BILANCIO DI 11 MESI DI OCCUPAZIONE U.C.K.F.O.R. IN KOSOVO-METOHIJA:
- 4792 ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI
- 1010 MORTI AMMAZZATI (DI CUI 888 SERBI O MONTENEGRINI)
- 936 SCOMPARSI
- 924 FERITI
- 350MILA PROFUGHI
- 200 ARRESTI ARBITRARI
- 86 CHIESE E MONUMENTI VANDALIZZATI
- 250MILA ENTRATE ILLEGALI
- 364 SCONFINAMENTI DELLA KFOR NELLA FASCIA DI SICUREZZA

*** L'IMPORTANTE E' NON PARLARNE IN TV ***


---


Fonte: Yugoslav Daily Survey 15-16/5/2000
http://www1.mfa.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.smip.sv.gov.yu/ OPPURE
http://www.mfa.gov.yu/


> SERBIAN PROVINCE OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
>
> THOUSANDS SUPPORT DEMANDS OF IMPRISONED SERBS IN KOSOVSKA
>MITROVICA
>
> KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, May 15 (Tanjug) - More than 7,000 Serbs
from
>Kosovska Mitrovica, Zvecane, Zubin Potok and Leposavic gathered again on
>Monday outside the district prison in Kosovska Mitrovica in sign of support
to
>the Serbs and Roma who have been imprisoned for 11 months, demanding that
they
>be be released on bail and that dates finally be set for the trials.
>
> Stressing that the head of the civilian mission in
Kosovo-Metohija
>Bernard Kouchner did not obtain under Security Council Resolution 1244 the
>mandate to annihilate and dislocate Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and to
>organize a travesty of justice, member of the Yugoslav committee for
>cooperation with UNMIK and Serbian Deputy Justice Minister Zoran Balinovac
>said that the civilian mission in Kosovo-Metohija was systematically
violating
>that resolution, because, he added not a single Albanian has been arrested
on
>charges of war genocide.
>
> YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT SUBMITS OVERVIEW ON KOSOVO-METOHIJA
TERRORISM
>
> BELGRADE, May 15 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav Government has
submitted
>to the president of the U.N. Security Council and the U.N. Secretary
General
>an annex to its Saturday's Memorandum on the need for a strict and
consistent
>implementation of U.N. Resolution 1244.
>
> The Annex gives an overview of terrorist attacks and other
crimes
>committed in Kosovo-Metohija since the international mission was deployed
to
>that U.N.-administered province of the Yugoslav republic of Serbia in June
>1999.
>
> The full text of the Overview follows (official translation):
>
> O V E R V I E W
>
> of terrorist and other acts of violence and of certain
violations
>of Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) of 10 June 1999 in Kosovo and
>Metohija, the autonomous province of the Yugoslav constituent Republic of
>Serbia, since the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK, in the period from 10 June
1999
>to 7 May 2000
>
> (1) Number of terrorist attacks: 4,792
>
> 4,511 committed against Serbs and Montenegrins, 109 against
>Albanians and 172 against Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (2) Number of killed persons: 1,010
>
> 888 Serbs and Montenegrins, 75 Albanians and 47 members of
other
>ethnic communities in Kosovo and Metohija.
>
> (3) Number of abducted and missing persons: 936
>
> 860 Serbs and Montenegrins, 42 Albanians and 34 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> The fate of 786 persons is still unknown; 95 abducted persons
were
>killed, 7 persons escaped, while 48 were released.
>
> (4) Number of wounded persons: 924
>
> 867 Serbs and Montenegrins, 20 Albanians and 37 members of
other
>ethnic communities.
>
> (5) Ethnic cleansing: In the campaign of ethnic cleansing
>following the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK, two-thirds of the non-Albanian
>population, i.e. over 350,000 Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims, Goranci,
>Turks and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo and Metohija,
of
>whom 270,000 are Serbs.
>
> The following towns and villages have been ethnically cleansed
of
>Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians:
>
> a.. Pristina (all Serbs have been driven out of its largest
>suburbs of Ulpijana, Suncani Breg, Dardanija, Univerzitetsko Naselje. Of
the
>40,000 Serbs who used to live in Pristina before KFOR and UNMIK came to
Kosovo
>and Metohija, 25,000 were school and university students. Today, only 35
>Serbian schoolchildren live in Pristina and attend classes in the local
school
>in the village of Laplje;
> b.. Prizren (only 100 Serbian families remain);
> c.. Gnjilane, the situation in this town was alarming in
March
>and April (in this period alone 350 houses of Serbs were sold). The number
of
>remaining Serbs has been halved and today only about 1,500 Serbs remain.
KFOR
>and UNMIK have warned them not to leave their homes.
> d.. Djakovica, Pec, Podujevo, Glogovac, as well as the
areas
>of Kosovska Mitrovica (Vucitrn, Srbica), Lipljan, Kosovo Polje, from which
80
>per cent of their Serbian residents have been expelled, i.e. 7,000 Serbs
and
>4,000 other non-Albanians (their homes have been burned and looted, while
>shops, cafes and other property are being seized from their owners. In the
>presence of KFOR, ethnic Albanian terrorists brutalize and harass the Serbs
>who refuse to sell their homes and leave Kosovo and Metohija);
> e.. the whole area of the municipalities of Istok and Klina
>including the villages of Dzakovo, Osojane, Tucepom, Kos, Zac, Belica,
>Krnjine, Maticane, Kacanik, Stimlje, Kmetovacka Vrbica and others, where
3,440
>Serbian homes were burned down;
> f.. the surroundings of Urosevac, Slivovo, Nedakovac,
>Nevoljane, Vrpica, Ljestar, Zegra (municipality of Gnjilane), Zitnje,
>Pozaranje, Grmovo, Drobes; in the village of Talinovac the two last Serbian
>houses whose owners had been forced to move out were burnt down at the
>beginning of April;
> g.. the surroundings of Vitina (Kabas, Binac and other
>villages), the areas of Kosovska Kamenica (villages of Bratilovce, Firiceja
>and others) and Kosovsko Pomoravlje, as well as the villages of Toplicane,
>Rujice, Magure, Slovinja, Staro Gracko, Klobukar in the municipality of
Novo
>Brdo. (All Serbian houses have been burned down and all its owners forced
to
>leave.)
>

