Informazione
Da: Rick Rozoff
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Data: Ven 29 Ago 2003 13:24:24
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Kosovo: The International Community's
'Success Story'
http://bhhrg.org/LatestNews.asp?ArticleID=24
British Helsinki Human Rights Group
August 28, 2003
Kosovo: The International Community’s ‘Success Story’
-Could the US Administration risk admitting that the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has turned out to be
another monster out of control, once sponsored by
Washington now defying it? Or will America quietly
admit that fighting the KLA is one war on terrorism it
can do without?
British Helsinki Human Rights representatives last
visited Kosovo in late March, 2003 in the days leading
up to the US-led invasion of Iraq. While visiting the
enclave of Graèanica, outside Kosovo’s capital,
Priština, they learned that KFOR troops had
effectively stopped protecting its Serb inhabitants
and had even removed armoured protection from outside
the small town’s world-famous orthodox monastery
church. Local Serbs said that they feared for their
safety and that, although things were “quiet” at the
time, past experience indicated that such “quiet” was
invariably a prelude for violent attacks against them
by Albanian youths who would also taunt them while
driving through the enclave in their cars.
In Graèanica and other Serb enclaves BHHRG also noted
a serious deterioration with regard to sanitary
conditions and public health: the stream running
through the centre of Graèanica, for example, was
rust-coloured, presumably polluted by discarded metal
from things like old cars, tractors, etc. Garbage was
strewn everywhere; there appeared to be have been no
garbage collection by any central authority for some
time. Although local Albanians have deposited
mountains of garbage into the streets of Kosovo’s
towns and villages since their ‘liberation’ in 1999,
this was the first time in four years that BHHRG had
noted the same phenomenon in Serb-populated areas.
But, although Kosovo’s Albanians have been the winners
in their conflict with Serbia, many of them cannot
have imagined that liberation was going to turn out
quite as bleakly as it has done. Factories are closed
and there are few jobs for those who have failed to
gain employment in the magic circle of the UN and
other international agencies. Hope must have been
abandoned by many, as Kosovo’s once teeming villages
and small towns now appear eerily uninhabited – many
people have packed up and gone West. For those that
remain, daily life is a constant struggle. In March
2003, BHHRG watched as carts loaded with chopped wood
were being transported home for use as fuel.
Electricity supplies have never properly resumed since
Nato’s bombing campaign in 1999. (Iraqis living on
promises of an imminent renewal of transmission should
take note of Kosovo’s 4 years plus wait for
electricity to return once the “tyrant” had been
driven out.)
BHHRG returned to the UK but refrained from reporting
on conditions in Kosovo at the time preferring to
wait and see if the Graèanica Serbs were correct and
whether or not the “quiet” they talked about really
was the prelude to renewed violence. It seems that the
events of the past few weeks have proved them right.
Recorded below are just a few of the most extreme acts
of violence that have occurred in both Kosovo and
Serbia in summer, 2003.
The anti-Milosevic Western-backed radio station B-92
reported:
“Terrorist attack against Serb children near
Gorazdevac
Gorazdevac, - Unknown persons opened machine gun fire
on Serb children bathing in the Bistrica River not far
from Gorazdevac, Pec municipality. According to
preliminary information two Serb children were killed
and at least five others wounded. Panta Dakic (10) and
Ivan Jovovic (20) were pronounced dead at Pec Hospital
while Bogdan Bukumiric (15) and Nikola Bogicevic are
in critical condition. Also seriously wounded were
Dragana Srbljak (14), Djordje Ugrenovic (20) and Marko
Bogicevic, said Sladjana Todorovic of Gorazdevac, who
was with the wounded children in Pec Hospital.
Bogdan Bukumiric is scheduled to be transferred to
Belgrade by helicopter during the day. According to
reports from the field, Albanians stoned the vehicle
of Milovan Pavlovic while he was attempting to drive
some of the wounded children to Pec Hospital. Pavlovic
sustained arm injuries. Local sources report that the
attackers also beat the wounded child in Pavlovic's
vehicle.
The children were bathing today in the Bistrica
River, some 500 meters from the center of the village,
when they were targeted by machine gun fire by unknown
persons at about 13.30. Three rounds were fired. KFOR
and UNMIK police have not conducted an investigation
at the site of the attack, although members of the UN
military mission helped to get from Gorazdevac to Pec
Hospital, whose staff is really trying to help the
wounded children," explained Sladjana Todorovic.
Gorazdevac today is full of great unrest and fear. The
nuns of the Pec Patriarchate and the monks of Visoki
Decani have urgently requested KFOR to allow them to
enter Gorazdevac. The sisterhood of the Pec
Patriarchate could not get an escort and the Decani
monks are still waiting for a positive response from
KFOR to provide them with a military escort.
This is an unprecedented crime. In Kosovo and
Metohija for four years there has been no Serbian Army
or police, who Albanian terrorists claimed were their
enemies, and they are killing our children. In the
past Serb children have been the targets of grenades
and run over by cars, and now they are being
perfidiously killed when they are swimming in the
river - said Bishop Artemije of Raska and Prizren,
commenting on today's terrorist attack near
Gorazdevac. The Serb village of Gorazadevac is located
near Pec and security is provided by Italian KFOR
troops. It is still the home of some 1,000 Serbs, half
of the village population prior to the arrival of the
UN mission in Kosovo and Metohija. The village has a
primary school and two secondary schools, one
technical and one economic. In order to obtain basics
for life, residents are dependent on military and
police assistance or forced to travel to northern
Kosovska Mitrovica by escorted convoy.
GORAZDEVAC - Gorazdevac local Rajko Jandzikovic, who
was, after today's attack on Serbs, transporting the
wounded to the hospital in Pec together with Milivoje
Pavlovic, stated that they were attacked near the
farmer's market in that city by a group of Albanians
using their fists and stones.
A group of young people bathing in the Bistrica River
near Pec was targeted by machine gun fire in which two
people were killed and six wounded.
"Near the farmer's market our Opel Kadet with
Zrenjanin license plates ran out of fuel. I went to
the KFOR checkpoint some 50 meters away to ask if they
would give us a liter of fuel but the Italian soldiers
turned us down, despite the fact that I speak Italian
relatively well," said Jandzikovic."We were then
attacked by a group of young Albanians - with fists
and stones - while members of the Kosovo Police
Service nearby failed to react," he added.
Jandzakovic said that "there were two boys in the car
fighting for their lives" and added that he does not
understand "what is happening to people." "Somehow we
managed, with a KFOR military escort, to get to Pec
Hospital but once there we were mistreated even by the
physicians, who refused to give immediate assistance
to the wounded boys," said Jandzikovic, who returned
to Gorazdevac without his vehicle, together with KFOR.
His shirt is soaked with blood and there are several
bruises on his face.”
[See Radio B92, www.b92.net/English/news Beta News
Agency, Belgrade
13th August, 2003.]
PRISTINA, KLINA, BELGRADE -- Wednesday – Repatriate to
the village of Bica near Klina in Kosovo, Zoran
Doncic, who was wounded on Tuesday night, underwent a
surgery in the Spanish military hospital in Istok
andhis condition is stable, the Raska and Prizren
Eparchy announced.
UNMIK spokesman Andrea Angelli said that Doncic was
kept in the Spanish hospital because they could not
transport him to northern Kosovska Mitrovica as
demanded by the local people due to seriousness of his
wound. Bica village elder told B92 that Zoran Doncic
was shot by a sniper from the nearby hill while
driving a tractor.
Coordination Centre for Kosovo head Nebojsa Covic told
Beta that the wounding of Zoran Doncic was a message
to Serbia before adoption of the Kosovo declaration in
the Serbian Parliament, but also a message to the
international community that "terrorist gangs"
operating in Kosovo will not stop doing crimes.
He said it was appalling that UNMIK arrived to the
scene at 9 p.m. when the crime was committed at 6.20
p.m. Around fifty Serb families returned to the
village of Bica a year ago.
[See Beta News Agency, www.b92.net/english/news 27th
August, 2003.]
DOBROTIN: 27.8.03. Three unknown men attempted to
kidnap ten-year old Marina Damjanovic from the village
of Dobrotin near Lipljan in Kosovo yesterday around 8
p.m. According to the girl's testimony and claims of
eyewitnesses, three Albanians in a white Mercedes with
foreign registration plates stopped briefly beside the
girl and attempted to drag her inside the car. The
girl managed to free herself and flee into the
neighbourhood shouting for help, while the car sped
away.
The blockade set up by citizens of Dobrotin on the
local Lipljan-Janjevo road in protest yesterday has
been terminated today. UNMIK police and KFOR have set
up checkpoints at the village's entrance and exit.
[See B92 http://www.b92.net/english/news/index 27th
August, 2003.]
Ethnic Albanian violence is not only on the rise in
Kosovo. Incidents are constantly occurring in
neighbouring Macedonia as well as in the Preševo
valley in southern Serbia _ scene of a low-level
insurgency three years ago. BHHRG visited both Preševo
and Bujanovac in March 2003 and noted the increase in
the towns’ Albanian population. Hundreds of new
houses and other properties have been built since the
Group last visited the region in 2000. They stretch
across the narrow Preševo valley effectively cutting
Serbia proper off from Macedonia in the south. BHHRG
also noted the omnipresence of EU-sponsored
regeneration projects which do not seem, as the
following reports show, to have tamed the incipient
violence which seems to be second-nature to local
inhabitants.
Again, the pro-Western B-92 reported:
”Children wounded in Presevo grenade attack
PRESEVO -- Saturday – Two fifteen-year-old girls were
wounded in one of a series of explosions last night in
the courtyard of a cultural centre in the south
Serbian town of Presevo.
The local representative of Belgrade’s Coordination
Centre for Kosovo and South Serbia, Mica Markovic,
told B92 that a bomb crater at the site of the
explosion indicated that the weapon used had been
either a hand grenade or a 40mm grenade launcher.
Because of the direction of the attack, said Markovic,
it was possible that the adjacent police station had
been the target. One of the three grenades caused
major property damage to a neighbouring house.
The two injured girls were sitting on a bench close to
the cultural centre. One suffered wounds to the face
and the other to the legs.
Officers of the Coordination Centre and the EU
Monitoring Mission are supervising an investigation
into the bombing.
[See B92 http://www.b92.net/english/news/index 24th
August, 2003.]
PRESEVO A strong explosion last night shook the south
Serbian town of Presevo, close to the Municipal
Assembly building. A preliminary investigation has not
yet revealed whether the blast came from a missile
aimed at the Assembly or a bomb which exploded inside
a building. However police sources say that the likely
cause was a hand grenade thrown into a construction
site adjacent to the local mosque and opposite the
Assembly building.
Gunfire was reported last night in the neighbouring
municipality of Bujanovac, but sources in the security
forces described this as provocation. There were no
casualties in either incident.
Meanwhile, the head of the OSCE mission in
Serbia-Montenegro, Maurizio Massari, has cancelled
planned visit to the region. Massari, who was
scheduled to meet the mayors of Presevo and Bujanovac,
is reported to be unwell.
[See B92 http://www.b92.net/english/news/index 28th
August, 2003.]
Why is this violence allowed to go on? How can NATO
leaders still get away with calling the Kosovo
intervention a “great success” unchallenged? Anyobody
who wants different ethnic groups to live in harmony
and prosperity cannot call Kosovo a model. Sadly, one
of the reasons is the failure of the government in
Belgrade to protect Serbs in Kosovo or anywhere else
for that matter, including the Preševo valley.
Hand-wringing by politicians like Serbia’s deputy
prime-minister and points-man for Kosovo, Nebojša
Èovic and prime minister Zoran Živkovic is cynical
politicking and only serves to highlight the fact
that extreme Serbian “nationalism” was always a sham.
Strikingly, supporters of the apparently hardline
Bosnian Serb nationalists like the recently murdered
Serbian Premier, Zoran Djindjic, who was the last
Serbian politician to meet the indicted war criminal
Dr. Radovan Karadzic in 1996, turned out to be
indifferent to the daily attacks on ordinary Serbs.
His heirs and successors are similarly unconcerned,
apart from verbal protests.
Despite the media talk about Serbian intransigence and
blind nationalism, it is remarkable that neither in
Bosnia nor Kosovo have there been any guerrilla
attacks on the NATO-forces in de facto occupation.
This contrasts sharply with the growing difficulties
faced in Iraq by the Anglo-American troops there.
Will the passive attitude to the NATO troops remain
the same if Iraqi resistance continues to cause the
Allies difficulties? Militant Albanians in Kosovo have
shown a disregard for the NATO’s capacity to enforce
peace already in Kosovo, across the border with Serbia
and across the border with Macedonia. So far Serbs
have not imitated their enemies defiance of NATO’s
ostensible authority. Some Serbs abroad are already
denouncing their fellow Serbs’ passivity in view of
the apparent success of Iraqi guerrillas in forcing
Washington and her allies to seek a new UN mandate and
other concessions as a result of casualties.
This letter appeared on a widely distributed Serbian
website:
Dear Sirs,
Thank you for your regular articles. I recently read
the comment you published, written by "Cossack,"
titled "A Pox on Both Their Houses"
(http://www.artel.co.yu/en/glas_dijaspore/2003-08-26_3.html).
I disagree with Cossack's conclusion that the reason
that Yugoslavia is not the subject of debate in the
United States is simply a matter of the priorities of
the so-called US liberals and US neo-cons. His
argument puts the blame on others.
Instead, I think the reason why Yugoslavia is not a
point of international debate is because there has
been a very full and complete assumption of power by
willing collaborators in Serbia and Montenegro and
there have been no losses whatsoever to worry about
among US military forces. There has been no guerrilla
war, no resistance and not even a single Yugoslav
daily newspaper opposes the US-led occupation of the
country. Yugoslavia's leadership has been so weak and
divided that it even stooped so low as to adopt the
name arbitrarily given to the country by the United
States way back in 1992 - Serbia and Montenegro.
This utter lack of resistance of any sort leaves no
issue or problem for Americans to debate. That is the
real difference. For the US, Serbia was easy. And
Serbia continues to be easy.
Speaking as a Serb born abroad, I am very sorry to
have to point out this fact.
Milos Obilic would not be able to recognize the
Serbian nation today.
Most sincerely,
John Bosnitch
Journalist
Tokyo
Whether Serbs will copy their Albanian rivals and
resort to guerrilla warfare remains to be seen. But
already the “usual suspects” in the US Congress are
responding to the violence in the region by demanding
further concessions to those engaged in violence.
Already at the start of the year, the U.S. House of
Representatives heard a resolution backing Kosovan
independence:
One Hundred Eighth Congress
Congress of the United States
House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515
January 27, 2003
Support the Independence of Kosova
Dear Colleague:
Today we introduced a resolution (H. Res. 28, which is
at the end of this email) expressing the sense of the
House of Representatives that the United States should
declare its support for the independence of Kosova.
Under the Yugoslav constitution of 1974, Kosova was
equivalent in most ways to Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and Macedonia . In its position as an
``autonomous province,'' Kosova, in practice,
exercised the same powers as a republic. It had its
own parliament, high courts, central bank, police
service, and defense force. Through its definition in
1968 as a part of the Yugoslav Federal System, it
gained equal representation at the federal level with
Serbia and the other juridical units of the former
Yugoslavia.
When Slovenia and Croatia demanded independence,
Western governments made similar arguments against
recognizing those countries. However, eventually the
same Western governments did recognize not only the
independence of Slovenia and Croatia, but
Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia as well, having
discovered that independence for those nations
involved not so much a change of borders as a change
in the status of existing borders. The lines on the
map remained the same, but their status was upgraded
from republican to national. It is fitting that the
Kosovars be allowed to follow the same path towards
independence.
Since the cessation of the1999 conflict with Serbia,
during which the Serbian military and paramilitary
forces killed more than ten thousand Kosovar Albanians
and expelled close to a million, Kosova remains under
a United Nations mandate. The Kosovars, the United
Nations, NATO, and the European Union are now making
efforts to rebuild Kosova, revitalize its economy,
establish democratic institutions of self-government,
and heal the scars of war.
It is time for the United States to abide by its
recognition that a right to self-determination exists
as a fundamental right of all people through declaring
its support for the independence of Kosova. To
cosponsor H.Res.28, please contact Keith O'Neil at
225-6735 (Lantos) or Greg Galvin (Hyde) at 225-5021.
Sincerely,
TOM LANTOS
HENRY HYDE
Member of Congress
Member of Congress
H. RES. 28
Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives
that the United States should declare its support for
the independence of Kosova.
