HRVATSKE VISNJICE / CILIEGINE CROATE
a cura del
Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia
Rimskog Saveza za Jugoslaviju
crj@...


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ECONOMIA E SITUAZIONE SOCIALE

Da "Glas Istre - Novi list", settembre 2000:
E' stato presentato il documento della Banca Mondiale
"Studio sull'economia e la situazione sociale in Croazia".
Dal resoconto emerge una totale miseria per il 10% dei
cittadini, mentre l'80% vive sotto lo standard normale.
L'inflazione, il caro vita � galoppante. Il governo manca
ai suoi impegni. In questi giorni sono state bloccate alcune
strade in Croazia dalle proteste degli agricoltori perche' non
e' stato pagato ancora il loro raccolto.

Il "Feral Tribune" di Spalato riporta: "Ipnotizzato dalla paura
dell'inflazione, il Governo croato invece di introdurre il
reale corso della kuna [la nuova moneta croata, tristemente
nota dal periodo dello Stato Croato Indipendente nazista di
Pavelic] ha rafforzato il cordone di finanzieri alle frontiere,
introducendo la tassa per la seconda bottiglia di liquore
che i cittadini vorrebbero portarsi appresso dall'Italia."
Riguardo all'inflazione, il premier Racan ha contestato le
voci che circolano in alcuni giornali, secondo i quali
l'inflazione quest'anno raggiunger� due cifre. Racan ribatte
che essa non arriver� al 10%, e che non ci sara' nessuna
destabilizzazione per la kuna.

FALLISCE L'IDEA DELLA VISITA DI MESIC E RACAN IN AMERICA

Da "Glas Istre - Novi List", Croazia, 21 settembre 2000:

<<Durante la visita si doveva organizzare una grande tournee
americana coi direttori delle pi� grandi ditte croate, ed in
prima fila il premier Racan, per presentare le possibilit�
degli investimenti in Croazia; dopo soltanto un mese questa
iniziativa si � dimostrata un vero fallimento. La delegazione
economica imprenditoriale croata non visiter� gli USA perch�
i direttori delle pi� grandi ditte americane non hanno
dimostrato nessun interesse per questo incontro.
"Quando abbiamo saputo che la delegazione sar� guidata da
Granic, Fizulic e Cacic, che hanno pi� di tutti attaccato
le ditte americane, abbiamo deciso che non vale la pena
parlarne", ha dichiarato per il "Nacional", rivista croata,
un esperto americano...>>

I VIAGGIATORI SULLE LINEE AEREE CHE SORVOLANO LA CROAZIA
SONO IN PERICOLO DI MORTE.

"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:

<<Negli ultimi 4 mesi in Croazia hanno soggiornato due
commissioni di esperti indipendenti per stabilire la sicurezza
aerea sui cieli sopra la Croazia. Il loro resoconto � stato
inviato al premier Racan e al ministro dei Trasporti Tusek,
ed � talmente sconfortante che � stato taciuto all'opinione
pubblica ed anche ai controllori dei voli interessati, i
quali da diverso tempo dicono di lavorare in condizioni pessime...>>

PERICOLOSE IDEE JUGOSLAVISTE MINACCIANO LA CROAZIA

Ancora da "Glas Istre - Novi List" del 24 settembre 2000
leggiamo a proposito dei rigurgiti politici dei militari
della cosiddetta "Guerra patriottica" (cioe' la guerra di
secessione su base etno-nazionalista).
BUDISA (Presidente dell'HSLS):
"IL RADICALISMO DI DESTRA E PERICOLOSO, MA SI STA RAFFORZANDO
ANCHE L'ESTREMISMO DI SINISTRA PROJUGOSLAVO".

Budisa: "Opasan je desni radikalizam, ali jaca i lijevi
projugoslavenski ekstremizam".

L'ISTRIA DIFENDERA' SEMPRE LA SUA TRADIZIONE ANTIFASCISTA

A Pisino � stato ricordato il 57. Anniversario della decisione
dell'unione dell'Istria alla "madrepatria" (cioe' la
Croazia federata alla RFS di Jugoslavia, anche se oggi si fa
riferimento soltanto alla Croazia...). L'articolo, sempre da
"Glas Istre - Novi List" del 24 settembre 2000, e' accompagnato
da una foto della celebrazione ufficiale, nella quale, appesa
alla parete di fondo dietro agli oratori, si vede una enorme
foto di Josip Broz Tito.

<<L'Istria tuteler� sempre la propria tradizione antifascista.

La decisione dell'unione � stata radicale, nata dal sentimento,
dalla volont� e dalla decisione degli istriani, ha detto Miho
Vlaic. Il grande patrimonio e la forza degli ideali � l'arma
pi� forte. L'Europa � basata proprio su questi valori, ha detto
Ivan Jakovcic, Ministro per le integrazioni europee [sic!].>>

<<Svecanom sjednicom Skupstine Istarske zupanije i Saveza
udruga antifasistickih boraca Istre, jucer u Pazinu obiljezena
57. Obljetnica odluka o sjedinjenju Istre s maticom zemljom.

ISTRA CE UVIJEK CUVATI SVOJU ANTIFASISTICKU TRADICIJU

Odluke o sjedinjenju nastale su na izvoran nacin, iz osjecaja,
htijenja i odlucnosti istraskog naroda, veli Miho Valic.
Velike vrijednosti i snaga ideala i slobode covjeka i pravde,
kojima ste vi bili naoruzani, najjace je oruzje. Europa je
sazidana upravo na vrijednostima, rekao je Ivan Jakovcic,
Ministar za europske integracije...>>

IL DIFFICILE RISCIACQUO IN CANDEGGINA DELLA FONDAZIONE
NAZIONALISTA E RAZZISTA DELLO STATO CROATO

Ancora da "Glas Istre - Novi List":

<<A Plitvice [dove iniziarono i primi scontri tra croati e
serbi nel'91] si � svolta la 6. Convenzione dell'Unit� croata
dell'Unione genitori dei difensori della guerra
patriottica [sic!]. Alla conferenza ha parlato a nome del
presidente Mesic il suo consigliere : "Con la lettura delle
pagine pi� buie della guerra patriottica, si toglier� alla
Croazia tutta l'ipoteca della responsabilit� collettiva,
perch� quelli che hanno commesso i crimini devono rispondere
di essi." Queste parole hanno provocato forti reazioni in
una parte dei parenti. Jadranka Kosor, una giovane
rappresentante membro onorario della Convenzione, e
membro dell'HDZ, la piu acclamata alla conferenza, ha detto
e sottolineato che � arrivato il momento di replicare con
alcuni dati di fatto. Uno di questi � che la guerra patriottica
e' stata difensiva [sic!] e che quei morti hanno difeso la
Croazia [si riferisce solo ai morti croati, n.d.T.].>>

"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:

<<A Zara dopo una lunga operazione condotta dall'unita' operativa
criminalistica degli Affari interni, sono state fermate 2
persone accusate per i crimini di guerra effettuati nella
cittadina di Ahmici [in Bosnia] contro i civili musulmani.
Si tratta di Tomislav Vlajic e Ante Sliskovic che sotto falsi
nomi soggiornavano nel distretto di Zara. Sono riusciti a
dileguarsi [sic] Pasko Ljubicic e Vlado Cosic.
Processarli, dove? A Zara, A Zagabria o all'Aia?...>>

<<U Zadru, nakon dugotrajne kriminalisticke obrade MUP-a:
Uhicena dvojica osumnjicenih za ratni zlocin u Ahmicima!
Policija uhitila Tomislava Vlajica, i Antu Sliskovica koji su
se s laznim identiteom skrivali na podrucju Zadra. Osumnjiceni
su kao pocinitelji ratnog zlocina protiv civila u Ahmicima l993.
U bijegu se nalaze Pasko Ljubicic i Vlado Cosic, a MUP ne
iskljucuje ni mogucnost njihove predaje Opcinski drzavni
odvjetnik Ivan Galovic, sudjenje: Zadar, Zagreb, Haag?..>>

RACAN (PRIMO MINISTRO) SI DIVINCOLA TRA CRIMINI CROATI E
CRIMINI SERBI

Da "La voce del popolo", quotidiano in lingua italiana di
Fiume - Rijeka, 20 settembre:
<<Intervento del premier Racan: Per i crimini di guerra non ci
saranno amnistie. Va fatta luce su tutti i crimini commessi sul
territorio della Croazia, e i colpevoli devono essere processati.
"I delitti commessi nel corso della guerra dovevano essere gi�
un capitolo chiuso" ha continuato Racan, ribadendo che il Paese
non pu� continuare a essere ostaggio per non aver compiuto
quanto uno Stato, in cui le leggi vengono rispettate, deve fare.
Racan ha detto che non sa se ci saranno altri arresti dato che
ci� non gli compete. Sono le istituzioni che hanno il compito
di indagare e processare, e va quindi a loro concessa maggiore
fiducia. Indipendentemente dalle proteste suscitate dai recenti
arresti a Gospic (Krajina), durante la guerra sono state
ammazzate l20 persone tra cui una decina di croati.>>

Invece dal quotidiano "Glas Istre": <<"Non c'e' condono per i
crimini di guerra". Il premier Racan alla Radio croata sui
crimini commessi dai serbi in Croazia. La Croazia ha emesso
150 mandati di cattura contro serbi accusati di aver commesso
crimini di guerra, e quando saranno catturati saranno consegnati
alla giustizia croata e rispoderanno per i loro crimini, ha
detto Racan. I crimini non cadono in prescrizione e la Croazia
respinge ogni condono. Per quelli che hanno commesso i crimini
di guerra, le autorit� croate d'ora in poi non avviseranno i
serbi che vogliono tornare in Croazia se sono stati accusati
o no di crimini.>>

IL PRESIDENTE MESIC MANDA IN PENSIONE 7 GENERALI DAL PASSATO
UN PO' TROPPO IMBARAZZANTE (ancora da "Glas Istre"):

Si tratta di:

1. Damir Krsticevic - ufficiale croato di gran carriera, militarmente
si � formato anche negli USA;
2. Mirko Cosic;
3 .Mirko Norac - eroe o criminale di guerra, responsabile per
l'uccisione di civili serbi e croati a Gospic nel l99l-1993;
4. Ante Gotovina, comandante della operazione "Tempesta" [pulizia
etnica delle Krajne, 1995, vedasi l'omonimo libro di G. Scotti,
edizioni Gamberetti];
5. Ivan Cermak - vicino a Gojko Susak negli affari di imprenditore,
perci� la sua esperienza l'ha portato ad essere il principale
responsabile della logistica;
6. Janko Bobetko - il suo libro � diventato materiale di testimonianza
per il Tribunale dell'Aia;
7. Ivan Basanac - comandante della III brigata di Zagabria,
sostituito perch� non era riuscito a spezzare la difesa serba di
Petrinja; e Nojko Marinovic, decorato per la difesa di Dubrovnik.

CHIESA E NAZISTI PUNTANO IL DITO SU MESIC

A proposito di ci�, ecco la dichiarazione di Tomislav Mercep
[capo dei paramilitari responsabili delle violenze contro i serbi
nelle zone presso Vukovar agli albori del conflitto, ed oggi
deputato al Parlamento croato]: "l000 croati risponderanno certo
per l0 serbi!"

Si fa sentire anche la chiesa. Lettera aperta dei domenicani e
delle domenicane croate al presidente Mesic: "Dovete ancora
ottenere la nostra fiducia". "La guerra patriottica non deve
essere infangata !"

MESIC MINACCIATO DI MORTE PER ESSERE TROPPO POCO CROATO

"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:

<<Il "comandante Domagoj" (pseudonimo) ha minacciato con una lettera
il presidente Mesic di morte. Finora la famigerata organizzazione
"Fraterna rivoluzione croata" ha condannato a morte l3 persone,
tra le quali anche il presidente Mesic. La "Slobodna" � in
possesso di questa lettera, che e' anche stata pubblicata dal
nostro quotidiano. Se qualcuno esegue questa condanna al fuori
delle fila della stessa organizzazione sar� ricompensato con un
milione di dollari USA [sic!]...>>

<<"Slobodna" u posjedu zlokobnog pisma "Hrvatskog revolucionarnog
bratstva". Zapovjednik Domagoj Mesicu prijeti smrcu! Do sada je
prema vladinom saopcenju, "HRB" na smrtnu kaznu osudilo 13 osoba,
a medju njima i predsjednika Mesica. Tajanstveni zapovjednik
Domagoj nasem listu uputio kopiju zastrasujuce presude poslane
u Ured hrvatskog predsjednika.
Ukoliko tu kaznu neko izvede van redova HRB-a, biti ce mu
isplacena nagrada u visini od l.000.000 dolara...>>

ANCHE LA CROAZIA HA VOTATO PER KOSTUNICA

"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:

<<Il Presidente croato STIPE MESIC: "Ritengo, spero, che vinca
Kostunica, anche se � nazionalista, ma � anche legalista e
liberista, e il suo nazionalismo non � pericoloso per la Croazia...>>

ANCHE POLA DIVENTERA' UNA BASE MILITARE STATUNITENSE?

NATO u Pulskoj luci?

Cetveroclano izaslanstvo NATO-a i Ratne mornarice SAD-a,
predvodjeno Francescom Infanteom, obisao je jucer brodom
Lucke kapetanije, pulsku luku, radi njenog eventualnog koriscenja
za potrebe NATO-a.

Base NATO a Pola ?

Una delegazione di 4 componenti della NATO e la Marina militare
USA, capeggiata da Francesco Infante, ha visitato con il
battello della Capitaneria del porto ha visitato il porto di Pola
per un eventuale uso della NATO.

---

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-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia
Data: Wed, 08 Nov 2000 20:34:54 +0100
Da: global reflexion <office@...>
A: office@...

The Global Reflexion Foundation contributes, according to her ability,
to
the distribution of information on international issues that in the
media
does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We
receive information from different sources, that does not necessary
reflect
our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail.

Dear readers,
Till November 27 our office will be closed. Untill that date Jared
Israel
of Emperors Clothes will send you directly his updates.
Sincerely,

Nico Varkevisser

******************************************************
Wednesday, November 8, 2000

1. Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia
2. Who is Goran Svilanovic?
3. Unjust from the Start: The War Crimes Tribunal vs. General Djordje
Djukic
4. Bernard Kouchner's Legacy of Failure

****************************************************

Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia (excerpts)

Monday, November 6 11:25 PM SGT

BELGRADE, Nov 6 (AFP)

"The first move would be to "enable" the ICTY to open its office
in
Yugoslavia, and "together with our investigators, collect crimes
that
can be found on our territory," Svilanovic said."

President Vojislav Kostunica has agreed to allow the UN war crimes
tribunal to open an office in Belgrade and plans to set up a truth
commission to deal with Yugoslavia's wartime past, the foreign minister
said Monday.

"We cannot and we should not avoid facing the consequences of war and
responsibility for crimes," Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic was quoted
by the Beta news agency as saying.

Kostunica told visiting Austrian Foreign Minister Benita
Ferrero-Waldner
that the decision to allow the war crimes tribunal office to open did
not
indicate a shift in position over the fate of Slobodan Milosevic, wanted
for trial for crimes against humanity, an Austrian diplomat said.

Kostunica reiterated that he had other priorities than to hand over the
former Yugoslav president for trial at the Hague-based International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), said the diplomat.

The diplomat said Kostunica had indicated that it was more important
for
the country to tackle "its current severe economic problems" than
handing
Milosevic over to the ICTY.

In talks with Ferrero-Waldner, who currently heads the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Kostunica said he was "ready
to
accept the opening of an ICTY bureau in Belgrade," said the diplomat.

The people of Yugoslavia should be informed about "everything that was
done either in the name of alleged Serb national interests or against
the
Serb people," said Svilanovic, who was appointed as part of the new
government on the weekend.

The first move would be to "enable" the ICTY to open its office in
Yugoslavia, and "together with our investigators, collect crimes that
can
be found on our territory," Svilanovic said. (3)

"The second step would be to form a truth commission, comprising people
of full confidence of our public," he said, adding that such findings
should be followed by "establishing concrete responsibility and trials
in
the territory of our country."

Such a commission would be based on one established in South Africa
after
the end of apartheid, which probed human rights abuses under apartheid
and
recommended reparations for victims.

