[srpskohrvatski / english] Among other celebrations, an international Conference was held in Belgrade on 19 April 2019 to mark the 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Socialist Workers' Party of Yugoslavia (unified party of the communists). For a more general Introduction to the Conference see the dedicated JUGOINFO post
Si è tenuta a Belgrado lo scorso 19 aprile una importante conferenza internazionale nel centesimo anniversario dalla fondazione del Partito Socialista dei Lavoratori di Jugoslavia – precursore del Partito Comunista jugoslavo.
Alla conferenza, organizzata dal Coordinamento dei Partiti Comunisti e dei Lavoratori dello spazio jugoslavo, hanno partecipato le delegazioni delle forze che fanno parte del Coordinamento stesso – SRP (Croazia), KS (Serbia), KPM (Macedonia), JKPCG (Montenegro) e SKBiH (Bosnia-Erzegovina) – oltre a rappresentanti di partiti, organizzazioni e associazioni da Bulgaria, Germania, Grecia, Italia, Romania, Russia.
Di seguito il contributo di Vladislav Vuković del Partito Comunista Jugoslavo del Montenegro (JCPGC – si veda anche il contributo del compagno Radošević):
In English:
Belgrade, April 19, 2019
We are rightly proud of the Founding Congress of the Socialist Labor Party of Yugoslavia (of Communists), which was held from April 20 to 23, 1919, therefore, 100 years ago. It is a great period in which this party printed the famous pages, but also, from historical objective circumstances, the party made some mistakes. Both of them point out not only for formal reasons, but also from the need to draw out teachings for our future communist work from all of this.
The founding of this party was the result of enthusiasm for the liberation of the South Slavic peoples from the age-old slavery and foreign domination, as well as the answer to how the new community should be organized. It was desirable to ensure that it was, in the true sense, social in economic, political and any other way, which would allow one slavery to not be replaced by other economic, exploitative for the working masses of workers and peasants, that is, those who had given the greatest contribution in fighting against foreign tutorship. The protagonists of this party were guided by the experience of the October Revolution, the Hungarian Socialist Republic, and the revolutionary movements in Germany and Bavaria. Therefore, it was necessary to give a social-socialist character to the new Yugoslav unification. It was well estimated that such ideas would be accepted by the people. That this assessment was correct is also shown by the fact that the same year a trade union congress was held in Belgrade. The union was distinguished by massiveness, and then with revolutionary demands to solve many problems in the Yugoslav community. Great strikes were organized, among which are dominated by the organization and activities organized against international interventionism against the Soviet Union and the Hungarian Republic, and especially against the participation of Yugoslavia in all of this. The communists were recognizable and unselfishly involved in this, which severely sanctioned by the regime with various prohibitions, political and violent restrictions and “Announcement” by Minister of Interior Affairs, then prohibition on the operation of the party, passing of a "Law on State Protection" and coercion to get into the illegal. This caused severe consequences, the uncompromising persecution of the Communists and the departure of the leadership abroad. In this way the management was prevented from operating operatively in the country, and only “salon work” considers the basic issues of the struggle for socialism and, mainly, performs the tasks of foreign so-called international centers. This was conditioned by the financial support that it came from there.
The first elections for the Constitutional Assembly confirmed the great people support by the fact that 58 communists became representative of the people. But it should also be noted that the heterogeneous composition of the constituents of the Socialist Workers Party - Communists did not clarify to itself and others well all of their similarities and differences from the past and from this came to the minimum and the optimal of the common foundations below which one can not go. Due to the absence of this, at the very Congress itself, as well as at the next three Congresses, there were serious misunderstandings and trifles, and a factional struggle arose. For example, it was inappropriate using Bolshevik experience for the reason that in Russia and the Soviet Union the struggle was aimed at destroying imperial state that existed for hundreds of years and clearly aimed at destroying many contradictions and the extremely bad and backwardness life of the masses. It was clear there in that great country what are the conditions and what was to be achieved by the revolution. In our country, the situation was completely opposite. It was only after the initial establishment of the state from the parts of the people and the territories of different historical, economic and political experiences. True, it has been seen that the new government and the ruling class of society are tended, but all this was still insufficient for true class, social and economic differentiation and revolutionary confrontation.