>
> Members of the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
>exert great pressure on ethnic Goranci, the indigenous residents of the
region
>of Gora, who are not allowed to use their maternal Serbian language in
schools
>and in everyday life, in an attempt to misrepresent this ethnic group as
>Albanians.
>
> Expulsion of the members of the Muslim ethnic community,
loyal
>citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia, has intensified particularly in the area
of
>the municipality of Istok.
>
> In the area of Prizren and Djakovica about 65,000 Kosovo
>Albanian Catholics live in a difficult situation and under great pressure
from
>Albanian terrorists who accuse them of "collaboration with Serbs".
>
> Albanian separatists continue their deliberate actions,
aimed
>at preventing the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija. They raze Serbian
>houses in a pre-planned and synchronized manner. The most drastic example
has
>been the looting and bulldozing of over 250 Serbian houses in the village
of
>Bijelo Polje. The area of this village was turned into a garbage dump.
Serbian
>houses in the villages of Brezanik and Osojane have also been bulldozed.
>Fourteen Serbian villages in the municipality of Vitina do not exist any
more
>because all the houses have been destroyed. At the end of April, Albanian
>terrorists announced that they will carry out similar organized actions of
>looting and destroying Serbian houses in the villages near Istok and Novo
>Brdo.
>
> (6) The latest brutal crimes:
>
> shelling of the Serbian village of Gorazdevac (10 March, 25
>March, 22 April 2000); killing of Gashi Sheqeri in his house in the village
of
>Rogovo, municipality of Djakovica, and a Roma boy whose identity has not
been
>established. This murder was committed by the members of the so-called
Kosovo
>Protection Corps Bajram Gashi and Hallim Shala (30 March); bomb attack on
the
>apartment of Franjo Milic, a Croat, in Obilic (3 April 2000); cruel murder
of
>87-year Metodije Haljausku, a Czech, in Pristina, who was shot in the back
of
>the head (3 April 2000); mortar attack on a group of Serbs who played
football
>in a field in the village of Cernice in which two persons were injured (5
>April 2000); attack of eight terrorists on Stojan Petronijevic in the
>courtyard of his family house in the village of Babin Most, municipality of
>Obilic (5 April 2000); killing of Dobrivoje Jovanovic in Gnjilane (9 April
>2000); mining of the Orthodox Church of Our Lady in Zociste for the third
time
>(18 April 2000); mortar attack on an apartment building housing Serbs and
>Turks in downtown Pristina in which two persons were wounded (18 April
2000);
>killing of Srdjan Markovic from the village of Badovac, who was killed by
>terrorists in his car on his way to visit his friends (21 April 2000);
murder
>of Stojanka Stojanovic (65) in Gnjilane, in mid-April, whose body was found
on
>26 April 2000; terrorist attack on a bus in Kosovska Mitrovica ferrying
Serbs
>to church (28 April 2000); vandal desecration of Serbian cemeteries and
>tombstones in the village of Glavotina, municipality of Vucitrn (26 April
>2000), and in the village of Klobukar, municipality Novo Brdo (30 April
2000);
>dynamiting the Orthodox church of St. Nicholas from 16th century in the
>village of Grncar, municipality of Vitina (28 April 2000); brutal murder of
>Milorad Peric (50) from the village of Pasjane who was working in the
fields
>(29 April 2000); terrorist bomb attack on a group of residents of the
village
>of Crkvena Vodica, municipality of Obilic, in which several children were
>wounded (2 May 2000); bomb attack on the house belonging to Hadzija Agusi
>(74), a Roma, who died from the wounds sustained in the attack (29 April
>2000); killing of Zivko Stolic (67) in Kosovska Vitina, who was brutally
>tortured by terrorists and later killed (6 May 2000); attack on a Serbian
>family in Kosovska Vitina in the courtyard of their house on which occasion
>two adults and two children were wounded.
>
> (7) New forms of terror against Serbs and other
non-Albanians:
>
> In its security actions against Serbian and other
>non-Albanians, KFOR is increasingly demonstrating force and resorting to
>harassment and physical violence and causing damage to Serbian property.
>Drastic incidents occurred in Kosovska Mitrovica (on 20-25 February), in
the
>villages of Mogila (on 25-26 February), in which Serbian houses were
searched
>by in a most brutal way, Draganovac (municipality of Gnjilane) and Miolice
>(Municipality of Leposavic), Mali Zvecan (27 February), Gornje Kusce (1
March)
>and the Serbian villages of Rudare and Grabovac (1 March). The searches
were
>conducted by KFOR jointly with the terrorists of the so-called KLA, who
wore
>international security forces uniforms, in an open display of the existence
of
>co-ordination between KFOR and Albanian terrorists. In April violence
against
>Serbs in the so-called security actions of KFOR has assumed dramatic
>proportions. The most drastic examples were the incidents which took place
in
>the village of Dobrotin on 2 April, in the village of Sevce on 4 April and
in
>the villages of Lepina and Jazine, when KFOR members released dogs on the
>Serbs who had gathered to protest the difficult situation and when a large
>number of people were seriously injured. Several persons were also injured
in
>a brutal action of KFOR against Serbian demonstrators in Gracanica on 7
April
>2000.
>
> (8) Latest terrorist attacks on Serbian convoys:
>
> Attacks on a Serbian convoys headed for Strpce, near the
>village of Radivojce (on 22 and 29 February); attack on a Serbian convoy en
>route to Koretiste, in the village of Dobricane (28 February); attack on a
bus
>ferrying Serbian children home from school on the road between Gornje Kusce
>and Koretiste (29 February); Lieutenant Peter Ramstell (KFOR, Kosovska
>Mitrovica area) banned all KFOR security escorts for buses transporting
>Serbian schoolchildren and sick persons to Gracanica (1 March); attacks
>against Serbian convoys in the village of Koretin (6 and 20 March);
repeated
>attacks against Serbian convoys in Gnjilane (7, 10 and 31 March); an attack
on
>a Serbian convoy in the village of Dobrovce (27 March); attack on a Serbian
>convoy on the road between Bujanovac and Gracanica (11 April 2000); attack
on
>a convoy from Strpce in the village of Pozaranje, municipality of Vitina
(18
>April 2000).
>
> KFOR has not prevented these terrorist attacks. Also, it
has
>refused to provide security escorts to convoys between Merdare and Kosovo
>Polje. In addition to daily terror against them, this is added pressure on
>Serbs to leave Kosovo Polje.
>
> (9) Number of arbitrarily arrested persons by KFOR and
UNMIK:
>200
>
> Arrested Serbs are detained in prisons in Pristina,
Prizren,
>Sojevo near Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, Gnjilane, Lipljan and Klokot
Banja.
>They have been arrested without any explanation or charges, only on the
ground
>of information provided by the Albanians, most frequently by the members of
>the terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army. 43 Serbs arbitrarily
arrested
>without legal grounds by KFOR and UNMIK have been detained in a prison in
>Kosovska Mitrovica for almost ten months. In this period no investigation
or
>any court proceedings have been instituted. On 10 April 2000, 37 detained
>Serbs and 5 Roma went on a hunger strike. The immediate cause was the
release
>of Gjelal Ademi, an ethnic Albanian, against whom an investigation had been
>instituted because of a hand grenade attack in which 22 Serbs and 14 French
>soldiers of KFOR were injured. Doctors from the School of Medicine of the
>University of Pristina found out at the last examination (6 May 2000) that
>their health condition was rapidly deteriorating and that eleven of them
were
>in critical conditions. On 7 May 2000, Arsenije Vitosevic, suffering from a
>chronic heart condition, was admitted to the City hospital. Due to
exhaustion,
>high blood pressure and heart condition he has been placed in an intensive
>care unit. He was given infusion and is in a difficult psychological
condition
>(two years ago KLA terrorists abducted his son and he has not heard from
him
>since). The doctors who examined the strikers requested that 10 detainees
be
>sent to hospital due to exhaustion and deteriorating health condition. They
>called on the competent judicial and police UNMIK authorities to release
the
>strikers without delay so that they could given proper medical treatment
and
>that their condition stabilized.
>
> (10) Prisons and labour camps run by the terrorist
so-called
>Kosovo Liberation Army:
>
> The abducted Serbian civilians, detained by the terrorist
>so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, are kept in the labour camps located in
the
>village of Maticane and in the wider area of Prizren ("Ortokal" estate, a
>building situated on the road to Djakovica) and in Drenica. 472 abducted
Serbs
>are kept in the camps.
>
> KLA prisons for Serbs, Montenegrin and members of other
ethnic
>communities who are not supportive of Albanian terrorists are situated also
>around the village of Brod, municipality of Dragas, and along the Djakovica
>road towards the village of Junik, municipality of Decani, as well as in
the
>villages of Glodjane, Izbica and Strovce in the Kosovska Mitrovica
district;
>and in the premises of Railroad Transport Co. in Urosevac.
>
> (11) Situation in Kosovska Mitrovica:
>
> Since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in Kosovo and
Metohija,
>the security situation has been very serious, particularly in and around
>Kosovska Mitrovica. Some of the most salient types and instances of
atrocities
>have been:
>
> h.. looting and the destruction of 2,365 homes belonging to
>Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians (1,200 in Kosovska Mitrovica;
>1,060 in Vucitrn; and 105 in Srbica);
> i.. eviction of 700 Serbian families from their apartments
>(500 southern Kosovska Mitrovica; 150 in Vucitrn; and 50 in Srbica);
> j.. looting and the destruction of the property of the
>following companies:
> 1. In Kosovska Mitrovica: Socially-owned companies
>"Kosovo-Sirovina", "Betonjerka", "Lux", "AMD", "Kosmet-Prevoz",
>"Trans-Kosovo", Duvanska, Minel, Zemljoradnicka zadruga (cooperative),
>Hortikultura, Mitrovcanka, DES, "Ibar-Rozaje" warehouse, water utility
company
>"Vodovod", printing company "Progres", electric power generation company
>"Elektro-Kosovo", PTT and a large number of bars and cafes owned by
>non-Albanians.
>
> 2. In Vucitrn: Socially-owned companies "Sartid",
>"Vucitrn-Prevoz", "Ratar", Farm Cooperative, paints and coatings factory
>"Ekstra", construction company "Kosovo", utilities company "Sitnica",
private
>company "Cicavica", employment bureau, local community centre, Town Hall of
>Vucitrn, Construction Land Fund, local department store, Auditing Office
>building, Jugobanka, primary and secondary schools, Jugopetrol, Beopetrol,
>electric power generationcompany "Elektro-Kosovo", PTT.
>
> 3. In Srbica: Hunting munitions factory, plastics factory,
>socially-owned company "Buducnost", Farm Cooperative, public utilities
>company, "Dijamant-produkt" Co., local community centre, local
self-managing
>community of interest, "Zitopromet" Co. and its silos.
>
> (12) Recent killings and terrorizing of Albanians loyal to
the
>FR of Yugoslavia:
>
> The terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has stepped
up
>the execution of Albanians who do support their policy and goals,
particularly
>in the areas of Pristina, Podujevo and Pec. The most drastic examples are:
the
>murder of Hejdi Sejdiu, a member of the Provincial Committee of the Serbian
>Socialist Party, in his home town of Urosevac in front of his wife and
three
>children (on 10 February), the killing of Danush Januzi in Vitina (on 10
>February); the massacre of Tahir Bekim, abducted and later killed by the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (parts of his mutilated
>body were found on 24 February).
>