Whereas the United States and the international
community recognize that a right to self-determination
exists as a fundamental right of all people;
Whereas Kosova was constitutionally defined as a
sovereign territory in the First National Liberation
Conference for Kosova on January 2, 1944, and this
status was confirmed in the Constitution of the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia adopted in
1946, and the amended Yugoslav constitution adopted in
1974 preserved the autonomous status of Kosova as a de
facto republic;
Whereas prior to the disintegration of the former
Yugoslavia, Kosova was a separate political and legal
entity with separate and distinct financial
institutions, police force, municipal and national
government, school system, judicial and legal system,
hospitals and other independent organizations;
Whereas Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic rose to
power in 1987 on a platform of ultra nationalism and
anti-Albanian racism, advocating violence and hatred
against all non-Slavs and specifically targeting the
Albanians of Kosova;
Whereas Slobodan Milosevic subsequently stripped
Kosova of its self-rule, without the consent of the
people of Kosova;
Whereas the elected Assembly of Kosova, faced with
these intolerable acts, adopted a Declaration of
Independence on July 2, 1990, proclaimed the Republic
of Kosova, and adopted a constitution on September 7,
1990, based on the international legal principles of
self-determination, equality, and sovereignty;
Whereas in recognition of the de facto dissolution of
the Yugoslav federation, the European community
established principles for the recognition of the
independence and sovereignty of the republics of the
former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
Kosova fully satisfied those principles as a de facto
republic within the federation;
Whereas a popular referendum was held in Kosova from
September 26-30, 1991, in which 87 percent of all
eligible voters cast ballots and 99.87 percent voted
in favor of declaring Kosova independent of the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;
Whereas, from the occupation of Kosova in 1989 until
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military
action against the Milosevic regime in 1999, the
Albanians of Kosova were subjected to the most brutal
treatment in the heart of Europe since the Nazi era,
forcing approximately 400,000 Albanians to flee to
Western Europe and the United States;
Whereas in the spring of 1999 almost 1,000,000 Kosovar
Albanians were driven out of Kosova and at least
10,000 were murdered by the Serbian paramilitary and
military;
Whereas Slobodan Milosevic was indicted by the
International War Crimes Tribunal and extradited to
The Hague in June 2001 to stand trial for war crimes,
crimes against humanity, and genocide in Kosova,
Bosnia, and Croatia;
Whereas the United Nations established Kosova as a
protectorate under Resolution 1244, ending the decade
long Serbian occupation of Kosova and Milosevic's
genocidal war in Kosova;
Whereas Kosovar Albanians, together with
representatives of the Serb, Turkish, Roma, Bosniak,
and Ashkali minorities in Kosova, have held free and
fair municipal and general elections in 2000 and 2001
and successfully established a parliament in 2002,
which in turn elected a president and prime minister;
Whereas 50 percent of the population in Kosova is
under the age of 25 and the unemployment rate is
currently between 60 and 70 percent, increasing the
likelihood of young people entering criminal networks,
the source of which lies outside of Kosova, or working
abroad in order to survive unless massive job creation
is facilitated by guaranteeing the security of foreign
investments through an orderly transition to the
independence of Kosova;
Whereas the Kosova parliament is committed to
developing a western-style democracy in which all
citizens, regardless of ethnicity, are granted full
human and civil rights and are committed to the return
of all noncriminal Serbs who fled Kosova during and
after the war; and
Whereas there is every reason to believe that
independence from Serbia is the only viable option for
Kosova, after autonomy has failed time and time again:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of
Representatives that the United States should -
(1) publicly support the independence of
Kosova and the establishment of Kosova as a sovereign
and democratic state in which human rights are
respected, including the rights of ethnic and
religious minorities, as the only way to lasting peace
and stability in the Balkans;
(2) recognize the danger that delay in the
resolution of Kosova's final status poses for the
political and economic viability of Kosova and the
future of Southeast Europe;
(3) work in conjunction with the United
Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and
other multilateral organizations to facilitate an
orderly transition to the independence of Kosova; and
(4) provide its share of assistance, trade,
and other programs to support the government of an
independent Kosova and to encourage the further
development of democracy and a free market economic
system.
At the moment, all the parties on the ground,
including the new UN representative to Kosovo, Harri
Holkeri, deny that anything other than Security
Council resolution 1244 defines the province’s
status. But, the ‘international community’ seems happy
to create ever more, albeit small and precarious,
independent states. As the vociferous support of
newly-independent (and destitute) East Timor for the
Iraq War showed such micro-states can be relied upon
to support this or that intervention when called upon
to do so by their more powerful sponsors.
Even if the ultimate goal of Kosovo’s independence is
postponed, the province looks unlikely to go back
under Belgrade’s wing. However, its “liberation” from
Serbian rule looks like a grim precedent for Iraq’s
fate after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime:
both seem set to continue to suffer from lack of
electricity and clean water, while unemployment and
persistent violence plague them.
Now the threat to NATO comes from the Alliance’s
former Albanian allies. Even if Serbs show no
inclination to mimic Iraqi resistance, Albanian
nationalists seem to be upping the tempo of violence
at a time when US and British forces are already fully
engaged in Iraq. Washington’s recent history of
waking up to find yesterday’s allies today’s enemies
has followed a tortuous path from the 1980s when both
Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and the Afghan Muslim
fundamentalists were allies to today’s bitter
animosities for Saddam and the Taliban and Al Qaeda.
Could the US Administration risk admitting that the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has turned out to be
another monster out of control, once sponsored by
Washington now defying it? Or will America quietly
admit that fighting the KLA is one war on terrorism it
can do without?
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Data: Ven 29 Ago 2003 13:24:24
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Kosovo: The International Community's
'Success Story'
http://bhhrg.org/LatestNews.asp?ArticleID=24
British Helsinki Human Rights Group
August 28, 2003
Kosovo: The International Community’s ‘Success Story’
-Could the US Administration risk admitting that the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has turned out to be
another monster out of control, once sponsored by
Washington now defying it? Or will America quietly
admit that fighting the KLA is one war on terrorism it
can do without?
British Helsinki Human Rights representatives last
visited Kosovo in late March, 2003 in the days leading
up to the US-led invasion of Iraq. While visiting the
enclave of Graèanica, outside Kosovo’s capital,
Priština, they learned that KFOR troops had
effectively stopped protecting its Serb inhabitants
and had even removed armoured protection from outside
the small town’s world-famous orthodox monastery
church. Local Serbs said that they feared for their
safety and that, although things were “quiet” at the
time, past experience indicated that such “quiet” was
invariably a prelude for violent attacks against them
by Albanian youths who would also taunt them while
driving through the enclave in their cars.
In Graèanica and other Serb enclaves BHHRG also noted
a serious deterioration with regard to sanitary
conditions and public health: the stream running
through the centre of Graèanica, for example, was
rust-coloured, presumably polluted by discarded metal
from things like old cars, tractors, etc. Garbage was
strewn everywhere; there appeared to be have been no
garbage collection by any central authority for some
time. Although local Albanians have deposited
mountains of garbage into the streets of Kosovo’s
towns and villages since their ‘liberation’ in 1999,
this was the first time in four years that BHHRG had
noted the same phenomenon in Serb-populated areas.
But, although Kosovo’s Albanians have been the winners
in their conflict with Serbia, many of them cannot
have imagined that liberation was going to turn out
quite as bleakly as it has done. Factories are closed
and there are few jobs for those who have failed to
gain employment in the magic circle of the UN and
other international agencies. Hope must have been
abandoned by many, as Kosovo’s once teeming villages
and small towns now appear eerily uninhabited – many
people have packed up and gone West. For those that
remain, daily life is a constant struggle. In March
2003, BHHRG watched as carts loaded with chopped wood
were being transported home for use as fuel.
Electricity supplies have never properly resumed since
Nato’s bombing campaign in 1999. (Iraqis living on
promises of an imminent renewal of transmission should
take note of Kosovo’s 4 years plus wait for
electricity to return once the “tyrant” had been
driven out.)
BHHRG returned to the UK but refrained from reporting
on conditions in Kosovo at the time preferring to
wait and see if the Graèanica Serbs were correct and
whether or not the “quiet” they talked about really
was the prelude to renewed violence. It seems that the
events of the past few weeks have proved them right.
Recorded below are just a few of the most extreme acts
of violence that have occurred in both Kosovo and
Serbia in summer, 2003.
The anti-Milosevic Western-backed radio station B-92
reported:
“Terrorist attack against Serb children near
Gorazdevac
Gorazdevac, - Unknown persons opened machine gun fire
on Serb children bathing in the Bistrica River not far
from Gorazdevac, Pec municipality. According to
preliminary information two Serb children were killed
and at least five others wounded. Panta Dakic (10) and
Ivan Jovovic (20) were pronounced dead at Pec Hospital
while Bogdan Bukumiric (15) and Nikola Bogicevic are
in critical condition. Also seriously wounded were
Dragana Srbljak (14), Djordje Ugrenovic (20) and Marko
Bogicevic, said Sladjana Todorovic of Gorazdevac, who
was with the wounded children in Pec Hospital.
Bogdan Bukumiric is scheduled to be transferred to
Belgrade by helicopter during the day. According to
reports from the field, Albanians stoned the vehicle
of Milovan Pavlovic while he was attempting to drive
some of the wounded children to Pec Hospital. Pavlovic
sustained arm injuries. Local sources report that the
attackers also beat the wounded child in Pavlovic's
vehicle.
The children were bathing today in the Bistrica
River, some 500 meters from the center of the village,
when they were targeted by machine gun fire by unknown
persons at about 13.30. Three rounds were fired. KFOR
and UNMIK police have not conducted an investigation
at the site of the attack, although members of the UN
military mission helped to get from Gorazdevac to Pec
Hospital, whose staff is really trying to help the
wounded children," explained Sladjana Todorovic.
Gorazdevac today is full of great unrest and fear. The
nuns of the Pec Patriarchate and the monks of Visoki
Decani have urgently requested KFOR to allow them to
enter Gorazdevac. The sisterhood of the Pec
Patriarchate could not get an escort and the Decani
monks are still waiting for a positive response from
KFOR to provide them with a military escort.
This is an unprecedented crime. In Kosovo and
Metohija for four years there has been no Serbian Army
or police, who Albanian terrorists claimed were their
enemies, and they are killing our children. In the
past Serb children have been the targets of grenades
and run over by cars, and now they are being
perfidiously killed when they are swimming in the
river - said Bishop Artemije of Raska and Prizren,
commenting on today's terrorist attack near
Gorazdevac. The Serb village of Gorazadevac is located
near Pec and security is provided by Italian KFOR
troops. It is still the home of some 1,000 Serbs, half
of the village population prior to the arrival of the
UN mission in Kosovo and Metohija. The village has a
primary school and two secondary schools, one
technical and one economic. In order to obtain basics
for life, residents are dependent on military and
police assistance or forced to travel to northern
Kosovska Mitrovica by escorted convoy.
GORAZDEVAC - Gorazdevac local Rajko Jandzikovic, who
was, after today's attack on Serbs, transporting the
wounded to the hospital in Pec together with Milivoje
Pavlovic, stated that they were attacked near the
farmer's market in that city by a group of Albanians
using their fists and stones.
A group of young people bathing in the Bistrica River
near Pec was targeted by machine gun fire in which two
people were killed and six wounded.
"Near the farmer's market our Opel Kadet with
Zrenjanin license plates ran out of fuel. I went to
the KFOR checkpoint some 50 meters away to ask if they
would give us a liter of fuel but the Italian soldiers
turned us down, despite the fact that I speak Italian
relatively well," said Jandzikovic."We were then
attacked by a group of young Albanians - with fists
and stones - while members of the Kosovo Police
Service nearby failed to react," he added.
Jandzakovic said that "there were two boys in the car
fighting for their lives" and added that he does not
understand "what is happening to people." "Somehow we
managed, with a KFOR military escort, to get to Pec
Hospital but once there we were mistreated even by the
physicians, who refused to give immediate assistance
to the wounded boys," said Jandzikovic, who returned
to Gorazdevac without his vehicle, together with KFOR.
His shirt is soaked with blood and there are several
bruises on his face.”
[See Radio B92, www.b92.net/English/news Beta News
Agency, Belgrade
13th August, 2003.]
PRISTINA, KLINA, BELGRADE -- Wednesday – Repatriate to
the village of Bica near Klina in Kosovo, Zoran
Doncic, who was wounded on Tuesday night, underwent a
surgery in the Spanish military hospital in Istok
andhis condition is stable, the Raska and Prizren
Eparchy announced.
UNMIK spokesman Andrea Angelli said that Doncic was
kept in the Spanish hospital because they could not
transport him to northern Kosovska Mitrovica as
demanded by the local people due to seriousness of his
wound. Bica village elder told B92 that Zoran Doncic
was shot by a sniper from the nearby hill while
driving a tractor.
Coordination Centre for Kosovo head Nebojsa Covic told
Beta that the wounding of Zoran Doncic was a message
to Serbia before adoption of the Kosovo declaration in
the Serbian Parliament, but also a message to the
international community that "terrorist gangs"
operating in Kosovo will not stop doing crimes.
He said it was appalling that UNMIK arrived to the
scene at 9 p.m. when the crime was committed at 6.20
p.m. Around fifty Serb families returned to the
village of Bica a year ago.
[See Beta News Agency, www.b92.net/english/news 27th
August, 2003.]
DOBROTIN: 27.8.03. Three unknown men attempted to
kidnap ten-year old Marina Damjanovic from the village
of Dobrotin near Lipljan in Kosovo yesterday around 8
p.m. According to the girl's testimony and claims of
eyewitnesses, three Albanians in a white Mercedes with
foreign registration plates stopped briefly beside the
girl and attempted to drag her inside the car. The
girl managed to free herself and flee into the
neighbourhood shouting for help, while the car sped
away.
The blockade set up by citizens of Dobrotin on the
local Lipljan-Janjevo road in protest yesterday has
been terminated today. UNMIK police and KFOR have set
up checkpoints at the village's entrance and exit.
[See B92 http://www.b92.net/english/news/index 27th
August, 2003.]
Ethnic Albanian violence is not only on the rise in
Kosovo. Incidents are constantly occurring in
neighbouring Macedonia as well as in the Preševo
valley in southern Serbia _ scene of a low-level
insurgency three years ago. BHHRG visited both Preševo
and Bujanovac in March 2003 and noted the increase in
the towns’ Albanian population. Hundreds of new
houses and other properties have been built since the
Group last visited the region in 2000. They stretch
across the narrow Preševo valley effectively cutting
Serbia proper off from Macedonia in the south. BHHRG
also noted the omnipresence of EU-sponsored
regeneration projects which do not seem, as the
following reports show, to have tamed the incipient
violence which seems to be second-nature to local
inhabitants.
Again, the pro-Western B-92 reported:
”Children wounded in Presevo grenade attack
PRESEVO -- Saturday – Two fifteen-year-old girls were
wounded in one of a series of explosions last night in
the courtyard of a cultural centre in the south
Serbian town of Presevo.
The local representative of Belgrade’s Coordination
Centre for Kosovo and South Serbia, Mica Markovic,
told B92 that a bomb crater at the site of the
explosion indicated that the weapon used had been
either a hand grenade or a 40mm grenade launcher.
Because of the direction of the attack, said Markovic,
it was possible that the adjacent police station had
been the target. One of the three grenades caused
major property damage to a neighbouring house.
The two injured girls were sitting on a bench close to
the cultural centre. One suffered wounds to the face
and the other to the legs.
Officers of the Coordination Centre and the EU
Monitoring Mission are supervising an investigation
into the bombing.
[See B92 http://www.b92.net/english/news/index 24th
August, 2003.]
PRESEVO A strong explosion last night shook the south
Serbian town of Presevo, close to the Municipal
Assembly building. A preliminary investigation has not
yet revealed whether the blast came from a missile
aimed at the Assembly or a bomb which exploded inside
a building. However police sources say that the likely
cause was a hand grenade thrown into a construction
site adjacent to the local mosque and opposite the
Assembly building.
Gunfire was reported last night in the neighbouring
municipality of Bujanovac, but sources in the security
forces described this as provocation. There were no
casualties in either incident.
Meanwhile, the head of the OSCE mission in
Serbia-Montenegro, Maurizio Massari, has cancelled
planned visit to the region. Massari, who was
scheduled to meet the mayors of Presevo and Bujanovac,
is reported to be unwell.
[See B92 http://www.b92.net/english/news/index 28th
August, 2003.]
Why is this violence allowed to go on? How can NATO
leaders still get away with calling the Kosovo
intervention a “great success” unchallenged? Anyobody
who wants different ethnic groups to live in harmony
and prosperity cannot call Kosovo a model. Sadly, one
of the reasons is the failure of the government in
Belgrade to protect Serbs in Kosovo or anywhere else
for that matter, including the Preševo valley.
Hand-wringing by politicians like Serbia’s deputy
prime-minister and points-man for Kosovo, Nebojša
Èovic and prime minister Zoran Živkovic is cynical
politicking and only serves to highlight the fact
that extreme Serbian “nationalism” was always a sham.
Strikingly, supporters of the apparently hardline
Bosnian Serb nationalists like the recently murdered
Serbian Premier, Zoran Djindjic, who was the last
Serbian politician to meet the indicted war criminal
Dr. Radovan Karadzic in 1996, turned out to be
indifferent to the daily attacks on ordinary Serbs.
His heirs and successors are similarly unconcerned,
apart from verbal protests.
Despite the media talk about Serbian intransigence and
blind nationalism, it is remarkable that neither in
Bosnia nor Kosovo have there been any guerrilla
attacks on the NATO-forces in de facto occupation.
This contrasts sharply with the growing difficulties
faced in Iraq by the Anglo-American troops there.
Will the passive attitude to the NATO troops remain
the same if Iraqi resistance continues to cause the
Allies difficulties? Militant Albanians in Kosovo have
shown a disregard for the NATO’s capacity to enforce
peace already in Kosovo, across the border with Serbia
and across the border with Macedonia. So far Serbs
have not imitated their enemies defiance of NATO’s
ostensible authority. Some Serbs abroad are already
denouncing their fellow Serbs’ passivity in view of
the apparent success of Iraqi guerrillas in forcing
Washington and her allies to seek a new UN mandate and
other concessions as a result of casualties.
This letter appeared on a widely distributed Serbian
website:
Dear Sirs,
Thank you for your regular articles. I recently read
the comment you published, written by "Cossack,"
titled "A Pox on Both Their Houses"
(http://www.artel.co.yu/en/glas_dijaspore/2003-08-26_3.html).
I disagree with Cossack's conclusion that the reason
that Yugoslavia is not the subject of debate in the
United States is simply a matter of the priorities of
the so-called US liberals and US neo-cons. His
argument puts the blame on others.
Instead, I think the reason why Yugoslavia is not a
point of international debate is because there has
been a very full and complete assumption of power by
willing collaborators in Serbia and Montenegro and
there have been no losses whatsoever to worry about
among US military forces. There has been no guerrilla
war, no resistance and not even a single Yugoslav
daily newspaper opposes the US-led occupation of the
country. Yugoslavia's leadership has been so weak and
divided that it even stooped so low as to adopt the
name arbitrarily given to the country by the United
States way back in 1992 - Serbia and Montenegro.
This utter lack of resistance of any sort leaves no
issue or problem for Americans to debate. That is the
real difference. For the US, Serbia was easy. And
Serbia continues to be easy.
Speaking as a Serb born abroad, I am very sorry to
have to point out this fact.
Milos Obilic would not be able to recognize the
Serbian nation today.
Most sincerely,
John Bosnitch
Journalist
Tokyo
Whether Serbs will copy their Albanian rivals and
resort to guerrilla warfare remains to be seen. But
already the “usual suspects” in the US Congress are
responding to the violence in the region by demanding
further concessions to those engaged in violence.
Already at the start of the year, the U.S. House of
Representatives heard a resolution backing Kosovan
independence:
One Hundred Eighth Congress
Congress of the United States
House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515
January 27, 2003
Support the Independence of Kosova
Dear Colleague:
Today we introduced a resolution (H. Res. 28, which is
at the end of this email) expressing the sense of the
House of Representatives that the United States should
declare its support for the independence of Kosova.