There were also wrong estimations about some things about which a high degree of consensus was achieved. So, for example, it was premature and quite arbitrary to conclude that the unification had solved the national question. On the contrary, it should still be dealt with along with the class question, since we feel the recurrence of such perceptions and ease of proclamation with great negative consequences today.
Overwhelming at the congress itself about revolutionary struggles before the established and balanced positions in the previous procedure of the party and organizations that formed or were supposed to constitute its constituents had a negative impact on the unity of the party.
At the congress, as before and after, there was the opposition and the burden of the so-called elements of Austro-Marxism on the one hand, and revolutionary enthusiasm in the application of Marx's method of revolutionary struggle in the practical Bolshevik interpretation in the October Revolution, Hungary and Bavaria.
Marks was not exclusive but directed that revolutions must be the work of the working class in which only should be done what is necessary and not act exposing or opportunistically in the stages of an objective restriction of capitalism should be done. In his lessons from the experience of the Paris Commune, he showed how this should be done.
The overwhelming revolutionary enthusiasm of the parties that united from areas in which a long-lasting struggle against foreign occupation domination (the Ottoman Empire in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, the Austrian occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina) was conducted, and opportunistic revisionism as seen in a large part of membership and leadership socialist and social democratic - the pro-communist parties formed within the Austro-Hungarian monarchy made it conditional on the formation of the party of the appearance of the faction in all its parts. This grew into a factional struggle that lasted until Josip Broz Tito came to the head of the CPY.
The complex Yugoslav situation, the country created on the ruins of the empires with great sacrifices in World War I, created various national feelings, the appearance of hegemony and the disappointment of unification. That, under the influence of international reality, had negative consequences for the CPY's view of the future of the Yugoslav community. This view of the Yugoslav community is characterized by the conclusions of the IV Congress held in Dresden, and the same is changing much later, so the idea of preserving Yugoslavia becomes the dominant and official party orientation.
At the Fourth Congress in Dresden, the Communists expressed a negative attitude towards Yugoslavia as a failed community of peoples who had opted for it and expected the liberation of the people from any slaughter, subjugation and exploitation. From there, the Congress opts for the formation of special states: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, Montenegro and along with Great Albania, which can be independent or as such, unite into the Balkan Federation. Here, unfortunately, began the call of today's separatism and everything that characterizes the present state and negation of Tito's work and the realization of his concept of socialist revolution and the building of Yugoslavia on federal basis and the establishment of self-management socialism as a special civilization achievement.
The arrival of Josip Broz Tito in 1937 at the head of the CPY and maintenance of the Fifth Country Conferences in Zagreb in 1940 and other gatherings in the whole country, the only correct path for the preservation and defense of Yugoslavia from the fascism and the execution of the socialist revolution, crowned by the new Yugoslavia, was solved, in which many important questions were successfully resolved, which enabled a better life of the whole people and secured the highest reputation of our country internationally (Movement of non-aligned, etc.).
It is important today to remember all this, real and unrealistic desires, justified and unjustified swings, successes and failures, but also the civilization achievements of socialism, which must be a solid basis for our future work and the struggle for the establishment of a new, more just, more humane and more developed socialism on the territory of Yugoslavia.
Vladislav Vuković
CONFERENCE ON THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF YUGOSLAVIA
CONTRIBUTION BY THE YUGOSLAV COMMUNIST PARTY OF MONTENEGRO (J.K.P.C.G.)
TEACHINGS OF THE FOUNDING CONGRESS OF THE SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY OF YUGOSLAVIA (OF COMMUNISTS) IN BELGRADE, 20-23 APRIL 1919.
We are rightly proud of the Founding Congress of the Socialist Labor Party of Yugoslavia (of Communists), which was held from April 20 to 23, 1919, therefore, 100 years ago. It is a great period in which this party printed the famous pages, but also, from historical objective circumstances, the party made some mistakes. Both of them point out not only for formal reasons, but also from the need to draw out teachings for our future communist work from all of this.
