more confident about his ability to govern. We
are
seeing that the extremes, who were weakened after the September national
elections, are becoming weaker still. High Representative Carlos
Westendorp,
whose last day is tomorrow, banished President Poplasen, the leader of
the
Radical Party, from his position, and it's now very clear that his
Radical
Party is weaker than ever, as is Karadzic's SDS. We see prospects for
the
moderates better than ever. And while there's still a ways to go, the
prospects look much better.
SEN. G. SMITH: Thank you.
MR. PARDEW: Could I just comment on the democracy issue? We don't have
any
illusions about who we're dealing with here, but I do think democracy is
an
aspiration of many of the Serb people. And in that regard, I don't think
we
ought to stop talking about it, Senator. I think we ought to -- we ought
to
continue to discuss it as an issue of --
SEN. BIDEN: I'm not suggesting we don't talk about it; I'm suggesting we
talk
about it realistically. I mean, for example, it's amazing what can
happen
when you eliminate the extremes. I mean, the single best thing that ever
happened to the Republic of Srpska is we kicked the living hell out of
Milosevic. There ain't no alternative left. That's the reason why it
happened. It had nothing to do with elections, it had to do with the
fact
that Westendorp had the right idea, number one; and number two, there
ain't
no alternative. Belgrade's no beacon, no help, no place to go. So there
is no
alternative. It's amazing what a salutary impact that has upon extremes
in
countries.
And that's why the single best thing we -- my dream is to visit
Milosevic in
prison. (Laughter.) I mean that sincerely. I'm not being facetious.
Because
you put Milosevic in prison, and things in the region will change
drastically.
If you said to me, "You can leave him where he is or give him a plane
ticket
to take off to some -- like the former leader of Uganda, well, you know,
we
gave him -- what was his name? -- Idi Amin -- we can give him an "Idi
Amin
passport"
and he would leave; I'd say no, leave him there, leave him there till we
get
him. Put him in jail. Short of that, I don't know how we get to the
point.
And by the way, I often wondered, Karadzic's party, the SDS, the only
misnomer, it should have dropped the "D." I mean, these guys are BAD
guys.
BAD guys. They're no good. SEN. G. SMITH: When Senator Biden makes that
visit
to that prison, I want to be your junior companion.
Gentlemen, thank you very much for your testimony. We appreciate it.
SEN. BIDEN: Thanks.
END
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
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A.A.A. OCCASIONISSIMA
Vendesi prezzo stracciato Costituzione repubblica "fondata sul lavoro"
cinquantenne come nuova (usata pochissimo) causa ingombro in guerre di
aggressione contro paesi vicini. Rivolgersi: Ciampi Azeglio, Piazza del
Quirinale, Roma, Stati Uniti d'America
To sell: Constitution of a Republic "based on its citizen's work", 50
years old but looks like new (scarcely used). Reason: uncomfortable in
case of aggressions to nearby countries. Inquiries to: Ciampi Azeglio,
Quirinale Square, Rome, U.S.A.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Vendesi prezzo stracciato Costituzione repubblica "fondata sul lavoro"
cinquantenne come nuova (usata pochissimo) causa ingombro in guerre di
aggressione contro paesi vicini. Rivolgersi: Ciampi Azeglio, Piazza del
Quirinale, Roma, Stati Uniti d'America
To sell: Constitution of a Republic "based on its citizen's work", 50
years old but looks like new (scarcely used). Reason: uncomfortable in
case of aggressions to nearby countries. Inquiries to: Ciampi Azeglio,
Quirinale Square, Rome, U.S.A.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
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