***

Further reading

1) 'An Impartial Tribunal? Really?' by Christopher Black at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/Impartial.htm

2) 'Meeting with Carla del Ponte on NATO's Crimes of War'
by Michael Mandel at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/mandel.htm

(3) 'David Rohde, Srebrenica and the New Justice' by Jared Israel at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/fulltext.htm

The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/grappling.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]

*******************************************************************

Who is Goran Svilanovic?
The Man Who Invited The War Crimes Tribunal to Belgrade

by Jared Israel (11-7-2000)

Goran Svilanovic became Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia last weekend.
Exactly how Svilanovic achieved this post without a vote of the Yugoslav
Parliament is a mystery, but in his newly acquired post, Svilanovic just
announced, with the apparent approval of Vojislav Kostunica, who has
taken
the post of President, that the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia (the 'War Crimes Tribunal') will establish an office
in
Belgrade and that 'his' government will fully cooperate in hunting down
'war criminals.'

This represents a reversal of Yugoslav policy. That policy was
established
by a government with a
majority of seats in the Federal Parliament. It does not appear that
Parliament has discussed this change; it has simply been announced.

Goran Svilanovic is Chairperson of the miniscule Serbian Citizens'
Alliance
party (GSS). He ascended to that position in August, 1999. The GSS has
had
the warmest relations with Washington. Its previous
chair, Vesna Pesic, was a founder of the Washington-funded group, 'Women
in
Black,' which simulated the appearance of a peace movement while
actively
discouraging resistance to the Washington/Bonn assault on Yugoslavia.
Pesic
is widely despised in Yugoslavia as a traitor. Another GSS leader, Zoran
Korac, a Belgrade psych professor, has appeared in Western mass media as
an
expert witness, arguing his pet theory, that the Yugoslav wars of
secession
were caused by Serbian aggression stemming from paranoia, the much
acclaimed 'victim mentality.'

Mr. Svilanovic met several times with US Special Envoy to the Balkans,
Robert Gelbard; for instance on August 4, 1999. ('Middle East News
Items,'
August 10, 1999 )

On Nov. 3. 1999 Svilanovic and other opposition leaders met in
Washington
with Madeline Albright who promised them more money and other support
and
praised their courage, etc. Following is the text of Svilanovic's
statement
made at that time, from Washington, D.C.:

Text of Svilanovic's statement, broadcast on Radio B2-92, Belgrade,
1600 gmt 4 Nov 99:

"Announcer: The chairman of the Serbian Civic Alliance GSS - member
of
the Alliance for Change
, Goran Svilanovic, has joined his party's news conference from
Washington by phone and said hat
the main achievement of meetings in Washington is the announcement
that a joint working group
of the US, the EU [European Union] and the Serbian opposition
representatives will be set up.

"Svilanovic: They see this working group here as a trilateral
commission. The US has publicly said
that it wishes, in conjunction with the EU, to establish a
committee
which would cooperate with a
democratic Serbia in the process of democratic reforms in the
country.
The idea that the EU and
the USA want and wish to work together and to define a joint policy
regarding Serbia is, as far as I
am concerned, the main achievement of all these meetings."

The URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/goran.htm

www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]

********************************************************

Unjust from the Start: The War Crimes Tribunal vs. General Djordje
Djukic

By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-8-2000)

[Note: Prof. Kosta Cavoski is a distinguished Yugoslav law scholar who
has taught theory of law at the University of Belgrade. This is the
first
of a 4 part series by Dr. Cavoski on the International Criminal
Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia, the ICTY or War Crimes Tribunal.]

"Doctor Slobodan Ivkovic, who looked after [General] Djordje
Djukic during his last days, said that "inadequate treatment and
therapy during his time in [the War Crimes Tribunal] prison and
hospital brought on a sudden deterioration in the General's
health"
and added that General Djukic received salted, greasy food which
"third and fourth year medical students know that patients
operated
on for cancer of pancreas must not eat." Nasa Borba, 9 February
1996. [From footnote 6, below]

If things begin well there is a good chance that they will end well and
vice versa. The start of the first important case that was presented to
the International Criminal Tribunal was a complete fiasco. The case in
question was that of the Tribunal Prosecutor versus Djordje Djukic. It
ended disgracefully, leaving behind a sad example of serious violation
of
the guarantees and institutions of criminal law which are applied and
respected in all civilized countries.

Illegitimate Arrest

The arrest of a person is an exceptionally serous and dangerous act
with
regard to elementary human rights and should therefore be carried out
with
utmost caution. In civilized countries it is undertaken in accordance
with
procedural guarantees involving an arrest warrant when there exists
reasonable doubt that a crime has been carried out, or as apprehension
in
the line of duty during the actual perpetration of a serious crime.
General
Djordje Djukic was arrested by the Muslim authorities on a road that was
under the protection of the Implementation Force (IFOR). Neither the
court
in Muslim Sarajevo nor The Hague International Criminal Tribunal (i.e.
the
Prosecutor) had accused, let alone suspected him of any criminal act.
Arrest implies a legal process, but he was not even arrested, he was
simply
kidnapped in a form of highway robbery before the eyes of the IFOR.

This took place on 30 January 1996 on a road secured by IFOR. General
Lieutenant Colonel Djordje Djukic, assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics
of
the Republika Srpska Army in the rear, Aleksa Krsmanovic, Deputy
Commander
of the Sarajevo-Romanija Rear Corps, and driver Radenko
Todorovic, were driving along this road in a car with civilian
registration plates, having first informed IFOR of their route. In view
of
this, the arrest of General Djordje Djukic, Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic
and
Radenko Todorovic was an arbitrary act and in violation of the
well-known
legal institution of habeas corpus - the guarantee against arbitrary
arrest. At the moment of arrest none of these persons were breaking the
law, neither did there exist a valid warrant for their arrest.

Following their arrest General Djukic and Colonel Krsmanovic were
illegally detained for a full six days (from 30 January to 4 February
1996)
in police custody, even though the current law on criminal procedure in
Muslim Sarajevo states that police custody can only last 72 hours. It
was
only on 6 February that they were handed a ruling on custody when the
Sarajevo High Court instituted proceedings (court ruling no. Ki - 57/96)
against General Djordje Djukic on the grounds of suspected war crimes
against civilians. Until then General Djordje Djukic was subjected to
eight
days of torture and mental distress as a result of interminable
interrogation, sometimes lasting for 20 hours a day. All this was done
in
spite of Djukic's timely warning that he was seriously ill and that he
needed medical care and medication.

The Prosecutor's Gullibility and Rashness

However heinous and unforgivable this illegal and arbitrary behavior on
the part of the Muslim authorities, it didn't surprise anyone. In civil
and
religious wars mutual hatred has provoked many worse and more dangerous
crimes, particularly since the international actors in Bosnia were
biased
towards one side if not indifferent. What was surprising, however, was
the
tendency of the International Criminal Tribunal in the Hague, and
especially its prosecutor Richard Goldstone, to incorrectly apply and
breach the very rules that it had instituted. From November 1993 when
eleven judges were appointed and the Tribunal began to work, up to 30
January 1996 (two years and two months later), the Prosecutor's office
carefully collected all available data related to war crimes on the
territory of former Yugoslavia, in particular in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
During this time absolutely no-one marked General Djordje Djukic and
Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic as suspected war criminals, even though all
sides, including the Muslim authorities in Sarajevo assisted in the
collection of data and the compilation of a list of suspects. This fact
should have prescribed at the very least restraint and great caution on
the
part of Prosecutor Richard Goldstone when he heard that high ranking
Serbian officers had been kidnapped as suspected war criminals by Muslim
authorities on a road supervised by IFOR. Instead of this, the ambitious
Richard Goldstone decided on 7 February to instigate proceedings against
General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic, thereby validating
the lawlessness of the Muslims and their alleged suspicion of the two
for
being war criminals. He then sent his experts to Sarajevo to investigate
this long awaited case. During talks with CSCE representatives in
Vienna,
Goldstone clearly stated that proof against Djukic and Krsmanovic "was
serious enough to call for
an investigation"(1). Hence Christian Chartier, spokesman of The Hague
Tribunal announced that Goldstone "had concluded that there were
adequate
grounds to take the Bosnian charges seriously and carry out an
investigation into the possible guilt of the suspects for acts under the
jurisdiction of the International Tribunal"(2).

On 12 February 1996, at the request of Prosecutor Richard Goldstone,
General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic were transferred to
the International Tribunal prison in The Hague as suspects. This implied
that in accordance with Rule 2 of the Tribunal "the Prosecutor possesses
reliable information which tends to show that they may have committed a
crime over which the Tribunal has jurisdiction". It is hardly necessary
to
say that the most important component of this sentence is the
reliability
of the information regarding alleged crimes committed by the suspects.

The Prosecutor's Violation of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence

To his great regret, Richard Goldstone very quickly realized that the
information he had received from Sarajevo was not at all reliable, and
that
the thirty or so officials sent to The Hague by the US Ministry of
Justice
at its own expense had not discovered anything of importance in the
meantime. Only then did he realize that at the very beginning of the
case
he had made an unforgivable mistake and seriously violated the
Tribunal's
Rules of Procedure and Evidence.

According to article 8 of the Statute of the International Tribunal of
25
May 1993, the Tribunal has concurrent jurisdiction with national courts
in
the pursuit of people who have seriously violated international
humanitarian laws on the territory of former Yugoslavia since 1 January
1991. At the
same time the primacy of the International Tribunal over national
courts
is stipulated. However, the practical application of such primacy occurs
only if at any stage in the procedure the International Tribunal demands
of
the national court that it defer its competence in accordance with the
Statute
and its Rules of Procedure and Evidence.

Since the High Court in Sarajevo had already instituted criminal
proceedings against General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic
under its ruling no. Ki-57/96, in order to initiate his own
investigation, Prosecutor Richard Goldstone should have fist proposed
to
the Trial Chamber that it submit a formal demand for deferral of
competence
of the national court to that of the Tribunal. The Trial Chamber would
then
have had to adopt his proposal so that the International Tribunal could
submit a formal demand to the state in question for its court to defer
competence. Only then the national court deferred competence to the
International Tribunal could the Prosecutor initiate an investigation
and
seek the transferal of the suspects to The Hague. Richard Goldstone,
however, did both - he initiated investigation and transferred the
suspects
- without having first proposed to the Trial Chamber that a formal
demand
for competence deferral be made, and waited for the decision of the
Chamber. This would have been followed by submission of the demand and
its
formal acceptance. He therefore broke Rules 9 and 10, which to him
should
have been inviolable.

(1. continua)

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Blackmail and Extortion of Proof

If Richard Goldstone had possessed reliable and incriminating evidence
against Djukic and Krsmanovic, the disturbing realization that he had
broken the Rules of the Tribunal would not have bothered him much.
Since,
however, there was no such proof or the hope that it would be found,
Goldstone was forced to twist, distort and falsify the facts in an
attempt
to extract himself. In this he was generously assisted by the president
of
the First Trial Chamber, French judge Claude Jorda. The first step was
to
change the legal status of Djordje Djukic and Aleksa Krsmanovic. To do
this
Richard Goldstone and the responsible judges off-handedly forgot that on
13
February 1996 The Hague Tribunal spokesman, Christian Chartier, publicly
announced that investigation into
two hig ranking officers had begun, that as uspects they had been
informed
that they had the right not to answer questions, the right to choose a
lawyer and that they would have at their disposal a court translator.
The
very next day, 14 February 1996, Goldstone himself announced that Djukic
and Krsmanovic had been transferred to The Hague "under suspicion that
during the conflict in former Yugoslavia they had committed serious
breaches of international humanitarian laws". However, instead of this
qualification, on 28 February Goldstone suddenly changed the status of
the
prisoners to potential witnesses, to the shock of defense lawyers, Toma
Fila and Milan Vujin, who immediately stated that this was "the first
time"
they had heard their clients were witnesses and not suspects. (3)

The real reason behind the change in the prisoners' status was due to
the
fact that in order to summon witnesses to The Hague it was not necessary
to
have either a formal demand for competence deferral by the Trial Chamber
or
a formal decision by the Sarajevo High Court deferring its competence to
the International Tribunal. According to Rule 90 bis which was
subsequently
added, the International Tribunal can demand, in the interest of a
testimony, temporary access to detained persons. Thus it turns out that
Djukic and Krsmanovic were kidnapped and formally placed under criminal
investigation in Sarajevo so that, hand cuffed, they could be
transferred
to The Hague prison in order to supposedly testify. In this way the
Prosecutor and the judges 'enriched' the international practice of
criminal
law by instituting the preventive arrest of witnesses - something
unknown
to any civilized criminal legislation. A witness can only be forcefully
brought to court if he or she does not respond to a subpoena or excuse
their absence.

Illegal Indictment

The act of issuing a bill of indictment against General Djordje Djukic
in
itself was a new and serious violation of the Rules of Procedure and
Evidence. In the surprising change of Djukic's and rsmanovic's status
from
suspects to witnesses, Richard Goldstone tacitly admitted that the Rules
had been seriously violated since there had been no previous institution
of
competence deferral procedures. Therefore, it could be assumed that the
same mistake would not be made again. It has already
been said that investigation against General Djordje Djukic and his
detention in prison had been set in motion by ruling no. Ki-57/96 of the
High Court in Sarajevo of 6 February. This meant that criminal
proceedings
before the court of the Muslim-Croat Federation had been instigated.
Under
such circumstances, especially as he did not possess any proof, the
Tribunal Prosecutor was not in the position to directly press charges
against Djukic. To do this he first had to propose to the Trial Chamber
that it submit a formal demand for deferral of competence. Only when the
High Court in Sarajevo delivered its decision to defer its competence to
the jurisdiction of the International Tribunal would Richard Goldstone
have
had the authority to issue a bill of indictment. However, he once again
broke Rules 9 and 10 of the Tribunal and did just this without the
Sarajevo
High Court deferring competence to the International Tribunal, or indeed
the International Tribunal taking over jurisdiction of this case. To
make
matters worse, Goldstone was supported by Justice Adolphus Godwin
Karibi-Whyte, who accepted the bill of indictment and signed the arrest
warrant fully aware that formal take-over of jurisdiction had not taken
place. Once again it was made clear that neither the Prosecutor nor
certain
of the judges afforded minimum respect to the Rules that should have
been-the backbone of their work.

Aside from formal default the indictment against Djukic had
inadmissible
material shortcomings - Djukic's responsibility was neither specified
nor
backed by any reliable evidence. It was stated that General Djordje
Djukic,
in his capacity as assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics, was
responsible
for the following duties: rear area supplies to all units of the Bosnian
Serb army; recommendations for all cadre appointments; issuance of
orders
related to the delivery of supplies for the Bosnian Serb army
units, regulation of rear area transfers; decisions on the procurement
and
use of materials and technical equipment from the Bosnian Serb army
warehouses. Furthermore, "Djordje Djukic, in agreement with others,
planned, prepared or aided the actions and operations of the Bosnian
Serb
army and its allies", which included the bombing of civilian buildings.
This bombing lasted from May 1992 until December 1995. During this time
"the Bosnian Serb armed forces in Sarajevo deliberately, arbitrarily and
on
a widespread and systematic basis, bombed civilian targets that were of
no
military importance in order to kill, wound, terrorize and demoralize
the
civilian population of Sarajevo".

Hence, by supplying the entire Republika Srpska army, Djukic was
directly
responsible for the war crimes committed. This indictment however, did
not
provide sufficient evidence on the basis of which a causal relationship
could have been established between the deeds of the accused and their
consequences that were qualified as war crimes. Instead of this there
was
an attempt to "prove" that General Djordje Djukic, as assistant Chief of
Staff of Logistics was directly responsible for all operations on the
front
surrounding Sarajevo.

Special attention should be paid to the fact that the Prosecutor did
not
submit the exact dates of the shelling during the given period. This
would
have lent support to the presumed causal relationship between Djordje
Djukic's acts and their consequences - the wounding, killing, and
terrorizing of the civilian population. The Prosecutor did not do this
knowing that throughout the period in question, Djordje Djukic's poor
state
of health had resulted in his extended absence from work for treatment
in
the Military Medical Academy hospital in Belgrade. In fact, had the
exact
dates of the bombing been specified Djukic would have had the perfect
alibi
- reliable proof that on the days in question he was undergoing serious
medical treatment instead of planning and preparing the crimes he was
allegedly
responsible for.

Such incomplete and inexact charges could be used as an indictment
against
thousands of other Serbian soldiers simply by introducing their personal
information and stressing their strict liability for action in any area
of
the front. This, of course, could only happen if strict liability were
an
accepted concept within the criminal law of the International Tribunal
in
The Hague. However, this is something long discarded in civilized
countries.