The founding of this party was the result of enthusiasm for the liberation of the South Slavic peoples from the age-old slavery and foreign domination, as well as the answer to how the new community should be organized. It was desirable to ensure that it was, in the true sense, social in economic, political and any other way, which would allow one slavery to not be replaced by other economic, exploitative for the working masses of workers and peasants, that is, those who had given the greatest contribution in fighting against foreign tutorship. The protagonists of this party were guided by the experience of the October Revolution, the Hungarian Socialist Republic, and the revolutionary movements in Germany and Bavaria. Therefore, it was necessary to give a social-socialist character to the new Yugoslav unification. It was well estimated that such ideas would be accepted by the people. That this assessment was correct is also shown by the fact that the same year a trade union congress was held in Belgrade. The union was distinguished by massiveness, and then with revolutionary demands to solve many problems in the Yugoslav community. Great strikes were organized, among which are dominated by the organization and activities organized against international interventionism against the Soviet Union and the Hungarian Republic, and especially against the participation of Yugoslavia in all of this. The communists were recognizable and unselfishly involved in this, which severely sanctioned by the regime with various prohibitions, political and violent restrictions and “Announcement” by Minister of Interior Affairs, then prohibition on the operation of the party, passing of a "Law on State Protection" and coercion to get into the illegal. This caused severe consequences, the uncompromising persecution of the Communists and the departure of the leadership abroad. In this way the management was prevented from operating operatively in the country, and only “salon work” considers the basic issues of the struggle for socialism and, mainly, performs the tasks of foreign so-called international centers. This was conditioned by the financial support that it came from there.
The first elections for the Constitutional Assembly confirmed the great people support by the fact that 58 communists became representative of the people. But it should also be noted that the heterogeneous composition of the constituents of the Socialist Workers Party - Communists did not clarify to itself and others well all of their similarities and differences from the past and from this came to the minimum and the optimal of the common foundations below which one can not go. Due to the absence of this, at the very Congress itself, as well as at the next three Congresses, there were serious misunderstandings and trifles, and a factional struggle arose. For example, it was inappropriate using Bolshevik experience for the reason that in Russia and the Soviet Union the struggle was aimed at destroying imperial state that existed for hundreds of years and clearly aimed at destroying many contradictions and the extremely bad and backwardness life of the masses. It was clear there in that great country what are the conditions and what was to be achieved by the revolution. In our country, the situation was completely opposite. It was only after the initial establishment of the state from the parts of the people and the territories of different historical, economic and political experiences. True, it has been seen that the new government and the ruling class of society are tended, but all this was still insufficient for true class, social and economic differentiation and revolutionary confrontation.
There were also wrong estimations about some things about which a high degree of consensus was achieved. So, for example, it was premature and quite arbitrary to conclude that the unification had solved the national question. On the contrary, it should still be dealt with along with the class question, since we feel the recurrence of such perceptions and ease of proclamation with great negative consequences today.
Overwhelming at the congress itself about revolutionary struggles before the established and balanced positions in the previous procedure of the party and organizations that formed or were supposed to constitute its constituents had a negative impact on the unity of the party.
At the congress, as before and after, there was the opposition and the burden of the so-called elements of Austro-Marxism on the one hand, and revolutionary enthusiasm in the application of Marx's method of revolutionary struggle in the practical Bolshevik interpretation in the October Revolution, Hungary and Bavaria.
Marks was not exclusive but directed that revolutions must be the work of the working class in which only should be done what is necessary and not act exposing or opportunistically in the stages of an objective restriction of capitalism should be done. In his lessons from the experience of the Paris Commune, he showed how this should be done.
The overwhelming revolutionary enthusiasm of the parties that united from areas in which a long-lasting struggle against foreign occupation domination (the Ottoman Empire in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, the Austrian occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina) was conducted, and opportunistic revisionism as seen in a large part of membership and leadership socialist and social democratic - the pro-communist parties formed within the Austro-Hungarian monarchy made it conditional on the formation of the party of the appearance of the faction in all its parts. This grew into a factional struggle that lasted until Josip Broz Tito came to the head of the CPY.