Under the Yugoslav constitution of 1974, Kosova was
equivalent in most ways to Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and Macedonia . In its position as an
``autonomous province,'' Kosova, in practice,
exercised the same powers as a republic. It had its
own parliament, high courts, central bank, police
service, and defense force. Through its definition in
1968 as a part of the Yugoslav Federal System, it
gained equal representation at the federal level with
Serbia and the other juridical units of the former
Yugoslavia.
When Slovenia and Croatia demanded independence,
Western governments made similar arguments against
recognizing those countries. However, eventually the
same Western governments did recognize not only the
independence of Slovenia and Croatia, but
Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia as well, having
discovered that independence for those nations
involved not so much a change of borders as a change
in the status of existing borders. The lines on the
map remained the same, but their status was upgraded
from republican to national. It is fitting that the
Kosovars be allowed to follow the same path towards
independence.
Since the cessation of the1999 conflict with Serbia,
during which the Serbian military and paramilitary
forces killed more than ten thousand Kosovar Albanians
and expelled close to a million, Kosova remains under
a United Nations mandate. The Kosovars, the United
Nations, NATO, and the European Union are now making
efforts to rebuild Kosova, revitalize its economy,
establish democratic institutions of self-government,
and heal the scars of war.
It is time for the United States to abide by its
recognition that a right to self-determination exists
as a fundamental right of all people through declaring
its support for the independence of Kosova. To
cosponsor H.Res.28, please contact Keith O'Neil at
225-6735 (Lantos) or Greg Galvin (Hyde) at 225-5021.
Sincerely,
TOM LANTOS
HENRY HYDE
Member of Congress
Member of Congress
H. RES. 28
Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives
that the United States should declare its support for
the independence of Kosova.
Whereas the United States and the international
community recognize that a right to self-determination
exists as a fundamental right of all people;
Whereas Kosova was constitutionally defined as a
sovereign territory in the First National Liberation
Conference for Kosova on January 2, 1944, and this
status was confirmed in the Constitution of the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia adopted in
1946, and the amended Yugoslav constitution adopted in
1974 preserved the autonomous status of Kosova as a de
facto republic;
Whereas prior to the disintegration of the former
Yugoslavia, Kosova was a separate political and legal
entity with separate and distinct financial
institutions, police force, municipal and national
government, school system, judicial and legal system,
hospitals and other independent organizations;
Whereas Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic rose to
power in 1987 on a platform of ultra nationalism and
anti-Albanian racism, advocating violence and hatred
against all non-Slavs and specifically targeting the
Albanians of Kosova;
Whereas Slobodan Milosevic subsequently stripped
Kosova of its self-rule, without the consent of the
people of Kosova;
Whereas the elected Assembly of Kosova, faced with
these intolerable acts, adopted a Declaration of
Independence on July 2, 1990, proclaimed the Republic
of Kosova, and adopted a constitution on September 7,
1990, based on the international legal principles of
self-determination, equality, and sovereignty;
Whereas in recognition of the de facto dissolution of
the Yugoslav federation, the European community
established principles for the recognition of the
independence and sovereignty of the republics of the
former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
Kosova fully satisfied those principles as a de facto
republic within the federation;
Whereas a popular referendum was held in Kosova from
September 26-30, 1991, in which 87 percent of all
eligible voters cast ballots and 99.87 percent voted
in favor of declaring Kosova independent of the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;
Whereas, from the occupation of Kosova in 1989 until
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military
action against the Milosevic regime in 1999, the
Albanians of Kosova were subjected to the most brutal
treatment in the heart of Europe since the Nazi era,
forcing approximately 400,000 Albanians to flee to
Western Europe and the United States;
Whereas in the spring of 1999 almost 1,000,000 Kosovar
Albanians were driven out of Kosova and at least
10,000 were murdered by the Serbian paramilitary and
military;
Whereas Slobodan Milosevic was indicted by the
International War Crimes Tribunal and extradited to
The Hague in June 2001 to stand trial for war crimes,
crimes against humanity, and genocide in Kosova,
Bosnia, and Croatia;
Whereas the United Nations established Kosova as a
protectorate under Resolution 1244, ending the decade
long Serbian occupation of Kosova and Milosevic's
genocidal war in Kosova;
Whereas Kosovar Albanians, together with
representatives of the Serb, Turkish, Roma, Bosniak,
and Ashkali minorities in Kosova, have held free and
fair municipal and general elections in 2000 and 2001
and successfully established a parliament in 2002,
which in turn elected a president and prime minister;
Whereas 50 percent of the population in Kosova is
under the age of 25 and the unemployment rate is
currently between 60 and 70 percent, increasing the
likelihood of young people entering criminal networks,
the source of which lies outside of Kosova, or working
abroad in order to survive unless massive job creation
is facilitated by guaranteeing the security of foreign
investments through an orderly transition to the
independence of Kosova;
Whereas the Kosova parliament is committed to
developing a western-style democracy in which all
citizens, regardless of ethnicity, are granted full
human and civil rights and are committed to the return
of all noncriminal Serbs who fled Kosova during and
after the war; and
Whereas there is every reason to believe that
independence from Serbia is the only viable option for
Kosova, after autonomy has failed time and time again:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of
Representatives that the United States should -
(1) publicly support the independence of
Kosova and the establishment of Kosova as a sovereign
and democratic state in which human rights are
respected, including the rights of ethnic and
religious minorities, as the only way to lasting peace
and stability in the Balkans;
(2) recognize the danger that delay in the
resolution of Kosova's final status poses for the
political and economic viability of Kosova and the
future of Southeast Europe;
(3) work in conjunction with the United
Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and
other multilateral organizations to facilitate an
orderly transition to the independence of Kosova; and
(4) provide its share of assistance, trade,
and other programs to support the government of an
independent Kosova and to encourage the further
development of democracy and a free market economic
system.
At the moment, all the parties on the ground,
including the new UN representative to Kosovo, Harri
Holkeri, deny that anything other than Security
Council resolution 1244 defines the province’s
status. But, the ‘international community’ seems happy
to create ever more, albeit small and precarious,
independent states. As the vociferous support of
newly-independent (and destitute) East Timor for the
Iraq War showed such micro-states can be relied upon
to support this or that intervention when called upon
to do so by their more powerful sponsors.
Even if the ultimate goal of Kosovo’s independence is
postponed, the province looks unlikely to go back
under Belgrade’s wing. However, its “liberation” from
Serbian rule looks like a grim precedent for Iraq’s
fate after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime:
both seem set to continue to suffer from lack of
electricity and clean water, while unemployment and
persistent violence plague them.
Now the threat to NATO comes from the Alliance’s
former Albanian allies. Even if Serbs show no
inclination to mimic Iraqi resistance, Albanian
nationalists seem to be upping the tempo of violence
at a time when US and British forces are already fully
engaged in Iraq. Washington’s recent history of
waking up to find yesterday’s allies today’s enemies
has followed a tortuous path from the 1980s when both
Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and the Afghan Muslim
fundamentalists were allies to today’s bitter
animosities for Saddam and the Taliban and Al Qaeda.
Could the US Administration risk admitting that the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has turned out to be
another monster out of control, once sponsored by
Washington now defying it? Or will America quietly
admit that fighting the KLA is one war on terrorism it
can do without?
(deutsch / english / italiano)
11 Settembre, nuovi libri e persino un convegno sulle menzogne
dell'establishment USA
1. CONVEGNO a Berlino il 7 settembre
2. NUOVO LIBRO dell'ex ministro tedesco Andreas von Bülow
3. THE TRUTH BEHIND SEPTEMBER 11 (by Michel Chossudovsky)
=== 1 ===
BERLINO 7 SETTEMBRE 2003
Tra gli invitati il magistrato Guido Salvini!
An international Research symposium on the open questions of 9/11
coming in Berlin.
demanding answers - demanding to stop the war
www.hintergrund.de
---
Widersprüche zum 11. September
Offene Fragen und die Forderung nach Antworten sowie der Offenlegung
der unter Verschluss gehaltenen Beweise
(UNANSWERED QUESTIONS - DEMANDING ANSWERS)
Wie versprochen geht es weiter:
Am 7. September 2003 ab 15 Uhr im Tempodrom Berlin
Diesmal, ebenfalls wie versprochen, mit engagierten Experten aus den
USA.
Wir lassen uns von der jetzigen US-Administration und der
Medienberichterstattung auch in Deutschland nicht beirren.
Wir bieten während des ganzen Tages am 7. September 2003, kurz vor dem
zweiten Jahrestag, Informationen zum 11. September für die Presse und
für jeden Interessierten und jede Interessierte. Wir fordern die
Offenlegung der maßgeblichen Dokumente, die den Tathergang am 11.
September 2001 belegen können, aber bis heute unter Verschluss gehalten
werden.
Zu den Widersprüchen des "11. September" sprechen:
Michael Ruppert (USA)
ehemaliger Polizist in Los Angeles, einer der bekanntesten 9/11-
Experten in den USA
Daniel Hopsicker (USA)
Autor, Recherchen bez. Flugschulen der angeblichen Terroristen
Kyle Hence/Tom Flocco
(live aus USA)
von „unanswered questions“
Nafeez Ahmed (GB)
Autor des Buches „Geheimsache 9/11“
Guido Salvini (I)
Untersuchungsrichter aus Mailand
Mathias Bröckers (D)
Autor des Buches „11.9.“ und „Fakten, Fälschungen und die unterdrückten
Beweise des 11. 9.“
Andreas Hauß (D)
Autor des Buches „Fakten, Fälschungen und die unterdrückten Beweise des
11. 9.“
Ekkehard Sieker (D)
Bekannt durch seine Beiträge für Monitor/WDR (z.B. Bin-Laden-Video)
Eckart Spoo (D)
langjähriger Korrespondent der Frankfurter Rundschau, Herausgeber der
Zeitschrift Ossietzky
Michael Opperskalski (D)
Geheimdienst-Experte und Redakteur der Zeitschrift Geheim
Regine Igel (D)
Autorin, z.B. das Buch „Andreotti – eine italienische Karriere“
Dieter Elken (D)
Rechtsanwalt
Sumit Bhattacharyya von Amnesty International hält einen Vortrag zum
Thema Menschenrechtsverletzungen als Folge des 11. September.
Es gibt nicht nur Vorträge und Diskussionen, eine Live-Schaltung in die
USA zu Kyle Hence, Tom Flocco etc., sondern auch Filme und die
Möglichkeit zu Einzelgesprächen. Und diesmal wird es Zeit für die
Beantwortung Ihrer Fragen geben, was in dieser Form am 30.6. in der
Humboldt Universität wegen des vorzeitigen Abbruchs nicht möglich war.
Diese Veranstaltung steht ganz im Zeichen der deutsch-amerikanischen
Kooperation.
Vielen Dank an dieser Stelle an meinen Co-Organisator Nicholas Levis
und die vielen Mitstreiter, die sich an der Vorbereitung dieser
Veranstaltung beteiligen.
Ihr Ronald Thoden
7. September 2003, Tempodrom im Zentrum von Berlin, Möckernstraße
(U Möckernbrücke oder U Potsdamer Platz/ S Anhalter Bahnhof)
---
More links:
www.911questions.netfirms.com
www.911truth.org
=== 2 ===
LIBRO-SHOCK DI UN NOTO POLITICO TEDESCO
http://www.piper.de/web/books/3492045456.html
Lügen, Täuschung, falsche Spuren
Andreas von Bülow
Die CIA und der 11. September
Internationaler Terror und die Rolle der Geheimdienste
Neuerscheinung
Vehement widerspricht Andreas von Bülow der offiziellen Version der
Anschläge vom 11. September: Ohne geheimdienstliche Unterstützung war
eine solche Operation nicht durchzuführen. Seine brisanten Thesen sind
ein Angriff auf die Verlogenheit der CIA.
Nur Stunden nach dem Terroranschlag vom 11. September hatte die
US-Regierung Fotos und Steckbriefe aller Attentäter, wußte sie Bescheid
über alle Drahtzieher und Hintermänner. Und blitzartig war auch
Präsident Bushs Strategie gegen die »Mächte des Bösen« fertig. Zufall?
Andreas von Bülow, früherer Bundesminister und nicht erst seit seinem
Standardwerk »Im Namen des Staates« als Geheimdienstexperte mit besten
Kontakten ausgewiesen, zweifelt die offizielle Version vehement an.
Präzise und vorurteilslos stellt er alle Ungereimtheiten des
offiziellen Tatherganges zusammen, von der unwahrscheinlichen Präzision
der von Flugschülern gelenkten Maschinen bis zu der auffälligen
Inaktivität der Abwehr. Kann es sein, so Bülow, daß dieser Anschlag der
US-Regierung in Wahrheit gelegen kam? Ohne Geheimdienste war eine
solche Operation nicht möglich – und die Spuren führen eindeutig zu
deren Netzwerk und nicht zuletzt zur CIA ...
Andreas von Bülow
Andreas von Bülow wurde am 17. Juli 1937 in Dresden geboren. 1956–1960
studierte von Bülow in Heidelberg und München Rechtswissenschaften,
1969 Promotion zum Dr. jur. Seit 1960 Parteimitglied der SPD, war
Andreas von Bülow von 1969 bis 1994 Mitglied des Bundestages, u.a. in
der Parlamentarischen Kontrollkommission für die »Dienste«. 1976–1980
war er Parlamentarischer Staatssekretär des Bundesministers für
Verteidigung, von 1980 bis 1982 Bundesminister für Forschung und
Technologie. Seit 1994 lebt von Bülow als Rechtsanwalt in Bonn. 1998
erschien bei Piper: »Im Namen des Staates. CIA, BND und die kriminellen
Machenschaften der Geheimdienste« (jetzt SP 3050).
271 Seiten Kartoniert
EUR(D) 13,- / sFr 22,70
ISBN 3-492-04545-6
---
http://www.perlentaucher.de/buch/14783.html
Andreas von Bülow
"Die CIA und der 11. September"
Internationaler Terror und die Rolle der Geheimdienste
Piper Verlag, München 2003
ISBN 3492045456, Kartoniert
272 Seiten, 13,00 EUR
[ Klappentext ]
Vehement widerspricht Andreas von Bülow der offiziellen Version der
Anschläge vom 11. September: Ohne geheimdienstliche Unterstützung war
eine solche Operation nicht durchzuführen. Seine brisanten Thesen sind
ein Angriff auf die Verlogenheit der CIA. Nur Stunden nach dem
Terroranschlag vom 11. September hatte die US-Regierung Fotos und
Steckbriefe aller Attentäter, wusste sie Bescheid über alle Drahtzieher
und Hintermänner. Und blitzartig war auch Präsident Bushs Strategie
gegen die Mächte des Bösen fertig. Zufall? Andreas von Bülow, früherer
Bundesminister, zweifelt die offizielle Version vehement an.
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 04.08.2003
Wilfried von Bredow bescheinigt dem Autor in seiner Besprechung eine
"etwas schräg eingestellte Phantasie" und sieht ihm beim Kampf "um den
Preis der abenteuerlichsten Erklärung für die Terroranschläge in New
York und Washington" als klaren Sieger. Von Bredow zufolge lassen sich
von Bülows "Theorien (im Sinne von Hirngespinsten)" zu vier Hauptthesen
verdichten: Die Crash-Flugzeuge vom 11. September wurden nicht von den
19 jungen Muslimen entführt, sondern ferngelenkt. Über das nötige
Wissen verfügen allein amerikanische Stellen, die außerdem vermutlich
auch für die Sprengladungen im Innern des WTC verantwortlich sind, die
das Gebäude haben einstürzen lassen sowie für die Cruise Missile, von
der das Pentagon das getroffen wurde. Verantwortlich für diese Aktion
war von Bülow zufolge, wie von Bredow aus dem Buch zitiert, eine "wie
auch immer zusammengesetzte Geheimdienststruktur, die die amerikanische
Politik nach dem 11.9. vorauszusehen, zu berechnen und gezielt ins Werk
zu setzen in der Lage war", ihr Ziel war, "die Massen der westlichen
Demokratien hinter die zur geopolitischen Landnahme entschlossenen
politischen Eliten der USA" zu zwingen. Von Bredow Fazit: Bei von
Bülows Konstrukt bleibe "einem die Spucke weg."
---
http://www.ndrinfo.de/ndrinfo_pages_std/0,2758,OID143312_REF720,00.html
Politisches Buch
Die CIA und der 11. September
Andreas von Bülow
Andreas von Bülow kennt sich mit Geheimdiensten aus. 25 Jahre lang saß
er als SPD-Abgeordneter im Bundestag und hatte dort im Rahmen der
Parlamentarischen Kontrollkommission Zugang zu sensiblen Informationen
über die sogenannten "Dienste". Der ehemalige Bundesminister für
Forschung und Technologie hatte sich bereits in früheren Büchern mit
CIA und BND beschäftigt.
In diesem neuen nun listet er seine Zweifel an der offiziellen Version
über die Terroranschläge des 11. September auf. Erfreulicherweise gibt
er sich dabei nicht politischen Spekulationen darüber hin, was alles
wohl hätte sein können. Andererseits kommt er nach Würdigung vieler
technischer Details der vier Flugzeugentführungen zu dem äußerst
beunruhigenden Resumee: "Der eigentliche Tathergang war mit Sicherheit
anders. Die Flugzeuge sind mit aller Wahrscheinlichkeit durch
Fernsteuerung den Piloten aus der Hand genommen und in die Türme des
World Trade Centers gesteuert worden."
Die 19 musliminischen Selbstmordattentäter, von denen allseits die Rede
ist, waren nach Bülows Erkenntnissen unfähige Hobbyflieger, denen das
mit hoher Exaktheit durchgeführte Flugmanöver des Sturzes in die beiden
Türme des World Trade Center bzw. des Pentagon nicht zuzutrauen ist.
Doch geht man in die Details, stellten Fachleute fest, dass die beiden
Türme des Welthandelszentrums durch den Einschlag der Flugzeuge nicht
hätten zu Fall gebracht werden können. Geheimdienstexperte von Bülow
geht deshalb von zwei Taten aus: von dem Aufprall der Flugzeuge und
zeitlich synchron dazu einer kontrollierten Sprengung beider Türme.