The evidence collected by the prosecutor was the weakest aspect in the
indictment against General Djordje Djukic. It was based on an overview
of
the organizational structure of the civil and military authority in
Republika Srpska and the internal organization of certain political
parties, including
that of Arkan (Zeljko Raznjatovic). It consisted of information related
only to General Djukic, in particular the way in which he assumed his
position in the Republika Srpska army and his official duties and
obligations. Especially surprising is the fact that this indictment
included data on
Radovan Karadzic. President of Republika Srpska, and General Ratko
Mladic,
Commander of the Republika Srpska army, and their alleged activities
(despite the fact that Richard Goldstone had already charged the two
separately). In all likelihood this was an attempt on the part of
Richard
Goldstone to implicate General Djordje Djukic merely because he
belonged
to the same military organization as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic.
A
tabular schedule of the alleged bombing of civilian targets and
population
was provided with no reference to who drew up this schedule
(it could have been done by a journalist on the basis of newspaper
reports), or how reliable the data were.

On the basis of such unconvincing and totally undetermined evidence,
Richard Goldstone detained and indicted Djordje Djukic of alleged action
that could have resulted in life imprisonment. He thereby made it clear
that the Bosnian Serbs came under a special legal category subject to
the
rule of the Queen of Hearts from Alice in Wonderland: "Sentence first -
verdict afterwards".

Professional Defeat Portrayed As "Victory of Humanism"

The Prosecutor knew very well that the offered "facts" were no sort of
proof of Djukic's individual responsibility, but he hoped that by the
time
the case (which was constantly postponed) came to court either something
convincing would be found, or the accused, in his poor state of health
would agree to "cooperate" with the Tribunal as a witness thereby more
or
less validating his presence at The Hague. However, when it became clear
that this last hope would come to nothing, Richard Goldstone summoned
the
strength to make one more desperate move: he proposed the dropping of
charges. Instead of publicly admitting that he had not succeeded in
collecting reliable and convincing evidence, he tried to promote his own
magnanimity and humanity. Despite the fact that he knew of Djukic's
incurable illness from the very beginning, Goldstone only now found it
necessary to inform the Tribunal that according to the independent
opinion
of Danish doctors, Djukic was suffering from terminal cancer that had
already metastased to other organs, including the spine. To save face,
he
ended with hoping that "the withdrawal of the indictment will not be
against his right to indict the accused at some time in the future for
these same offenses should the medical condition of the accused change".

Had the Prosecutor been truly prepared to face up to his own
professional
and human conscience, he would have had to ask himself whether the
kidnapping of Djordje Djukic, his long and debilitating "interrogation"
and
torture in the prison in Muslim Sarajevo, as well as his indictment did
not
exacerbate an accelerated worsening of his already fatal state of
health.
Would Djordje Djukic not have lived longer had he not been exposed to
such
maltreatment, loss of freedom and unfounded accusation? Instead of this
Richard Goldstone coldly noted that the accused probably would not
survived his trial and even if he did, the progressive worsening of his
health would make him almost incapable or meaningfully participating in
his
own defense. Under such conditions his trial would be inherently unfair.

Djukic's defense lawyers, Milan Vujin and Toma Fila, immediately
opposed
Richard Goldstone's proposal and his attempt to wash his hands, under
the
guise of humanity, of his numerous mistakes and the great harm he had
done
Djordje Djukic. With good reason, the defense lawyers claimed that the
Prosecutor had not backed his indictment with any form of evidence of
the
alleged guilt of Djordje Djukic. They demanded of the Tribunal that it
unconditionally free Djukic due to lack of evidence. They
also warned that any other resolution would leave the shadow of
suspicion
of Djukic's guilt as a war criminal thereby damaging his reputation and
honor.

The Trial Chamber presided over by French Justice Claude Jorda
immediately
perceived that Richard Goldstone's proposal was not in accordance with
Rule
51, which states:"The Prosecutor may withdraw an indictment without
leave,
at any time before its confirmation, but thereafter only with leave of
the
Judge who confirmed it or, if at trial only with leave of the Trial
Chamber". As no conditions are specified for the withdrawal of an
indictment as for example in the case of ill health of the accused, it
can
be assumed that this can only be done if the grounds for indictment
disappear. This implies that there was no longer any suspicion, let
alone
evidence, that war crimes had been committed by General Djukic. Thus the
withdrawal of the indictment as proposed by he Prosecutor, meant that it
should never have been made. To indict again for the same offenses
could
not be done as a result of Djukic's improvement of health since
conditional
withdrawal of an indictment does not exist. He could only be indicted
again
on the basis of new, collected evidence.

Confronted by this state of affairs, the Trial Chamber tried to find a
solution which would, at least temporarily, save the face of the
Tribunal
and its Prosecutor. Citing Rule 65 on provisional release, it decided to
free Djukic from detention due to his poor state of health and the lack
of
proper medical care in the prison, leaving the indictment in force.
However, this was a breach of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence that
were
passed by the Tribunal itself. Paragraph (B) of Rule 65 states that a
detained person can be temporarily released "only in exceptional
circumstances, after hearing the representatives of the host country",
i.e.
Holland, and possibly of the Yugoslav Federal Republic where Djukic
traveled to on his release. In a feverish rush to find a way out of this
worrying and humiliating position, the Trial Chamber conveniently forgot
this important stipulation, and gave
no hearing to either Dutch or Yugoslav Government representatives.
Thereby
Djukic's case ended as it began - by flagrant and shameful breach of the
rules that are laid down in civilized criminal procedures. There only
remained for the Appeals Chamber to rule on the Prosecutor's appeal and
the complaint lodged by the defense lawyers who persistently demanded
that
the case be closed with a meritorious, and not procedural, verdict -
meaning that Djordje Djukic be freed on lack of evidence which would
preserve his reputation. Despite their professional and moral defeat,
the
Prosecutor and judges at The Hague at least had the satisfaction of
knowing
that they had shortened the life (6) of General Djordje Djukic by
speeding
up his death - like the riders of the Apocalypse. Djukic's death
came very fast. Already on 18 May 1996, General Djordje Djukic silently
passed away.

If at first glance this looked like clumsy and naive sophistry, in
essence
and by its consequences it was diabolical subterfuge. By changing the
status of the prisoners from suspects to witnesses, the Prosecutor
practically "offered" General Djukic and Colonel Krsmanovic the
opportunity
to testify
against other people in return for their own release from the charges
and
trial. Clearly this was a form of blackmail and extortion. The
Prosecutor
must have known that such "testimony" is of doubtful credibility since
it
is hard to believe someone who would implicate someone else in order to
be
absolved. What is worse is that the blackmail was substantiated by a
dangerous threat: either you "sing" here in The Hague or we'll hand you
back to your torturers in Muslim Sarajevo. That this was blackmail and
threat was clear to the president of the Trial Chamber, Claude Jorda,
who
almost incredulously asked General Djukic and his lawyer - Milan Vujin
and
Toma Fila - a number of times whether they were aware that if Djukic did
not "voluntarily" testify at The Hague he would be returned to Muslim
Sarajevo where his only hope was the death sentence for alleged
participation in genocide (4) to say nothing of abuse and torture in
prison, something the Muslim police are accustomed and partial to.

In face of the firm refusal of General Djordje Djukic and Colonel
Aleksa
Krsmanovic to "cooperate" with the Prosecutor, at the beginning of May
1996
Richard Goldstone pulled another diabolical move: he decided to separate
the fates of the two Hague prisoners by indicting General Djukic and
returning Colonel Krsmanovic to the mercy of the Muslim police and
Sarajevo
judiciary. This separation was difficult because both were rear officers
-
Djukic was assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics of the Republika Srpska
army, and Krsmanovic deputy commander of the Sarajevo-Romanija rear
corps.
If General Djukic was charged with taking part in the bombing and
destruction of Sarajevo because he supplied with food and ammunition the
Sarajevo-Romanija corps that had surrounded Muslim Sarajevo, why should
Colonel Krsmanovic, who sent the supplies he received from Djukic to the
artillery batteries on the heights around Sarajevo, not answer for the
same
crime? However, what was impossible from the point of view of legal
logic
and principles, was permissible and possible from a practical point of
view, and this is the only thing that seemed to govern Richard
Goldstone.

And what was this practical purpose? When the Prosecutor offered Djukic
and Krsmanovic the opportunity to "cooperate" by implicating their
seniors
(5), their refusal would have had to be so severely punished that in the
future any other person forcefully brought to "testify" at The Hague
would
have had in mind their example and been aware there was no choice but
to
cooperate. This is why Krsmanovic was immediately returned to Sarajevo,
even though the Prosecutor and judges knew very well the danger their
untried witness, against whom they could bring absolutely no charges, no
matter how great their desire to do so, would be exposed to. Richard
Goldstone issued a bill of indictment against General Djordje Djukic
with
the intention of punishing him in a likewise manner for refusing to
"cooperate". Thus he offered the Tribunal its first big opportunity to
bring to trial a high ranking officer of the Serbian Army. Perhaps he
hoped
that this indictment along with the serious state of Djukic's health
would
force Djukic to give in and "sing". Goldstone was not at all worried by
the
cruel abuse of Djukic's serious state of health since all means are
allowed
in carrying out of international justice.

***

To be posted soon, PART II: The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic
.

Footnotes

(1) Nasa Borba, 9 February 1996, according to FoNet report of 8
February 1996.

(2) Nasa Borba, 8 February 1996, according to a report by Mirko Klarin,
correspondent in Brussels.

(3) Nasa Borba, 28 February 1996, according to a report by Mirko
Klarin, correspondent in Brussels

(4) Nasa Borba, 1 March 1996 according to a report by Mirko Klarin,
correspondent in Brussels.

(5) In a conversation with Tribunal President Antonio Cassese, one of
the
attorneys asked if President Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic
were those who they had in mind. Cassese answered that they needed to
go much higher as if he were sure who was above Karadzic and Mladic

(6) "Doctor Slobodan Ivkovic, who looked after Djordje Djukic during
his
last days, said that "inadequate treatment and therapy during his time
in
prison and hospital brought on a sudden deterioration in the General's
health" and added that General Djukic received salted, greasy food
which
"third and fourth year medical students know that patients operated on
for
cancer of pancreas must not eat". Nasa Borba, 9 February 1996.

The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-.htm

www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]

***********************************************************

Bernard Kouchner's Legacy of Failure
by T.V. Weber & Alida Weber (11-7-2000)

We have long complained about the U.S. news media and its failure to
inform the public about the Clinton Administration's legacy of anarchy
and
mayhem in Kosovo. The news media in the U.S. has been virtually silent
about the ongoing genocide against Serbs and other minorities who
continue
to be victimized by terrorists associated with the "disbanded" KLA and
its
sympathizers in the U.N./KFOR occupation.

Over the past few months, though, the level of bloodshed has increased
enough that news of it begins to trickle through the blockade in the
mainstream U.S. news media.

In a 'Newsweek' interview May 15, Bernard Kouchner, the U.N. official
in
charge of the occupation of Kosovo, even admitted, "Apparently a Serb
has a
20 times greater chance of being a victim of a crime than an Albanian
does." But the tone of the Newsweek interview made it clear that neither
Kouchner nor the magazine's interviewer were unduly concerned about this
fact.

An article by 'Associated Press' writer Danica Kirka, "Three Killed in
Shooting in Kosovo," appeared in the 'Washington Post' May 29, 2000. The
article describes an act of senseless slaughter, in which an
unidentified
attacker, "thought to be an Albanian terrorist" and "armed with an
automatic weapon,
opened fire on a group of Serbs gathered in a store in Cernica." Killed
in
the attack were three Serbs: 4-year-old Milos Petrovic; Petrovic's
grandfather, Vojin Vasic, 60; and Tihomir Simjanovic, 45.

Bernard Kouchner was ready with crocodile tears, saying, "What can
possibly be gained by killing a child?"

But according to the article, Kouchner insisted that "only the regime
of
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic stands to gain by unrest in this
southern Serb province."

By making such a statement, Kouchner attempts to shift the blame for
this
innocent child's death to Mr. Milosevic. But that's ridiculous.
Milosevic,
for nearly a year, has had no control, nor even any influence, over
events
in Kosovo. Kouchner himself is the man in charge.

This incident is particularly revealing of Kouchner's true nature, but
the
murder of yet another Serb in Kosovo is, sadly, no isolated event. Too
many
other such crimes have been committed in recent months to repeat all of
them here, but an abundance of reports are available in news archives on
the Internet, for those who can stand to read such a catalogue of
tragedy
and horror.

Most revealing of all is the recent action by Doctors Without Borders
(a/k/a M�decins Sans Fronti�res or MSF), an organization that Kouchner
himself helped to found.

It should tell us something when even MSF can't keep up the charade any
longer. On August 7, 2000, MSF announced in a news release that their
organization is withdrawing from Kosovo. In their words:

"M�decins Sans Fronti�res has decided to reduce its teams and to
stop its present operations in the Kosovar enclaves. The
humanitarian organisation refuses to continue its operations on
behalf of the ethnic minorities in a context where basic
protection
for these populations is not being guaranteed by the military and
civilian administration of Kosovo." (See

http://www.msf.org/projects/europe/kosovo/reports/2000/08/pr-enclaves/
and http://www.egroups.com/message/decani/33582.).

MSF's news release was picked up by 'Associated Press 'and appeared in
'Nando Times' but did not receive wide coverage in the U.S.

Like so many other self-styled do-gooders who have made their careers
in
corrupt government bureaucracies and equally corrupt NGOs, Kouchner is a
trafficker in human misery. He won't willingly do anything to put
himself
and his fellow vultures out of business. After all, the longer he keeps
the
misery going, the longer he, and others like him, keep their jobs. But
this
works only so long as he can continue blaming the misery on someone
other
than himself. And it's getting harder for him to get away with that.

As Kouchner's term as administrator of occupied Kosovo draws to a
close,
it is clear that the reign of corruption, lawlessness, and terror in
Kosovo
represents Kouchner's personal failure. The rest of the world knows it,
even if Kouchner does not.

Further reading

1) For more articles by the Webers, please go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/artbyauth.html and click on "W"

2) Bernard Kouchner has been amazingly open in his advocacy of Kosovo
'independence' (in quotes because it comes the independence movement has
been inspired for 15 years by promises of aid and massive aid from the
U./S. and Germany) see: 'Solana and Kouchner push Kosovo 'Independence'
at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/lovein.htm

3) For more on the character of U.N. control of Kosovo see 'How will
you
plead at the trial, Mr. Annan?' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/howwill.htm

***
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/weber/weber.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]

Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands

(fine)

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Yugoslavia poised to resume diplomatic relations with U.S.

Kostunica: Ties with U.S. 'restored in days'
November 2, 2000
Web posted at: 3:20 PM EST (2020 GMT)


BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (CNN) -- President Vojislav Kostunica has revealed
that Yugoslavia will restore diplomatic relations with the United States in "a
matter of days."

In an exclusive interview with CNN's Alessio Vinci on Thursday, Kostunica
said: "Very soon, it is practically a matter of days, week or so.

"I do not know how much time it will take. First of all we must have a new
government."

Kostunica was speaking as the Belgrade press hailed Yugoslavia's entry into
the United Nations as a sign that the country had "rejoined the world."

In Serbia, several papers gave credit to the new leadership for moving
speedily to get Yugoslavia into the world body after eight years on the
margins under former president Slobodan Milosevic.

The 189-member General Assembly's unanimous decision, in the middle of
the night in Europe, to admit Yugoslavia came too late for newspapers to
produce considered commentaries on its wider significance, but the
coverage was prominent and positive.

IN-DEPTH
Uprising in Serbia


. Milosevic profile
. Kostunica profile
. Ambition and wealth
. Timeline 1945-2000
. Shrinking of Yugoslavia
. Message board
. Sanctions highlights
. Sick society
. Aftermath of an uprising
. Serbia: A day of change
. Protest in pictures


"We are part of the world again" proclaimed Belgrade's Politika daily in its
main front page headline.

Kostunica readily admitted to facing hurdles witihin the republic as tall as
those on the international arena. But he was more guarded on the prospects
of ousted Yugoslav president and indicted war criminal Slobodan Milosevic.

Milosevic "will come to trial"
Kostunica admitted his biggest challenges now lay in revitalising a moribund
economy and revitalising institutions that had waned or disappeared under
Milosevic's reign.

"The Milosevic regime was more than authoritarian -- we had nothing that
looked like normal elections, like normal media -- and because of the
discontent (that bred) there was a feeling of instability throughout society,"
Kostunica said.

The successor to the leadership insisted that Milosevic would be tried for his
crimes.