The complex Yugoslav situation, the country created on the ruins of the empires with great sacrifices in World War I, created various national feelings, the appearance of hegemony and the disappointment of unification. That, under the influence of international reality, had negative consequences for the CPY's view of the future of the Yugoslav community. This view of the Yugoslav community is characterized by the conclusions of the IV Congress held in Dresden, and the same is changing much later, so the idea of preserving Yugoslavia becomes the dominant and official party orientation.
At the Fourth Congress in Dresden, the Communists expressed a negative attitude towards Yugoslavia as a failed community of peoples who had opted for it and expected the liberation of the people from any slaughter, subjugation and exploitation. From there, the Congress opts for the formation of special states: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, Montenegro and along with Great Albania, which can be independent or as such, unite into the Balkan Federation. Here, unfortunately, began the call of today's separatism and everything that characterizes the present state and negation of Tito's work and the realization of his concept of socialist revolution and the building of Yugoslavia on federal basis and the establishment of self-management socialism as a special civilization achievement.
The arrival of Josip Broz Tito in 1937 at the head of the CPY and maintenance of the Fifth Country Conferences in Zagreb in 1940 and other gatherings in the whole country, the only correct path for the preservation and defense of Yugoslavia from the fascism and the execution of the socialist revolution, crowned by the new Yugoslavia, was solved, in which many important questions were successfully resolved, which enabled a better life of the whole people and secured the highest reputation of our country internationally (Movement of non-aligned, etc.).
It is important today to remember all this, real and unrealistic desires, justified and unjustified swings, successes and failures, but also the civilization achievements of socialism, which must be a solid basis for our future work and the struggle for the establishment of a new, more just, more humane and more developed socialism on the territory of Yugoslavia.
Vladislav Vuković
Na srpskohrvatskom:
Beograd, 19. Aprila 2019.god.
Sa pravom smo ponosni na osnivački kongres Socijalističke radničke partije – komunista Jugoslavije, koji je održan od 20. do 23. aprila 1919. godine, dakle, prije 100 godina. To je veliki period u kojem je ova partija ispisala slavne stranice, ali i, iz istorijskih objektivnih okolnosti, pravila određene promašaje. I jedno i drugo ističemo ne samo iz formalnih razloga, nego iz potrebe da iz svega toga izvlačimo pouke za naš budući komunistički rad.
Formiranje ove partije bilo je rezultat oduševljenja oslobođenjem južnoslovenskih naroda od viševjekovnog ropstva i strane dominacije, ali i odgovor na to kako nova zajednica treba da bude organizovana. Htjelo se obezbjediti da ona, u pravom smislu, bude socijalna u ekonomskom, političkom i svakom drugom pogledu, koja će omogućiti da jedno ropstvo ne bude zamijenjeno drugim gospodarskim, eksploatatorskim za radne mase radnika i seljaka, odnosno onih koji su najviše dali u borbi protiv stranog tutorstva. Protagonisti ove partije rukovodili su se iskustvima Oktobarske revolucije, Mađarske socijalističke republike i revolucionarnim kretanjima u Njemačkoj, odnosno Bavarskoj. Htjelo se, dakle, da se novom jugoslovenskom ujedinjenju dade socijalno-socijalistički karakter. Dobro je procjenjivano da će takve ideje biti prihvaćene u narodu. Da je ta procjena bila ispravna pokazuje i činjenica da je iste godine održan i kongres sindikata u Beogradu. Sindikat je imponovao masovnošću, a zatim revolucionarnim zahtjevima da se rješavaju mnogi problemi u jugoslovenskoj zajednici. Organizuju se imponzantni štrajkovi, među kojima dominira organizacijom i aktivnošćima onaj organizovan protiv međunarodnog intervencionizma protiv Sovjetskog saveza i Mađarske republike, a naročito protiv učešća Jugoslavije u svemu tome. Komunisti su u tome svemu bili prepoznatljivi i nesebično uključeni, što je režim oštro sankcionisao raznim zabranama, političkim i nasilnim ograničavanjima do Obznane ministra unutrašnjih poslova, a zatim zabranom rada ove partije, Zakonom o zaštiti države i prisilama da se pređe u ilegalu. To je uslovilo teške posljedice, beskompromisni progon komunista i odlazak rukovodstva u inostranstvo. Time je rukovodstvo bilo onemogućeno da operativno djeluje u zemlji, pa samo salonski razmatra načelna pitanja borbe za socijalizam i, uglavnom, obavlja naloge inostranih tzv. internacionalnih centara. To je bilo uslovljeno i finansijskom potporom koja je otuda dolazila.