> The terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army
burnt
>down the house of Sellim Broshi, former head of the Provincial Ministry of
the
>Interior, in the village of Odanovce, municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, on
20
>March 2000. They are also looking for Sinan Rexhepi, former employee of the
>Provincial Ministry of the Interior. They threaten Sadik Hajrulah from
Vitina,
>Ramadan Sermaxhi, employee of the Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane,
Minir
>Krasniqi from Kosovska Kamenica, as well as other former or present ethnic
>Albanian members of the Provincial Ministry of the Interior in Gnjilane.
>
> In mid-March, terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation
>Army abducted Noa and Nua Kajtazi, catholic Albanians, in the village of
Zjum
>accusing them that they are loyal citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia. They
>requested a ransom from their family in the amount of DM 40,000. They also
>searched their houses, looted it and beat the members of their family.
>
> In addition to Serbs, the terrorist so-called Kosovo
>Liberation Army also rounds up Albanians, loyal to the State of the FR of
>Yugoslavia, and detain them in their prison camps (around the village of
Brod,
>municipality of Dragas).
>
> (13) Destruction of churches, monasteries and cultural
>monuments:
>
> 86 churches, monasteries and other cultural monuments were
>burned down, demolished or seriously damaged, among them the Church of the
>Entrance of Our Lady into the Temple at Dolac, monastery of St. Mark at
Korisa
>from 1467, monastery of Prophets Kosmo and Damien in Zociste from 14th
>century, the church in Kijevo from the 14th century, the Holy Trinity
>monastery from the 14th century near Musutiste, monastery Devic built in
1440,
>Church of St. Paraskeva in Drenik from the 16th century, Church of St.
>Demetrius near Pec, the Orthodox church at Grmovo near Vitina, Church of
St.
>Elijah at Zegra near Gnjilane, church of Holy Mother in Musutiste from
1315,
>Church of St. Elijah at Bistrazin, Church of Apostles Peter and Paul in
Suva
>Reka, monastery of St. Uros in Nerodimlje, monastery of St. Archangel
Gabriel
>from the 14th century in Binac, Church of St. Mary from the 16th century in
>Belo Polje, Church of St. John the Baptist in Pecka Banja, churches in the
>villages of Naklo, Vucitrn, Petrovac, Urosevac, Podgorce, Djurakovac,
Krusevo,
>Osojane, Samodreza, Dresna near Klina, Rekovac, Petric, monastery Binac
near
>Vitina, Holy Trinity Cathedral in Djakovica, St. Nicholas' Church in
Gnjilane.
>
>
> Monks and other clergy are being terrorized and persecuted.
>More than 150 parish residences were destroyed or damaged. Over 10,000
icons
>and other sacral objects, most of which are part of cultural treasures
under
>the special protection of the State, were stolen or destroyed. Medieval
>frescoes were destroyed in 70 per cent of Orthodox churches and
monasteries.
>
> Assaults on members of the Catholic religious community by
the
>terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army have intensified in
Prizren
>and Pec, particularly assaults on clergymen (The homes of two Franciscan
>priests were burned down.).
>
> The following cultural monuments were damaged or
demolished:
>
> - statues of the greatest lexicographer of the Serbian
>language Vuk Karadzic and the great Montenegrin poet Petar Petrovic Njegos
in
>downtown Pristina;
>
> - memorials to King Uros in Urosevac and King Dusan in
>Prizren;
>
> - memorial to Prince Lazar in Gnjilane and the memorial to
>Serbian rulers from the Nemanjic dynasty in the village of Gornje
Nerodimlje;
>
> - memorial to Milos Obilic, the symbol of the town of
Obilic.
>KFOR removed the damaged statue to the compounds of the thermal electric
power
>plant "Kosovo B".
>
> - about 400 000 books vanished in the fire set to the
Pristina
>Library.
>
> Many of the destroyed monuments are outstanding examples of
>the Serbian cultural heritage and are on the list of the monuments of
>exceptional cultural value under the protection of UNESCO.
>
> (14) Forced and illegal taking over of public institutions:
>
> - Forcible and illegal takeovers of premises and buildings
of
>post offices, banks, medical institutions, water and power supply systems,
>university, elementary and secondary schools, municipal and other local
>government buildings, local communes, buildings of the Ministry of the
>Interior and the Army of Yugoslavia, factories, enterprises, cooperatives,
>etc. in Pristina (premises of the Clinical Centre "Pristina" and the health
>station whose equipment has been stolen and taken by doctors in private
>practice, Federal Customs Administration, Public Housing Company, Institute
>for Urban Planning, water supply company "Vodovod", thermal electric power
>plant "Kosovo B", depots and petrol stations of "Jugopetrol", the
shareholding
>companies "Kosmet-Pristina", "Kosovo-Trans", "Energoinvest",
"Autopristina",
>car shock absorbers factory, "Jugotrans", etc.) as well as in Prizren,
Dragas,
>Podujevo, Lipljan, Strpci, Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Polje (with the
>assistance of KFOR), Djakovica (with the assistance of KFOR).
>
> - By forced and illegal taking over of public enterprises
and
>institutions tens of thousands employed Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Muslims,
>Goranci, Turks and other non-Albanians were sacked and left with no means
to
>support themselves.
>
> - More than 190 major companies were forcibly and illegally
>seized, whose equipment was looted and most often taken to Albania.
>
> (15) Armed artillery attacks on villages:
>
> Slovinj, Maticane, Orahovac, Konjuh, Berivojce, Gornja
>Brnjica, the villages around Kosovska Kamenica: Grncar, Magila, Ajvalija,
all
>the villages of the Istok-Klina region, Gorazdevac near Pec, Svinjare,
Klokot,
>Novo Brdo, Zjum, Donja and Gornja Gusterica, Susica, Badavac, Bresje,
Vrbovac,
>Vitina, Cernice, (municipality of Gnjilane), Dobrusa, Veliko Ropotovo
>(municipality of Kosovska Kamenica), Partes, Podgradje, Malisevo and
Pasjane
>(municipality of Gnjilane), Ljestar, Budriga, Dobrotin (municipality of
>Lipljan), Grncar, Binac, Ranilug, Silovo, Odovce, Rajanovce, Bosce,
Caglavica,
>Paravolo, Lebane, Gojbulja, Suvo Grlo and Banje (municipality of Srbica),
in
>the following villages in the area of the municipality of Gora: Brodosavce,
>Belobrod, Kukavce; frequent attacks on houses of Goranci, Muslims and
>Albanians, loyal to the FR of Yugoslavia, and in Grabovac (municipality of
>Zvecan).
>
> All Serbian houses in the villages of Donji Livoc, Kmetova
>Vrbica, Lipovica and Cernice in the municipality of Gnjilane, and in the
>villages of Vaganes, Gradjenik and Orahovica in the municipality of
Kosovska
>Kamenica, all forming part of Kosovsko Pomoravlje, were set on fire or
>destroyed by mortars or explosives.
>
> All this runs counter to assertions by KFOR and UNMIK that
the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army has been disarmed.
>
> (16) Blockade of towns and villages:
>
> Gadnje, Orahovac and Velika Hoca, Koretin, villages around
>Gnjilane, Gornja Srbica, Gorazdevac, Priluzje (the village surrounded by
>Albanians, with no doctors, shops and phone lines; about 80 per cent of the
>villagers who worked for the Electric Power Industry of Serbia have
remained
>jobless). About 3,500 Serbian residents of Orahovac have been living for
more
>than nine months since the deployment of KFOR and UNMIK in the first
>concentration camp in Europe after the Second World War, besieged by the
>terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army.
>
> (17) Armed threats against villages and terror committed on
a
>daily basis against non-Albanians:
>
> Ugljari, Srpski Babus, Stimlje, Novo Selo, Bresje, Obilic,
the
>area around Kosovo Polje, Milosevo (on which an armed attack was recently
>carried out), the village of Zebnice (dramatic humanitarian situation),
most
>of the mainly Catholic Croatian population ofn the villages of Letinice,
>Vrnez, Vrnavo Kolo and Sasare have moved out, Drenovac (50 Serbs
massacred),
>village of Cernice (a series of incidents in which US KFOR soldiers
maltreated
>Serbs), Pozaranje, Gotovusa, Gatnje, Zubin Potok, Veliki Alas, Vrelo and
>Radevo, Plemetin and Slatina (municipality of Vucitrn), Crkolez
(municipality
>of Istok), Ogose - municipality of Kosovska Kamenica (where almost all Roma
>families have been driven out), Banjska, Gojbulja and Miroce (municipality
of
>Vucitrn), Brezanik (municipality of Pec). Ruthless terror is used against
the
>remaining Serbs in the village of Obilic: their houses are attacked and set
on
>fire. They cannot call fire emergency services or ask for KFOR and UNMIK
>assistance since their telephone lines are disconnected, while those
belonging
>to Albanian households are connected. This provides further evidence of
>against Serb by KFOR and UNMIK who sit idly by.
>
> (18) The looted Serbian villages whose residents were
forced
>out:
>
> Muzicani, Slivovo, Orlovic, Dragas, the area around Kosovo
>Polje, Livadice, Mirovac, Sirinicka Zupa, Medregovac, Grace, Zociste,
>Sofalija, Dragoljevac, Tomance, Koretin, Lestar, Donja Sipasnica,
Miganovce,
>Laniste and Zmijarnik (municipality of Kosovska Kamenica).
>
> (19) Serbian settlements set on fire:
>
> Istok, Klina, Donja Lapastica, Obrandza, Velika Reka,
Perane,
>Lause, the villages around Podujevo, Grace, Donja Dubica, Zociste,
Orahovac,
>Naklo, Vitomirice, Belo Polje, Mojlovice, Alos-Toplicane, Krajiste, Rudnik,
>Donji Strmac, Goles (municipality of Lipljan), Orlovic (municipality of
>Pristina), Krpimej and Lausa (municipality of Podujevo), Muzicane (all
Serbian
>houses burned down), Zaimovo, Denovac, Lesjane, Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje
>(all Serbian houses looted and burned down), Sinaje (municipality of
Istok),
>Balovac, Mali Talinovac, Ljubizda, Klobuka and Oraovica (municipality of
>Kosovska Kamenica), Zaskok and Novi Miros (municipality of Urosevac).
>
> (20) Registered number of homes burned down: About 50,000
>houses of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci and other non-Albanians were burned
>down in Kosovo and Metohija.
>