Es ist äußerst starker Tobak, mit dem Andreas von Bülow aufwartet. Wer
soll eine solche Tat begangen haben? Von Bülow gibt zu, dass er sich
"auf schwankendem Boden" bewegt und Lücken der amtlichen Darstellung
durch möglichst plausible Mutmaßungen überspringen muss. Umso mehr
wundert sich der Autor über die geradezu empörende Unwilligkeit der
Bush-Regierung, die Hintergründe der Terrorakte ohne Ansehen der Person
aufzuklären: Warum wurden die Beweismittel für einen anderen als den
offiziellen Tathergang auf schnellstem Wege beseitigt? Was soll die
Geheimhaltung verbergen? Warum stürzte außer den beiden Türmen auch ein
Nebengebäude des World Trade Center ein, das von der CIA als
Anti-Terrorzentrale genutzt worden war?
Bülow formuliert in seinem Buch vorsichtig: "Vorwissen oder gar
Täterschaft der amerikanischen Regierung bleiben in der Katastrophe des
11. September 2001 problematisch."
Eindeutig ist jedoch, wie der angeblich ahnungslose Georg W. Bush die
Ereignisse nutzte, um eine schon vorab formulierte Politik eines "Neuen
Amerikanischen Jahrhunderts" im Zuge des Kampfes gegen den
internationalen Terror durchsetzen zu können.
Andreas von Bülow hat mit großem Detailwissen sämtliche Ungereimtheiten
um den 11. September zusammengetragen. Es wirkt höchst alarmierend, wie
sehr der amerikanische Regierungsapparat über all die Einseitigkeiten
der Ermittlung hinweggeht und die amerikanische Öffentlichkeit sich
dies gefallen lässt. Ein intensiv recherchiertes Buch, das jede Menge
Fragen offen lässt.
Die CIA und der 11. September
Andreas von Bülow
13,00 €
3492045456
Piper Verlag
---
ULTERIORE DOCUMENTAZIONE CON IL MOTORE DI RICERCA GOOGLE DIGITANDO:
"Andreas von Bülow September"
UNA INTERVISTA IN LINGUA ITALIANA A VON BÜLOW:
http://www.pasti.org/vonbulow2.htm
11 settembre: I conti non tornano
L’intervista ad Andreas Von Bülow, ex ministro della Ricerca e della
tecnologia della RFT, è stata publicata dal giornale tedesco
Tagesspiegel del 13 gennaio 2002
=== 3 ===
Da: "globalreseach.ca"
Data: Mer 27 Ago 2003 17:25:54 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: September 11
WAR AND GLOBALISATION
THE TRUTH BEHIND SEPTEMBER 11
by Michel Chossudovsky
Global Outlook(TM) and the Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG),
Shanty Bay, Ont. 2002, ISBN 0-9731109-0-2 2.
To Order online: http://globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/truth911.html
US and Canada orders (toll free) by phone: 1-888-713-8500.
Overseas telephone orders: 1-705-720-6500
In this timely study, Michel Chossudovsky blows away the smokescreen,
put up by the mainstream media, that 9-11 was an "intelligence
failure". Through meticulous research, the author uncovers a
military-intelligence ploy behind the September 11 attacks, and the
coverup and complicity of key members of the Bush Administration.
According to Chossudovsky, the so-called "war on terrorism" is a
complete fabrication based on the illusion that one man, Osama bin
Laden, outwitted the $30 billion-a-year American intelligence apparatus.
The "war on terrorism" is a war of conquest. Globalisation is the final
march to the "New World Order", dominated by Wall Street and the U.S.
military-industrial complex.
September 11, 2001 was the moment the Bush Administration had been
waiting for, the so-called "useful crisis" which provided a pretext for
waging a war without borders.
The hidden agenda consists in extending the frontiers of the American
Empire right around the world to facilitate complete U.S. corporate
control outside the U.S. and a police state on the inside.
Chossudovsky peels back the layers of rhetoric to reveal a huge hoax —
a complex web of deceit aimed at tricking the American people and the
rest of the world into accepting a military solution which threatens
the future of humanity.
Michel Chossudovsky is the author of the international best-seller "The
Globalisation of Poverty " published in eleven languages. He is
Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and Director of the
Centre for Research on Globalisation which hosts the critically
acclaimed website: www.globalresearch.ca
To Order online: http://globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/truth911.html
US and Canada orders (toll free) by phone: 1-888-713-8500.
Overseas telephone orders: 1-705-720-6500
11 Settembre, nuovi libri e persino un convegno sulle menzogne
dell'establishment USA
1. CONVEGNO a Berlino il 7 settembre
2. NUOVO LIBRO dell'ex ministro tedesco Andreas von Bülow
3. THE TRUTH BEHIND SEPTEMBER 11 (by Michel Chossudovsky)
=== 1 ===
BERLINO 7 SETTEMBRE 2003
Tra gli invitati il magistrato Guido Salvini!
An international Research symposium on the open questions of 9/11
coming in Berlin.
demanding answers - demanding to stop the war
www.hintergrund.de
---
Widersprüche zum 11. September
Offene Fragen und die Forderung nach Antworten sowie der Offenlegung
der unter Verschluss gehaltenen Beweise
(UNANSWERED QUESTIONS - DEMANDING ANSWERS)
Wie versprochen geht es weiter:
Am 7. September 2003 ab 15 Uhr im Tempodrom Berlin
Diesmal, ebenfalls wie versprochen, mit engagierten Experten aus den
USA.
Wir lassen uns von der jetzigen US-Administration und der
Medienberichterstattung auch in Deutschland nicht beirren.
Wir bieten während des ganzen Tages am 7. September 2003, kurz vor dem
zweiten Jahrestag, Informationen zum 11. September für die Presse und
für jeden Interessierten und jede Interessierte. Wir fordern die
Offenlegung der maßgeblichen Dokumente, die den Tathergang am 11.
September 2001 belegen können, aber bis heute unter Verschluss gehalten
werden.
Zu den Widersprüchen des "11. September" sprechen:
Michael Ruppert (USA)
ehemaliger Polizist in Los Angeles, einer der bekanntesten 9/11-
Experten in den USA
Daniel Hopsicker (USA)
Autor, Recherchen bez. Flugschulen der angeblichen Terroristen
Kyle Hence/Tom Flocco
(live aus USA)
von „unanswered questions“
Nafeez Ahmed (GB)
Autor des Buches „Geheimsache 9/11“
Guido Salvini (I)
Untersuchungsrichter aus Mailand
Mathias Bröckers (D)
Autor des Buches „11.9.“ und „Fakten, Fälschungen und die unterdrückten
Beweise des 11. 9.“
Andreas Hauß (D)
Autor des Buches „Fakten, Fälschungen und die unterdrückten Beweise des
11. 9.“
Ekkehard Sieker (D)
Bekannt durch seine Beiträge für Monitor/WDR (z.B. Bin-Laden-Video)
Eckart Spoo (D)
langjähriger Korrespondent der Frankfurter Rundschau, Herausgeber der
Zeitschrift Ossietzky
Michael Opperskalski (D)
Geheimdienst-Experte und Redakteur der Zeitschrift Geheim
Regine Igel (D)
Autorin, z.B. das Buch „Andreotti – eine italienische Karriere“
Dieter Elken (D)
Rechtsanwalt
Sumit Bhattacharyya von Amnesty International hält einen Vortrag zum
Thema Menschenrechtsverletzungen als Folge des 11. September.
Es gibt nicht nur Vorträge und Diskussionen, eine Live-Schaltung in die
USA zu Kyle Hence, Tom Flocco etc., sondern auch Filme und die
Möglichkeit zu Einzelgesprächen. Und diesmal wird es Zeit für die
Beantwortung Ihrer Fragen geben, was in dieser Form am 30.6. in der
Humboldt Universität wegen des vorzeitigen Abbruchs nicht möglich war.
Diese Veranstaltung steht ganz im Zeichen der deutsch-amerikanischen
Kooperation.
Vielen Dank an dieser Stelle an meinen Co-Organisator Nicholas Levis
und die vielen Mitstreiter, die sich an der Vorbereitung dieser
Veranstaltung beteiligen.
Ihr Ronald Thoden
7. September 2003, Tempodrom im Zentrum von Berlin, Möckernstraße
(U Möckernbrücke oder U Potsdamer Platz/ S Anhalter Bahnhof)
---
More links:
www.911questions.netfirms.com
www.911truth.org
=== 2 ===
LIBRO-SHOCK DI UN NOTO POLITICO TEDESCO
http://www.piper.de/web/books/3492045456.html
Lügen, Täuschung, falsche Spuren
Andreas von Bülow
Die CIA und der 11. September
Internationaler Terror und die Rolle der Geheimdienste
Neuerscheinung
Vehement widerspricht Andreas von Bülow der offiziellen Version der
Anschläge vom 11. September: Ohne geheimdienstliche Unterstützung war
eine solche Operation nicht durchzuführen. Seine brisanten Thesen sind
ein Angriff auf die Verlogenheit der CIA.
Nur Stunden nach dem Terroranschlag vom 11. September hatte die
US-Regierung Fotos und Steckbriefe aller Attentäter, wußte sie Bescheid
über alle Drahtzieher und Hintermänner. Und blitzartig war auch
Präsident Bushs Strategie gegen die »Mächte des Bösen« fertig. Zufall?
Andreas von Bülow, früherer Bundesminister und nicht erst seit seinem
Standardwerk »Im Namen des Staates« als Geheimdienstexperte mit besten
Kontakten ausgewiesen, zweifelt die offizielle Version vehement an.
Präzise und vorurteilslos stellt er alle Ungereimtheiten des
offiziellen Tatherganges zusammen, von der unwahrscheinlichen Präzision
der von Flugschülern gelenkten Maschinen bis zu der auffälligen
Inaktivität der Abwehr. Kann es sein, so Bülow, daß dieser Anschlag der
US-Regierung in Wahrheit gelegen kam? Ohne Geheimdienste war eine
solche Operation nicht möglich – und die Spuren führen eindeutig zu
deren Netzwerk und nicht zuletzt zur CIA ...
Andreas von Bülow
Andreas von Bülow wurde am 17. Juli 1937 in Dresden geboren. 1956–1960
studierte von Bülow in Heidelberg und München Rechtswissenschaften,
1969 Promotion zum Dr. jur. Seit 1960 Parteimitglied der SPD, war
Andreas von Bülow von 1969 bis 1994 Mitglied des Bundestages, u.a. in
der Parlamentarischen Kontrollkommission für die »Dienste«. 1976–1980
war er Parlamentarischer Staatssekretär des Bundesministers für
Verteidigung, von 1980 bis 1982 Bundesminister für Forschung und
Technologie. Seit 1994 lebt von Bülow als Rechtsanwalt in Bonn. 1998
erschien bei Piper: »Im Namen des Staates. CIA, BND und die kriminellen
Machenschaften der Geheimdienste« (jetzt SP 3050).
271 Seiten Kartoniert
EUR(D) 13,- / sFr 22,70
ISBN 3-492-04545-6
---
http://www.perlentaucher.de/buch/14783.html
Andreas von Bülow
"Die CIA und der 11. September"
Internationaler Terror und die Rolle der Geheimdienste
Piper Verlag, München 2003
ISBN 3492045456, Kartoniert
272 Seiten, 13,00 EUR
[ Klappentext ]
Vehement widerspricht Andreas von Bülow der offiziellen Version der
Anschläge vom 11. September: Ohne geheimdienstliche Unterstützung war
eine solche Operation nicht durchzuführen. Seine brisanten Thesen sind
ein Angriff auf die Verlogenheit der CIA. Nur Stunden nach dem
Terroranschlag vom 11. September hatte die US-Regierung Fotos und
Steckbriefe aller Attentäter, wusste sie Bescheid über alle Drahtzieher
und Hintermänner. Und blitzartig war auch Präsident Bushs Strategie
gegen die Mächte des Bösen fertig. Zufall? Andreas von Bülow, früherer
Bundesminister, zweifelt die offizielle Version vehement an.
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 04.08.2003
Wilfried von Bredow bescheinigt dem Autor in seiner Besprechung eine
"etwas schräg eingestellte Phantasie" und sieht ihm beim Kampf "um den
Preis der abenteuerlichsten Erklärung für die Terroranschläge in New
York und Washington" als klaren Sieger. Von Bredow zufolge lassen sich
von Bülows "Theorien (im Sinne von Hirngespinsten)" zu vier Hauptthesen
verdichten: Die Crash-Flugzeuge vom 11. September wurden nicht von den
19 jungen Muslimen entführt, sondern ferngelenkt. Über das nötige
Wissen verfügen allein amerikanische Stellen, die außerdem vermutlich
auch für die Sprengladungen im Innern des WTC verantwortlich sind, die
das Gebäude haben einstürzen lassen sowie für die Cruise Missile, von
der das Pentagon das getroffen wurde. Verantwortlich für diese Aktion
war von Bülow zufolge, wie von Bredow aus dem Buch zitiert, eine "wie
auch immer zusammengesetzte Geheimdienststruktur, die die amerikanische
Politik nach dem 11.9. vorauszusehen, zu berechnen und gezielt ins Werk
zu setzen in der Lage war", ihr Ziel war, "die Massen der westlichen
Demokratien hinter die zur geopolitischen Landnahme entschlossenen
politischen Eliten der USA" zu zwingen. Von Bredow Fazit: Bei von
Bülows Konstrukt bleibe "einem die Spucke weg."
---
http://www.ndrinfo.de/ndrinfo_pages_std/0,2758,OID143312_REF720,00.html
Politisches Buch
Die CIA und der 11. September
Andreas von Bülow
Andreas von Bülow kennt sich mit Geheimdiensten aus. 25 Jahre lang saß
er als SPD-Abgeordneter im Bundestag und hatte dort im Rahmen der
Parlamentarischen Kontrollkommission Zugang zu sensiblen Informationen
über die sogenannten "Dienste". Der ehemalige Bundesminister für
Forschung und Technologie hatte sich bereits in früheren Büchern mit
CIA und BND beschäftigt.
In diesem neuen nun listet er seine Zweifel an der offiziellen Version
über die Terroranschläge des 11. September auf. Erfreulicherweise gibt
er sich dabei nicht politischen Spekulationen darüber hin, was alles
wohl hätte sein können. Andererseits kommt er nach Würdigung vieler
technischer Details der vier Flugzeugentführungen zu dem äußerst
beunruhigenden Resumee: "Der eigentliche Tathergang war mit Sicherheit
anders. Die Flugzeuge sind mit aller Wahrscheinlichkeit durch
Fernsteuerung den Piloten aus der Hand genommen und in die Türme des
World Trade Centers gesteuert worden."
Die 19 musliminischen Selbstmordattentäter, von denen allseits die Rede
ist, waren nach Bülows Erkenntnissen unfähige Hobbyflieger, denen das
mit hoher Exaktheit durchgeführte Flugmanöver des Sturzes in die beiden
Türme des World Trade Center bzw. des Pentagon nicht zuzutrauen ist.
Doch geht man in die Details, stellten Fachleute fest, dass die beiden
Türme des Welthandelszentrums durch den Einschlag der Flugzeuge nicht
hätten zu Fall gebracht werden können. Geheimdienstexperte von Bülow
geht deshalb von zwei Taten aus: von dem Aufprall der Flugzeuge und
zeitlich synchron dazu einer kontrollierten Sprengung beider Türme.
Es ist äußerst starker Tobak, mit dem Andreas von Bülow aufwartet. Wer
soll eine solche Tat begangen haben? Von Bülow gibt zu, dass er sich
"auf schwankendem Boden" bewegt und Lücken der amtlichen Darstellung
durch möglichst plausible Mutmaßungen überspringen muss. Umso mehr
wundert sich der Autor über die geradezu empörende Unwilligkeit der
Bush-Regierung, die Hintergründe der Terrorakte ohne Ansehen der Person
aufzuklären: Warum wurden die Beweismittel für einen anderen als den
offiziellen Tathergang auf schnellstem Wege beseitigt? Was soll die
Geheimhaltung verbergen? Warum stürzte außer den beiden Türmen auch ein
Nebengebäude des World Trade Center ein, das von der CIA als
Anti-Terrorzentrale genutzt worden war?
Bülow formuliert in seinem Buch vorsichtig: "Vorwissen oder gar
Täterschaft der amerikanischen Regierung bleiben in der Katastrophe des
11. September 2001 problematisch."
Eindeutig ist jedoch, wie der angeblich ahnungslose Georg W. Bush die
Ereignisse nutzte, um eine schon vorab formulierte Politik eines "Neuen
Amerikanischen Jahrhunderts" im Zuge des Kampfes gegen den
internationalen Terror durchsetzen zu können.
Andreas von Bülow hat mit großem Detailwissen sämtliche Ungereimtheiten
um den 11. September zusammengetragen. Es wirkt höchst alarmierend, wie
sehr der amerikanische Regierungsapparat über all die Einseitigkeiten
der Ermittlung hinweggeht und die amerikanische Öffentlichkeit sich
dies gefallen lässt. Ein intensiv recherchiertes Buch, das jede Menge
Fragen offen lässt.
Die CIA und der 11. September
Andreas von Bülow
13,00 €
3492045456
Piper Verlag
---
ULTERIORE DOCUMENTAZIONE CON IL MOTORE DI RICERCA GOOGLE DIGITANDO:
"Andreas von Bülow September"
UNA INTERVISTA IN LINGUA ITALIANA A VON BÜLOW:
http://www.pasti.org/vonbulow2.htm
11 settembre: I conti non tornano
L’intervista ad Andreas Von Bülow, ex ministro della Ricerca e della
tecnologia della RFT, è stata publicata dal giornale tedesco
Tagesspiegel del 13 gennaio 2002
=== 3 ===
Da: "globalreseach.ca"
Data: Mer 27 Ago 2003 17:25:54 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: September 11
WAR AND GLOBALISATION
THE TRUTH BEHIND SEPTEMBER 11
by Michel Chossudovsky
Global Outlook(TM) and the Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG),
Shanty Bay, Ont. 2002, ISBN 0-9731109-0-2 2.
To Order online: http://globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/truth911.html
US and Canada orders (toll free) by phone: 1-888-713-8500.
Overseas telephone orders: 1-705-720-6500
In this timely study, Michel Chossudovsky blows away the smokescreen,
put up by the mainstream media, that 9-11 was an "intelligence
failure". Through meticulous research, the author uncovers a
military-intelligence ploy behind the September 11 attacks, and the
coverup and complicity of key members of the Bush Administration.