Prvi izbori za Ustavotvornu skupštinu su potvrdili veliku narodnu podršku činjenicom da su 58 komunista postali narodni poslanici. Ali isto tako treba istaći da heterogeni sastav konstituenata Socijalističke radničke partije – komunista nije sebi i drugima dobro razjasnio sve svoje sličnosti razlike iz prošlosti i iz toga došao do minimuma i optimuma zajedničkih osnova ispod čega se ne može ići. Zbog odsustva toga, već na samom kongresu kao i na naredna tri kongresa došlo je do ozbiljnih nesporazuma i trzavica, odnosno nastala je frakcijska borba. Tako npr., oponašanjem boljševičkog iskustava bilo je neprimjereno i iz razloga što je u Rusiji i Sovjetskom savezu borba bila usmjerena na rušenje carističke države koja je postojala više stotina godina i jasno usmjerena na rušenje mnogih protivurječnosti i izrazito lošeg i zaostalog života narodnih masa. Tamo se jasno znalo što se ima u toj velikoj državi i što se hoće postići revolucijom. U nas je bila potpuno suprotna situacija. Išlo se tek na početno uspostavljanje države od djelova naroda i teritorija različitog istorijskog, ekonomskog i političkog iskustva. Istina, vidjelo se čemu nova vlast i vladajući slojevi društva teže, ali sve to je bilo još uvijek nedovoljno za pravu klasnu, socijalnu i ekonomsku diferencijaciju i revolucionarno suprostavljanje.
Bilo je i pogrešnih procjena i oko nekih stvari o kojima je postizan visok stepen saglasnosti. Tako npr., prerano i dosta proizvoljno je zaključeno da je ujedinjenjem riješeno nacionalno pitanje. Naprotiv, ono je tek trebalo rješavati uporedo sa klasnim pitanjem, jer recidive takvih shvatanja i olakog proklamovanja osjećamo sa velikim negativnim posljedicama i danas.
Nadglasavanje na samom kongresu oko vidova revolucionarne borbe prije nego su utvrđena i ujednačena stanovišta u prethodnom postupku partije i organizacija koje su činile ili su trebale da čine njegove konstituente, imalo je negativan uticaj na jedinstvo partije.
Na kongresu, kao i prije i poslije, došlo je do suprostavljanja i opterećenja tzv. elementima Austro-marksizma sa jedne strane, i revolucionarnog zanosa u primjeni Marksovog metoda revolucionarne borbe u praktičnoj boljševičkoj interpretaciji u Oktobarskoj revoluciji, Mađarskoj i Bavarskoj.
Marks nije bio isključiv već je upućivao da revolucije budu djelo radničke klase u kojima treba činiti samo ono što je nužno a ne djelovati osvetnički ili oportunistički u etapama objektivne ograničenosti kapitalizma. On je na poukama iz iskustva Pariske komune pokazao kako treba to činiti.
Prenaglašeni revolucionarni zanos partija koje su se ujedinjavale sa područja na kojima je vođena dugotrajna borba protiv strane okupacione dominacije (Otomanskog carstava u Srbiji, Makedoniji i Crnoj Gori, Austrijske okupacije u Bosni i Hercegovani) i oportunistički revizionizam kako se smatralo kod velikog dijela članstva i rukovodstva socijalističkih i socijaldemokratskih – prokumunističkih partija nastalih u okviru Austrougarske monarhije uslovilo je da se od samog formiranja partije pojave frakcije u svim njenim djelovima. To je preraslo u frakcijsku borbu koja je trajala do dolaska Josipa Broza Tita na čelu KPJ.