Kostunica had previously said he would pursue a trial against Milosevic
within Yugoslavia but on Thursday he refused to rule out handing over the
former leader to a war crimes tribunal in the Hague.

"The most serious punishment for Milosevic was to lose power. There are all
sorts of trials and Milosevic will come to that trial -- but I am not so narrow in
speaking about whether it will be the Hague or some sort of trial within the
country," he said.

The Yugoslav Parliament is expected to convene on Friday and give its
confidence on the new interim government on Saturday.

But the process may not go smoothly.

The leader of the multi-party alliance backing Kostunica said on Thursday it
would take no further part in the work of the Serbian government unless state
security chief Rade Markovic resigned.

Zoran Djindjic said the bloc had also unanimously demanded Yugoslav Army
chief of staff General Nebojsa Pavkovic's removal and was surprised his
position was not discussed when Kostunica chaired a meeting of the body
overseeing the army on Wednesday.

Djindjic, co-ordinator of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia bloc, said both
men were symbols of the repressive regime of Milosevic and had to go.

The DOS is sharing power with Milosevic's Socialists in a transitional
government intended to rule up to the elections planned for December.

But Djindjic said the DOS would not take part in Serbian government work
unless Markovic quit or was removed -- a measure which would require the
Socialists' consent. Several attempts to force Markovic out in the past week
have not succeeded.

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------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: "Rossi Alma" <alma@...>
To: "0 -CGIL-Lomb-Lino"
<rosolino_anelli.cgil_regionale@...>
Subject: rirorno da Kragujevac
Date sent: Tue, 31 Oct 2000 14:15:44 +0100

Una importante settimana di solidarietà tra i lavoratori italiani e quelli
della jugoslavia si è conclusa a Kragujevac.
E' infatti arrivato a Kragujevac domenica 29 ottobre il Tir con gli aiuti di
cui vi abbiamo parlato nel precedete messaggio.
Una iniziativa resa possibile dall'impegno di tante delegate e delegati Rsu,
luoghi di lavoro un po in tutta Italia (Bologna, Torino, Empoli, Milano,
Mantova, Lodi) dalla Fiom di Lecco, dalla Cgil di Massa carrara, dal
Comune
di Carrara, dal Comune di Rho e da Emergency, che ha permesso la
consegna di
materiale sanitario (tra cui un impianto di radiologia) e medicine, al
presisio sanitario "zastava" di Kragujevac. Altro materiale (sopratutto
cancelleria per la scuola, giocattori, scarpe per bambina e bambino) al
sindacato zastava ed agli orfanotrifi di Belgrado e Kragujevac.
Inoltre nella giornata di sabato 28 sono stati consegnati direttamente alle
famiglie gli aiuti economici relativi al progetto di adozioni a distanza di
Torino, nella mattinata di domenica 29 le adozioni di Lecco, mentre nel
pomeriggio sono state consegnate le adozioni di Bologna.
Nei giorni precedenti era già arrivata a Kragujevac una delegazione di ABC
(pace e solidarietà) di Roma con altre adozioni a distanza.
Nei prossimi giorni cercheremo di preparare una relazione più dettagliata
delle cose che abbiamo potuto verificare durante il viaggio. Per ora ci
preme sottolineare alcune informazioni che potrebbero tornare utili per una
valutazione della situazione.

1. Paradossalmente, all'eliminazione relativa dell'embargo e quindi, al
maggiore aflusso di merci alle frontiere, fa da contro altare un aumento dei
controlli della dogana e della polizia yugoslava che sono aumentati a
dismisura.
Per effetto di queste rigidità il nostro Tir è stato tenuto fermo per ben 28
ore alla frontiera. In questo lasso di tempo abbiamo potuto verificare come
molti Tir venissero scaricati completamente per verificarne il carico.
Molti autisti, ormai allo stremo dell'incazzatura erano addirituura fermi gi
à da 4 giorni. Il tutto apparentemente senza motivo. Infatti i Tir venivano
tenuti fermi senza che alcuno facesse nulla per giorni interi ed a nulla
serviva chiedere chiarimenti o informazioni sul perchè e sul quando si
sarebbe potuto essere "verificati".
Si aveva quasi l'impressione che si volesse "esasperare" una situazione.
Molti camionisti hanno perso i nervi ed alcuni, tra cui un autotrasportatore
di Gorizia che portava tondini di ferro è stato addirittura minacciato di
arresto.
La coda dei Tir che dovevano entrare in yugoslavia (praticamente ferma)
raggiungeva ormai i 7 chilometri, bloccando anche la frontiera e la dogana
della Croazia.
Anche sulle auto in transito i controlli sono apparsi subito più rigidi del
solito.
In occasione delle precedenti spedizioni i controlli erano sicuramente
accurati (come in slovenia e croazia nè più nè meno).
Comunque, alla fine, siamo riusciti a passare alle ore 15 di domenica 29,
dopo che eravamo arriuvati alla frontiera alle ore 11 di sabato 28 ottobre.
Un cambiamento del genere (addirittura controproducente alla ripresa del
flusso di merci per la jugoslavia), coincidente col cambio dell'assetto
politico della Jugoslavia, sembra denotare un generale irrigidimento
dell'apparato jugoslavo per il controllo del territorio. Infatti la stessa
maggiore rigidità l'abbiamo notata nella presenza della polizia sulle strade
(siamo stati infatti fermati altre molte volte sulla strada per kragujevac),
precedentemente praticamente assente.

2. negli incontri avuti con le famiglie dei lavoratori della zastava in
occasione delle assemblee fatte per le adozioni, abbiamo potuto verificare
come le condizioni di vita stiano sensibilmente peggiorando.
Al generale aumento dei prezzi dei generi di prima necessità (non più
sottoposti a regime di prezzo amministrato) si somma il peggioramento e
l'aumento del costo dei servizi.
In particolare Luce ed acqua. Oltre all'aumento del prezzo (45% e 70%) è
stato annullato anche il regime di assistenza.
Fino ad ieri infatti, per via dell'embargo e della guerra, per via dell'alto
tasso di disoccupazione e povertà, il governo jugoslavo, aveva congelato il
pagamento delle bollette.
Ora questo congelamento è stato abolit e le aziende erogatrici pretendono il
pagamento anche degli arretrati.
Cosa che molte famiglie non possono permettersi, essendo oltretutto senza
reddito ormai da mesi, da quando la Nato ha bombardato la fabbrica.
Abbiamo potuto verificare, essendo andati di sera a salutare una famiglia
che ho adottato personalmente, come a questi era stata da giorni tagliata la
luce. La madre a letto ammalata, il padre (operaio alla verniciatura della
zastava) senza reddito, due figli e tre familiari profughi dal Kosovo (tutti
in una stanza ed una cucina), con una candela ed una pila. Situazione
analoga ad altre famiglie vicine di casa.
Temono per il loro futuro anche alla luce delle manovre economiche
prannunciate dal nuovo governo.
La stessa situazione sofrono i servizi sociali (orfanotrofio, ospedali ecc.)
che senza più alcun impegno a sostenerne l'attività (la linea è quella della
privatizzazione) sono destinate a chiudere, a ridurre la qualità e la
quantità dei servizi, oppure a entrare nella logica della privatizzazione
erogando così i servizi solo a quelli che se li potranno pagare.
Da quello che abbiamo potuto vedere, anche se il programma economico
del
nuovo governo non si è ancora manifestato chiaramente, già da ora la prima
conseguenza è quella del peggioramento delle condiziooni di vita delle
famioglie dei lavoratori, dei pensionati, dei ceti più deboli, al quale
(come sempre) fa riscontro un arricchimento dei soliti speculatori che anzi
oggi trovano nelle nuove amministrazioni occasione di consolidamento delle
loro posizioni (alcuni si stanno mettendo in politica assumento cariche
pubbliche nei comuni, nelle aziende, nello stato)
E' triste dover verificare come per molte famiglie l'unica possibilità di
soppravvivenza (e non è una esagerazione) dipenda dalla quota di adozioni
a
distanza che dall'italia continuano per fortuna ad arrivare.

3. Nel sindacato zastava è oggi aperta una lotta tra la corrente che fa
riferimento al DOS e quella più di sinistra che fa riferimento a quanti, fin
dai bombardamenti hanno subito cercato contatti con gli altri sindacati
europeri e che si sono impegnati in iniziative contro la guerra, contro
l'embargo e per i programmi di solidarietà ai lavoratori della fabbrica.
Compagni, concreti, che al di la degli schieramenti politici a cui facevano
riferimento, hanno affrontatio principalmente i problemi della ripresa del
lavoro e del sostegno alle condizioni materiali dei lavoratori, nella linea
di una apertura al confronto con quei sindacati che, in europa, erano
impegnati contro le linee liberiste e la globalizzazione, e che oggi sono
impegnati contro l'aumento dei prezzi e la cancellazione dello stato sociale
in jugoslavia.
La corrente del sindacato zastava (che fin dall'inizio aveva critcato la
stessa apertura del sindacato zastava alla sinistra sindacale europea) che
fa riferimento al DOS, forte degli aiuti occidentali che gli arrivano
tramite il DOS, sta attaccando la corrente di sinistra del sindacato
Zastava. La loro linea è quella del sostegno esplicito al Governo, ed alla
sua linea economica.
Vista l'agressività di questo attacco (ricordiamo le agressioni subite dai
delegati zastava nei giorni scorsi) l'attuale presidentessa del sindacato
zastava (Rusika) ha convocato per il prossimo 24 novembre il congresso del
sindacato zastava aprendo quindi il confronto sulle cose fatte e da fare e
non sulla pretesa legittimazione derivante dall'appartenenza ai partiti
attualmente al governo.
Ciò detto il clima rimane pesante, al punto che in occasione delle assemblee
per la consegna delle quote di adozioni a distanza, alcuni esponenti della
corrente del DOS hanno cercato di interromperle criticando l'iniziativa come
propagandistica (la cosa paradossale è che alcuni di loro sono beneficiari
di adozioni a distanza che il sindacato ha distribuito in forza delle
condizioni materiali delle famiglie e non della loro appartenenza politica)
e filo occidentale (della serie va bene la solidarietà dei governi che hanno
bombardato la jugoslavia che arriva e viene distribuita mediante il DOS -
questa si diciamo noi a fini propagandistici, e non va bene la solidarietà
che viene dai lavoratori italiani che ann combattuto la guerra ed il loro
governo che l'ha sostenuta e fatta materialmente).
Il congresso alla zastava del prossimo 24 novembre è quindi una scadenza
importante dove si confronteranno due linee. Una sindacale basata su una
proposta di iniziativa a tutela dei salari e delle condizioni di vita
(contro l'aumento dei prezzi, contro le privatizzazioni e la riduzione dello
stato sociale, per l'occupazione) ed una, quella della corrente DOS, di
aperto sostegno al governo ed alla sua politica liberista.

4. l'impegno e la nostra solidarietà.
Comunque vada il congresso alla zastava non deve venire meno il nostro
impegno di solidarietà alle famiglie dei lavoratori. Credo che sia utile
continuare la nostra esperienza che ci ha portato (a differenza di altre
iniziative e missioni come quella tutta politica di arcobaleno) a costruire
rapporti diretti con i lavoratori e le loro famiglie senza mediare questo
rapporto con istituzioni e forze politiche.
Il nostro sostegno va inoltre a quei delegati zastava che hanno operato
all'interno di questa esperienza e che hanno difeso la sua peculiarità di
gestione e rapporto diretto tra lavoratori italiani e lavoratori jugoslavi.
A quei delegati che sono oggi impegnati in una linea di opposizione
sindacale alle politiche liberiste del governo e che lottano per l'autonomia
dell'azione sindacale dai partiti, che hanno aderito alla prossima
iniziativa per la carta dei diritti dei lavoratori convocata a Nizza per il
prossimo dicembre dalle sinistre sindacali europee.


------- End of forwarded message -------

==============================================
To: <Undisclosed-Recipient:;>
From: "andrea catone" <catonean@...>
Date sent: Thu, 26 Oct 2000 19:07:26 +0200
Send reply to: "andrea catone" <catonean@...>
Subject: [JUGO] convoglio RSU per la Zastava di Kragujevac


Riceviamo da Alma Rossi (email - alma@...
indirizzo email del coordinamento RSU - coord.naz.rsu@...
indirizzo internet del Coordinamento RSU -
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/) e rigiriamo alla mailing list di
Most za Beograd. Chi ha letto i reportages di Collon e Grimaldi,
si rende conto di quanto maggiore sia oggi, a causa della nuova
politica di abolizione dei sussidi statali sui generi di prima
necessità, "il bisogno di solidarietà dei lavoratori" jugoslavi...
A.C.


------------------------------------------------------------------

(...)

Partirà venerdì 27 ottobre un nuovo convoglio di aiuti ai
lavoratori della zastava ed al presidio sanitario di Kragujevac,
frutto del lavoro di tante delegate e delegati Rsu impegnati da
tempo sul piano della solidarietà ai lavoratori della Jugoslavia.
Gli aiuti consistono in . un impianto di radiologia . medicinali .
materiale scolastico (quaderni, penne ecc.) per i bambini dei
lavoratori Zastava Il Convoglio comprende anche aiuti per gli
orfanotrofi di Belgrado e di Kragujevac, frutto dell'impegno del
comune di Carrara e di Emergency.

Vogliamo sottolineare, come questo convoglio sia il risultato di
un importante lavoro di coordinamento che è nato e si è sviluppato
anche grazie all'iniziativa di P.Marghera del 15 luglio scorso
contro l'embargo. Infatti, questo convoglio è stato reso possibile
grazie all'impegno di molti compagni della Cgil Lombardia, di
Brescia, di Lodi, di Torino, Bologna, di Trieste e di Lecco. Gran
parte dei costi della spedizione sono stati coperti dal Comune di
Carrara, dal Comune di Rho, dalla Cgil di Massa Carrara, da
Emercency e dalla disponibilità della CON.S.AUT (azienda di
trasporti di Lecco) che ha messo a disposizione i mezzi al prezzo
di costo della spedizione.

In occasione di questo viaggio, i compagni delegati rsu della Cgil
di torino, di Bologna e quelli della Fiom di Lecco, consegneranno
alle famiglie dei lavoratori Zastava altre quote per il progetto
di adozioni a distanza. Per la consegna del materiale sono
previste due assemblee con i lavoratori Zastava. Una sabato
pomeriggio ed una domenica mattina.

Da quello che abbiamo saputo dai delegati della Zastava e dalle
numerose lettere ricevute dai lavoratori interessati al progetto
di adozioni a distanza, la situazione in Jugoslavia sta subendo un
peggioramento delle condizioni di vita. Oltre all'assenza di
lavoro (per i bombardamenti) stanno in questi giorni aumentando i
prezzi di tutti i beni ed i servizi di prima necessità.
Paradossalmente, anche venendo a meno l'embargo, aumenta il
bisogno di solidarietà tra lavoratori.

Ciao

Alma alma@...
indirizzo email del coordinamento RSU - coord.naz.rsu@...
indirizzo internet del Coordinamento RSU -
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/


-----------------------------------------------------------end


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11 October 2000

IN A SPIN

by Diana Johnstone

The "October surprise" that brought a change of power in
Belgrade was actually two events, one superimposed on the
other. One was a democratic election, made in Serbia. The
other was a totally undemocratic putsch, made in the
"international community", otherwise known as NATOland.

The democratic election would have been sufficient to oblige
Slobodan Milosevic to retire as Yugoslav President. The
majority of Yugoslav voters had long wished a change in
leadership, and Vojislav Kostunica emerged as an acceptable
alternative.

But the NATO-backed putschists wanted more. They wanted
two things that the legal elections could not provide: a dramatic
media spectacle that would fit the Western "spin", and a
seizure of power beyond the limited powers of the Yugoslav
presidency.

The Democratic Election

The Yugoslav elections were called by Milosevic himself.
Having been elected President of Serbia in the country's first
multi-party elections in 1990, the "dictator" had followed the
constitutional rules and left the Serbian presidency at the end of
his second term, whereupon he was elected by the Yugoslav
parliament to the mainly symbolic office of Yugoslav president.
Having sponsored a constitutional change which would allow
him to be re-elected, but by universal suffrage, he went on to
call early elections, months before his term was to run out in
mid-2001.

Milosevic was lured into this move by advisors pointing to
deceptive public opinion polls indicating that he could win by a
margin of 150,000 votes in the autumn, before winter hardships
turned voters against him. This is similar to the "joke" played on
French president Jacques Chirac, who called the early
elections that brought his left opposition headed by Lionel
Jospin into office. In Paris, it is even rumored that it was a
French advisor who urged Milosevic to make this fatal error.