>
> (21) Registered number of illegal entries of foreign
citizens
>into the FR of Yugoslavia (Kosovo and Metohija) without the necessary
papers
>(visas and registration of stay with the competent authorities): 811
>
> Over 250,000 foreigners have illegally entered Kosovo and
>Metohija with approval of UNMIK and KFOR. The Government of the FR of
>Yugoslavia has officially requested their deportation on several occasions.
>These requests went unheeded, although those persons are international
>terrorists, criminals, narco-mafia members, white slave merchants,
organizers
>of brothels and other forms of international crime.
>
> (22) Registered number of stolen vehicles: over 12,000
>
> As a result of open borders with Macedonia and Albania
250,000
>vehicles were brought into Kosovo and Metohija without payment of customs
>duties. Most of these vehicles were stolen.
>
> UNMIK has extended the period for the registration of
vehicles
>in Kosovo and Metohija until 31 May 2000. It is expected that it will
register
>about 200,000 vehicles thus legalizing crime and theft.
>
> (23) Registered number of cases of violation of the ground
>security zone by KFOR: 364.

>
> BRUSSELS, May 16 (Tanjug) - The European Commission has made
>public a list of scandals, mismanagement and irresponsible management of
>humanitarian aid and other forms of aid from the budget of the European Union
>(EU), and that is why it has prepared a package of measures, it was said in
>Brussels on Tuesday.
>
> The report of the "European government" said that the money sent
>by donors to European funds in Brussels is not reaching those to whom it is
>intended, that many projects are never completed, many promises that the aid
>will be sent never fulfilled, and there is a growing number of examples of
>mismanagement and embezzlement.
>
> The example of Kosovo-Metohija is only one in a series of cases
>that confirm the inefficiency of the program of aid of the European Union
>which has earmarked 9.6 billion euros for extending various forms of financial
>support throughout the world.
>
> The EU had planned a 310 million euro aid to Kosovo-Metohija after
>NATO's bombing but EU members cannot agree over how the money should be used.
>
> However, because EU's aid is often used for other purposes - the
>upkeep of the military and civilian missions in Kosovo-Metohija - the sum of
>money planned for the reconstruction of the province is not known.
>
> NATO CONDUCTED MASSIVE TRAINING OF TERRORISTS
>
> PRISTINA, May 16 (Tanjug) - Under the cover of NATO military
>exercises "dynamic response-2000," held this spring in Kosovo-Metohija, in top
>secrecy and closely watched by American officers, was an action of intensive
>training of terrorists.
>
> The training included over two thousand Albanian extremists for
>terrorist activity aimed against Serbian civilians, soldiers and policemen.
>
> The objective of the training of terrorists, masterminded and
>organized by the CIA and which runs counter the rhetoric of the officials of
>the international community, is the fanning of the conflict in southern Serbia
>(border zone Presevo, Bujanovac, Medvedja) and incitement of the exodus of
>non-Albanian population in order to provoke a reaction of the security forces
>of the Republic of Serbia and of the Yugoslav Army and the further
>internationalization of the issue of the status of the Albanian minority in
>that part of Serbia.
>
> Heading the new contingent of officers for waging dirty warfare is
>a certified Serb-hater, senior officer of the Kosovo Protection Corps -
>commander of the sixth zone of defense Shaban Shalje - and the training was
>conducted in late May in the military base Bonsteel, nearby Urosevac.
>
> The training of terrorists is a significant stage in the plans of
>externists, who in collusion with ideological sympathizers, while relying on
>the support of the international community, have not abandoned the plan of
>breaking away Kosoov and Metohija from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
>creating a "Greater Albania."
>
> NATO AGGRESSION - INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS
>
> NATO STOKING OPPOSITION AND SECESSIONIST MOVEMENTS
>
> BELGRADE, May 16 (Tanjug) - Austrian-Serbian Solidarity movement
>President Wilhelm Langtaler said late Monday that NATO would try to create
>conditions for a new intervention and a new war by stoking opposition,
>secessionist movements, since it failed to realize its goals with the 1999
>aggression on Yugoslavia.
>
> Solidarity was founded in Vienna to demonstrate resistance to the
>NATO aggression and support to Yugoslavia.
>
> Speaking in an interview to Serbian Radio Television RTS,
>Langtaler specified that the real reason behind the aggression on Yugoslavia
>was "to throw to its knees a country which dared to oppose the demands of the
>new world order." This presented an obstacle to NATO's breathrought toward
>Russia, he said.
>
> Speaking about his recent visit to Kosovska Mitrovica, a town in
>Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija province, Langtaler said the southern part of
>that town was a site "of genuine occupation."
>
> "There is countless evidence that Security Council Resolution 1244
>is absolutely not implemented," Langtaler said, adding that Serbs are being
>systematically expelled from Kosovo and Metohija, controlled, disarmed, and
>denied every right to self-defense, which is not the case with ethnic
>Albanians, he said.



--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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DISCORSO DI SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
dinanzi ad un milione di persone convenute a Gazimestan,
nella piana di Campo dei Merli ("Kosovo Polje") il 28/6/1989,
nel seicentesimo anniversario della omonima battaglia


Fonte: National Technical Information Service, Dept. of Commerce, USA
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/facts/Milosevic-speech.html
Traduzione a cura del Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia,
luglio 1999 - http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/jugo/crj/m_l/150799.htm

--

Circostanze sociali hanno fatto si che questo grande seicentesimo
anniversario della battaglia di Kosovo Polje abbia luogo in un
anno in cui la Serbia, dopo molti anni, dopo molte decadi, ha
riottenuto la sua integrita' statale, nazionale, e spirituale
[si riferisce alla abrogazione della "autonomia speciale", in
vigore nella regione del Kosovo dal 1974, che le garantiva uno
status di settima Repubblica jugoslava "de facto"; n.d.crj].
Percio' non e' difficile per noi oggi rispondere alla vecchia
domanda: come ci porremo davanti a Milos [Milos Obilic,
leggendario eroe della battaglia del Kosovo; n.d.crj]. Guardando a
tutto il corso della storia e della vita sembra che la Serbia abbia,
proprio in questo anno, nel 1989, riottenuto il suo Stato e la sua
dignita' e percio' che abbia celebrato un evento del passato
remoto che ha un grande significato storico e simbolico per il
suo futuro.