Složena jugoslovenska situacija, zemlje stvarane na razvalinama carstava sa velikim žrtvama u I svjetskom ratu, rađala je različita narodna osjećanja, pojavu hegemonizma i razočarenja ujedinjenjem. To je imalo, i pod uticajem međunarodne realnosti, negativne posljedice na gledanje od strane KPJ na budućnost jugoslovenske zajednice. Ovakvo stanovište o jugoslovenskoj zajednici karakteriše zaključke IV kongresa održanog u Drezdenu, a isto se mijenja mnogo kasnije, pa ideja očuvanja Jugoslavije postaje dominantna i oficijelnapartijska orjentacija.
Na IV kongresu u Drezdenu komunisti ispoljavaju negativan odnos prema Jugoslaviji, kao iznevjerenoj zajednici naroda koji su se za nju opredijelili i od nje očekivali oslobođenje naroda od svake presije, potčinjavanja i eksploatacije. Od tuda se kongres opredjeljuje za formiranje posebnih država: Srbije, Hrvatske, Slovenije, Makedonije, Crne Gore i uz to Velike Albanije, koje mogu biti samostalne ili se kao takve, ujediniti u Balkansku federaciju. Tu se nažalost začela klica današnjeg separatizma i svega što karakteriše sadašnje stanje i negaciju Titovog djela i realizacije njegovog koncepta socijalističke revolucije i izgradnje Jugoslavije na federativnim osnovama i uspostavljanju samoupravnog socijalizma kao posebne civilizacijske tekovine.
Dolazak 1937. Josipa Broza Tita na čelu KPJ i održavanje1940. u Zagrebu V zemaljske konferencije i drugih skupova u čitavoj zemlji, trasiran je jedino ispravan put za očuvanje i odbranu Jugoslavije od fašizma i izvođenja socijalističke revolucije, koja je krunisana novom Jugoslavijom, u kojoj su uspješno rješavana mnoga bitna pitanja, što je omogućavalo bolji život cijela naroda i obezbjeđivalo vrhunski ugled naše zemlje na međunarodnom planu (Pokret nesvrstanih i sl.).
Danas je važno da se prisjećamo svega toga, realnih i nerealnih htjenja, opravdanih i neopravdanih zamaha, uspjeha i promašaja, ali i civilizacijskih tekovina socijalizma, koje moraju biti čvrsta osnova za naš budući rad i borbu za uspostavljanje novog, pravednijeg, humanijeg i razvijenijeg socijalizma na prostorima Jugoslavije.
Vladislav Vuković
KONFERENCIJA POVODOM 100. GODIŠNJICE OSNIVANJA KOMUNISTIČKE PARTIJE JUGOSLAVIJE
IZLAGANJE VLADISLAVA VUKOVIĆA
POUKE OSNIVAČKOG KONGRESA SOCIJALISTIČKE RADNIČKE PARTIJE KOMUNISTA U BEOGRADU, OD 20. DO 23. APRILA 1919. GODINE
Sa pravom smo ponosni na osnivački kongres Socijalističke radničke partije – komunista Jugoslavije, koji je održan od 20. do 23. aprila 1919. godine, dakle, prije 100 godina. To je veliki period u kojem je ova partija ispisala slavne stranice, ali i, iz istorijskih objektivnih okolnosti, pravila određene promašaje. I jedno i drugo ističemo ne samo iz formalnih razloga, nego iz potrebe da iz svega toga izvlačimo pouke za naš budući komunistički rad.