According to Chossudovsky, the so-called "war on terrorism" is a
complete fabrication based on the illusion that one man, Osama bin
Laden, outwitted the $30 billion-a-year American intelligence apparatus.
The "war on terrorism" is a war of conquest. Globalisation is the final
march to the "New World Order", dominated by Wall Street and the U.S.
military-industrial complex.
September 11, 2001 was the moment the Bush Administration had been
waiting for, the so-called "useful crisis" which provided a pretext for
waging a war without borders.
The hidden agenda consists in extending the frontiers of the American
Empire right around the world to facilitate complete U.S. corporate
control outside the U.S. and a police state on the inside.
Chossudovsky peels back the layers of rhetoric to reveal a huge hoax —
a complex web of deceit aimed at tricking the American people and the
rest of the world into accepting a military solution which threatens
the future of humanity.
Michel Chossudovsky is the author of the international best-seller "The
Globalisation of Poverty " published in eleven languages. He is
Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and Director of the
Centre for Research on Globalisation which hosts the critically
acclaimed website: www.globalresearch.ca
To Order online: http://globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/truth911.html
US and Canada orders (toll free) by phone: 1-888-713-8500.
Overseas telephone orders: 1-705-720-6500
http://www.analisidifesa.it/articolo.shtm/id/3058/ver/IT
Analisi Difesa - n.36.9.1 - luglio/agosto 2003
INDISCRETO
LE INFO-OPS
di Luca Andreani
La guerra che si è recentemente combattuta nel deserto iracheno ha
portato alla ribalta uno strumento a disposizione dei comandanti che,
opportunamente impiegato, può essere devastante come il fuoco di una
intera brigata corazzata e al tempo stesso efficace come le armi che la
tecnologia rende sempre più precise e “quasi intelligenti”: le INFOOPS.
Innanzi tutto vediamo di capire cosa si intende con questo termine,
che intuitivamente possiamo correlare con l’intelligence o con i media.
In realtà le Infoops non sono una componente di nessuna di queste due
branche; ma loro strette parenti e da entrambe traggono elementi
importanti per la loro pianificazione e attuazione in operazioni di
tipo militare.
Volendo in qualche modo esplicitare ciò che si nasconde dietro questo
concetto operativo, si può dire che esse rappresentano l’insieme di
quelle azioni che si prefiggono di controllare o addirittura
influenzare le reazioni dell'opinione pubblica e del nemico attraverso
la gestione della comunicazione.Per comprendere a fondo questa
definizione è fondamentale percepire tutte le sfaccettature e le
applicazioni che può assumere il concetto di comunicazione nelle
operazioni militari moderne. Il punto di partenza per questo processo
di comprensione deve essere la considerazione che, negli attuali teatri
operativi, le notizie e gli avvenimenti possono giungere agli
ascoltatori, ai lettori e al nemico stesso, in tempo reale.Come
conseguenza di questo indiscutibile dato di fatto si può pertanto
facilmente dedurre che, chiunque oggi è messo nelle condizioni di avere
un’idea di ciò che sta succedendo. Diventa dunque fondamentale la
percezione dell'avvenimento e la conseguente reazione emotiva, che
spesso è alla base dei comportamenti umani. Lo scopo principale delle
Infoops è proprio quello di trasmettere messaggi che possano orientare
gli atteggiamenti e le reazioni nella direzione voluta e più favorevole.
Al fine di ottenere il risultato sopra indicato le Infoops coordinano
ed impiegano vari “strumenti”, tra cui i principali possono essere
considerati:
- le operazioni psicologiche
- la guerra elettronica
- i media
- la cooperazione tra civili e militari.
Come abbiamo potuto vedere anche in questi giorni, le fonti di
comunicazione presenti in un’ area d’operazioni sono numerosissime,
dando origine ad un considerevole flusso di messaggi che generano le
reazioni più disparate. Tale situazione rende assolutamente necessario
che ogni azione compiuta od ordine dato tenga conto delle ripercussioni
emotive che possono determinarsi nella mente di chi ne viene a
conoscenza, pertanto diventano vitali i modi e i termini con cui ogni
singolo fatto, anche quello apparentemente più insignificante, viene
riportato.
Il gran numero di civili in mezzo ai soldati, siano essi giornalisti,
rappresentanti di organizzazioni non governative oppure indigeni
coinvolti loro malgrado, rende necessaria una loro gestione che, da un
lato ne eviti l’interferenza nelle operazioni, e dall’altro addirittura
ne faciliti l'attuazione.Quest’aspetto rappresenta la componente
offensiva delle Infoops, ossia la capacità di individuare i mezzi ed
gli argomenti che permettono di indirizzare il comportamento e
l’opinione dei civili o dei soldati nemici a proprio favore. Lo scopo
ultimo di queste azioni è quello di creare una forte corrente di
pensiero che supporti i propri obiettivi in modo tale da condizionare
le azioni e le scelte delle opposte leadership militari e politiche. I
mezzi per ottenere questo risultato sono di vario genere e abbracciano
un’ampia gamma di azioni che possono essere non letali (operazioni
psicologiche, attività di guerra elettronica) o letali (azioni di
sabotaggio o di distruzione ).
Come logica conseguenza dell’esistenza delle Infoops offensive si può
parlare anche delle Infoops difensive, che si differenziano dalle prime
in quanto focalizzano le proprie azioni sulle truppe amiche. Esse
perseguono principalmente due scopi:
- protezione dell’informazione amica e conseguente mantenimento della
superiorità nella comunicazione
- cura del morale delle proprie truppe .
Le due tipologie di operazioni vanno condotte simultaneamente ed hanno
la stessa valenza nell’ambito dell’economia di un’operazione militare.
Affrontando il tema dal punto di vista normativo, esiste ancora molto
poco in merito alle Infoops e solamente americani e inglesi stanno
cercando di sviluppare una dottrina, ponendosi come modello di
riferimento per chiunque intenda dotarsi di questo strumento.La sua
adozione certamente necessita di un considerevole cambio di mentalità
nell’approccio alle problematiche relative alla conduzione delle
operazioni militari, approccio che non è facile trovare in eserciti che
hanno da sempre concepito la loro esistenza ed il loro impiego
nell’ottica del “pugnale in mezzo ai denti e bomba a mano”. Grande e
diffuso è lo scetticismo circa l’efficacia di azioni che si prefiggono
di raggiungere obiettivi militari, principalmente attraverso la forza
delle parole piuttosto che delle armi.
Questo però è il futuro che attende le Forze Armate, e soprattutto gli
eserciti per poter essere considerati strumenti di amplificazione dei
messaggi che qualunque società civile oggi vuole trasmettere. Il
messaggio che oggi deve essere raccolto può riassumersi nella seguente
frase: “le armi possono essere uno strumento il cui uso è accettabile,
ma bisogna impiegarle solo quando sono rimaste l’ultima risorsa
possibile e per il tempo strettamente necessario”. Nelle guerre di
oggi la vittoria può essere ottenuta solo attraverso la sinergia che
scaturisce dall’unione della potenza dei carri armati e di quegli
strumenti meno letali ma altrettanto efficaci che basano la propria
forza sui complessi meccanismi della comunicazione.In questo periodo
storico - definito come “l’era della comunicazione” - le Infoops sono
probabilmente destinate a diventare uno dei principali strumenti ai
quali fare ricorso per la pianificazione e la conduzione una qualunque
operazione militare.
Analisi Difesa - n.36.9.1 - luglio/agosto 2003
INDISCRETO
LE INFO-OPS
di Luca Andreani
La guerra che si è recentemente combattuta nel deserto iracheno ha
portato alla ribalta uno strumento a disposizione dei comandanti che,
opportunamente impiegato, può essere devastante come il fuoco di una
intera brigata corazzata e al tempo stesso efficace come le armi che la
tecnologia rende sempre più precise e “quasi intelligenti”: le INFOOPS.
Innanzi tutto vediamo di capire cosa si intende con questo termine,
che intuitivamente possiamo correlare con l’intelligence o con i media.
In realtà le Infoops non sono una componente di nessuna di queste due
branche; ma loro strette parenti e da entrambe traggono elementi
importanti per la loro pianificazione e attuazione in operazioni di
tipo militare.
Volendo in qualche modo esplicitare ciò che si nasconde dietro questo
concetto operativo, si può dire che esse rappresentano l’insieme di
quelle azioni che si prefiggono di controllare o addirittura
influenzare le reazioni dell'opinione pubblica e del nemico attraverso
la gestione della comunicazione.Per comprendere a fondo questa
definizione è fondamentale percepire tutte le sfaccettature e le
applicazioni che può assumere il concetto di comunicazione nelle
operazioni militari moderne. Il punto di partenza per questo processo
di comprensione deve essere la considerazione che, negli attuali teatri
operativi, le notizie e gli avvenimenti possono giungere agli
ascoltatori, ai lettori e al nemico stesso, in tempo reale.Come
conseguenza di questo indiscutibile dato di fatto si può pertanto
facilmente dedurre che, chiunque oggi è messo nelle condizioni di avere
un’idea di ciò che sta succedendo. Diventa dunque fondamentale la
percezione dell'avvenimento e la conseguente reazione emotiva, che
spesso è alla base dei comportamenti umani. Lo scopo principale delle
Infoops è proprio quello di trasmettere messaggi che possano orientare
gli atteggiamenti e le reazioni nella direzione voluta e più favorevole.
Al fine di ottenere il risultato sopra indicato le Infoops coordinano
ed impiegano vari “strumenti”, tra cui i principali possono essere
considerati:
- le operazioni psicologiche
- la guerra elettronica
- i media
- la cooperazione tra civili e militari.
Come abbiamo potuto vedere anche in questi giorni, le fonti di
comunicazione presenti in un’ area d’operazioni sono numerosissime,
dando origine ad un considerevole flusso di messaggi che generano le
reazioni più disparate. Tale situazione rende assolutamente necessario
che ogni azione compiuta od ordine dato tenga conto delle ripercussioni
emotive che possono determinarsi nella mente di chi ne viene a
conoscenza, pertanto diventano vitali i modi e i termini con cui ogni
singolo fatto, anche quello apparentemente più insignificante, viene
riportato.
Il gran numero di civili in mezzo ai soldati, siano essi giornalisti,
rappresentanti di organizzazioni non governative oppure indigeni
coinvolti loro malgrado, rende necessaria una loro gestione che, da un
lato ne eviti l’interferenza nelle operazioni, e dall’altro addirittura
ne faciliti l'attuazione.Quest’aspetto rappresenta la componente
offensiva delle Infoops, ossia la capacità di individuare i mezzi ed
gli argomenti che permettono di indirizzare il comportamento e
l’opinione dei civili o dei soldati nemici a proprio favore. Lo scopo
ultimo di queste azioni è quello di creare una forte corrente di
pensiero che supporti i propri obiettivi in modo tale da condizionare
le azioni e le scelte delle opposte leadership militari e politiche. I
mezzi per ottenere questo risultato sono di vario genere e abbracciano
un’ampia gamma di azioni che possono essere non letali (operazioni
psicologiche, attività di guerra elettronica) o letali (azioni di
sabotaggio o di distruzione ).
Come logica conseguenza dell’esistenza delle Infoops offensive si può
parlare anche delle Infoops difensive, che si differenziano dalle prime
in quanto focalizzano le proprie azioni sulle truppe amiche. Esse
perseguono principalmente due scopi:
- protezione dell’informazione amica e conseguente mantenimento della
superiorità nella comunicazione
- cura del morale delle proprie truppe .
Le due tipologie di operazioni vanno condotte simultaneamente ed hanno
la stessa valenza nell’ambito dell’economia di un’operazione militare.
Affrontando il tema dal punto di vista normativo, esiste ancora molto
poco in merito alle Infoops e solamente americani e inglesi stanno
cercando di sviluppare una dottrina, ponendosi come modello di
riferimento per chiunque intenda dotarsi di questo strumento.La sua
adozione certamente necessita di un considerevole cambio di mentalità
nell’approccio alle problematiche relative alla conduzione delle
operazioni militari, approccio che non è facile trovare in eserciti che
hanno da sempre concepito la loro esistenza ed il loro impiego
nell’ottica del “pugnale in mezzo ai denti e bomba a mano”. Grande e
diffuso è lo scetticismo circa l’efficacia di azioni che si prefiggono
di raggiungere obiettivi militari, principalmente attraverso la forza
delle parole piuttosto che delle armi.
Questo però è il futuro che attende le Forze Armate, e soprattutto gli
eserciti per poter essere considerati strumenti di amplificazione dei
messaggi che qualunque società civile oggi vuole trasmettere. Il
messaggio che oggi deve essere raccolto può riassumersi nella seguente
frase: “le armi possono essere uno strumento il cui uso è accettabile,
ma bisogna impiegarle solo quando sono rimaste l’ultima risorsa
possibile e per il tempo strettamente necessario”. Nelle guerre di
oggi la vittoria può essere ottenuta solo attraverso la sinergia che
scaturisce dall’unione della potenza dei carri armati e di quegli
strumenti meno letali ma altrettanto efficaci che basano la propria
forza sui complessi meccanismi della comunicazione.In questo periodo
storico - definito come “l’era della comunicazione” - le Infoops sono
probabilmente destinate a diventare uno dei principali strumenti ai
quali fare ricorso per la pianificazione e la conduzione una qualunque
operazione militare.
[ NOTE: Among the important books which are lacking in the following
list, we wish to mention the very good ones edited by the
International Action Center (http://www.iacenter.org), above all the
most recent
“Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of Yugoslavia“ (International Action
Center, 2002, ISBN 0-9656916-7-5) ]
---
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m073103.html
ANTIWAR, Thursday, July 31, 2003
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
The Worthy Balkans Booklist
Recommended Reading for Anti-Imperialists
by Nebojsa Malic
It would be deeply unfair to offer only a list of dreadful books
[http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m071003.html] about the Balkans Wars and
not mention the other kind - the books that help the overall
understanding of the region and the turmoil it has been undergoing for
the past decade or so. Unfortunately, but not surprisingly, the number
of good books about the region is fairly low. Even so, it is entirely
likely that some good works out there might be overlooked by the list
below.*
One must keep in mind another fact. None of these books gives the full
picture of the crisis. Some try, some succeed better than others, but
the story of Yugoslavia in the 1990s is so complex, it is nearly
impossible to tell in one volume. There is no "Yugoslav Crisis for
Dummies" or "Idiot's Guide to Balkans Wars" on this list. To find them,
you will have to go elsewhere
[http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m071003.html].
So without further ado, the books.
Testimonies
In producing their works, historians often rely on "primary sources"
accounts of people who have actually witnessed, or participated in the
event in question. As a side note, despite being treated as such,
journalists often should not be considered primary sources. Too many
have deliberately
misinterpreted [http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m022102.html] the facts
that their lies reverberate through media coverage even today.
On the other hand, though in some part necessarily self-serving,
memoirs of officials and dignitaries who were actually on the ground
making the news - as opposed to inventing it - are the real primary
sources of intrinsic value.
Take for example, Peacekeeper: The Road to Sarajevo
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/155054098X/
antiwarbookstore/], by the man fully deserving of the title. Canadian
Major-General Lewis McKenzie was not only the first UN commander in
Sarajevo, but a veteran of almost all UN peacekeeping missions. Half
the book is the account of those missions, and is interesting in its
own right. However, the part that focuses on Bosnia in 1992 is truly
captivating.
In Peacekeeper, McKenzie described what would later become a pattern
for every UN commander in Bosnia. Though both Serbs and Muslims greeted
him cordially at first, the latter quickly turned on him when he
refused to take their side. McKenzie even pointed out some Muslim
abuses, earning the
undying hatred of the Sarajevo regime. They've pilloried him as
"pro-Serb" and even concocted a vicious rumor about his involvement
with "Serb rape camps."
Peacekeeper is a poignant chronicle of events in Sarajevo during the
fateful summer of 1992, a must-read.
Balkan Odyssey
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0156005212/
antiwarbookstore/], by Lord David Owen, is an important bit of
diplomatic history. The frustrated British negotiator recounts in this
memoir how he vainly tried to mediate between the warring factions in
Bosnia while both
the western media and the American government did their best to make
him fail.
A little-known but brilliant book is Philip Corwin's Dubious Mandate
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0822321262/antiwarbookstore/],
a superb, first-hand account of how the Empire subverted and abused the
UN force in Bosnia, using the peacekeeping mission as subterfuge for
intervention. However, it is best to be somewhat familiar with the
situation in the 1995 Bosnia before reading this book.
Perhaps the most important testimony, though, is Richard Holbrooke's To
End A War
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0375753605/
antiwarbookstore/]. Surprised? Don't be. While Holbrooke's memoir
should definitely not
be taken at face value - especially when it comes to his misconceptions
about the Balkans peoples - his arrogant honesty paints a forthright
picture of Imperial intervention, its motives and methods. Many of the
things Holbrooke says without thinking his colleagues would fear to
even contemplate, let alone speak out loud. If for that alone, this
book is a treasure - though at times it may induce vomiting. (see
review [http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m052903.html])
Histories
Bridging the divide between testimonies and histories is Misha Glenny's
The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0140257713/antiwarbookstore/].
Glenny was frequently in Croatia
and Bosnia between 1991 and 1995, so his work is somewhat a personal
account - but he also attempts to paint a picture of events as they
unfolded, based on media reports and occasional interviews. Though
Glenny gets the timeline
straight, his emotional style - no doubt influenced by the British
style of narrative - often get in the way of scholarship. This book,
while useful, should be taken with a chunk of salt (see review
[http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m011101.html]).
For a history of Kosovo and to some extent Serbia in general, one
should try to find Alex Dragnich and Slavko Todorovich's The Saga of
Kosovo
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0317184520/
antiwarbookstore/], printed in 1984 by Columbia University Press (and
adapted online
[http://www.kosovo.com/sk/history/kosovo_saga/default.htm]).
Robert Hayden's Blueprint for a House Divided
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0472087568/
antiwarbookstore/] fills an important niche, trying to explain
Yugoslavia's collapse from the standpoint of constitutional
nationalism. It is in fact aptly subtitled "The Constitutional Logic of
the Yugoslav Conflicts". (More info:
http://www.press.umich.edu/titles/11066.html). Too many
analyses of Yugoslavia's demise ignore the crucial role of
constitutional conundrums that encouraged ethno-statism, especially
from 1974 onwards.