* La Liberazione come carattere proprio della Serbia

Oggi come oggi e' difficile dire quale sia la verita' storica
sulla battaglia del Kosovo e cosa sia solo leggenda. Oggi
come oggi questo non ha piu' importanza. Oppressa dalla
sofferenza e piena di fiducia, la popolazione era solita
rievocare e dimenticare, come in fondo tutte le popolazioni
del mondo fanno, e si vergognava del tradimento e glorificava
l'eroismo. Percio' e' difficile dire oggi se la battaglia del
Kosovo fu una sconfitta o una vittoria per la gente serba,
se grazie ad essa piombo' nella schiavitu' o se ne sottrasse
[lo smembramento del regno di Serbia come Stato avvenne infatti
solo settanta anni dopo; n.d.crj].
Le risposte a queste domande saranne sempre cercate dalla scienza e
dal popolo. Quello che e' stato certo attraverso i secoli fino al
nostro tempo e' che la discordia si abbatte' sul Kosovo seicento
anni fa. Se perdemmo la battaglia, non deve essere stato solamente
il risultato della superiorita' sociale e del vantaggio militare
dell'Impero Ottomano, ma anche della tragica divisione nella
leadership dello Stato serbo a quel tempo. In quel lontano 1389,
l'Impero Ottomano non fu solamente piu' forte di quello dei serbi
ma ebbe anche una sorte migliore che non il regno serbo.

La mancanza di unita' ed il tradimento in Kosovo continueranno ad
accompagnare il popolo serbo come un destino diabolico per tutto
il corso della sua storia [non a caso le "quattro esse"
cirilliche della bandiera tradizionale serba significano "Samo
Sloga Srbe Spasava", ovvero "solo la concordia salvera' i serbi";
n.d.crj]. Persino nell'ultima guerra, questa mancanza di unita'
ed il tradimento hanno gettato il popolo serbo e la Serbia in una
agonia, le conseguenze della quale in senso storico e morale hanno
sorpassato l'aggressione fascista [Milosevic si riferisce
evidentemente al patto sottoscritto dal governo Cvetkovic-Macek con
i nazisti, e forse anche al governo collaborazionista di Nedic
ed alla alleanza dei cetnici con il nazismo tedesco dopo la
capitolazione dell'Italia, in funzione anticomunista; n.d.crj].

Anche in seguito, quando fu messa in piedi la Jugoslavia socialista,
in questo nuovo Stato la leadership serba continuava ad essere
divisa, disposta al compromesso a detrimento del suo stesso
popolo. Le concessioni che molti leaders serbi fecero a spese del
loro popolo non erano storicamemte ne' eticamente accettabili
per alcuna nazione del mondo [si riferisce evidentemente alla
strutturazione della Serbia in Repubblica con due regione autonome
con diritto di veto, quasi Repubbliche a se' stanti; n.d.crj],
specialmente perche' i serbi non hanno mai fatto guerra di conquista
o sfruttato altri nel corso della loro storia. Il loro essere
nazionale e storico e' stato di carattere liberatorio durante tutti
i secoli e nel corso di entrambe le guerre mondiali, cosi' come
oggi. Hanno liberato se' stessi e quando hanno potuto hanno anche
aiutato altri a liberarsi. Il fatto che in questa regione siano
una nazionalita' maggioritaria non e' un peccato od una colpa dei
serbi: questo e' un vantaggio che essi non hanno usato contro
altri, ma devo dire che qui, in questo grande, leggendario Campo
dei Merli, i serbi non hanno usato il vantaggio di essere grandi
neppure a loro beneficio.

A causa dei loro leaders e dei loro uomini politici e di una
mentalita' succube si sentivano colpevoli dinanzi a loro stessi
ed agli altri. Questa situazione e' durata per decenni, e' durata
per anni, e ci ritroviamo adesso a Campo dei Merli a dire che le
cose ora stanno diversamente.

* L'unita' rendera' possibile la prosperita'

La divisione tra i politici serbi ha nuociuto alla Serbia, e la
loro inferiorita' l'ha umiliata. Percio', nessun posto in Serbia
e' piu' adeguato per affermare questo della piana del Kosovo, nessun
posto in Serbia e' piu' adeguato della piana del Kosovo per dire
che l'unita' in Serbia portera' la prosperita' al popolo serbo in
Serbia ed a ciascuno dei cittadini della Serbia, indipendentemente
dalla sua nazionalita' o dal credo religioso.

La Serbia oggi e' unita e pari alle altre repubbliche ed e'
pronta a fare ogni cosa per migliorare la sua posizione economica
e sociale, e quella dei suoi cittadini. Se c'e' unita', cooperazione
e serieta', si riuscira' nell'intento. Ecco perche' l'ottimismo
che e' oggi in larga misura presente in Serbia, riguardo al futuro,
e' realistico, anche perche' e' basato sulla liberta' che rende
possibile a tutta la popolazione di esprimere le sue capacita'
positive, creative ed umane, allo scopo di migliorare la vita
sociale e personale.

In Serbia non hanno mai vissuto solamente i serbi. Oggi, piu'
che nel passato, pure componenti di altri popoli e nazionalita'
ci vivono. Questo non e' uno svantaggio per la Serbia. Io sono
assolutamente convinto che questo e' un vantaggio. La composizione
nazionale di quasi tutti i paesi del mondo oggi, e soprattutto
di quelli sviluppati, si e' andata trasformando in questa
direzione. Cittadini di diverse nazionalita', religioni, e razze
sempre piu' spesso e con sempre maggior successo vivono insieme.

In particolare il socialismo, che e' una societa' democratica
progressista e giusta, non dovrebbe consentire alle genti di essere
divise sotto il profilo nazionale o sotto quelo religioso. Le sole
differenze che uno potrebbe e dovrebbe consentire nel socialismo
sono tra quelli che lavorano sodo ed i fannulloni, ovvero tra
gli onesti ed i disonesti. Percio', tutte le persone che in Serbia
vivono del loro lavoro, onestamente, rispettando le altre
persone e le altre nazionalita', vivono nella loro Repubblica.

* Le drammatiche divisioni nazionali

Dopotutto, l'intero nostro paese dovrebbe essere fondato sulla base
di questi principi. La Jugoslavia e' una comunita' multinazionale
e puo' sopravvivere solo alle condizioni della eguaglianza piena
per tutte le nazioni che ci vivono.

La crisi che ha colpito la Jugoslavia ha portato con se' divisioni
nazionali, ma anche sociali, culturali, religiose e molte altre,
meno importanti. Tra queste divisioni, quelle nazionalistiche hanno
dimostrato di essere le piu' drammatiche. Risolverle rendera' piu'
semplice rimuovere altre divisioni e mitigare le conseguenze che
esse hanno creato.

Da quando esistono le comunita' multinazionali, il loro punto
debole e' sempre stato nei rapporti tra le varie nazionalita'.
La minaccia e' che ad un certo punto emerga l'interrogativo se
una nazione sia messa in pericolo dalle altre - e questo puo' dare
il via ad una ondata di sospetti, di accuse, e di intolleranza,
una ondata che necessariamente cresce e si arresta con difficolta'.
Questa minaccia e' stata appesa come una spada sulle nostre teste
per tutto il tempo. Nemici interni ed esterni delle comunita'
multinazionali sono coscienti di questo e percio' organizzano la
loro attivita' contro le societa' multinazionali, soprattutto
fomentando i conflitti nazionali. A questo punto, noi qui in
Jugoslavia ci comportiamo come se non avessimo mai avuto una
esperienza del genere e come se nel nostro passato recente e
remoto non avessimo mai vissuto la peggiore tragedia, in tema
di conflitti nazionali, che una societa' possa mai vivere ed a
cui possa mai sopravvivere.

Rapporti equi ed armoniosi tra i popoli jugoslavi sono una
condizione necessaria per l'esistenza della Jugoslavia e perche'
essa trovi la sua via d'uscita dalla crisi, ed in particolare
essi sono condizione necessaria per la sua prosperita' economica e
sociale. A questo riguardo la Jugoslavia non si pone al di fuori
del contesto sociale del mondo contemporaneo, in particolare
di quello sviluppato. Questo mondo e' sempre piu' contrassegnato
dalla tolleranza tra nazioni, dalla cooperazione tra nazioni, ed
anche dalla eguaglianza tra nazioni. Il moderno sviluppo economico
e tecnologico, ed anche quello politico e culturale, hanno condotto
i vari popoli l'uno verso l'altro, rendendoli interdipendenti e
sempre piu' paritari. Popoli eguali ed uniti tra loro possono
soprattutto diventare parte della civilta' verso cui si dirige
il genere umano. Se noi non possiamo essere alla testa della
colonna che guida la suddetta civilta', sicuramente non c'e' nessuna
ragione nemmeno per rimanere in fondo.