In short, Milosevic was not a "dictator" but a calculating
politician trying to stay in office in a multi-party electoral system
he had largely introduced. Aware that his popularity ratings had
long been in decline, he counted on several factors to help him
get the necessary 50% of the vote to be re-elected President of
Yugoslavia. These were

· the chronic squabbling of the so-called "democratic"
(meaning bourgeois, as the Swedes call the center right)
opposition and the public rejection of its main leaders
(especially Democratic Party leader Zoran Djindjic);

· the fact that Montenegrin president Milo Djukanovic was
sure to call for a boycott of the elections as part of his
secession strategy, which would leave only pro-Milosevic voters
willing to go to improvised polling stations;

· the prospect of a couple of hundred thousand solid votes
from Kosovo constituencies (where ethnic Albanians would, as
usual, boycott the election) and from the armed forces.

Aware of its weakness, the opposition which had first loudly
demanded early elections then threatened to boycott them,
claiming that they would be rigged by Milosevic. The NATOland
chorus joined in, proclaiming that Yugoslav elections would not
be "fair and free" and that Milosevic was certain to cheat.

In fact, thanks to a normal democratic system of multi-party
supervisors at polling stations, cheating in Yugoslav elections
was nearly impossible in Serbia proper, except perhaps for the
hundred thousand or so soldiers who vote in barracks. Kosovo
and Montenegro offered limited opportunities for cheating only
because of the obstructionism of the separatists. In the end,
Milosevic was a whopping 700,000 votes short. Official results
gave Kostunica over 48% of the vote in a five-man race. This
fell slightly short of the 50% required to win, but indicated an
almost certain landslide in the runoff against Milosevic, who
trailed by some ten percentage points. (Yugoslav electoral law
calls for a second round if no candidate wins an absolute
majority in the first round.)

Here is where both sides contributed to a confusion that gave
an opportunity to the putschists to move to steal the election.
Apparently in a state of shock, the government announced the
results slowly and without complete details. The "Democratic
Opposition in Serbia" (DOS) backing Kostunica demanded
recognition of a claimed first round victory and announced it
would boycott the second round. This raised the danger of a
second round that Milosevic could win by default. The prospect
of two winners -- one in the first round, the other in the second --
would have created a dangerous civil war situation, favorable to
NATO intervention. Kostunica's backers argued that since
Milosevic had cheated in the first round, he would cheat even
more in the second -- this was not plausible, but widely believed
anyway, as the demonization of the former leader and future
scapegoat picked up momentum.

The DOS thereby moved the contest from the ballot box into the
streets, where "the people" would demand recognition of
Kostunica's election. This prepared the way for power -- and
property -- to change hands amid confusion and violence.

Neither the police nor the Army was willing to support Milosevic
against a patriotic Serb like Kostunica who had won popular
support in a legal election. Their neutrality seems to have been
ensured by the influence of two key figures dismissed by
Milosevic two years ago, former security chief Jovica Stanisic
and former army chief of staff Momcilo Perisic, who retained
friends and influence in the police and the armed forces
respectively. The rallying of other figures who had been part of
the Milosevic power structure was hastened by Kostunica's
reiterated assurances that there would be no vengeance.
Former Milosevic followers began flocking to the side of
Kostunica seeking protection from his short-run supporter and
long-term rival, Zoran Djindjic, well known as Germany's man in
Serbia.

Thus Kostunica gained the Yugoslav presidency both because
he was _not_ Milosevic and because he was _not_ Djindjic.
But Djindjic has been strikingly active in grabbing the
substance of victory away from the successful DOS candidate.

The Media Spectacle

It is arguable that Kostunica -- considered the most honest of
political leaders -- could have won the presidential election just
as easily (more easily, some supporters claim) if the United
States and its NATO allies had refrained from pumping millions
of dollars and deutschmarks into the country to support what
they called "the democratic opposition". But it is far less likely
that without all that excess cash, we would have been treated to
the spectacle of the October 5th "democratic revolution", when
a large crowd stormed the venerable Skupstina, the parliament
building in the center of Belgrade. That event, presented to the
world public as the most spontaneous act of self-liberation, was
probably the single most planned act of all. It was staged for the
TV cameras which filmed and relayed the same scenes over
and over again: youths breaking through windows, flags waving,
flames rising, smoke enveloping what some newspapers
described as "the symbol of the Milosevic regime".

This was utter nonsense. It was like calling Big Ben the "symbol
of the Blair regime" or the Capitol the "symbol of the Clinton
regime". But the Western spinners needed symbols and drama
for the latest episode in the hit TV fiction series of the 1990s
starring the "genocidal dictator", Slobodan Milosevic. It wouldn't
do for "Europe's last communist dictator" simply to lose a
democratic election. Something more exalted was needed. So
there was an attempt to revive a hit drama of a decade earlier,
the "fall of Ceaucescu", which was also contrived and staged. If
Milosevic and his wife met the same bloody fate as the
Rumanian ruling couple, that would be "proof" enough for the
media that they were equivalent to the dictator couple of
Bucharest.

But they weren't and fortunately it didn't happen quite like that. In
Belgrade there was no equivalent of the Securitate (Rumanian
secret police) to stage the drama. There was only a gang of
toughs bussed in from Cacak, as the town's mayor later
boasted to Western media, who led the mob up the Skupstina
steps and easily broke into the scarcely guarded building,
which was systematically vandalized and set on fire, causing
considerable damage to public property. The liberators then
went on to smash shop windows and steal property in nearby
shopping streets. This failed to provoke the bloodshed that
would have improved the TV show, but the vandals did their
best.

The fiercely anti-communist mayor of Cacak, Velimir Ilic, told
the French news agency AFP that his armed "commando" of
2,000 men had set out quite deliberately on October 5 to "take
control of the key institutions of the regime, including the
parliament and the television".

"Our action had been prepared in advance. Among my men
were ex-parachute troops, former army and police officers as
well as men who had fought in special forces," he told AFP. "A
number of us wore bullet-proof vests and carried weapons", he
added proudly. Ilic said contact was maintained throughout the
action with high police and Interior Ministry officials, but that
president-elect Kostunica was unaware of what was going on.
"We were afraid he'd be opposed", said Ilic. And indeed, when
he got word of what was going on, Kostunica by all accounts
prevented the commandos from hunting down Milosevic and
giving their spectacle a bloody finale. Some of these former
"special forces" commandos included veterans of the civil wars
in Croatia and Bosnia. The peak of irony lies in the fact that
such paramilitaries, primarily responsible for giving the Serbian
people the (unjustified) reputation of "ethnic cleansers" and war
criminals, were instantly promoted by Western media into
heroes of an inspiring "democratic revolution". But there is a
consistency about it: the same tiny group of men are able to
perform for world media as an exaggerated caricature of "the
Serbs", first as villains, later as heroes.

The ordinary citizens of Belgrade deplored the violence of
October 5th, as they had deplored the violence of the civil wars.
And the large crowds who gathered in Belgrade squares to
support their candidate, Kostunica, were blissfully unaware of
how they were being used as extras in an international TV
production.

Violence Versus Votes

The law-abiding citizens of Belgrade were also unaware of how
the euphoria in the streets would provide cover for an ongoing
campaign of violence and intimidation aimed at changing the
whole power structure in Serbia, outside of any democratic or
legal process. The Skupstina that was targeted for vandalism
was not "the symbol of Milosevic's regime" but a parliament
where the Socialist Party and its allies still had a duly elected
majority. The "democratic revolution" in the streets did not
attack a Bastille prison to liberate dissenters, but the seat of the
democratically elected representatives of the people. The mob
ransacked and set fire to the federal Electoral Commission
offices inside the Skupstina, reportedly setting fire to ballots
collected there, making it highly unlikely that the disputed first
round score will ever be satisfactorily clarified.

The spectacle enabled the managers of street violence to claim
the "democratic revolution" as their own, openly attempting to
relegate Kostunica to a figurehead role.

Since then, throughout the country, Socialist Party headquarters
have been assaulted and demolished, officials have been
beaten and expelled from their functions by gangs of
"democrats". The most lucrative enterprises have been seized.
Strange parallel governments called "crisis headquarters" have
been set up without any democratic mandate to redistribute
property and offices. The "revolutionaries" can be sure the
NATO benefactors of Serbian democracy will not ask for their
money back so long as they target the left, which is identified
only as "the Milosevic regime". The clear lesson: "democracy"
is not defined by elections, but by NATO approval. Methods
don't matter. The end justifies the means.

Franco-German Rivalries

All through the Yugoslav drama of the past decade, not to
mention for well over a century, internal conflicts have reflected
external great power rivalries. This is still going on.

Among these rival powers, Russia scarcely counts any more.
The Russians have more to lose from the Western absorption
of Serbia than the Serbs have to gain from the Russians, who
have been too weak to do anything to stop the steady erosion
of their influence in the Balkans. As one observer put it, "the
Serbs have the impression that the Russians only want to share
their poverty, while the Serbs would rather share American
wealth".

The rival powers are now all Western. A few years ago, Paris
tried to support Vuk Draskovic against both Milosevic on the
one hand and the German party (represented by Djindjic) on the
other, but Draskovic proved too unreliable. Today, the implicit
rivalry is between Kostunica, supported by France, and Djindjic,
supported by Germany.

This division is a matter of political principle as well as
personality, and relates to conflicting French and German views
of the future of Europe. Kostunica, as is constantly repeated is
a "nationalist" or, we could say, a patriot, who wants to
preserve his nation-state, by giving it a new, modern
democratic constitution. As a scholar of American federalism,
he would base a political order for the future Yugoslavia on the
American 18th century model.

For Djindjic, this is old-fashioned nonsense, good only for a
transitional moment toward the dissolution of all the Balkan
nations into a modern European Union where politics will take a
backseat to business. Djindjic, who studied Germany, believes
in "civil society" where the private sphere outweighs the _res
publica_, and public political life is reduced to imagery.
Business versus politics could sum up the conflict between
these two. Kostunica plans to stay in office for only a year, just
the time to complete his constitutional reform. Thereupon
Djindjic, who could never have won this election, openly hopes
to take over.

The Economy, Stupid

For many years, the alternate currency in Serbia has been the
Deutschmark, traded on every street corner by men murmuring
"_devize, devize_". During the weeks leading up to the fall of
Milosevic, so many D-marks have flooded into the country that
the precious currency recently lost half its value. Everyone
believes that most of this money flows in through Djindjic. It
seems to have been spent less on the election (Yugoslav
election campaigns are not the expensive affairs run in the
United States) than on preparing aspects of "the putsch" that
followed: the forceful takeover of media by "independent" (i.e.,
NATO-approved) journalists, of key businesses and official
positions which has been going on since the October 5 arson
of the Skupstina.

The European Union has moved quickly to lift some economic
sanctions against Serbia and Madeleine Albright has also
proclaimed the need to give the Serbian people "some
dividends out of democracy" and to help President Kostunica.
"We want to support him, we want to get assistance to him. I've
been talking to our European partners. We will be lifting certain
economic sanctions to make sure that the people can recover
and the Danube is cleared," she declared.

Here the key word is "Danube". NATO bombing destroyed
Serb bridges and blocked the Danube to European shipping,
much of it German. The priority for Germany is to reopen the
Danube, and it is for this purpose that important funds will be
provided. To be precise, funds will be _lent_: Western
generosity will take its usual form of the "debt trap", and
Yugoslav public services will have to be cut back for years to
come in order to repay the Western powers for rebuilding the
transportation structure they themselves destroyed. The
reconstructed transportation structure will be used to ship other
people's commercial goods through the country to other
people's markets. The "democratic dividend" will mainly benefit
German business.

But for the moment, the Serbian voters do not want to worry
about that. They have been bombed, isolated, sanctioned,
banned from traveling to other countries, reduced to poverty
and treated as pariahs. Their main "crime" was to have wanted
to preserve multiethnic Yugoslavia and to have been reluctant to
give up all the benefits of self-management socialism in favor of
the "shock treatment" impoverishing people in Russia and
neighboring Bulgaria. Since Yugoslavia was not part of the
Soviet bloc, its people were slow to realize that the defeat of
the Soviet bloc meant that they too had to bow to the dictates of
the West. Now they can dream of being "normal" Europeans
again. For a relatively small minority, the dream of prosperity
will no doubt come true. For others, there will be some
unpleasant surprises. But that doesn't matter now. People have
had enough of not being paid their wages more than a couple
of months out of the year, of having to heat only one room, of
shortages and travel bans. Young people, especially, want to
live like other Europeans of their generation

"People in Serbia are not looking for the truth", observed
Serbian writer Milan Ratkovic, who lives in Paris. "They are
looking for comforting lies." From being portrayed as
monsters, the Serbs are suddenly being celebrated by Western
media as heroes. They can turn on Western TV and see heroic
images of themselves. "Look," says Ratkovic, "we held out
longer than anybody else in Eastern Europe. Against us, the
West had to use all its weapons and all its tricks." Sometimes
the only way to solve a problem is to change problems.

-----------------------------------------------------------end



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-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Kampf geht nach Veränderungen in Belgrad weiter
Data: Wed, 18 Oct 2000 23:17:06 +0200
Da: Jug Österr Solibewegg <joesb@...>
A: <joesb@...>

Unser Kampf geht weiter – bis die Nato aus Jugoslawien verschwunden ist!

Die Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB) wurde
vergangenes Jahr gegründet, um den Kampf gegen die westliche Aggression,
die
ihren schrecklichen Höhepunkt in den 78 Tagen Bombardements erreichte,
fortzusetzen. Denn diese besteht nicht nur im militärischen Überfall der
Nato, sondern ebenso in der Zerstückelung des Landes, im Medienkrieg zur
Verteufelung der Serben, in der wirtschaftlichen Erdrosselung und in der
Einmischung, die sich bis zum heutigen Tag fortsetzen.

Auch mit dem Wechsel des Präsidenten in Belgrad wird sich das nicht
grundlegend ändern, auch wenn die eine oder andere erpresserische
Maßnahme
vorerst ausgesetzt oder aufgehoben werden wird. Der Kosovo bleibt von
Nato-Truppen besetzt, der Westen fördert die sezessionistischen
Tendenzen
und vor allem will er Jugoslawien unter den Stiefel seiner Neuen
Weltordnung
und der neoliberalen Globalisierung bringen – wogegen sich die
jugoslawische
Bevölkerung seit zehn Jahren zu Recht wehrt und was sie sich auch in
Zukunft
nicht gefallen lassen wird.

Die JÖSB ist überparteilich. Sie setzt sich für die Solidarität mit dem
serbischen und jugoslawischen Volk und für sein Recht auf nationale
Selbstbestimmung und soziale Gerechtigkeit kämpft. Das ist heute genauso
notwendig wie zuvor ganz unabhängig von den in Belgrad an der Macht
befindlichen politischen Kräften.

In den Fordergrund der nächsten Monate rückt die Frage der
wirtschaftlichen
Entwicklung und der sozialen Gerechtigkeit. Der Westen glaubt nun eine
Chance bekommen zu haben, seine Ausplünderungspolitik wie sie uns unter
dem
Namen „Globalisierung“ bekannt ist und wie sie beispielsweise in
Bulgarien
ihre furchtbaren Folgen für die Masse der Bevölkerung gezeigt hat, auch
Jugoslawien aufzwingen zu können. Doch nirgendwo sind die „blühenden
Landschaften“ entstanden, die der Westen bei der Eingliederung in den
von im
beherrschten Weltmarkt versprochen hat. Die Korruption und die
Bereicherung
einiger weniger auf Kosten des Volkes, wie sie bereist bisher eine
Geisel
war, würde dann zum eigentlichen Kern und Sinn des Wirtschaftsleben
werden –
man denke nur an Russland, wo einige wenige Oligarchen und Mafiabosse
sich
schamlos bereichern und sich die „Hilfsgelder“ (wohl eher
Bestechungsgelder)
einstreichen, während sie die Situation des breiten Volkes nicht
verbessert,
sondern verschlechtert. Das muss verhindert werden. Es gilt gegen die
IWF-Programme und die verlogenen „Wiederaufbaukredite“, die nur unter
der
Bedingung gegeben werden, dass Jugoslawien den bereits gescheiterten
neoliberalen Weg (Sozialabbau, Preissteigerungen, völlige Öffnung zum
Weltmarkt, Privatisierungen usw.) zuungunsten seines Volk ebenso
einschlägt,
anzukämpfen. Der Wideraufbau muss von der Nato und vom Westen bezahlt
werden, denn diese tragen die Hauptverantwortung für die Misere! Er muss
dem
Volk zugute kommen und nicht einigen vom Westen abhängigen Neureichen.