Formiranje ove partije bilo je rezultat oduševljenja oslobođenjem južnoslovenskih naroda od viševjekovnog ropstva i strane dominacije, ali i odgovor na to kako nova zajednica treba da bude organizovana. Htjelo se obezbjediti da ona, u pravom smislu, bude socijalna u ekonomskom, političkom i svakom drugom pogledu, koja će omogućiti da jedno ropstvo ne bude zamijenjeno drugim gospodarskim, eksploatatorskim za radne mase radnika i seljaka, odnosno onih koji su najviše dali u borbi protiv stranog tutorstva. Protagonisti ove partije rukovodili su se iskustvima Oktobarske revolucije, Mađarske socijalističke republike i revolucionarnim kretanjima u Njemačkoj, odnosno Bavarskoj. Htjelo se, dakle, da se novom jugoslovenskom ujedinjenju dade socijalno-socijalistički karakter. Dobro je procjenjivano da će takve ideje biti prihvaćene u narodu. Da je ta procjena bila ispravna pokazuje i činjenica da je iste godine održan i kongres sindikata u Beogradu. Sindikat je imponovao masovnošću, a zatim revolucionarnim zahtjevima da se rješavaju mnogi problemi u jugoslovenskoj zajednici. Organizuju se imponzantni štrajkovi, među kojima dominira organizacijom i aktivnošćima onaj organizovan protiv međunarodnog intervencionizma protiv Sovjetskog saveza i Mađarske republike, a naročito protiv učešća Jugoslavije u svemu tome. Komunisti su u tome svemu bili prepoznatljivi i nesebično uključeni, što je režim oštro sankcionisao raznim zabranama, političkim i nasilnim ograničavanjima do Obznane ministra unutrašnjih poslova, a zatim zabranom rada ove partije, Zakonom o zaštiti države i prisilama da se pređe u ilegalu. To je uslovilo teške posljedice, beskompromisni progon komunista i odlazak rukovodstva u inostranstvo. Time je rukovodstvo bilo onemogućeno da operativno djeluje u zemlji, pa samo salonski razmatra načelna pitanja borbe za socijalizam i, uglavnom, obavlja naloge inostranih tzv. internacionalnih centara. To je bilo uslovljeno i finansijskom potporom koja je otuda dolazila.
Prvi izbori za Ustavotvornu skupštinu su potvrdili veliku narodnu podršku činjenicom da su 58 komunista postali narodni poslanici. Ali isto tako treba istaći da heterogeni sastav konstituenata Socijalističke radničke partije – komunista nije sebi i drugima dobro razjasnio sve svoje sličnosti razlike iz prošlosti i iz toga došao do minimuma i optimuma zajedničkih osnova ispod čega se ne može ići. Zbog odsustva toga, već na samom kongresu kao i na naredna tri kongresa došlo je do ozbiljnih nesporazuma i trzavica, odnosno nastala je frakcijska borba. Tako npr., oponašanjem boljševičkog iskustava bilo je neprimjereno i iz razloga što je u Rusiji i Sovjetskom savezu borba bila usmjerena na rušenje carističke države koja je postojala više stotina godina i jasno usmjerena na rušenje mnogih protivurječnosti i izrazito lošeg i zaostalog života narodnih masa. Tamo se jasno znalo što se ima u toj velikoj državi i što se hoće postići revolucijom. U nas je bila potpuno suprotna situacija. Išlo se tek na početno uspostavljanje države od djelova naroda i teritorija različitog istorijskog, ekonomskog i političkog iskustva. Istina, vidjelo se čemu nova vlast i vladajući slojevi društva teže, ali sve to je bilo još uvijek nedovoljno za pravu klasnu, socijalnu i ekonomsku diferencijaciju i revolucionarno suprostavljanje.
Bilo je i pogrešnih procjena i oko nekih stvari o kojima je postizan visok stepen saglasnosti. Tako npr., prerano i dosta proizvoljno je zaključeno da je ujedinjenjem riješeno nacionalno pitanje. Naprotiv, ono je tek trebalo rješavati uporedo sa klasnim pitanjem, jer recidive takvih shvatanja i olakog proklamovanja osjećamo sa velikim negativnim posljedicama i danas.
Nadglasavanje na samom kongresu oko vidova revolucionarne borbe prije nego su utvrđena i ujednačena stanovišta u prethodnom postupku partije i organizacija koje su činile ili su trebale da čine njegove konstituente, imalo je negativan uticaj na jedinstvo partije.