Ai tempi di questa famosa battaglia combattuta nel Kosovo, le
genti guardavano alle stelle attendendosi aiuto da loro. Adesso,
sei secoli dopo, essi guardano ancora le stelle, in attesa di
conquistarle. Nel primo caso, potevano ancora permettersi di
essere disuniti e di coltivare odio e tradimento perche' vivevano
in mondi piu' piccoli, solo poco legati tra loro. Adesso, come
abitanti di questo pianeta, non possono conquistare nemmeno il
loro stesso pianeta se non sono uniti, per non parlare degli altri
pianeti, a meno che non vivano in mutua armonia e solidarieta'.

Percio', le parole dedicate all'unita', alla solidarieta', alla
cooperazione tra le genti non hanno significato piu' grande in
alcun luogo della nostra terra natia di quello che hanno qui,
sul campo del Kosovo, che e' simbolo di divisione e di tradimento.

Nella memoria del popolo serbo, questa disunione fu decisiva nel
causare la perdita della battaglia e nell'arrecare il destino che
che gravo' sulla Serbia per ben sei secoli.

Ma se pure da un punto di vista storico le cose non andarono cosi',
rimane certo che il popolo considero' la divisione come il
suo peggior flagello. Percio' e' un obbligo per il popolo
rimuovere le divisioni, cosi' da potersi proteggere dalle sconfitte,
dai fallimenti, e dalla sfiducia nel futuro.

* L'unita' riporta la dignita'

Quest'anno il popolo serbo ha compreso la necessita' della
mutua armonia come condizione indispensabile per la sua vita
presente e gli sviluppi futuri.

Io sono convinto che questa coscienza dell'armonia e dell'unita'
rendera' possibile alla Serbia non solo di funzionare in quanto
Stato ma di funzionare bene. Percio' io credo che abbia senso
dirlo qui, in Kosovo, dove quella divisione un tempo fece precipitare
la Serbia tragicamente all'indietro di secoli, mettendola a
repentaglio, e dove l'unita' rinnovata puo' farla avanzare e
farle riacquistare dignita'. Questa coscienza dei reciproci rapporti
costituisce una necessita' elementare anche per la Jugoslavia,
perche' il suo destino e' nelle mani unite di tutti i suoi popoli.

L'eroismo del Kosovo ha ispirato la nostra creativita' per sei
secoli, ed ha nutrito il nostro orgoglio e non ci consente di
dimenticare che un tempo fummo un'esercito grande, coraggioso,
ed orgoglioso, uno dei pochi che non si potevano vincere nemmeno
nella sconfitta.

Sei secoli dopo, adesso, noi veniamo nuovamente impegnati in
battaglie e dobbiamo affrontare battaglie. Non sono battaglie
armate, benche' queste non si possano ancora escludere.
Tuttavia, indipendentemente dal tipo di battaglie, nessuna di esse
puo' essere vinta senza determinazione, coraggio, e sacrificio,
senza le qualita' nobili che erano presenti qui sul campo del
Kosovo nei tempi andati. La nostra battaglia principale adesso
riguarda il raggiungimento della prosperita' economica, politica,
culturale, e sociale in genere, perche' si trovi un approccio piu'
veloce ed efficace verso la civilta' nella quale la gente vivra'
nel XXImo secolo. Per questa battaglia noi abbiamo sicuramente
bisogno di eroismo, naturalmente un eroismo di un tipo un po'
diverso; ma quel coraggio senza il quale non si ottiene
niente di serio e di grande resta resta immutato e resta
assolutamente necessario.

Sei secoli fa, la Serbia si e' eroicamente difesa sul campo del
Kosovo, ma ha anche difeso l'Europa. A quel tempo la Serbia era
il bastione a difesa della cultura, della religione, e della
societa' europea in generale. Percio' oggi ci sembra non solo
ingiusto, ma persino antistorico e del tutto assurdo parlare
della appartenenza della Serbia all'Europa. La Serbia e' stata
una parte dell'Europa incessantemente, ed ora tanto quanto nel
passato, ovviamente nella sua maniera specifica, ma in una
maniera che non l'ha mai privata di dignita' in senso storico.
E' con questo spirito che noi ci accingiamo adesso a costruire una
societa' ricca e democratica, contribuendo cosi' alla prosperita'
di questa bella terra, questa terra che ingiustamente soffre,
ma contribuendo anche agli sforzi di tutti i popoli della nostra
era lanciati verso il progresso, sforzi che essi compiono per un
mondo migliore e piu' felice.

Che la memoria dell'eroismo del Kosovo viva in eterno!
Viva la Serbia!
Viva la Jugoslavia!
Viva la pace e la fratellanza tra i popoli!


--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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ALTRO CHE "CILIEGINE": ARAGOSTA E MOET CHANDON !


Questo è il menù di compleanno del pontefice (il 18 maggio ha compiuto
80
anni) servito al papa e ai suoi 115 commensali (tra cui 78 cardinali)
nella "Domus Sanctae Marthae" costruita apposta in Vaticano. Sei le
portate: antipasto di aragosta, gnocchetti di ricotta alla parmigiana,
risotto alla crema di scampi, filetto in crosta con asparagi all'agro e
nidini di spinaci, macedonia, torta "mimosa in fiore". Con due tipi di
vino ( "Santa Cristina" del'98 e "Villa Antinori" del'99), più uno
champagne "Moet & Chandon". Una domanda: che rapporto c'è tra i trionfi
del papa e la disperazione dei dannati della terra, assai cresciuta
nonostante i viaggi di Wojtyla nelle terre della fame? (t.d.f.)

(Notizia tratta dal quotidiano "il manifesto" di oggi 20 maggio 2000
pag.5/Mondo - trasmessa sulla lista This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.)


--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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Della miseria della opposizione di destra in Serbia
Terza parte:
IL SOSTEGNO U.S.A. AI PARTITI ED AI MEDIA REAZIONARI

1. Interferenze esplicite del Dipartimento di Stato (Reuters 20/5/00)
2. Dibattito al Senato USA sull'appoggio alla "opposizione"
(29/7/99 - prima parte)


===


Europe, U.S. Back Further Protests Against Milosevic
4.01 a.m. ET (812 GMT) May 20, 2000
WASHINGTON (Reuters) — The United States and Europe
are coordinating initiatives to encourage strong
opposition among the Serb people to President Slobodan
Milosevic, top U.S. and European officials said.

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Jaime Gama,
foreign minister of Portugal which holds the European
Union presidency, told reporters they were encouraged
by public protests against Milosevic, who this week
cracked down on the independent media.

In a meeting here to prepare for next month's EU-U.S.
summit in Lisbon, Albright said they discussed ways to
"increase our support for the courageous men and women
who are demanding their rights in the cities and towns
across Serbia.'' Gama said the EU was focusing its
cooperation with Yugoslavia on "the civil society,
independent media, opposition municipalities, thus
creating conditions for a strong opposition coming
into the streets and expressing the will of the
people.''

He added: "And that's happening these last recent
months, and that's a very effective symbol of a
concrete hope for that country.''

The United States has helped coordinate the opposition
to Milosevic, condemning him for fomenting a series of
wars in former Yugoslavia culminating in NATO's air
campaign that drove marauding Serbian forces out of
Kosovo province last year.

Senior U.S. officials have held a number of meetings
with the disparate groups that oppose Milosevic, but
have been frustrated in their attempts to help forge a
united front.

Albright is due to discuss the issue with NATO allies
and with Balkan countries surrounding Serbia when she
attends a meeting of alliance foreign ministers in
Florence next Wednesday and Thursday.

BOLSHEVIK-STYLE OPPRESSION

The State Department on Wednesday condemned the
overnight occupation of the main independent
television station as an act of "desperate
Bolshevik-style oppression.''

It said Washington was adding six judges and
prosecutors linked with the crackdown to its list of
those barred from getting U.S. visas, as well as the
families of several unnamed top government officials.

State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told a news
briefing Washington would encourage its European
allies to join in this action and said Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright would discuss these and other
"joint actions'' during a NATO meeting in Florence
next week.

Albright said Friday that she had discussed the issue
with Gama, and said European countries "will be
considering this step.''

The U.S. list includes 808 names, not including the
six names due to be added, and is very similar to the
EU list, U.S. officials said.

In Belgrade around 2,000 opposition supporters
gathered on Friday for a third day of protests against
the government's seizure of the television station,
Studio B, but the turnout looked much smaller than
during the previous two nights.

On Thursday, hundreds of riot police broke up a rally
of around 10,000 at the same place, firing tear gas
and using batons. Several people were injured in the
clashes.

The opposition has accused the leftist-nationalist
authorities of leading the Balkan country into a state
of emergency and open dictatorship by seizing the
station.