Der Kampf für den Abzug der Nato vom Territorium Jugoslawiens und die
Rückgabe des Kosovos geht weiter. Insgeheim werden nach wie vor
Abspaltungsbewegungen gefördert um Jugoslawien schwach zu halten – wenn
auch
nicht so lautstark. Auch wenn es jetzt nach Entspannung auszusehen
scheint,
die Nato will sich Jugoslawien unterordnen – dazu hat sie Krieg geführt
und
sie wird in diesem Ziel nicht locker lassen. Wenn das serbische und
jugoslawische Volk an seinem Freiheitswillen festhält, wenn weiterhin
für
die volle Wiederherstellung seiner nationalen Souveränität kämpft, sind
neue, auch militärische Aggressionen des Westens und der Nato
vorprogrammiert.
Auch der Medienkrieg setzt sich fort. Zehn Jahre haben gleichgeschaltete
Presse und Rundfunk Serbien und Jugoslawien verdammt und zum Ursprung
alles
Bösen gemacht. Die Medien waren wesentliche Kriegspartei. Sie haben
Lügen
produziert und verbreitet, die die Aggression überhaupt erst möglich
gemacht
haben. Wir müssen weiter gegen die äußere Einmischung in jeglicher
Hinsicht
und für die Bekanntmachung der Wahrheit kämpfen – wenn wir es nicht tun,
so
wird es keiner machen.

Vorläufig scheint die Gefahr eines Bürgerkrieges gebannt, die
bewaffneten
Übergriffe sind abgeflaut. Doch seit Jahren lässt der Westen keine
Gelegenheit aus einen solchen zu provozieren. Wie in allen anderen
Ländern
der Welt wird er bei Gelegenheit nicht zögern zum Terror zu greifen, um
all
jene, die für nationale Souveränität und soziale Gerechtigkeit eintreten
zu
vernichten.
Das serbische und jugoslawische Volk braucht also weiterhin unsere
Solidarität, auch wenn sich die Schwerpunkt der Bedrohung für das erste
verändert haben. Darum geht auch unser Kampf weiter – so lange bis wir
die
Ursache all des Übels, die Diktatur der Neuen Weltordnung und der
Globalisierung im Dienste einiger Reicher auf dem Rücken der großen
Mehrheit
der Menschheit zu Fall gebracht haben.

Zerschlagt die Nato!

********************************************
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB)
PF 217, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel/Fax +43 1 924 31 61
Mobil +43 6991 924 31 61
joesb@...
www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
Kto-Nr. 9282, RB Schwechat, BLZ 32823

A Criticism of the European Union and Vojislav
Kostunica

by William Spring (10-17-2000)

This Biarritz gathering of loathed leaders of the new Europe, got a much

needed boost by the appearance in their midst of the
representative of the country they had most recently bombed.

If there is a place for reconciliation, this wasn't it.

It was insensitive to the highest degree for Dr Kostunica to field
questions about the possibility of handing over Mr Milosevic
to Carla del Ponte's so called Court at The Hague, without at the same
time referring to indictments issued by the Serbian
Public Prosecutor's Office of 29th August 2000 (ref: KT - 420/99)
against NATO leaders, nor to the application made by the
Yugoslav Government to the International Court at The Hague for
condemnation of the NATO aggression, nor to the
proceedings of the Association for Legal Theory and Practice at Novi Sad

last year, where NATO was condemned by
internationally eminent lawyers, and to the many other initiatives aimed

at getting NATO into the dock.

NATO and the EU want the discussion dominated by Milosevic: but this is
not the question Dr Kostunica should address.
NATO has no locus standi to ask for Mr Milosevic to be handed over to US

lawyers; NATO itself is a criminal organization.

"Confronted with the enemies of Yugoslavia gathered in conclave he
should not have given them absolution quite so readily.

The ball should be on the other foot. It shouldn't be the Yugoslav
President (or Serbia-Montenegro, as Dr Kostunica suggests
we call the FRY) being pursued by journalists but Dr. Kostunica should
instead be demanding NATO war criminals be
handed over to the FRY.

Why do the Yugoslavs let themselves be pushed around? Kostunica should
turn on the media pack, suggest they go after
Albright instead.

But perhaps he had to go to Biarritz and say what he said, and the
paymasters wanted their reward; the German Government
has admitted in the last few days that it channeled £6 million to the
Serbian Opposition, a large proportion through the
International Red Cross, and other NGOs (which makes me wonder what
happens to charitable donations these days. Next
time the Red Cross shake their can ask where the money's going. The
International Red Cross in Geneva must address this
point, otherwise face a complete loss of confidence by donors. Money
given to the Red Cross shouldn't go to Zoran Djindjic.
Is he a cripple?)

It's sad indeed to see the desperate straits to which EU sanctions and
bombing and the subversion of the electoral process has
reduced the Yugoslav state, the last independent country in Europe. That

may also be an explanation for the Biarritz visit; the
desperate need to get foreign investment.

But it gives a bad impression, for Dr Kostunica to be so pally with the
EU. Couldn't he have insisted at least upon one
expression of regret by someone at the Conference, as a pre-condition
for attending?

One understands the need for normalization of relations between
Yugoslavia and the rest of the world, but this behaviour is
negative in terms of Serbia's image: it makes people think that the
Serbs who couldn't be bombed into acquiescence can be
bought instead. Perhaps they have already been, but they should have
held out for a higher price.

As for EU leaders they must answer this question: if, all along, as it
now appears, bribes could have had the same effect as
bombing, then why was the bombing necessary?

Couldn't the UK Government have used the £1 billion spent on the NATO
bombing on less destructive activities? If the EU
had dispersed its funds earlier, most people in Belgrade by now would be

driving Mercedes, and casualties and deaths
avoided. "

Can one assume all this is perfectly legal: is it legal for Tony Blair
to take taxpayers money to subsidize opposition parties in
Serbia. Or, did he use the National Lottery instead?

end

Arrest of Hubert Vedrine! French Foreign Minister and EU envoy due in
Belgrade today

Tuesday 10th October

To the Yugoslav Government

The CANA hereby issues an urgent appeal to the Yugoslav Government for
the arrest of Hubert Vedrine, French Foreign
Minister and EU envoy due in Belgrade today, to begin talks about
normalizing relations between Belgrade and Paris.

CANA also asks for the arrest of Paddy Ashdown MP, former leader of the
Liberal Democrats [travelling in Montenegro]
and Prime Mover and Architect of the Kosovo War.

This is not an unserious idea. I am amazed how supposedly liberal
politicians, like Messers Blair and Ashdown, while 'meaning
well' nevertheless create such mayhem and suffering in Europe. The
political legacy of Mr Ashdown and Mr Blair is a half life
of 4.5 billion years of DU and innumerable cripples.

Regarding the arrest of Mr. Vedrine, he is after all mentioned in the
indictment prepared by the Serbian Public Prosecutor's
Office. Vedrine failed to attend the Court to answer the indictment of
August 29th.

The NATO leaders prepared and executed aggressive war, the supreme war
crime.

As for the demand the EU and US make that Dr Kostunica hands over Mr
Milosevic over to the War Crimes Tribunal at the
Hague, this is quite impertinent. As the NATO leaders are themselves war

criminals they can hardly sit in judgement on Mr
Milosevic.

To quote scripture (King James version), it's a case of 'beams and
motes'.

In any case Dr Kostunica gave election pledges to the Yugoslav people
that he would not hand over Mr Milosevic to a foreign
Court.

Messers Blair and Cook may regard their election pledges with levity -
to be torn up at will- but they should not seek to
impose their contorted New Labour morality on others.

William Spring

Director, CANA

for further information telephone 0208 802 2144
cana@...

CANA is an ecumenical group of Christians who came together during the
NATO air war against Yugoslavia.

Although we have differences on matters of Christian doctrine, being
from different denominations, (some of us Orthodox,
some Catholic, others Evangelical, Unitarian, Baptist, Quaker and
Pentecostal etc), we are united in a conviction that the
attack on Yugoslavia by NATO was and is morally and legally
indefensible.

The war on Yugoslavia and NATO's frantic efforts to blame Mr Milosevic
for it, must be seen only as another indication of the
almost terminal illness afflicting western society, which involves the
end of thought.

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Die zehn Todsünden in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik
Ein Flugblatt des Bundesausschusses Friedensratschlag zur Halbzeit der
Bundesregierung

Die rot-grüne Bundesregierung war mit dem Versprechen angetreten:
"Deutsche Außenpolitik ist Friedenspolitik." Eine friedenspolitische
Halbzeitbilanz kommt zu einem anderen Ergebnis: Deutsche Außenpolitik
war Kriegspolitik.

Das mittelalterliche Kirchendogma kannte sieben "Todsünden": Hoffart,
Geiz, Unkeuschheit, Neid, Unmäßigkeit, Zorn und Trägheit. Heute leidet
die Menschheit nicht nur unter solchen lasterhaften Eigenschaften. Die
sündhafte oder kriminelle Energie erreicht heut-zutage noch ganz andere
Dimensionen. Schon bei einem flüchtigen Blick auf die deutsche
Regierungspolitik seit dem angeblichen Machtwechsel im Herbst 1998
reicht die heilige Zahl Sieben nicht mehr aus, das angerichtete Unheil
zu beschreiben. Daher also die "zehn außen- und sicherheitspolitischen
Todsünden" der Bundesregierung, bilanziert nach der Hälfte ihrer
Amtszeit.

"Handlungen, die geeignet sind und in der Absicht vorgenommen werden,
das friedliche Zusammenleben der Völker zu stören, insbesondere die
Führung eines Angriffskrieges vorzubereiten, sind verfassungswidrig. Sie

sind unter Strafe zu stellen." (Art. 26,1 GG)
Die Beteiligung der Bundesrepublik am NATO-Krieg gegen Jugoslawien war
der schwerwiegendste Bruch mit der Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik seit
1949. Da es sich ganz eindeutig um einen Angriffs-krieg handelte, war
diese Kriegsteilnahme gleichzeitig das schwerste Verbrechen, dessen sich

eine politi-sche Führung eines Staates nur schuldig machen kann.
Entsprechend klar und unerbittlich fällt auch die Strafvorschrift aus,
die als Konsequenz aus dem oben genannten Grundgesetzartikel gezogen
wurde: "Wer einen Angriffskrieg ... an dem die Bundesrepublik
Deutschland beteiligt sein soll, vorbereitet und dadurch die Gefahr
eines Krieges für die BRD herbeiführt, wird mit lebenslanger
Freiheitsstrafe oder mit Freiheitsstrafe nicht unter zehn Jahren
bestraft." (§ 80 Strafgesetzbuch)
"Die allgemeinen Regeln des Völkerrechtes sind Bestandteil des
Bundesrechtes. Sie gehen den Gesetzen vor und erzeugen Rechte und
Pflichten unmittelbar für die Bewohner des Bundesgebietes." (Art. 25 GG)

Der NATO-Krieg gegen Jugoslawien stellte unzweifelhaft nicht nur einen
Bruch des geltenden Völker-rechts und damit des deutschen Grundgesetzes
dar, sondern verstieß mit seiner Kampfführung zudem gegen das humanitäre

Kriegsvölkerrecht. Hierfür gibt es erdrückende Beweise, z.B. die
gezielten An-griffe auf die chinesische Botschaft, auf den Fernsehsender

in Belgrad, auf einen Eisenbahnzug, auf ei-nen Flüchtlingstreck, auf
zivile Fabriken, auf Brücken und andere Infrastruktureinrichtungen, auf
Che-mieanlagen, Ölraffinierien und Düngemittelfabriken sowie die
Verwendung von Streubomben und von Geschossen mit abgereichertem Uran.
"Der Bund stellt Streitkräfte zur Verteidigung auf." (Art. 87a GG)
Die Bundesregierung setzt mit erheblicher Energie fort, was die
Vorgängerregierung mit Verteidigungsmi-nister Rühe begonnen hat: Die
Umwandlung der Bundeswehr in eine Interventionsar-mee. Das Konzept von
Verteidigungsminister Scharping sieht vor, dass künftig rund 150.000
Soldaten für "Kriseneinsätze" bereitstehen, sodass gleichzeitig an zwei
Kriegsschauplätzen operiert werden kann. Dies entspricht einer
Aufstockung der bisherigen "Krisenreaktionskräfte" auf das
Zweieinhalbfache. Die Bundeswehr, die nach dem Grundgesetz
ausschließlich Aufgaben der Landes- oder der Bünd-nis"verteidigung"
wahrzunehmen hat, verliert damit ihren ursprünglich "defensiven"
Charakter.
Die Herstellung einer strukturellen Angriffsfähigkeit bedarf einer
anderen Ausrüstung und Bewaffnung als eine Armee zum Zwecke der
Landesverteidigung. Folgerichtig werden von der neuen Bundesregie-rung
jene Beschaffungsmaßnahmen vorrangig behandelt, welche die Bundeswehr,
flexibler, transportfä-higer und schlagkräftiger machen sollen. Die
Gesamtkosten für Forschung, Entwicklung und Beschaf-fung der genannten
und noch weiterer Großwaffensysteme belaufen sich für den Zeitraum 2001
bis 2015 auf geschätzte 210 Mrd. DM.
"Die Koalition unterstützt aktiv die Bemühungen um den Zusammenschluss
der europäischen Luft- und Raumfahrtindustrie", versprach die
Koalitionsvereinbarung 1998. Und tatsächlich: Die Bundesregierung
betätigt sich engagiert als aktiver Förderer von
Unternehmenskonzentration, noch dazu in einem so heiklen Bereich wie dem

der Rüstungsindustrie. Verschiedene europäische Rüstungskonzerne
fusionier-ten mit dem DaimlerChrysler-Unternehmen DASA: Die dabei
entstandene EADS (European Aeronautic, Defense and Space Company) ist
hinter dem US-Konzern Boeing zum zweitgrößten Luft- und
Raum-fahrt-Rüstungskonzern der Welt aufgestiegen, etwa gleichauf mit dem

zweiten US-Rüstungsgiganten Lockheed Martin. - Die Lobby ist zufrieden.
Der Vorstandsvorsitzende des Rüstungskonzerns EADS stellte der
Bundesregierung ein erstklassiges Zeugnis aus: "Mit der neuen Regierung
ist es zu einer be-merkenswerten Richtungsänderung gekommen", meinte er
anerkennend und belobigte insbesondere den Verteidigungsminister für
dessen Absicht, den Investitionsanteil am Verteidigungshaushalt auf 30
Pro-zent zu erhöhen."
Dies alles kostet Geld, viel Geld. Im Mittelpunkt der Bemühungen
Scharpings steht vor allem die Erhö-hung der "investiven" Mittel im
Verteidigungshaushalt, d.h. es sollen mehr Waffen und moderneres Ge-rät
beschafft werden. Entgegen der mittelfristigen Finanzplanung für den
Verteidigungsetat, die ur-sprünglich für die Jahre 2000 bis 2003 eine
leichte Senkung der Ausgaben vorsah, wird der Verteidi-gungshaushalt
wieder ansteigen. Hinzu kommen Erlöse aus dem Verkauf von nicht mehr
gebrauchten alten Waffen und von Bundeswehr-Liegenschaften.
Eine "restriktive" Rüstungsexportpolitik versprach die neue
Bundesregierung bei ihrem Amtsantritt. Und in den
Rüstungsexportrichtlinien vom Januar 2000 heißt es: "Der Beachtung der
Menschenrechte im Bestimmungs- und Endverbleibsland wird bei den
Entscheidungen über Exporte von Kriegswaffen und sonstigen
Rüstungsgütern besonderes Gewicht beigemessen." Doch immer noch ist aus
Berlin kein end-gültiges NEIN zu den Panzerexporten in die Türkei zu
hören. Stattdessen wurde Ende August 2000 bekannt, dass der
Bundessicherheitsrat die Lieferung einer Gewehrmunitionsfabrik in die
Türkei geneh-migt hat. "Beachtung der Menschenrechte"? Fehlanzeige!
Im April 1999 stimmte die Bundesregierung dem neuen Strategischen
Konzept der NATO zu. Dieses Konzept geht eindeutig über den
Nordatlantikvertrag von 1949 hinaus, der das Bündnis auf reine
Vertei-digungsaufgaben verpflichtet hatte (Art. 5). Die Mitglieder der
NATO, so heißt es heute, "müssen bereit sein, nicht unter Artikel 5
fallende Krisenreaktionseinsätze durchzuführen". Eindeutiger kann diese
Ziel-bestimmung nicht sein: Ob mit oder ohne Beschluss des
UN-Sicherheitsrats, die NATO kann, wenn sie es für opportun hält, in
allen "Krisengebieten" der Welt zu jeder Zeit militärisch eingreifen.
Die Bundes-regierung hätte dem nie zustimmen dürfen. Denn einmal
verletzt eine solche Aufgabenerweiterung den NATO-Vertrag selbst
(insbesondere Art. 5), zum anderen widerspricht sie der von der
Bundesrepublik mit dem Beitritt zur NATO eingegangenen Verpflichtung,
die sich ausschließlich auf die Verteidigung des Bündnisses im Fall eine