Na kongresu, kao i prije i poslije, došlo je do suprostavljanja i opterećenja tzv. elementima Austro-marksizma sa jedne strane, i revolucionarnog zanosa u primjeni Marksovog metoda revolucionarne borbe u praktičnoj boljševičkoj interpretaciji u Oktobarskoj revoluciji, Mađarskoj i Bavarskoj.
Marks nije bio isključiv već je upućivao da revolucije budu djelo radničke klase u kojima treba činiti samo ono što je nužno a ne djelovati osvetnički ili oportunistički u etapama objektivne ograničenosti kapitalizma. On je na poukama iz iskustva Pariske komune pokazao kako treba to činiti.
Prenaglašeni revolucionarni zanos partija koje su se ujedinjavale sa područja na kojima je vođena dugotrajna borba protiv strane okupacione dominacije (Otomanskog carstava u Srbiji, Makedoniji i Crnoj Gori, Austrijske okupacije u Bosni i Hercegovani) i oportunistički revizionizam kako se smatralo kod velikog dijela članstva i rukovodstva socijalističkih i socijaldemokratskih – prokumunističkih partija nastalih u okviru Austrougarske monarhije uslovilo je da se od samog formiranja partije pojave frakcije u svim njenim djelovima. To je preraslo u frakcijsku borbu koja je trajala do dolaska Josipa Broza Tita na čelu KPJ.
Složena jugoslovenska situacija, zemlje stvarane na razvalinama carstava sa velikim žrtvama u I svjetskom ratu, rađala je različita narodna osjećanja, pojavu hegemonizma i razočarenja ujedinjenjem. To je imalo, i pod uticajem međunarodne realnosti, negativne posljedice na gledanje od strane KPJ na budućnost jugoslovenske zajednice. Ovakvo stanovište o jugoslovenskoj zajednici karakteriše zaključke IV kongresa održanog u Drezdenu, a isto se mijenja mnogo kasnije, pa ideja očuvanja Jugoslavije postaje dominantna i oficijelnapartijska orjentacija.
Na IV kongresu u Drezdenu komunisti ispoljavaju negativan odnos prema Jugoslaviji, kao iznevjerenoj zajednici naroda koji su se za nju opredijelili i od nje očekivali oslobođenje naroda od svake presije, potčinjavanja i eksploatacije. Od tuda se kongres opredjeljuje za formiranje posebnih država: Srbije, Hrvatske, Slovenije, Makedonije, Crne Gore i uz to Velike Albanije, koje mogu biti samostalne ili se kao takve, ujediniti u Balkansku federaciju. Tu se nažalost začela klica današnjeg separatizma i svega što karakteriše sadašnje stanje i negaciju Titovog djela i realizacije njegovog koncepta socijalističke revolucije i izgradnje Jugoslavije na federativnim osnovama i uspostavljanju samoupravnog socijalizma kao posebne civilizacijske tekovine.
Dolazak 1937. Josipa Broza Tita na čelu KPJ i održavanje1940. u Zagrebu V zemaljske konferencije i drugih skupova u čitavoj zemlji, trasiran je jedino ispravan put za očuvanje i odbranu Jugoslavije od fašizma i izvođenja socijalističke revolucije, koja je krunisana novom Jugoslavijom, u kojoj su uspješno rješavana mnoga bitna pitanja, što je omogućavalo bolji život cijela naroda i obezbjeđivalo vrhunski ugled naše zemlje na međunarodnom planu (Pokret nesvrstanih i sl.).
Danas je važno da se prisjećamo svega toga, realnih i nerealnih htjenja, opravdanih i neopravdanih zamaha, uspjeha i promašaja, ali i civilizacijskih tekovina socijalizma, koje moraju biti čvrsta osnova za naš budući rad i borbu za uspostavljanje novog, pravednijeg, humanijeg i razvijenijeg socijalizma na prostorima Jugoslavije.
Vladislav Vuković