===

STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG

Dear friends,

As the attack on Serbs and others continues in Kosovo and the US tries
to
assemble the forces to crush Serbia, it is very important to understand
just
how people like Richard Gelbard, formerly special Envoy to the Balkans,
view
the Serbian "Opposition." This is spelled out in detail in the text of
the
July 29, 1999 Senate hearings, supposedly concerning democratization of
Serbia. The text is most revealing. In it these officials state
plainly
that they view a CONTYROLLED opposition as a key part of their arsenal
of
weapons against Serbia. I have divided it into two emails, which follow.

Best regards,
Jared Israel

JULY 29, 1999, THURSDAY

HEARING OF THE EUROPEAN AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE SENATE FOREIGN
RELATIONS
COMMITTEE

"PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN YUGOSLAVIA"

WITNESSES: ROBERT GELBARD, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT AND
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS

JAMES PARDEW, JR., DEPUTY SPECIAL ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY
OF
STATE FOR KOSOVO AND DAYTON IMPLEMENTATION

CHAIRED BY SENATOR GORDON SMITH (R-OR)

SEN. G. SMITH: (Sounds gavel.) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
apologize for our late beginning, but we are voting a lot today. But we
adjourn (sic) this Subcommittee on European Affairs to discuss the
prospects
for democracy in Yugoslavia and what the United States can do to assist
those
in Serbia who seek to oust the dictatorial regime of Slobodan Milosevic.

Our first panel consists of Ambassador Robert Gelbard, special
representative
of the president and the secretary of State for implementation of the
Dayton
peace accords, and Ambassador James Pardew, deputy special advisor to
the
president the secretary of State for Kosovo and Dayton implementation.

After we hear from administration representatives, the committee will
welcome
Ms. Sonja Biserko -- I apologize if my pronunciation is incorrect --
chairperson of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia; Mr.
James
Hooper, executive director of the Balkan Action Council [Hooper has been
adviser to the KLA]; Father Irinej Dobrijevic, executive director of the
Office of External Affairs of the Serbian Orthodox Church here in the
United
States; Mr. John Fox, director of the Washington office at the Open
Society
Institute. [Soros group]

This hearing, by the way, will be the first in a series for this
committee on
United States policy in the Balkans. This afternoon we're going to focus
specifically on what is happening in Serbia right now as opposition
parties
are rallying their supporters to take to the streets against Milosevic,
as
army reservists are launching protests after their return from Kosovo,
as the
Serbian Orthodox Church has at least spoken out in favor of replacing
the
regime for the good of the Serbian people. In the fall, we will examine
the
course of political and diplomatic events that led to the NATO bombing
in
Kosovo, as well as the lessons the United States and our NATO allies can
learn from the manner in which the war was waged. This has enormous
implications for NATO and its future. In addition, I'm pleased that
Senator
Rod Grams will convene a hearing in September to look into the response
of
UNHCR to the Kosovo- Albanian refugee crisis. I agree with Senator Grams
that
assessing the performance, both positive and negative, of UNHCR can be
useful, if and when we are faced with another refugee explosion in the
future.

I appreciate the willingness of all our witnesses today to appear before
the
committee to share their thoughts and expertise on the prospects for
democracy in Yugoslavia.

We have an opportunity in Yugoslavia that we must not let pass.

Milosevic has been weakened by the Serbian defeat in Kosovo. And I feel
that
for the first time, many average citizens of Yugoslavia have finally
decided
that they've had enough as well of his policies of repression and
destruction.

He is now vulnerable. But as we all know, he has managed to be in
vulnerable
positions before, always managing to outmaneuver his opponents. He seems
to
be able to divide and conquer that way.

Now that he has been indicted by the War Crimes Tribunal, I can only
imagine
that his desperation to hang on to power has intensified. Since the end
of
the war in Kosovo, opposition leaders in Serbia have launched
demonstrations
throughout the country. But thus far they have been unable to coordinate
their message or their actions to reach out to a broader segment of the
population.

If these opposition forces have any hope of ousting Mr. Milosevic, it
seems
obvious to me that they must put aside personal differences and
political
ambition and for the sake of their country work together.

Ambassador Gelbard, I know that you have been working very hard on this
issue. And I hope that in your comments you can offer me and other
members
who will join us some hope that we're moving in the right direction.

Furthermore, there are several other actors in this process: Montenegran
President Milo Djukanovic, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the student
movement
which was so active in the 1996-97 demonstrations, and organizations
like the
independent media and trade unions. I'm interested in exploring what
role
they can play in bringing about democratic change for Serbia.

I note that just yesterday the Foreign Relations Committee approved the
Serbian Democratization Act, legislation that was introduced by Senator
Helms
in March that I co-sponsored along with 11 other senators. Specifically,
the
legislation authorizes $100 million in democratic assistance to Serbia
over
the course of the next two years. This is critically important. We must
help
those who are trying to establish democracy in their country. I'm
pleased
that the administration agrees with this approach, and I understand that
tomorrow in Sarajevo the president will announce that the United States
will
dedicate $10 million for this purpose.

I encourage the administration to quickly identify appropriate
organizations
in Serbia so that this money can begin to have an effect as soon as
possible.

Milosevic must get this message: his days in power are over.

I believe we will soon be joined by Senator Biden and other members, but
without delay we will turn to you, Ambassador Gelbard, and we well
welcome
you and look forward to your remarks.

MR. GELBARD: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you particularly for giving
me
the opportunity once again to appear before the committee to discuss the
status of our efforts on democratization in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. With your permission, sir, I'd like to enter the full text
of
this statement for the record,

SEN. G. SMITH: Without objection, we'll receive that.

MR. GELBARD: This hearing comes at a moment of particular importance for
the
future of Yugoslavia and for the entire Southeast European region. The
success of the NATO air campaign, the deployment of KFOR, and the
establishment of the U.N. civil administration in Kosovo have left
President
Slobodan Milosevic weakened and his policies discredited domestically,
as
well as internationally.

Milosevic, as you said, Mr. Chairman, is now an international pariah and
an
indicted war criminal. While he and his regime remain in power in
Belgrade,
Serbia and the FRY cannot take their place among the community of
nations,
nor can they join the process of Euro- Atlantic integration symbolized
tomorrow by the Stability Pact summit in Sarajevo.

Our policy with regard to Serbia has been very clearly articulated by
President Clinton. As long as the Milosevic regime is in place, the
United
States will provide no reconstruction assistance to Serbia and we will
continue our policy of overall isolation. Although we continue to
provide the
people of Serbia with humanitarian assistance through international
organizations like UNHCR, we cannot allow Milosevic or his political
cronies
to benefit from our aid. Helping to rebuild Serbia's roads and bridges
would
funnel money directly into the pockets of Milosevic and his friends,
prolonging the current regime and denying

Serbia any hope of a brighter future. We must keep Milosevic isolated.

Our European allies agree fully with this approach. We are working
closely
with them to coordinate our activities on Serbia and to deter any
attempt at
weakening the existing sanctions regime against the FRY.

Another key aspect of our policy on Serbia is to support the forces of
democratic change that exist within Serbian society. Serbia's citizens
have
spontaneously demonstrated their disgust for Milosevic and their hunger
for
democratic government by gathering in the streets of cities throughout
the
country for the last several weeks. Opposition parties, taking advantage
of
the popular sentiment against Milosevic, have organized their own
rallies and
are beginning to mobilize for a larger effort in the fall. Serbia's
independent media are also attempting to struggle out from under the
weight
of a draconian and repressive media law. These are all very positive
signs,
and we want to nurture them.

At the same time, however, I do not want to overemphasize the
possibility
that the Milosevic regime will fall soon. Milosevic continues to hold
the
main levers of power in his hands, most importantly the army, the police
and
the state-owned media. Overcoming these obstacles would be difficult
even for
a united opposition in Serbia, but sadly the Serbian opposition remains
far
from united.

In all our dealings with Serbian opposition leaders -- and I am in
regular
contact with every segment of the democratic opposition -- we have urged
them
to overcome the politics of ego and to work together instead for the
common
good of Serbia and their people. I have repeatedly told opposition
leaders --
and I want to emphasize here that the United States, and the
international
community more broadly, cannot do their job for them.

Change in Serbia must come from within, not from the outside, which
means
from us. We can buttress the opposition's efforts; we can provide
training
and technical assistance to opposition parties; we can even provide
equipment, and we can help widen the reach of the independent media, but
we
cannot win the hearts and minds of the Serbian people. That can only
happen
if the opposition unites around a strong platform for positive change, a
platform that must emphasize the destructive nature of Milosevic's
policies
and presents a viable democratic alternative. It's not for us to pick a
single winner out of the opposition pack. It is for them to combine
their
different strengths in service for a great goal.