Thomas Fleming's Montenegro: The Divided Land
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0961936495/antiwarbookstore/]
is the very example of what a short history should be: concise yet
incredibly informative, offering a sea
of relevant facts and analyzing historical patterns. This is simply the
best history of Montenegro currently available. Its importance cannot
be overstated, since the current regime in Podgorica has been
falsifying history wholesale in order to justify its separatist
tendencies.
Analysis And Media
It is obvious to anyone even remotely acquainted with the Balkans that
media impact on the Yugoslav crisis cannot possibly be underestimated.
Though a comprehensive analysis of media manipulations has not yet seen
the light of
day - and since the machinations continue, that day may still be far
off - good critical analyses of lies employed in the Kosovo war can be
found in Phil Hammond's Degraded Capability
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/074531631X/
antiwarbookstore/] and Philip Knightley's The First Casualty
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/080186951X/
antiwarbookstore/] (reviewed here:
http://evatt.labor.net.au/news/201.html).
Michael Parenti's To Kill A Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/1859843662/
antiwarbookstore/] analyzes Yugoslavia's violent dissolution from the
beginning. Though its economic preconceptions may be disputable,
Parenti's incisive work contributes a great deal to understanding the
clear pattern of dismemberment that emerges from consecutive Imperial
interventions. (see review
[http://www.swans.com/library/art7/ga104.html])
In the same league is Diana Johnstone's Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia,
NATO and Western Delusions
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/158367084X/antiwarbookstore/]
(see reviews here http://swans.com/library/art9/lproy04.html, here
http://swans.com/library/art9/herman10.html and here
http://swans.com/library/art9/ga156.html). Johnstone not only analyzes
the Imperial interventions, she also addresses the leftist warmongers
who spearheaded them, a frequently ignored subject. Read intro
here: http://swans.com/library/art9/dianaj01.html.
Honorable Mentions
Scott Taylor's Inat: Images of Serbia and the Kosovo Conflict
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/189589610X/antiwarbookstore/]
and Diary of an Uncivil War
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1895896207/antiwarbookstore/]
(read excerpt: http://www.antiwar.com/orig/taylor2.html) are a
refreshing break from the mainstream-peddled nonsense about the wars in
Kosovo and Macedonia is, though some people might be put off by the
magazine-style prose. Taylor has long followed the Canadian military,
and seems to have a keen sense for recognizing baloney when he hears it.
Anthony Lloyd's My War Gone By, I Miss It So
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0140298541/
antiwarbookstore/] may not seem like worthy reading at first. A
confessed English drug-user with family issues, Lloyd sought out danger
in Bosnia and Chechnya, posing as a journalist but really just spending
time with the locals. His picture of war is gritty and realistic. His
experiences with Muslims and Croats - he hated Serbs - offer invaluable
glimpses into the collective hysteria that was Bosnia at war. Not for
the queasy, but definitely worth reading.
Coda
This list is by no means definitive, or final. New works are becoming
available every day, and some of them may not be rubbish. Suggestions
for book reviews are very much welcome [mailto:backtalk@...],
of course. Perhaps some day, the quality of reason will manage to
overwhelm the quantity of lies peddled in its stead. Here's to hope
that it does.
list, we wish to mention the very good ones edited by the
International Action Center (http://www.iacenter.org), above all the
most recent
“Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of Yugoslavia“ (International Action
Center, 2002, ISBN 0-9656916-7-5) ]
---
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m073103.html
ANTIWAR, Thursday, July 31, 2003
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
The Worthy Balkans Booklist
Recommended Reading for Anti-Imperialists
by Nebojsa Malic
It would be deeply unfair to offer only a list of dreadful books
[http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m071003.html] about the Balkans Wars and
not mention the other kind - the books that help the overall
understanding of the region and the turmoil it has been undergoing for
the past decade or so. Unfortunately, but not surprisingly, the number
of good books about the region is fairly low. Even so, it is entirely
likely that some good works out there might be overlooked by the list
below.*
One must keep in mind another fact. None of these books gives the full
picture of the crisis. Some try, some succeed better than others, but
the story of Yugoslavia in the 1990s is so complex, it is nearly
impossible to tell in one volume. There is no "Yugoslav Crisis for
Dummies" or "Idiot's Guide to Balkans Wars" on this list. To find them,
you will have to go elsewhere
[http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m071003.html].
So without further ado, the books.
Testimonies
In producing their works, historians often rely on "primary sources"
accounts of people who have actually witnessed, or participated in the
event in question. As a side note, despite being treated as such,
journalists often should not be considered primary sources. Too many
have deliberately
misinterpreted [http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m022102.html] the facts
that their lies reverberate through media coverage even today.
On the other hand, though in some part necessarily self-serving,
memoirs of officials and dignitaries who were actually on the ground
making the news - as opposed to inventing it - are the real primary
sources of intrinsic value.
Take for example, Peacekeeper: The Road to Sarajevo
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/155054098X/
antiwarbookstore/], by the man fully deserving of the title. Canadian
Major-General Lewis McKenzie was not only the first UN commander in
Sarajevo, but a veteran of almost all UN peacekeeping missions. Half
the book is the account of those missions, and is interesting in its
own right. However, the part that focuses on Bosnia in 1992 is truly
captivating.
In Peacekeeper, McKenzie described what would later become a pattern
for every UN commander in Bosnia. Though both Serbs and Muslims greeted
him cordially at first, the latter quickly turned on him when he
refused to take their side. McKenzie even pointed out some Muslim
abuses, earning the
undying hatred of the Sarajevo regime. They've pilloried him as
"pro-Serb" and even concocted a vicious rumor about his involvement
with "Serb rape camps."
Peacekeeper is a poignant chronicle of events in Sarajevo during the
fateful summer of 1992, a must-read.
Balkan Odyssey
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0156005212/
antiwarbookstore/], by Lord David Owen, is an important bit of
diplomatic history. The frustrated British negotiator recounts in this
memoir how he vainly tried to mediate between the warring factions in
Bosnia while both
the western media and the American government did their best to make
him fail.
A little-known but brilliant book is Philip Corwin's Dubious Mandate
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0822321262/antiwarbookstore/],
a superb, first-hand account of how the Empire subverted and abused the
UN force in Bosnia, using the peacekeeping mission as subterfuge for
intervention. However, it is best to be somewhat familiar with the
situation in the 1995 Bosnia before reading this book.
Perhaps the most important testimony, though, is Richard Holbrooke's To
End A War
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0375753605/
antiwarbookstore/]. Surprised? Don't be. While Holbrooke's memoir
should definitely not
be taken at face value - especially when it comes to his misconceptions
about the Balkans peoples - his arrogant honesty paints a forthright
picture of Imperial intervention, its motives and methods. Many of the
things Holbrooke says without thinking his colleagues would fear to
even contemplate, let alone speak out loud. If for that alone, this
book is a treasure - though at times it may induce vomiting. (see
review [http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m052903.html])
Histories
Bridging the divide between testimonies and histories is Misha Glenny's
The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0140257713/antiwarbookstore/].
Glenny was frequently in Croatia
and Bosnia between 1991 and 1995, so his work is somewhat a personal
account - but he also attempts to paint a picture of events as they
unfolded, based on media reports and occasional interviews. Though
Glenny gets the timeline
straight, his emotional style - no doubt influenced by the British
style of narrative - often get in the way of scholarship. This book,
while useful, should be taken with a chunk of salt (see review
[http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m011101.html]).
For a history of Kosovo and to some extent Serbia in general, one
should try to find Alex Dragnich and Slavko Todorovich's The Saga of
Kosovo
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0317184520/
antiwarbookstore/], printed in 1984 by Columbia University Press (and
adapted online
[http://www.kosovo.com/sk/history/kosovo_saga/default.htm]).
Robert Hayden's Blueprint for a House Divided
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0472087568/
antiwarbookstore/] fills an important niche, trying to explain
Yugoslavia's collapse from the standpoint of constitutional
nationalism. It is in fact aptly subtitled "The Constitutional Logic of
the Yugoslav Conflicts". (More info:
http://www.press.umich.edu/titles/11066.html). Too many
analyses of Yugoslavia's demise ignore the crucial role of
constitutional conundrums that encouraged ethno-statism, especially
from 1974 onwards.
Thomas Fleming's Montenegro: The Divided Land
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0961936495/antiwarbookstore/]
is the very example of what a short history should be: concise yet
incredibly informative, offering a sea
of relevant facts and analyzing historical patterns. This is simply the
best history of Montenegro currently available. Its importance cannot
be overstated, since the current regime in Podgorica has been
falsifying history wholesale in order to justify its separatist
tendencies.
Analysis And Media
It is obvious to anyone even remotely acquainted with the Balkans that
media impact on the Yugoslav crisis cannot possibly be underestimated.
Though a comprehensive analysis of media manipulations has not yet seen
the light of
day - and since the machinations continue, that day may still be far
off - good critical analyses of lies employed in the Kosovo war can be
found in Phil Hammond's Degraded Capability
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/074531631X/
antiwarbookstore/] and Philip Knightley's The First Casualty
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/080186951X/
antiwarbookstore/] (reviewed here:
http://evatt.labor.net.au/news/201.html).
Michael Parenti's To Kill A Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/1859843662/
antiwarbookstore/] analyzes Yugoslavia's violent dissolution from the
beginning. Though its economic preconceptions may be disputable,
Parenti's incisive work contributes a great deal to understanding the
clear pattern of dismemberment that emerges from consecutive Imperial
interventions. (see review
[http://www.swans.com/library/art7/ga104.html])
In the same league is Diana Johnstone's Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia,
NATO and Western Delusions
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/158367084X/antiwarbookstore/]
(see reviews here http://swans.com/library/art9/lproy04.html, here
http://swans.com/library/art9/herman10.html and here
http://swans.com/library/art9/ga156.html). Johnstone not only analyzes
the Imperial interventions, she also addresses the leftist warmongers
who spearheaded them, a frequently ignored subject. Read intro
here: http://swans.com/library/art9/dianaj01.html.
Honorable Mentions
Scott Taylor's Inat: Images of Serbia and the Kosovo Conflict
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/189589610X/antiwarbookstore/]
and Diary of an Uncivil War
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1895896207/antiwarbookstore/]
(read excerpt: http://www.antiwar.com/orig/taylor2.html) are a
refreshing break from the mainstream-peddled nonsense about the wars in
Kosovo and Macedonia is, though some people might be put off by the
magazine-style prose. Taylor has long followed the Canadian military,
and seems to have a keen sense for recognizing baloney when he hears it.
Anthony Lloyd's My War Gone By, I Miss It So
[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0140298541/
antiwarbookstore/] may not seem like worthy reading at first. A
confessed English drug-user with family issues, Lloyd sought out danger
in Bosnia and Chechnya, posing as a journalist but really just spending
time with the locals. His picture of war is gritty and realistic. His
experiences with Muslims and Croats - he hated Serbs - offer invaluable
glimpses into the collective hysteria that was Bosnia at war. Not for
the queasy, but definitely worth reading.
Coda
This list is by no means definitive, or final. New works are becoming
available every day, and some of them may not be rubbish. Suggestions
for book reviews are very much welcome [mailto:backtalk@...],
of course. Perhaps some day, the quality of reason will manage to
overwhelm the quantity of lies peddled in its stead. Here's to hope
that it does.
[Nota: chi potesse tradurre questo testo in italiano e' pregato di
contattarci con sollecitudine. CNJ]
http://www.juergen-elsaesser.de/
Srebrenica und Karthago
Sommer 1995. Deutschlands meldet sich als kriegsführende Macht auf der
Bühne der Weltpolitik zurück.
Die Ärchaologen einer künftigen Zivilisation werden einmal im Schutt
unserer Städte wühlen, in den Katakomben unter der Reichshauptstadt, im
Kanzlerbunker, und sie werden über den Fragen brüten, die sich unsere
Historiker über Karthago stellten: Warum ist dieses Reich verschwunden?
Warum sind seine Bürger, als ihr Land noch bewohnbar nach dem zweiten
war, in den dritten Krieg marschiert?
Die eine Denkschule des post-karthagenischen Zeitalters wird auf den
Untergang der Bonner Republik im Zuge der Wiedervereinigen verweisen.
Ab diesem Zeitpunkt sei die genügsame Außenpolitik einem neuen
imperialen Machtanspruch gewichen, wie sich etwa an den
"Verteidigungspolitischen Richtlinien" aus dem Jahre 38 v.n.W. (vor dem
nuklearen Winter) ablesen lasse. Andere werden dagegenhalten, dass doch
zu diesem Zeitpunkt die republikanische Machtbalance noch intakt
gewesen sei - den Legionären auf der Hardthöhe habe immer noch ein
kräftiger sozial-ökologischer Widerpart Paroli geboten. Einer von
dessen Sprechern, ein gewisser Joseph (oder Joschka - die Quellen
differieren) Fischer sei sogar 32 v.n.W. deutscher Außenminister und
Vizekanzler geworden.
Ein sensationeller Fund halbgeschmolzener Computerfestplatten in der
atomar verseuchten Sperrzone rund um den Bendlerblock barg des Rätsels
Lösung: Parlamentsprotokolle, Zeitungsausschnitte, Fernsehmitschnitte
aus dem Jahr 35 v.n.W. - in der damaligen Zeitrechnung 1995 n.Chr.. In
diesem Jahr brach der Widerstand der moderaten Kräfte gegen den
Bellizismus zusammen, oder genauer gesagt: die vormaligen Opponenten
wechselten die Seite. Es war der letzte Sommer der alten Republik.
Eine Zeitreise
Bis zum Juni 1995 galt in der deutschen Politik das vom damaligen
Bundeskanzler Kohl verkündete Axiom: Niemals Bundeswehrsoldaten in
Gebieten einzusetzen, die einst die Wehrmacht okkupiert hatte.
Vorstößen aus der Union und aus dem konservativen Medienkartell, dieses
Axiom aufzuweichen und deutsche Soldaten zum dritten Mal in jenem
Jahrhundert gegen Serbien in Marsch zu schicken, standen ebenso starke
Widerstände der rot-grünen Opposition entgegen. So versuchte etwa die
SPD, der Beteiligung der Luftwaffe an den Nato-Überwachungsflügen in
Bosnien durch Klagen vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht einen Riegel
vorzuschieben, und die Bündnisgrünen unterstrichen ihr kategorisches
Nein zu allen Out-of-area-Einsätzen - auch Blauhelmmissionen! -
bisweilen sogar durch außerparlamentarischen Protest.
Der 30. Juni 1995 markiert das Ende des Kohl-Axioms, der Bundestag
gab grünes Licht für den ersten Kriegseinsatz der Bundeswehr. Zur
Unterstützung einer britisch-französischen Bosnien-Eingreiftruppe
wurden die Luftwaffe und Sanitätszüge bereitgestellt. Jörg Schönbohm,
Staatssekretär im Bundesverteidigungsministerium, betonte, "daß es
diesmal nicht um eine humanitäre Operation wie in Somalia oder
Kambodscha" gehe. "Sondern jetzt werden deutsche Soldaten außerhalb des
NATO-Verteidigungsgebietes eingesetzt, mit der Möglichkeit, kämpfen zu
müssen."
Doch die Abwehrfront von SPD und Grünen stand, abgesehen von einigen
Abweichlern, noch immer. Fischer etwa bezeichnete den
Bundestagsentscheid als "historische Zäsur" und als "Debakel, für das
noch viele politisch und manche vielleicht auch mit ihrem Leben
bezahlen müssen". Bereits zuvor hatte er erläutert: "Ich bin der festen
Überzeugung, daß deutsche Soldaten dort, wo im Zweiten Weltkrieg die
Hitler-Soldateska gewütet hat, den Konflikt anheizen und nicht
deeskalieren würden (...) All diese Einsätze und die Debatten darum
werden von der Bundesregierung als Türöffner benutzt. Das vereinigte
Deutschland soll in seinen außenpolitischen Optionen voll
handlungsfähig gemacht werden." SPD-Bundesgeschäftsführer Günter
Verheugen kritisierte, daß "die Koalition uns in eine
Prä-Vietnam-Situation gebracht [hat], und wir rutschen immer tiefer in
die Grauzone ... und befinden uns irgendwann, ohne es recht bemerkt zu
haben, im Krieg".
Aber als zwei Monate später die Kohl-Regierung unter Berufung auf den
Bundestagsbeschluß vom 30. Juni grünes Licht zum Angriff gab, war von
der Opposition nichts mehr zu hören. Am 30. August begannen
Nato-Kampfflugzeuge einen vierzehntägigen Bombenkrieg gegen serbische
Stellungen in Bosnien. Tornados der Bundesluftwaffe bombten fleißig
mit. Dies, und nicht der Angriff auf Jugoslawien 1999, war der erste
Kriegseinsatz des westlichen Bündnisses und der Bundeswehr - aber kaum
jemand hat es gemerkt, denn die Öffentlichkeit war durch die Zustimmung
von SPD und Grünen eingelullt. Den Angriffen, bei denen auch Munition
aus abgereichertem Uran eingesetzt wurde, fielen mehrere hundert
Menschen zum Opfer.
Das Einknicken der parlamentarischen Kriegsgegner zwischen 30. Juni
und 30. August wurde durch ein einziges Ereignis ausgelöst: die
Eroberung der ostbosnischen UN-Schutzzone Srebrenica durch die Serben
am 11. Juli. "Seit Srebrenica habe ich meine Position verändert", sagte
Fischer im Rückblick. Auf dem grünen Parteitag im Dezember 1995
erhielten Anträge, die sich in unterschiedlicher Radikalität für
deutschen Interventionismus gegen die "marodierende Soldateska" (Ludger
Volmer) der Serben aussprachen, erstmals mehr Stimmen als die der
Interventionsgegner und Pazifisten.
Spurensuche
In den Tagen nach dem 11. Juli 1995 habe sich "Europas schlimmstes
Kriegsverbrechen seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg" ereignet, resümierte der
"Spiegel". Die bosnischen Serben hätten 7 000 Muslime ermordet - so die
bis heute in westlichen Medien gängige Standardzahl.
7 000 Ermordete? Das Internationale Rote Kreuzes IKRK) hat bis zum
Sommer 2001 insgesamt 7.475 aus Srebrenica Verschwundene registriert.