äußeren Angriffs bezieht.
Gegen jede politische Vernunft spielt die Bundesregierung eine aktive
Rolle bei der Umwandlung der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft in ein

Militärbündnis. Etappen auf dem Weg zur Militarisierung der EU waren die

Ernennung des ehemaligen NATO-Generalsekretäre zum so genannten Mr.
GASP, zum "Hohen Vertreter" für die Gemeinsame Außen- und
Sicherheitspolitik" der EU, und der Beschluss auf dem EU-Gipfel in
Helsinki, eine EU-Interventionstruppe von rund 50.000 bis 60.000
Soldaten aufzu-stellen. Die Bundesregierung bietet hierfür 20.000 Mann
an.
In der Koalitionsvereinbarung 1998 hatte sich die Bundesregierung ein
wichtiges entwicklungspoliti-sches Ziel gesetzt. "Um dem international
vereinbarten 0,7 % Ziel näher zu kommen, wird die Koalition den
Abwärtstrend des Entwicklungshaushaltes umkehren und vor allem die
Verpflichtungsermächtigun-gen kontinuierlich maßvoll erhöhen." Das "0,7
% Ziel" ist eine Richtschnur, welche die Vereinten Nati-onen 1970
beschlossen haben. Danach sollen die entwickelten Industrieländer
mindestens 0,7 Prozent ih-res Bruttoinlandsprodukts für die Entwicklung
der armen Länder aufwenden. In der 90er Jahren, noch unter der Regierung

Kohl, schwankte der deutsche Beitrag zwischen 0,4 und 0,3 Prozent. Und
unter der "roten" Entwicklungsministerin Heidi Wieczorek-Zeul sank der
Entwicklungshilfeanteil auf das histori-sche Tief von 0,28 Prozent (im
Jahr 2000)!
Noch einmal zur Erinnerung: Die sieben Todsünden nach dem Dogma der
mittelalterlichen Kirche waren: Hoffart, Geiz, Unkeuschheit, Neid,
Unmäßigkeit, Zorn, Trägheit. Man sieht: Die Vergehen, für die man
damals, im finstersten Mittelalter, auf ewig in der Hölle braten musste,

waren harmlos gegenüber den Vergehen der Politik am Ende des 20. und zu
Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts.

Bundesausschuss Friedensratschlag, 23. Sept. 2000


Nächster bundesweiter Friedensratschlag der Friedensbewegung am 2. und
3. Dezember 2000 in Kassel
V.i.S.d.P.: P. Strutynski, Bundesausschuss Friedensratschlag, c/o DGB
Kassel, Spohrstr. 6, 34119 Kassel

Eine Langfassung dieses Flugblatttextes ist ebenfalls auf unserer
Homepage abrufbar: Die 10 Todsünden der Bundesregierung in der Außen-
und Sicherheitspolitik

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Kosovo Gewaltseparatisten besorgt wegen Milosevics Abgang

Von Rainer Rupp



Als der neue Präsident Jugoslawiens Vojislav Kostunica am Samstag seinen

Amtseid ablegte, schwor er u.a. "die Integrität, die Souveränität und
die Unabhängigkeit der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien zu schützen." In
seiner anschließenden Rede nannte er als seine erste Priorität, die
Beziehungen zu Montenegro, der anderen Republik Jugoslawiens zu
verbessern (Die montenegrinische Regierung hat bereits erklärt, dass sie

Kostunica nicht als Präsidenten anerkennt) und die serbische
Souveränität über das Kosovo zu stärken. Kostunica scheint sich jedoch
keine Illusionen zu machen: "Es wird viele wirtschaftliche
Schwierigkeiten und politische Härten geben", warnte er seine
Landsleute. ("Kostunica am Helm, Yugoslavs feiern Change", Reuters,
10/08/2000)



Potentiell besonders schwerwiegende Folgen kann die veränderte
politische Lage in Belgrad für die Gewaltseparatisten im Kosovo haben.
Die Kosovo- Albaner "sind traurig, Milosevic gehen zu sehen", berichtete

die Nachrichtenagentur AP am Samstag aus Pristina, der Hauptstadt des
Kosovo. Die meisten Albaner schienen eher besorgt denn glücklich über
die Änderung der Führung in Belgrad. "Eine jugoslawische Regierung, die

vom Westen bevorzugt würde, könnte das Ende für die ethnisch-albanischen

Träumen von der Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo sein, das vom Rest der Welt
als Teil Serbiens gesehen wird" schrieb AP. Denn mit Serbien als einem
vom Westen wirtschaftlich boykottierten Schurkenstaat, wäre es für die
ethnischen Albaner einfacher gewesen, den Westen von ihrem Wunsch auf
Unabhängigkeit zu überzeugen.



Vojislav Kostunica erscheint den ethnischen Albanern als kaum besser als

Milosevic, nämlich als ein "serbischer Nationalist, der nie ein
unabhängiges Kosovo akzeptieren würde", heißt es in Pristina. Dort
zirkuliert das Photo von Kostunica, das ihn 1998 während des Konfliktes
im Kosovo mit einer Kalaschnikow zeigt. Kostunica hat auch wiederholt
betont, dass sich mit aller Energie für die Rückkehr der Zehntausende
von serbischen Flüchtlingen ins Kosovo einsetzen wird. Hinzu kommt,
dass die Europäische Union und die USA - letztere allerdings unter
Vorbehalt - versprochen haben, die Wirtschaftssanktionen gegen Belgrad
zu beenden, sobald Kostunica an der Macht ist. Wenn das geschieht, so
fürchten viele Kosovo-Albaner, könnte der Strom von Hilfsgütern und
Geldern, der bisher ins Kosovo geflossen ist, nach Serbien umgeleitet
werden.



Der umstrittene serbophobe Chef der Uno-Mission im Kosovo, Bernard
Kouchner, kennt die Sorgen seiner Schützlinge und setzte sich umgehend
für sie ein: "Die Menschen im Kosovo haben unter dem ehemaligen Regime
in Belgrad sehr gelitten. Sie haben sich davon noch nicht erholt ...
weshalb die Aufmerksamkeit der internationalen Gemeinschaft nicht von
den Aufgaben hier in Kosovo abgelenkt werden darf."



Trotzdem herrscht im Kosovo allenthalben jetzt ein ungutes Gefühl. Man
sieht, wie der Westen um gute Beziehungen mit der neuen Regierung des
viel wichtigeren Serbiens buhlt. Und die albanischen Separatisten
befürchtet, dass Interessen dabei zu kurz kommen. Sogar ein Gefühl von
Verrat könnte sich bei ihnen einschleichen, sobald sie erkennen, dass
sie mit ihrem Sezessionskrieg der NATO lediglich als nützliche Idioten
gedient haben, um die Intervention im letzten sozialistischen Land auf
dem Balkan "moralisch" zu rechtfertigen. Im strategischen Kalkül der
westlichen Wertegemeinschaft haben die Gewaltseparatisten jedoch ihre
Schuldigkeit getan. In Belgrad ist die Opposition an der Macht. Nun
kann der albanische "Moor" gehen. Insbesondere die UCK dürfte dabei
unter Druck kommen. Der Westen kann es sich unter den neuen Bedingungen

nicht länger leisten, auch nur den Anschein zu erwecken, die
unvermindert anhaltenden und bisher unbestraften Terrorakte der UCK zu
dulden.



Mit Kostunica an der Macht kann dem Westen die Unverletzlichkeit der
jugoslawischen Souveränität auf einmal in einem viel sympathischeren
Licht erscheinen, meinte dazu die Washington Post und zitierte einen
namentlich nicht genannten hohen westlichen Diplomaten in Pristina:
"Das nicht zu überhörende Aufheulen der Motoren kommt von den Vehikeln,
die der Westen bereit stellt, um nach Belgrad zu hetzen. ... Und wenn
sie dort könnte die serbische Bindung zum plötzlich sehr einleuchtend
erscheinen". ("Change Seen in Kosovo, Montenegro", WP, Foreign Service,

Saturday, October 7, 2000)



Sorgenvoll meldete sich dazu ein hoher Diplomat aus einer
westeuropäischen Hauptstadt zu Wort. Teil des Problems der
Kosovo-Albaner sei, "dass Kostunica unseren Erwartungen entsprechen
könnte, während die Albaner mit den Ermordungen der Serben die in sie
gesetzten Hoffungen nicht erfüllt haben." Er betonte, dass die Albaner
dem Westen tatsächlich nie geglaubt hätten, "dass ein unabhängiges
Kosovo nicht in Frage kommt. Jetzt mache ich mir um die Folgen Sorge,
wenn sie uns das glauben." Was für die NATO im Kosovo tatsächlich auf
dem Spiel steht, drückte die Washington Post diplomatisch weniger
zurückhaltend aus: "das könnte dazu führen, dass die
ethnisch-albanische Mehrheit in der Provinz sich gegen die dort als
Friedenhüter stationierten NATO-Truppen wenden wird." Die NATO würde
dann von der UCK als Besatzer angesehen, die ebenso wie vorher die
jugoslawische Armee ihre Unabhängigkeit verhindert und ihre
verbrecherischen Geschäfte stört und zur Zielscheibe von
Terroranschlägen werden.



Saarburg den 8.10. 00

---

Neue US-Pläne fürs Kosovo

(Von Rainer Rupp)



Einem Bericht der Washington Post vom Sonntag zufolge, glaubt die
Clinton-Regierung das Kosovo-Problems lösen zu können, indem der
serbischen Provinz der Status einer Republik im Bundesstaat Jugoslawien
verliehen wird, dem z.Z. nur noch Montenegro und Serbien angehören.
Derzeit versucht Washington diesen Plan den EU-Ländern und der NATO
schmackhaft zu machen. Nach Auskunft westlicher Diplomaten sei
Washington fest entschlossen, seinen Plan durchzusetzen, weil er die
"größten Chancen habe, dauerhaften Frieden auf dem Balkan zu schaffen".
("U.S.: Kosovo Should Be Republic", By George Jahn
Washington Post 15.10.00)



In der Gedankenwelt der Washingtoner Regierungsbeamten, die gewohnt
sind, daß die ganze Welt nach ihrer Pfeife tanzt, mögen solche Pläne am
grünen Tisch durchaus plausibel erscheinen. Ob sich die komplexe
Wirklichkeit des Balkans tatsächlich wie das Verschieben von
Dominosteinchen lösen lässt, ist jedoch fraglich.



Der größte Widerstand dagegen dürfte jedoch von den unmittelbar
betroffenen Parteien auf dem Balkan kommen. So z. B. von den
Mafia-ähnlichen Strukturen der Regierung Milo Djukanovics in
Montenegros, die sich lieber heute denn morgen von der jugoslawischen
Bundesrepublik lossagen würden, um die Schaffung eigener, von Belgrad
vollkommen unabhängiger Pfründe zu sichern. Der amerikanische Plan
verlangt nun aber von Montenegro, ein Teil Jugoslawiens zu bleiben.
Denn wenn Montenegro aus dem Bund austreten würde, dann wäre automatisch
die Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien zerstört. Eine Abspaltung des Kosovo
würde dann die Unabhängigkeit der serbischen Provinz endgültig
besiegeln, eine Horrorvision für serbische Nationalisten, für die das
der Aufgabe des Kosovo als Wiege der serbischen Kultur gleich käme. Um
die Auflösung Jugoslawiens zu verhindern und um so die Serben in Bezug
auf Kosovo zu beruhigen, müsste Montenegro - so der amerikanische Plan
- sein verfassungsmäßiges Recht zum Austritt aus dem Bund aufgeben.
Eine entsprechende amerikanische Depesche, die sich gegen die
Unabhängigkeit Montenegros ausspricht, wurde letzte Woche vom
US-Balkan-Beauftragten James C. O'Brien in Podgorica, der Hauptstadt
Montenegros übergegeben.



Auch für den neu gewählten Präsidenten Kostunica dürfte der Washingtoner
Plan nur eine schwer zu schluckende Kröte darstellen, denn er ist kein
Anhänger Jugoslawiens, sondern serbischer Nationalist, der überzeugt
ist, dass in der Vergangenheit serbische Interessen durch die von Tito
durchgesetzte Jugoslawisierung verraten worden sind. Deshalb setzt
Kostunica dem Unabhängigkeitsstreben der derzeitigen Regierung in
Montenegro keinen großen Widerstand entgegen, solange die Interessen der
dort lebenden Serben gewahrt bleiben



Denn die Kosovo-Albaner wollen sich mit nichts weniger als der totalen
Unabhängigkeit zufrieden geben. Mit allerlei Drohgebärden haben sie der
NATO bereits signalisiert, dass sie bereit sind, dafür wieder ihre
terroristische Tätigkeit aufzunehmen, wobei diesmal jedoch die NATO ins
Visier der UCK geraten könnte. Jetzt, da Belgrad sich jedoch endlich
der von NATO und EU bestimmten neoliberalen neuen Weltordnung
unterwirft, haben die UCK-Terroristen im strategischen Kalkül des
Westens ihre Bedeutung verloren. Als Zeichen des guten Willens in
Richtung Belgrad und als Warnung für die UCK haben letzten Samstag die
NATO-geführte KFOR gemeinsam mit der UNO-Polizei im Kosovo ihren ersten
Schlag gegen das von der UCK-kontrollierte organisierte Verbrechen im
Kosovo geführt.



Bei der Großrazzia wurden 13 Wohnungen, Bars und Bordelle durchsucht und
25 Verdächtige festgenommen. Zwar lehnte es die UNO-Polizei bisher ab,
die Verdächtigen zu identifizieren, aber sie gab bekannt, dass die
Durchsuchungen ausschließlich auf dem Eigentum des Geci-Clans
stattgefunden hatten. Der Geci-Clan besteht nach Angaben der New York
Times aus ehemaligen Kämpfern der UCK, die sich nun hauptsächlich dem
Geschäft mit Drogen, Menschenhandel und Prostitution widmen. ("U.N. and
NATO Move to Curb Kosovo Crime", New York Times, By DONALD G. McNEIL
Jr., 15.10.00)



Noch aus einem anderen Grund ist die New York Times diesmal besonders
interessant. Zum ersten Mal stellt sie ungeschminkt und ohne
vorgefertigte Entschuldigungen für die UCK deren Verbrechen gegen die
nicht-albanische Minderheit im Kosovo dar, ebenso wie die Exekution all
jener, die der UCK bei ihren Geschäften im organisierten Verbrechen oder
in der Politik in die Quere kamen und kommen. Der Tenor der NY-Times,
die auch als mediales Sprachrohr der Washingtoner Regierung gilt, deutet
die zukünftige Richtung der US-Politik im Kosovo an: eine kräftige,
erstickende Umarmung Belgrads und zugleich vorsichtige Abkehr von der
UCK, selbst unter Inkaufnahme einer Konfrontation.



Saarburg den 16.10.00

(continua)

Par ailleurs, tous les pays qui se trouvent dans un statut de
souverainet� limit�e, et de gouvernement sous l'influence de pays
�trangers, ont �t� rapidement appauvris - de mani�re � faire perdre tout
espoir de relations plus justes ou plus humaines. Une grande division
entre une majorit� de pauvres et une minorit� de riches - tel est le
tableau de l'Europe de l'Est que nous pouvons tous constater depuis
quelques ann�es. Ce tableau serait aussi le n�tre. Nous aussi, sous les
ordres et le contr�le des ma�tres de notre pays, aurions rapidement une
immense majorit� de tr�s pauvres, dont l'espoir de sortir de leur
pauvret� serait tr�s, tr�s incertain et �loign�. La minorit� des riches
serait compos�e par l'�lite du march� noir, qui serait autoris�e �
s'enrichir � condition d'�tre pleinement loyale au pouvoir qui d�cide du
sort de son pays. La propri�t� sociale et publique serait rapidement
transform�e en propri�t� priv�e, mais avec cette r�gle - comme le
d�montre l'exp�rience de nos voisins - que ses possesseurs soient
essentiellement des �trangers. Parmi les rares exceptions ne figureront
que ceux qui auront achet� leur droit � la propri�t� par leur ob�issance
et leur soumission - ce qui m�nerait � l'�limination de la plus
�l�mentaire dignit� nationale et humaine.
Dans ce genre de circonstances, les principaux avoirs de la nation
deviennent la propri�t� de l'�tranger, ceux qui les administraient
d'ordinaire continuent � le faire dans la nouvelle situation, mais comme
employ�s de soci�t�s �trang�res dans leur propre pays.