Having said that, I would like to outline for you where we are focusing
our
efforts and in what ways we are promoting democratization in the FRY.

Regardless of whether Milosevic stays or goes in the very short term,
our
support for democratic forces is an investment in Serbia's and
Yugoslavia's
future.

I should note, in fact, that we are not beginning from ground zero by
any
means here. In the two years leading up to the Kosovo crisis, we spent
$16.5
million on programs in support of Serbia democratization. The beginning
of
the conflict in Kosovo and the subsequent closure of our embassy in
Belgrade
by necessity cut short some of our programs, but we're now revitalizing
our
democracy support as quickly as possible.

I would divide the U.S. government's efforts on Serbia democratization
into
five categories. First, as I noted at the beginning, we are making sure
that
Milosevic remains completely isolated. This involves not just our
sanctions
policy, which means three levels of sanctions, starting with the outer
wall,
the Kosovo- related sanctions started a year and a half ago, and then
the
wartime sanctions, including the fuel embargo, but also the visa ban,
which
has had a demonstrably negative effect on members of the Milosevic
regime
psychologically and in real terms, and, of course, the The Hague
Tribunal
indictments.

Second, we are beginning to assist a wide array of democratic groups,
including NGOs, political parties, independent media, youth
organizations and
independent labor unions, as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman. Third, we are
consulting closely with European allies in order to coordinate our
activities
both on Kosovo and on Serbia democratization generally. Fourth, we are
encouraging the active engagement of regional countries in Southeast
Europe,
and particularly the neighbors, to harness their expertise with
democratization and transition. And fifth, we're providing strong
support for
the reform government in the FRY Republic of Montenegro.

I would like to discuss briefly some of these tracks in greater detail.
As I
mentioned, over the past two years U.S. agencies such as AID, as well as
NGOs
such as the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican
Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy have spent $16.5
million
on projects aimed at the development of democratic governance and civil
society in the FRY. The situation this year was complicated by the
outbreak
of the conflict in Kosovo, but we still have money available in the
pipeline
for immediate use on Serbian democratization projects, and we're using
it
right now.

I am working closely with the National Endowment family, including IRI
and
NDI, to explore the best ways to help the Serbian opposition and,
crucially,
to encourage all opposition groups to work together. The consensus among
the
experts is that opposition parties will be best served if we provide
them
with technical assistance and first-class political advice, the kinds
that
may seem commonplace to us but represent a whole different way of
thinking to
them.

Political parties are not the sole outlets for opposition in Serbia.
Youth
and student organizations, as well as independent labor unions, were
very
active in the '96-97 demonstrations in Serbia, and will undoubtedly be
important sources of mobilization in the future. The AFL-CIO's
Solidarity
Center has done good work with independent unions in Serbia and with our
support is now readying a new program for interaction.

On a larger economic scale, the Center for International Private
Enterprise
is preparing a program aimed at business leaders and independent
economists
in Serbia. Such economists, particularly those grouped under the G-17 in
Belgrade, are widely respected and influential in Serbian society.

In short, by working with these groups, we want to show the people of
Serbia
that our policy is not aimed against them but against their leadership.
With
regard to independent media, we are moving on two fronts. First, in
order to
increase the amount of objective news coverage reaching the Serbian
population, we are nearing completion of what we call the ring around
Serbia,
a network of transmitters that permits us to broadcast Voice of America,
Radio Free Europe, and other international news programs on FM
frequencies
throughout the country. RFE has now increased its Serbian language
broadcasting to 13-1/2 hours daily.

Perhaps even more important, however, we want to strengthen Serbia's own
independent media. Serbs, like Americans, prefer to get their news from
their
own sources, in their own context. To this end, AID, together with other
international donors, is reviewing a proposal by ANEM, the independent
electronic media network in Serbia, that would assist individual
television
and radio stations, as well as create new links among them.

Other programs to train journalists, support local print publications,
and
utilize Internet connections are also under consideration.

Overall, Mr. Chairman, I would add, as you know, that the administration
does
support the Serbian Democratization Act sponsored by Senator Helms and
you,
Mr. Chairman, and 11 others.

The second aspect of U.S. policy on Serbia that I'd like to highlight is
our
cooperation with the Europeans. The NATO alliance proved its strength
during
the Kosovo air campaign, and that solidarity has continued to be the
rule,
not the exception, in the post-conflict period. There are regular
consultations between Secretary Albright and her European colleagues on
issues related to both Kosovo and Serbia as well as periodic meetings at
the
expert level. The Western Europeans support our basic approach on Serbia
and
agree that isolating

Milosevic must be the cornerstone of our strategy.

We have pushed back on some efforts to lift selectively the oil embargo
and
provide fuel to opposition-controlled municipalities in Serbia, not
because
we object to helping opposition-run municipalities, but because oil is a
fungible commodity. And its distribution in Serbia would inevitably
benefit
Milosevic's regime. The Europeans, like us, are seeking the best ways to
promote democracy in Serbia. They are eager to coordinate their
democratization projects as well as to ensure that we are all sending
the
same message of unity to the Serbian opposition.

The third pillar of our policy is the effort to engage the countries of

Southeast Europe in the Serbia democratization process. Leaders of these
countries will meet together with Euro-Atlantic leaders tomorrow in
Sarajevo
under the rubric of the new stability pact for the region. At that
meeting
participants will reaffirm their commitment to democratic development
and
express their regret that the FRY cannot take its rightful place at the
summit because of the Milosevic regime.

We believe the countries of Central and Southeast Europe with their vast
experience in the transition to democratic and market- oriented
societies
have a great deal to offer the people of the FRY. We are encouraging
NGOs and
governments in the region to create links to democratic voices in Serbia
and
to share the benefits of the wisdom they've gained over the past decade.

Finally, in addition to our efforts to work with regional partners, we
assign
special importance to our cooperation with and support for the
government of
Montenegro.

This morning, I noticed an editorial in the Wall Street Journal accusing
the
United States of neglecting Montenegro, which I find astonishing in its
absolute incorrectness and the fact that it's totally wrong. We weren't
consulted on that editorial, of course. The fact is that over two years
ago
we recognized that Milo Djukanovic had the potential to become an
effective
counterweight to Milosevic and his authoritarian policies. I began
meeting
with Djukanovic regularly, even before he became the president of
Montenegro
a year and a half ago. I was with him during his inauguration when we
felt
that a strong international presence, a public presence, would deter a
Milosevic-inspired coup. The U.S. provided $20 million in budgetary
support
over the last several months, when no other countries stepped in to fill
the
gap, and we're prepared to do more.

We established a joint economic working group to discuss ways of
modernizing
the Montenegrin economy. We allowed Montenegrin-owned ships to enter
U.S.
ports during the conflict, and we provided a blanket waiver for
Montenegro
from FRY-related sanctions from the very beginning as a way of
stimulating
their economy.

Djukanovic has managed to craft a multi-ethnic democratic coalition
government that focused on political and economic reform and integration
with
the European mainstream. He and his government have consistently
demonstrated
courage and determination in implementing reform and in resisting
Belgrade's
attempts to strip Montenegro of its constitutional powers. As a result,
we
have steadily increased our support for Montenegro, providing financial
and
technical assistance as well as humanitarian assistance, with many
millions
of dollars through UNHCR.

Because the government of Montenegro represents the most credible and
powerful opposition force in the FRY today, we believe that President
Djukanovic and Montenegro can play a constructive role in promoting
democratic change in Serbia, too. While it's too small to change Serbia
directly, it can serve as a guiding light for the Serbian opposition.
What
Montenegro needs now is support from their European neighbors in
concrete
terms and particularly the same kind of sanctions waivers that we have
provided all along. We've urged the Europeans to take a more
forward-leaning
approach to Montenegro and come through in concrete terms.

Mr. Chairman, it's clear that we have not reached the point where we can
say
that Serbia is irreversibly on the road to democracy. Our efforts now,
however, can do two things. In the short term, we can help the
indigenous
Serbian opposition to focus their energies and more effectively
articulate
their anger and frustration of the Serbian public. In the longer term,
we can
cultivate and strengthen these forces that will carry the democracy
banner as
long as Milosevic remains in power. Both of these are important goals.
U.S.
leadership in this endeavor is critical, and your support is essential.

As I said, the proposed Serbian Democratization Act, which would
authorize
$100 million over two years for democratization projects, is an
excellent
example of the convergence of administration and congressional
perspectives
on the Serbia democracy issue. We look forward to working together with
Congress to bring democracy to Serbia and the entire Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia and restore real stability to the region......

[continued, following email]



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