Wieviele von diesen Verschwundenen tot sind, ist nicht geklärt. Auch
für die wichtigsten westlichen Untersuchungsberichte wurden zu dieser
Frage leider keine eigenen Nachforschungen vorgenommen. Das trifft
sowohl auf die 1200 Seiten starke Studie einer Kommission des
französischen Parlaments (vorgelegt im November 2001) als auch auf den
3500 Seiten starken Report des niederländischen Armeeinstituts NIOD
(vorgelegt im April 2002) zu. Zum niederländischen Bericht stellt das
Wochenmagazin "Elsevier" kritisch fest: "Die Schuld der bosnischen
Serben wird nicht geringer, wenn keine siebentausend, sondern zwei-
oder dreitausend Muslime abgeschlachtet wurden. Aber eine
genauestmögliche Feststellung der Anzahl der Todesopfer ist von
Bedeutung, wenn es um die Wahrheitsfindung geht. Und genau hier wird
die Untersuchung ... den Anforderungen nicht gerecht."
Die Zahl "zwei- bis dreitausend" kann als wahrscheinlich gelten, da
sie von den Ergebnissen der Leichensuche gestützt wird. Das UN-Tribunal
in Den Haag, das die entsprechenden Grabungsarbeiten in und um
Srebrenica koordiniert, gab im August 2001 die Gesamtzahl der
gefundenen Leichen mit "mindestens 2.028" an. Diese seien aus 21
Massengräbern geborgen worden, 18 weitere seien noch nicht untersucht.
Strittig ist, wie viele dieser Toten "abgeschlachtet" wurden. Die
Richter in Den Haag stellten dazu im Verfahren gegen den
bosnisch-serbischen Armeegeneral Radislav Krstic fest: "Der Gerichtshof
kann die Möglichkeit nicht ausschließen, daß ein Prozentsatz der in den
Gräbern gefundenen Leichen Männer sein könnten, die im Kampf getötet
wurden." Der Haager Chefermittler Jean-René Ruez geht davon aus, daß
alle 2628 Toten der 28. moslemischen Division bei den Gefechten
zwischen Srebrenica und Tuzla "im Kampf umgekommen" sind (Interview im
Buch von Julija Bogoeva / Caroline Fetscher, Srebrenica - Ein Prozeß).
Selbst wenn man vom death toll von 7000 angeblich "Abgeschlachteten"
die Verschwundenen, die noch am Leben sind, und die Opfer militärischer
Auseinandersetzungen abzieht, bleibt Srebrenica ein schreckliches
Massaker an Wehrlosen. Schätzungsweise 1500 Muslime dürften außerhalb
jeder Kampfhandlungen exekutiert worden sein. Deren Ermordung war ein
Kriegsverbrechen, für das die serbischen Täter zur Verantwortung
gezogen werden müssen. So gerechtfertigt das weltweite Entsetzen über
die Greuel war, so propagandistisch aber auch der Versuch der NATO, sie
als singulär darzustellen.
Zum Vergleich: Wenige Wochen nach Srebrenica - und noch vor dem
NATO-Eingreifen in Bosnien - eroberte die kroatische Armee die
serbische Krajina. 200 000 Menschen wurden vertrieben - mehr als je
zuvor in Europa nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Die Belgrader
Menschenrechtsorganisation Veritas hat ermittelt, daß im Zuge der
Offensive etwa 2 000 Zivilisten verschwanden oder ermordet wurden, der
kroatische Helsinki-Ausschuß für Menschenrechte hat 410 Tote namentlich
identifiziert. Hans Koschnick (SPD) aber rühmte die Operation als
"Versuch, eine Rechtsordnung, eine staatliche Einheit
wiederherzustellen".
Die binäre Struktur der westlichen Propaganda - gute Kroaten und
Muslime, böse Serben - war kühl kalkuliert: Nur durch die Darstellung
des gegenseitigen Gemetzels als Aggression nur einer Partei war ein
Kriegseintritt auf der Seite der angeblichen Opfer zu rechtfertigen.
Fischer kritisierte ganz richtig, "wie die Bundesregierung den
Bundestag ... an der humanitären Nase in den Bosnienkrieg führen will."
So sprach er allerdings im Dezember 1994 - sieben Monate vor Srebrenica.
Kasten
Einige offene Fragen zu Srebrenica
UN-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan hat in seinem Bericht vom 15. November
1999 "ein internes Treffen der bosniakisch(-muslimischen) Führung vom
28. und 29. November 1993 erwähnt, auf dem Präsident Izetbegovic
erklärt habe, (... )er habe in Erfahrung gebracht, dass eine
Intervention der NATO in Bosnien-Herzegowina möglich sei, aber nur
stattfinden könne, wenn die Serben gewaltsam in Srebrenica eindrängen
und dort mindestens 5000 Personen massakrierten". (Srebrenica-Bericht
der Untersuchungskommission der französischen Nationalversammlung,
vorgelegt im November 2001)
Geheime Waffenlieferungen der USA an die Muslime in Srebrenica: "Die
Waffen, die im Frühling 1995 eingeflogen wurden, tauchten vierzehn Tage
später in der belagerten und entmilitarisierten Enklave von Srebrenica
auf. Als diese Lieferungen bemerkt wurden, übten US-Amerikaner auf
Unprofor Druck aus, Berichte umzuschreiben, und als norwegische Beamte
wegen der Flüge protestierten, wurden sie angeblich zum Schweigen
gebracht" (Srebrenica-Bericht des niederländischen Armeeinstituts NIOD,
vorgelegt im April 2002, hier zusammengefasst von der britischen
Tageszeitung "The Guardian", 22. April 2002)
Morde einer moslemischen Mafiagruppe an den eigenen Leuten während der
Flucht aus Srebrenica: "Über die Morde darf man auch heute noch nicht
sprechen. Einige radikalere Kenner der militärischen und politischen
Verhältnisse in Srebrenica wagen es zu behaupten, daß `Zeugen' sogar
liquidiert worden sind, als sich das Hauptkontingent aus Srebrenica
herausgekämpft hat. Während dieses Durchbruchs auf freies Territorium
wurde auf dem Gebiet von Baljkovici Azem Bajramovic, ein
Präsidiumsmitglied der (regierenden Moslempartei) SDA, getötet. Sein
Tod wird als Beispiel angeführt, wie man Zeugen aus Srebrenica zum
Schweigen bringt." (Die moslemische Wochenzeitung Ljiljan aus Sarajevo,
Ausgabe vom 7. August 1996)
"Ich habe von Leuten, die der kroatischen Staatssicherheit nahe stehen
und Kontakte zu den Serben haben, gehört, dass sich an verschiedenen
Orten noch 5600 Überlebende aus Srebrenica befinden." (Ibran Mustafic,
Vorsitzender der regierenden Moslempartei SDA in Srebrenica, von den
Serben nach dem Fall der Stadt gefangengenommen und trotz seiner hohen
Position wieder freigelassen, im Interview mit der muslimischen
Wochenzeitung Slobodna Bosna, 14. Juli 1996)
Autor: Jürgen Elsässer ; in: Freitag, 18. 07. 2003
contattarci con sollecitudine. CNJ]
http://www.juergen-elsaesser.de/
Srebrenica und Karthago
Sommer 1995. Deutschlands meldet sich als kriegsführende Macht auf der
Bühne der Weltpolitik zurück.
Die Ärchaologen einer künftigen Zivilisation werden einmal im Schutt
unserer Städte wühlen, in den Katakomben unter der Reichshauptstadt, im
Kanzlerbunker, und sie werden über den Fragen brüten, die sich unsere
Historiker über Karthago stellten: Warum ist dieses Reich verschwunden?
Warum sind seine Bürger, als ihr Land noch bewohnbar nach dem zweiten
war, in den dritten Krieg marschiert?
Die eine Denkschule des post-karthagenischen Zeitalters wird auf den
Untergang der Bonner Republik im Zuge der Wiedervereinigen verweisen.
Ab diesem Zeitpunkt sei die genügsame Außenpolitik einem neuen
imperialen Machtanspruch gewichen, wie sich etwa an den
"Verteidigungspolitischen Richtlinien" aus dem Jahre 38 v.n.W. (vor dem
nuklearen Winter) ablesen lasse. Andere werden dagegenhalten, dass doch
zu diesem Zeitpunkt die republikanische Machtbalance noch intakt
gewesen sei - den Legionären auf der Hardthöhe habe immer noch ein
kräftiger sozial-ökologischer Widerpart Paroli geboten. Einer von
dessen Sprechern, ein gewisser Joseph (oder Joschka - die Quellen
differieren) Fischer sei sogar 32 v.n.W. deutscher Außenminister und
Vizekanzler geworden.
Ein sensationeller Fund halbgeschmolzener Computerfestplatten in der
atomar verseuchten Sperrzone rund um den Bendlerblock barg des Rätsels
Lösung: Parlamentsprotokolle, Zeitungsausschnitte, Fernsehmitschnitte
aus dem Jahr 35 v.n.W. - in der damaligen Zeitrechnung 1995 n.Chr.. In
diesem Jahr brach der Widerstand der moderaten Kräfte gegen den
Bellizismus zusammen, oder genauer gesagt: die vormaligen Opponenten
wechselten die Seite. Es war der letzte Sommer der alten Republik.
Eine Zeitreise
Bis zum Juni 1995 galt in der deutschen Politik das vom damaligen
Bundeskanzler Kohl verkündete Axiom: Niemals Bundeswehrsoldaten in
Gebieten einzusetzen, die einst die Wehrmacht okkupiert hatte.
Vorstößen aus der Union und aus dem konservativen Medienkartell, dieses
Axiom aufzuweichen und deutsche Soldaten zum dritten Mal in jenem
Jahrhundert gegen Serbien in Marsch zu schicken, standen ebenso starke
Widerstände der rot-grünen Opposition entgegen. So versuchte etwa die
SPD, der Beteiligung der Luftwaffe an den Nato-Überwachungsflügen in
Bosnien durch Klagen vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht einen Riegel
vorzuschieben, und die Bündnisgrünen unterstrichen ihr kategorisches
Nein zu allen Out-of-area-Einsätzen - auch Blauhelmmissionen! -
bisweilen sogar durch außerparlamentarischen Protest.
Der 30. Juni 1995 markiert das Ende des Kohl-Axioms, der Bundestag
gab grünes Licht für den ersten Kriegseinsatz der Bundeswehr. Zur
Unterstützung einer britisch-französischen Bosnien-Eingreiftruppe
wurden die Luftwaffe und Sanitätszüge bereitgestellt. Jörg Schönbohm,
Staatssekretär im Bundesverteidigungsministerium, betonte, "daß es
diesmal nicht um eine humanitäre Operation wie in Somalia oder
Kambodscha" gehe. "Sondern jetzt werden deutsche Soldaten außerhalb des
NATO-Verteidigungsgebietes eingesetzt, mit der Möglichkeit, kämpfen zu
müssen."
Doch die Abwehrfront von SPD und Grünen stand, abgesehen von einigen
Abweichlern, noch immer. Fischer etwa bezeichnete den
Bundestagsentscheid als "historische Zäsur" und als "Debakel, für das
noch viele politisch und manche vielleicht auch mit ihrem Leben
bezahlen müssen". Bereits zuvor hatte er erläutert: "Ich bin der festen
Überzeugung, daß deutsche Soldaten dort, wo im Zweiten Weltkrieg die
Hitler-Soldateska gewütet hat, den Konflikt anheizen und nicht
deeskalieren würden (...) All diese Einsätze und die Debatten darum
werden von der Bundesregierung als Türöffner benutzt. Das vereinigte
Deutschland soll in seinen außenpolitischen Optionen voll
handlungsfähig gemacht werden." SPD-Bundesgeschäftsführer Günter
Verheugen kritisierte, daß "die Koalition uns in eine
Prä-Vietnam-Situation gebracht [hat], und wir rutschen immer tiefer in
die Grauzone ... und befinden uns irgendwann, ohne es recht bemerkt zu
haben, im Krieg".
Aber als zwei Monate später die Kohl-Regierung unter Berufung auf den
Bundestagsbeschluß vom 30. Juni grünes Licht zum Angriff gab, war von
der Opposition nichts mehr zu hören. Am 30. August begannen
Nato-Kampfflugzeuge einen vierzehntägigen Bombenkrieg gegen serbische
Stellungen in Bosnien. Tornados der Bundesluftwaffe bombten fleißig
mit. Dies, und nicht der Angriff auf Jugoslawien 1999, war der erste
Kriegseinsatz des westlichen Bündnisses und der Bundeswehr - aber kaum
jemand hat es gemerkt, denn die Öffentlichkeit war durch die Zustimmung
von SPD und Grünen eingelullt. Den Angriffen, bei denen auch Munition
aus abgereichertem Uran eingesetzt wurde, fielen mehrere hundert
Menschen zum Opfer.
Das Einknicken der parlamentarischen Kriegsgegner zwischen 30. Juni
und 30. August wurde durch ein einziges Ereignis ausgelöst: die
Eroberung der ostbosnischen UN-Schutzzone Srebrenica durch die Serben
am 11. Juli. "Seit Srebrenica habe ich meine Position verändert", sagte
Fischer im Rückblick. Auf dem grünen Parteitag im Dezember 1995
erhielten Anträge, die sich in unterschiedlicher Radikalität für
deutschen Interventionismus gegen die "marodierende Soldateska" (Ludger
Volmer) der Serben aussprachen, erstmals mehr Stimmen als die der
Interventionsgegner und Pazifisten.
Spurensuche
In den Tagen nach dem 11. Juli 1995 habe sich "Europas schlimmstes
Kriegsverbrechen seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg" ereignet, resümierte der
"Spiegel". Die bosnischen Serben hätten 7 000 Muslime ermordet - so die
bis heute in westlichen Medien gängige Standardzahl.
7 000 Ermordete? Das Internationale Rote Kreuzes IKRK) hat bis zum
Sommer 2001 insgesamt 7.475 aus Srebrenica Verschwundene registriert.
Wieviele von diesen Verschwundenen tot sind, ist nicht geklärt. Auch
für die wichtigsten westlichen Untersuchungsberichte wurden zu dieser
Frage leider keine eigenen Nachforschungen vorgenommen. Das trifft
sowohl auf die 1200 Seiten starke Studie einer Kommission des
französischen Parlaments (vorgelegt im November 2001) als auch auf den
3500 Seiten starken Report des niederländischen Armeeinstituts NIOD
(vorgelegt im April 2002) zu. Zum niederländischen Bericht stellt das
Wochenmagazin "Elsevier" kritisch fest: "Die Schuld der bosnischen
Serben wird nicht geringer, wenn keine siebentausend, sondern zwei-
oder dreitausend Muslime abgeschlachtet wurden. Aber eine
genauestmögliche Feststellung der Anzahl der Todesopfer ist von
Bedeutung, wenn es um die Wahrheitsfindung geht. Und genau hier wird
die Untersuchung ... den Anforderungen nicht gerecht."
Die Zahl "zwei- bis dreitausend" kann als wahrscheinlich gelten, da
sie von den Ergebnissen der Leichensuche gestützt wird. Das UN-Tribunal
in Den Haag, das die entsprechenden Grabungsarbeiten in und um
Srebrenica koordiniert, gab im August 2001 die Gesamtzahl der
gefundenen Leichen mit "mindestens 2.028" an. Diese seien aus 21
Massengräbern geborgen worden, 18 weitere seien noch nicht untersucht.
Strittig ist, wie viele dieser Toten "abgeschlachtet" wurden. Die
Richter in Den Haag stellten dazu im Verfahren gegen den
bosnisch-serbischen Armeegeneral Radislav Krstic fest: "Der Gerichtshof
kann die Möglichkeit nicht ausschließen, daß ein Prozentsatz der in den
Gräbern gefundenen Leichen Männer sein könnten, die im Kampf getötet
wurden." Der Haager Chefermittler Jean-René Ruez geht davon aus, daß
alle 2628 Toten der 28. moslemischen Division bei den Gefechten
zwischen Srebrenica und Tuzla "im Kampf umgekommen" sind (Interview im
Buch von Julija Bogoeva / Caroline Fetscher, Srebrenica - Ein Prozeß).
Selbst wenn man vom death toll von 7000 angeblich "Abgeschlachteten"
die Verschwundenen, die noch am Leben sind, und die Opfer militärischer
Auseinandersetzungen abzieht, bleibt Srebrenica ein schreckliches
Massaker an Wehrlosen. Schätzungsweise 1500 Muslime dürften außerhalb
jeder Kampfhandlungen exekutiert worden sein. Deren Ermordung war ein
Kriegsverbrechen, für das die serbischen Täter zur Verantwortung
gezogen werden müssen. So gerechtfertigt das weltweite Entsetzen über
die Greuel war, so propagandistisch aber auch der Versuch der NATO, sie
als singulär darzustellen.
Zum Vergleich: Wenige Wochen nach Srebrenica - und noch vor dem
NATO-Eingreifen in Bosnien - eroberte die kroatische Armee die
serbische Krajina. 200 000 Menschen wurden vertrieben - mehr als je
zuvor in Europa nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Die Belgrader
Menschenrechtsorganisation Veritas hat ermittelt, daß im Zuge der
Offensive etwa 2 000 Zivilisten verschwanden oder ermordet wurden, der
kroatische Helsinki-Ausschuß für Menschenrechte hat 410 Tote namentlich
identifiziert. Hans Koschnick (SPD) aber rühmte die Operation als
"Versuch, eine Rechtsordnung, eine staatliche Einheit
wiederherzustellen".
Die binäre Struktur der westlichen Propaganda - gute Kroaten und
Muslime, böse Serben - war kühl kalkuliert: Nur durch die Darstellung
des gegenseitigen Gemetzels als Aggression nur einer Partei war ein
Kriegseintritt auf der Seite der angeblichen Opfer zu rechtfertigen.
Fischer kritisierte ganz richtig, "wie die Bundesregierung den
Bundestag ... an der humanitären Nase in den Bosnienkrieg führen will."
So sprach er allerdings im Dezember 1994 - sieben Monate vor Srebrenica.