L'humiliation nationale, la fragmentation de l'�tat et la pauvret�
sociale conduiraient n�cessairement � toutes sortes de formes de
pathologie sociale - dont le crime serait la premi�re. Cela n'est pas
une supposition : c'est l'exp�rience de tous les pays qui ont pris le
chemin que nous essayons d'�viter � tout prix. Les centres du crime ne
sont plus en Europe de l'Ouest, ils se sont d�plac�s vers l'Europe de
l'Est depuis une dizaine d'ann�es. Notre peuple a d�j� du mal �
supporter l'incidence criminelle actuelle, car nous avons v�cu longtemps
(de la Seconde Guerre mondiale aux ann�es '90) dans une soci�t� qui ne
connaissait pour ainsi dire pas le crime. La criminalit� � grande
�chelle, qui ne pourrait pas �tre �vit�e dans le type de soci�t� qui
serait le n�tre en cas de perte de notre souverainet� et d'une grande
partie de notre territoire, serait aussi dangereuse pour notre petit
peuple (qui n'est pas habitu� � la criminalit�) que la guerre peut
l'�tre pour la soci�t� et les citoyens.

L'une des t�ches essentielles d'un gouvernement fantoche, dans n'importe
quel pays y compris le n�tre si nous devions avoir un tel gouvernement,
est la perte de l'identit� nationale. Les pays sous commandement
�tranger se s�parent tr�s vite de leur histoire, de leur pass�, de leurs
traditions, de leur mani�re de vivre, et souvent m�me de leur langue
litt�raire. Cela serait invisible au d�but, mais une s�lection tr�s
efficace et sans piti� de l'identit� nationale la r�duirait � quelques
plats locaux, quelques chansons et danses folkloriques, et le nom de
quelques h�ros nationaux utilis�s comme marques de cosm�tiques ou de
produits alimentaires. Au XX�me si�cle, l'une des plus �videntes
cons�quences de la prise en main de territoires nationaux par les
grandes puissances est l'annihilation de l'identit� du peuple de ces
pays. L'exp�rience des autres nations montre que les gens peuvent
difficilement supporter la vitesse � laquelle ils doivent commencer � se
servir d'une langue �trang�re comme �tant la leur, � s'identifier avec
des figures historiques �trang�res en oubliant les leurs, � �tre plus
familiers avec la litt�rature de leurs occupants qu'avec la leur, �
glorifier l'histoire des autres en se moquant de la leur, � ressembler
aux autres et non � eux-m�mes. La perte de l'identit� nationale est la
plus grande d�faite qu'une nation puisse conna�tre, et elle est
in�vitable dans la forme moderne de la colonisation. De plus, cette
nouvelle forme de colonisation met hors normes, de par sa nature m�me,
toute possibilit� de libre parole ou de libre vouloir, et plus
sp�cialement encore toute forme de cr�ativit�. Lorsqu'un pays n'est pas
libre, il refuse aux peuples qui vivent en son sein le droit d'exprimer
librement leurs opinions, car ces opinions risquent de se trouver en
conflit avec l'absence de libert�.
C'est pour cela que la torture de la pens�e est la forme la plus
essentielle et efficace de torture dans un pays qui a perdu sa libert�.
Quant � exercer son libre arbitre, c'est naturellement hors de question.
La libert� de volont� n'est permise que par d�rision. Elle n'est
accord�e qu'aux laquais des ma�tres �trangers, parce que leur soi-disant
" volont� libre" sert aux occupants � se justifier d'avoir �tabli la
d�mocratie au nom de laquelle ils avaient pris possession du pays d'un
autre peuple. Je voudrais le souligner particuli�rement � l'intention
des jeunes, intellectuels ou savants : il est de r�gle que les pays
priv�s de souverainet� nationale soient priv�s du droit au travail
cr�atif, et sp�cialement du travail cr�atif dans le domaine
scientifique. Ce sont les centres importants et les grandes puissances
qui financent le travail scientifique, contr�lent ses r�sultats et
d�cident de leur mise en application.
Dans les �tats d�pendants, les laboratoires de recherche et les
instituts scientifiques ne sont pas ind�pendants mais op�rent en qualit�
de branches contr�l�es par un centre. Leurs r�alisations doivent rester
dans des limites qui ne risquent pas d'introduire dans les pays occup�s
et les peuples occup�s une semence de r�bellion ou d'�mancipation.
Au moment o� je vous parle, parce que l'Opposition D�mocratique de
Serbie n'est pas assur�e d'atteindre les r�sultats qui lui sont
n�cessaires, les leaders de la DOS sont en train d'acheter (avec de
l'argent introduit dans le pays), de faire chanter et de harceler les
citoyens, d'organiser des gr�ves, de l'ins�curit� et des violences dans
le but d'arr�ter la production, tout travail et toute activit�. Tout
ceci a pour but, bien s�r, d'arr�ter la vie en Serbie et d'expliquer que
cette vie reprendra avec succ�s et bien-�tre quand elle sera organis�e
par ceux qui repr�sentent chez nous les intentions, les plans et les
int�r�ts des occupants.
Notre pays est un �tat souverain. Il a ses lois, sa Constitution, ses
institutions. La Serbie a le devoir et le droit de se d�fendre elle-m�me
de l'invasion qui a �t� pr�par�e contre elle au moyen de diverses formes
de subversion.
Et les citoyens doivent savoir qu'en participant � une subversion dont
l'objectif est la domination �trang�re sur leur pays ou l'occupation de
leur pays, ils portent la responsabilit� historique de priver leur pays
du droit � l'existence - et aussi la responsabilit� de perdre le
contr�le de leur propre vie. En abandonnant leur pays � d'autres, � des
�trangers, ils vont aussi remettre entre les mains de l'�tranger leur
propre vie et la vie de leurs enfants et de beaucoup d'autres personnes.

J'ai consid�r� comme �tant mon devoir d'avertir les citoyens de notre
patrie des cons�quences de ces activit�s, financ�es et soutenues par les
gouvernements des pays de l'OTAN. Les citoyens peuvent me croire, mais
ils n'y sont pas oblig�s. Mon v�u est seulement qu'ils ne r�alisent pas
tout cela quand il sera trop tard, qu'ils ne le r�alisent pas quand il
sera devenu difficile de redresser les fautes commises na�vement, par
erreur ou indiff�rence - car ces fautes vont �tre difficiles � rectifier
et certaines ne seront jamais r�par�es.
Mon but, en exprimant mon opinion de cette mani�re, n'est pas du tout de
nature personnelle. J'ai �t� �lu deux fois Pr�sident de Serbie et une
fois Pr�sident de Yougoslavie. Il devrait �tre clair pour tous, apr�s
ces dix ans, qu'ils n'attaquent pas la Serbie � cause de Milosevic, mais
Milosevic � cause de la Serbie. Ma conscience est absolument nette � ce
sujet. Mais cependant ma conscience ne serait pas nette du tout si je
n'avais pas dit � mon peuple, apr�s toutes ces ann�es pass�es � sa t�te,
ce que je pense de son sort si ce sort lui est impos� par quelqu'un
d'autre, m�me si cela signifie expliquer aux gens qu'ils ont choisi ce
sort eux-m�mes.
L'erreur de jugement qui consiste � choisir ce qui a �t� choisi par
quelqu'un d'autre est la plus dangereuse de toutes les erreurs de
jugement - et c'est la raison essentielle de ma d�cision de m'adresser
publiquement aux citoyens de Yougoslavie. Je vous remercie.
Pr�sident Slobodan MILOSEVIC

[Traduit par Eliazar MARIO-VINCENT]

--
Les "Editions Democrite" publient un mensuel en francais :
> "Les dossiers du BIP" avec des traductions d'articles provenant de la
> presse communiste(grecque, allemande, anglaise, turque, russe,
espagnole,
> portugaise...)sur des evenements qui interessent des lecteurs
communistes.
> Editions Democrite, 52, bld Roger Salengro, 93190 LIVRY-GARGAN,
FRANCE

> e-mail : democrite@...


---

Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"

> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra

I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")

Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...

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Voici les derni�res synth�ses de nouvelles yougoslaves �labor�es par
Fr�d�ric Delorca, avec l�aide de Robert Pontnau (pour la lecture de la
presse serbe, bulgare et mac�donienne) et publi�es sous
http://ns.cnlcontact.com/delorca/french/homef.htm
Ces informations, actualis�es et archiv�es depuis plus d�un an, sont
destin�es � contre-balancer ou nuancer les comptes-rendus de la
situation yougoslave tels qu�ils sont d�livr�s par les m�dias dominants.

******** 26 octobre 2000 ********

- Les mensonges continuent.

On croyait que les pays de l�OTAN commen�aient � d�velopper une sorte de
mauvaise conscience, plus d�un an apr�s la fin des bombardements.
Pourtant il semble bien que la propension de nos m�dias au mensonge
reste la m�me que pendant la guerre.

Le mardi 24 octobre, Reuters publie une d�p�che intitul�e : � Kostunica
Acknowledges Kosovo Genocide � (� Kostunica reconna�t le g�nocide au
Kosovo �
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=212652 ) et
pr�cise que le nouveau pr�sident est pr�t � assumer la responsabilit�
des crimes commis par son pr�d�cesseur (� ready to take responsibility
for crimes committed by his predecessor �) � phrase qui laisse entendre
qu�une notion de culpabilit� collective peut �tre admise. La d�p�che
rend compte d�un entretien accord� par le pr�sident yougoslave � la
cha�ne de TV CBS (�mission "60 minutes II").

Cette nouvelle incendiaire est d�une port�e consid�rable. Car, si le
pr�sident serbe admet l�existence d�un g�nocide commis par les Serbes,
cela signifie qu�il reconna�t le bien fond� des accusations les plus
extr�mistes soutenues pendant les bombardements par l�administration
am�ricaine, CNN, le gouvernement allemand, les medias bellicistes
fran�ais comme le Nouvel Observateur. Cela signifie aussi que tous les
activistes qui ont proclam� que la Serbie n�est pas une nation
g�nocidaire sont d�mentis par le pr�sident-m�me de cette nation qui
s�exprime en son nom.

L� � information � selon laquelle Kostunica aurait reconnu l�existence
d�un � g�nocide � commis par les Serbes a �t� imm�diatement reprise par
: The Times du 24 octobre (� Kostunica admits Yugoslav genocide �), CNN
du m�me jour (� Genocide committed in Kosovo, says Kostunica �
http://c.moreover.com/click/here.pl?e11376041 ) , Le Figaro (� Kosovo :
Kostunica reconna�t le g�nocide �
http://www.lefigaro.fr/cgi-bin/gx.cgi/AppLogic+FTContentServer?pagename=FutureTense/Apps/Xcelerate/View&c=figArticle&cid=FIGZP2KPOEC&live=true&Site=true&gCurChannel=ZZZJTGN6J7C&gCurRubrique=ZZZ4GPM6J7C&gCurSubRubrique=ZZZ62RM6J7C
) Liste non exhaustive.

A regarder de pr�s l�interview, on remarquera qu� � aucun moment le
pr�sident Kostunica ne parle de g�nocide. En r�alit�, � la question des
journalistes concernant les meurtres commis au Kosovo, V. Kostunica
r�pond : "Those are the crimes and the people that have been killed are
victims" (Ce sont des crimes, et les gens qui ont �t� tu�s sont des
victimes �) en ajoutant : "I must say also there are a lot of crimes on
the other side and the Serbs have been killed." ("Il y
a eu aussi beaucoup d�autres crimes de l�autre c�t�, et les Serbes ont
�t� tu�s"). Cette version est conforme � ce qu�ont toujours admis la
plupart des adversaires de l�OTAN.

Les restitutions � peu pr�s correctes correctes du contenu de
l�interview � � notre connaissance � proviennent
- du Guardian du 24 octobre (� Kostunica accepts blame for Kosovo
killings �
http://www.guardianunlimited.co.uk/serbia/article/0,2479,387308,00.html
) qui pr�cise bien : � Asked by the US television network CBS News
whether Yugoslav forces were
guilty of genocide in
the southern province of Kosovo, Mr Kostunica admitted
that crimes had
occurred, but said that both Serbs and ethnicAlbanians had
been killed. �
- du Chicago Tribune du 25 octobre qui reprend la d�p�che de Katarina
Kratovac d�Associated Press
(http://chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/article/0,2669,SAV-0010250263,FF.html
)
- Lib�ration du 26 octobre (� Kostunica reconna�t les �crimes� de
Milosevic � - http://www.liberation.fr/kosovo/actu/20001026jeug.html )

- Proc�s

Le proc�s de trois soldats coupables du meurtre d�un couple d�Albanais �
Gornja Susica au kosovo s�ouvrira � Nis devant une cour militaire le 1er
novembre (AFP -
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=212738§ion=default
). Le pr�sident Kostunica continue d��carter l�hypoth�se d�une
extradition de M. Milosevic vers La Haye. M. Djindjic lui-m�me reconna�t
que ce serait incompatible avec la constitution yougoslave
(http://my.aol.com/news/story.tmpl?table=n&cat=01&id=0010231222129867 )

- Yougoslavie

Apr�s une visite � Sarajevo, le pr�sident Kostunica est � Skopje. Il a
recommand� au Dr Kouchner de reporter la date des �lections locales au
Kosovo. La � normalisation � du statut de la Yougoslavie se poursuit
puisque celle-ci devrait int�grer le FMI et l�ONU tr�s bient�t.

Le Comit� central du Parti socaliste du peuple mont�n�grin sous la
pr�sidence de Momir Bulatovic a donn� son accord pour un gouvernement
f�d�ral de la coalition avec la coalition DOS sans pr�sence de ministres
socialistes au gouvernement. La d�cision a �t� prise � l�unanimit� et
sans d�bat. le candidat sera Zoran Zizic, vice-pr�sident de ce parti
(http://news.freeb92.net/)

Les �tudiants d�Otpor maintiennent leur pression sur M. Kostunica. Ils
exigent de lui que dans les cent jours qui viennent pour s�emparer de
tous les leviers du pouvoir et clarifier sa politique (interview de
Vukasin Petrovic pour AFP
-http://sg.dailynews.yahoo.com/headlines/world/afp/article.html?s=singapore/headlines/001025/world/afp/Struggle_continues_for_Yugoslav_students.html
et http://www.liberation.fr/kosovo/actu/20001026jeug.html )

- Kosovo

L�ex-UCK (alli�e de l�OTAN) est cr�dit�e de seulement 20 % des voix auw
prochaines �lections locales (AFP -
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=213372§ion=Kosovo
)

- Serbie

Le premier ministre de Serbie Mirko Marjanovic ayant d�missionn�. Le
nouveau gouvernement de transition qui devrait �tre dirig� par un membre
du SPS, Milomir Minic, comprendrait un vice-premier ministre de DOS et
un vice-premier ministre du SPO. les minist�res de l�interieur, des
finances, de la justice justice et des m�dias seront sous une triple
tutelle jusqu�aux �lections du 23 d�cembre (BBC -
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_983000/983140.stm)

- Etats-Unis

Le candidat George Bush junior confirme qu�il souhaite que les troupes
am�ricaines quittent les Balkans. La pr�sence des troupes am�ricaines
dans les Balkans ne co�te pas cher en termes financiers (3,5 milliards
de dollars pour l�ann�e 2000 sur un budget du Pentagone s��levant � 280
milliards de dollars), mais la conseill�re militaire du candidat Bush
Condoleezza Rice ainsiq ue les milieux conservateurs estiment que le
maintien de troupes dans le cadre de missions de � maintien de la paix �
affaiblit leur aptitude � remplir les missions de combat classique. Les
Britanniques sont soucieux que les USA restent dans les Balkans, tandis
que la France verrait d�un bon �il leur retrait. Les Balkans restent en
tout cas la derni�re justification possible pour le stationnement de
troupes am�ricaines en Europe.(
http://www.FreeRepublic.com/forum/a39f1be4446f0.htm)

---

Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"

> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra

I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")

Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...

*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***

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