Kasten
Einige offene Fragen zu Srebrenica
UN-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan hat in seinem Bericht vom 15. November
1999 "ein internes Treffen der bosniakisch(-muslimischen) Führung vom
28. und 29. November 1993 erwähnt, auf dem Präsident Izetbegovic
erklärt habe, (... )er habe in Erfahrung gebracht, dass eine
Intervention der NATO in Bosnien-Herzegowina möglich sei, aber nur
stattfinden könne, wenn die Serben gewaltsam in Srebrenica eindrängen
und dort mindestens 5000 Personen massakrierten". (Srebrenica-Bericht
der Untersuchungskommission der französischen Nationalversammlung,
vorgelegt im November 2001)
Geheime Waffenlieferungen der USA an die Muslime in Srebrenica: "Die
Waffen, die im Frühling 1995 eingeflogen wurden, tauchten vierzehn Tage
später in der belagerten und entmilitarisierten Enklave von Srebrenica
auf. Als diese Lieferungen bemerkt wurden, übten US-Amerikaner auf
Unprofor Druck aus, Berichte umzuschreiben, und als norwegische Beamte
wegen der Flüge protestierten, wurden sie angeblich zum Schweigen
gebracht" (Srebrenica-Bericht des niederländischen Armeeinstituts NIOD,
vorgelegt im April 2002, hier zusammengefasst von der britischen
Tageszeitung "The Guardian", 22. April 2002)
Morde einer moslemischen Mafiagruppe an den eigenen Leuten während der
Flucht aus Srebrenica: "Über die Morde darf man auch heute noch nicht
sprechen. Einige radikalere Kenner der militärischen und politischen
Verhältnisse in Srebrenica wagen es zu behaupten, daß `Zeugen' sogar
liquidiert worden sind, als sich das Hauptkontingent aus Srebrenica
herausgekämpft hat. Während dieses Durchbruchs auf freies Territorium
wurde auf dem Gebiet von Baljkovici Azem Bajramovic, ein
Präsidiumsmitglied der (regierenden Moslempartei) SDA, getötet. Sein
Tod wird als Beispiel angeführt, wie man Zeugen aus Srebrenica zum
Schweigen bringt." (Die moslemische Wochenzeitung Ljiljan aus Sarajevo,
Ausgabe vom 7. August 1996)
"Ich habe von Leuten, die der kroatischen Staatssicherheit nahe stehen
und Kontakte zu den Serben haben, gehört, dass sich an verschiedenen
Orten noch 5600 Überlebende aus Srebrenica befinden." (Ibran Mustafic,
Vorsitzender der regierenden Moslempartei SDA in Srebrenica, von den
Serben nach dem Fall der Stadt gefangengenommen und trotz seiner hohen
Position wieder freigelassen, im Interview mit der muslimischen
Wochenzeitung Slobodna Bosna, 14. Juli 1996)
Autor: Jürgen Elsässer ; in: Freitag, 18. 07. 2003
Yugoslavia and the Jews / 6
Israel supports the DOS regime in Serbia
The state of Israel is supporting the DOS regime in Serbia since its
very beginning, i.e. October 2000.
This has been revealed by the Israeli ambassador in Belgrade himself,
Yoran Shani, in an interview to "Nacional" published in 2002 (see a
protest letter in serbocroatian at:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1743).
On that occasion, ambassador Shani said he was proud of having
personally supported DOS' coup against Milosevic.
At the beginning of 2003 the President of Yugoslavia Vojislav Kostunica
decorated the ambassador:
Diaspora representatives, Israel ambassador decorated
BELGRADE, March 3 (Tanjug) - Before the end of his mandate, Yugoslav
President Vojislav Kostunica has bestowed orders on distinguished
Serbs from the diaspora, Israeli Ambassador Yoran Shani and head of
UNICEF office Jean-Michel Delmotte, the Official Gazette said.
Shani was decorated with the Yugoslav Star of First Degree
for exceptional merits in developing and improving interstate
relations, while Demotte was decorated with the Order of Yugoslav
Merits of Second Degree. US citizen Mila Lazarevic - Nolan was also
decorated with the Order of Yugoslav Merits of Second Degree.
Chairman of the US Serb Unity Congress Miroslav Djordjevic,
leader of the US Serb National Defense Slavko Panovic, the daily
Amerikanski Srbobran, chairman of the US Serb National Council Dusan
Ljubenko and French emigrant Zada Djurovic were decorated with the
Order of Yugoslav Flag of Second Degree.
A few weeks ago, a new clear step was made by the Israeli authorities
in terms of a cooperation agreement with the Zivkovic regime:
TADIC: POSSIBLE MILITARY COOPERATION WITH ISRAEL
TEL AVIV,July 30 (Beta)-Serbia&Montenegro Defense
Minister Boris Tadic said on July 30 that he had
talked with senior managers of the Izreali military
and aircraft industry about possible modes of
cooperation and that there was a possibility of
reaching an agreement.
Tadic told BETA in a telephone conversation that the
projects included a certain type of automatic rifle
produced by Serbia&Montenegro and unmanned aerial
vehicles.
Tadic said that these vehicles had important software
components, which could be produced in Serbia and
Montenegro. He added that they had also considered the
possibility of modernizing Russianmade helicopters,
which are commonly used in Serbia&Montenegro and the
neighboring countries.
Tadic, who is on a threeday visit to Israel, said that
an expert meeting had been scheduled, to discuss the
possibility of reaching an agreement with the Isreali
aircraft industry on one of these projects.
He said that he had talked with Izreali Prime Minister
Shimon Perez about the peace process in the Middle
East and the Balkans and the solutions that could be
applied in both cases.
DEFENSE MINISTERS OF ISRAEL AND SERBIAMONTENEGRO SIGN COOPERATION
AGREEMENT
TEL AVIV,July 31 (Beta)-Minister of Defense for
SerbiaMontenegro, Boris Tadic, and the Israeli defense
Minister Saul Mofaz, have signed an agreement on July
30 in Tel Aviv, about a collaboration between the two
ministries.
"We've analyzed the possibilities of
militaryindustrial cooperation, which was the goal of
this visit, modernizing helicopters, new antiterrorism
weapons, which are at a high technological level in
Israel", said Tadic during a telephone conversation
with Beta.
The Defense Minister for SerbiaMontenegro also said
that the results of the visits to Israel will be seen
after expert and work groups from the two countries
meet in Belgrade in September, where a finalization of
all the agreements will be made.
We don't know exactly what the abovementioned "antiterrorism weapons"
are. However, the most recent "antiterrorism" actions in both
countries as well as the notorious "antiterrorism" attitudes of both
governments do speak for themselves.
Italo Slavo
Israel supports the DOS regime in Serbia
The state of Israel is supporting the DOS regime in Serbia since its
very beginning, i.e. October 2000.
This has been revealed by the Israeli ambassador in Belgrade himself,
Yoran Shani, in an interview to "Nacional" published in 2002 (see a
protest letter in serbocroatian at:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1743).
On that occasion, ambassador Shani said he was proud of having
personally supported DOS' coup against Milosevic.
At the beginning of 2003 the President of Yugoslavia Vojislav Kostunica
decorated the ambassador:
Diaspora representatives, Israel ambassador decorated
BELGRADE, March 3 (Tanjug) - Before the end of his mandate, Yugoslav
President Vojislav Kostunica has bestowed orders on distinguished
Serbs from the diaspora, Israeli Ambassador Yoran Shani and head of
UNICEF office Jean-Michel Delmotte, the Official Gazette said.
Shani was decorated with the Yugoslav Star of First Degree
for exceptional merits in developing and improving interstate
relations, while Demotte was decorated with the Order of Yugoslav
Merits of Second Degree. US citizen Mila Lazarevic - Nolan was also
decorated with the Order of Yugoslav Merits of Second Degree.
Chairman of the US Serb Unity Congress Miroslav Djordjevic,
leader of the US Serb National Defense Slavko Panovic, the daily
Amerikanski Srbobran, chairman of the US Serb National Council Dusan
Ljubenko and French emigrant Zada Djurovic were decorated with the
Order of Yugoslav Flag of Second Degree.
A few weeks ago, a new clear step was made by the Israeli authorities
in terms of a cooperation agreement with the Zivkovic regime:
TADIC: POSSIBLE MILITARY COOPERATION WITH ISRAEL
TEL AVIV,July 30 (Beta)-Serbia&Montenegro Defense
Minister Boris Tadic said on July 30 that he had
talked with senior managers of the Izreali military
and aircraft industry about possible modes of
cooperation and that there was a possibility of
reaching an agreement.
Tadic told BETA in a telephone conversation that the
projects included a certain type of automatic rifle
produced by Serbia&Montenegro and unmanned aerial
vehicles.
Tadic said that these vehicles had important software
components, which could be produced in Serbia and
Montenegro. He added that they had also considered the
possibility of modernizing Russianmade helicopters,
which are commonly used in Serbia&Montenegro and the
neighboring countries.
Tadic, who is on a threeday visit to Israel, said that
an expert meeting had been scheduled, to discuss the
possibility of reaching an agreement with the Isreali
aircraft industry on one of these projects.
He said that he had talked with Izreali Prime Minister
Shimon Perez about the peace process in the Middle
East and the Balkans and the solutions that could be
applied in both cases.
DEFENSE MINISTERS OF ISRAEL AND SERBIAMONTENEGRO SIGN COOPERATION
AGREEMENT
TEL AVIV,July 31 (Beta)-Minister of Defense for
SerbiaMontenegro, Boris Tadic, and the Israeli defense
Minister Saul Mofaz, have signed an agreement on July
30 in Tel Aviv, about a collaboration between the two
ministries.
"We've analyzed the possibilities of
militaryindustrial cooperation, which was the goal of
this visit, modernizing helicopters, new antiterrorism
weapons, which are at a high technological level in
Israel", said Tadic during a telephone conversation
with Beta.
The Defense Minister for SerbiaMontenegro also said
that the results of the visits to Israel will be seen
after expert and work groups from the two countries
meet in Belgrade in September, where a finalization of
all the agreements will be made.
We don't know exactly what the abovementioned "antiterrorism weapons"
are. However, the most recent "antiterrorism" actions in both
countries as well as the notorious "antiterrorism" attitudes of both
governments do speak for themselves.
Italo Slavo
Le basi dei terroristi sul territorio italiano
1. A che cosa servono?
Polemica su "La Rinascita della Sinistra" sull'abbattimento del DC9 ad
Ustica: l'obiettivo era Gheddafi, in viaggio per la Jugoslavia.
2. Quante sono?
Elenco della basi USA sul territorio italiano.
=== 1 ===
Date: Mon, 25 Aug 2003 12:39:02 +0200
From: Redazione Rinascita <redazione@...>
Subject: DA RINASCITA SEN. BONFIETTI SU USTICA: GIOVANARDI MESCOLA CON
GRANDE BANALITA' MOLTE MENZOGNE
Ufficio Stampa "La Rinascita"
Monica Macchioni 338/5913300 06/6840081
DA RINASCITA DARIA BONFIETTI SU USTICA: GIOVANARDI MESCOLA CON GRANDE
BANALITA¹ MOLTE MENZOGNE
Su La Rinascita, settimanale del Pdci in edicola venerdì 29 agosto, è
pubblicato un articolo della Sen. Daria Bonfietti, presidente
dell¹Associazione Familiari Vittime di Ustica. Data la delicatezza del
tema e le polemiche di questi giorni con il ministro Carlo Giovanardi,
si dirama la versione integrale dell¹articolo.
"Ogni occasione è valida per la sistematica negazione della verità sul
caso Ustica da parte del ministro Giovanardi. scrive Daria Bonfietti
- Recentemente il colonnello Gheddafi ha ammesso responsabilità libiche
per la bomba di Lockerbie e subito il ministro, in duetto con il sen.
Guzzanti dalle colonne de Il Giornale, ha tratto le sue conclusioni:
c'era una bomba
sul Dc 9 di Ustica. Lasciamo da parte Guzzanti, aduso a cambiare
opinione su Ustica a seconda dei suoi umori o interessi, quello che
deve scandalizzare è la posizione di un Ministro in carica che
ostinatamente, mescolando con grande banalità molte menzogne, si
schiera contro la verità su una questione così delicata. Bisogna
ricordare che il capitolo Libia è un capitolo inquietante nella
vicenda. Nell¹edizione del 2 luglio 1980 del quotidiano siciliano
L¹Ora, il consolato libico a Palermo fa pubblicare il seguente
necrologio: ³Il Consolato Generale della Giamahiriah Araba Libica
Popolare Socialista partecipa sinceramente al dolore che ha colpito i
familiari delle
vittime della sciagura aerea di Ustica e manifesta tutta la sua
solidarietà al Presidente della Regione e al Presidente dell¹ARS per
questo grave lutto che ha colpito la Sicilia². Poi, a tre settimane dal
disastro, il venerdì 18 luglio '80, secondo la ricostruzione ufficiale,
sulla Sila viene rinvenuto un aereo, un MiG23 monoposto delle Forze
Armate libiche: la inchiesta
giudiziaria ci ha rivelato che la ricostruzione ufficiale è menzognera,
quell'aereo è caduto molto prima e, sempre secondo gli inquirenti "è
elevata la probabilità che tale caduta sia correlata con l'incidente
occorso al Dc9." In tutti questi anni il leader libico Gheddafi ha
sostenuto di conoscere la verità sulla tragica vicenda, fino ad inviare
una lettera ufficiale al
nostro Paese, (24.10.89) in cui dopo aver stigmatizzato le manovre Nato
nel Mediterraneo alle quali aveva partecipato anche l¹Italia, scrive:
³Tali manovre hanno disperso tutti gli sforzi compiuti dalle forze
progressiste ed amanti della pace, per la sicurezza e l¹integrità del
Mediterraneo. Non avete scordato certamente il delitto e la tragedia
occorsa al Dc9
dell¹Italia, abbattuto il 27.06.80, in cui hanno perso la vita decine e
decine di vittime, a causa della aggressione ed in conseguenza della
presenza delle basi e delle flotte militari, nel Mediterraneo". Sempre
Gheddafi ha sostenuto, in moltissime occasioni, di essere lui la
vittima designata nell'attacco di quella notte. Anche nel febbraio '98,
in una
intervista La Stampa, ha affermato "Io sono il testimone, perché io in
quelle ore andavo in aereo verso la Jugoslavia. Però noi, a differenza
dei passeggeri del volo Italia, siamo arrivati a destinazione sani e
salvi. Quando abbiamo sentito dell'abbattimento di questo aereo civile,
abbiamo capito che probabilmente noi eravamo l'obiettivo. E che loro
volevano buttar giù il mio aereo". Certamente le ultime iniziative di
Gheddafi riguardo Lockerbie debbono essere attentamente considerate, ma
sotto un'altra ottica: I libici non hanno mai risposto alle nostre
richieste di informazioni su Ustica tramite rogatorie internazionali,
pur dicendo ³siamo pronti a parlare
di questa vicenda². Gheddafi lo ha dichiarato tante volte di sapere, ma
sul piano formale non si è mai scritto nulla. E¹ singolare che il
nostro paese sia riuscito, con tre o quattro anni di diplomazia
intensiva, a convincere lo stesso Gheddafi a consegnare nelle mani
della giustizia internazionale i presunti attentatori del volo Pan Am
precipitato a Lockerbie, mentre per gli ottantuno civili che erano sul
DC9 non si sia fatto nulla nella ricerca della verità e delle
responsabilità. Non credo, ad esempio, che i nostri governanti che sono
stati di recente a Tripoli abbiano affrontato questo problema. In
mancanza di una adeguata iniziativa diplomatica, parla invece
Giovanardi tutto teso nel sostenere l'ipotesi bomba facendo anche
scomparire le conclusioni della sentenza ordinanza del giudice Rosario
Priore che ci ha consegnato, nel '99, la verità giudiziaria sulla
vicenda Ustica:
³L'incidente al Dc9 è occorso a seguito di azione militare di
intercettamento, il Dc9 è stato abbattuto, è stata spezzata la vita a
81 cittadini innocenti con un¹azione, che è stata propriamente atto di
guerra, guerra di fatto e non dichiarata, operazione di polizia
internazionale coperta contro il nostro Paese, di cui sono stati
violati i confini e i diritti. Nessuno ha dato la minima spiegazione di
quanto è avvenuto". Ci si
deve chiedere come si possa accettare la menzogna sistematica di un
Ministro, nella sua veste istituzionale, nei riguardi del Parlamento e
dei cittadini, in un inaccettabile misto di banalità, superficialità e
servilismo nei riguardi degli imputati. Tutto questo ferisce
profondamente la verità, il ricordo delle vittime e la coscienza civile
del Paese che sulla vicenda Ustica ha sempre mostrato grande
sensibilità².
Roma, 25 agosto 2003
=== 2 ===
Per chi non lo sapesse: elenco delle 107 Basi Usa (Air-Force, Navy,
Army, NSA) in Italia
(Quelle che occorre chiudere per sempre!)
L'Italia, per un verso, è sicuramente un paese che fa parte del
ristretto gruppo di briganti e predatori imperialisti. Tuttavia,
quest'agghiacciante elenco di basi americane mostra che per l'altro
verso esso e' un paese a sovranita' (e liberta') assolutamente limitate.
Cima Gallina (BZ): Stazione telecomunicazioni e radar dell'USAF.
Aviano (Pordenone, Friuli): la 16ma Forza Aerea ed il 31. Gruppo da
caccia dell'Aviazione U.S.A. e uno squadrone di F-18 dei Marines.
Monte Paganella (TN): Stazione telecomunicazioni USAF.
Rivolto (UD): Base USAF.
Maniago (UD): Poligono di tiro dell'US-Air-Force (USAF).
S. Bernardo (UD): Deposito munizioni dell'US-Army.
Roveredo (PN): Deposito armi USA.
Istrana (TV): Base US-Air-Force (USAF).
Ciano (TV): Centro telecomunicazioni e radar USA.
Ghedi (BS): Base dell'US-Air-Force (USAF).
Montichiari (BS): Base aerea (USAF).
Remondo' (nel Pavese): Base US-Army.
Vicenza: Comando SETAF, Sud Europe Task Force; Quinta Forza aerea
tattica (USAF); Deposito di testate nucleari.
Camp Ederle (provincia di Vicenza): Q.G. NATO; Comando SETAF
dell'US-Army; un Btg. di obici ed Gruppo tattico di paracadutisti USA.
Tormeno (San Giovanni a Monte, Vicenza): depositi di armi e munizioni.
Longare (Vicenza): importante deposito d'armamenti.
Verona: Air Operations Center (USAF). e Base NATO delle Forze di Terra
del Sud Europa; Centro di telecomunicazioni (USAF).
Affi (VR): Centro telecomunicazioni USA.
Lunghezzano (VR): Centro radar USA.
Erbezzo (VR): Antenna radar NSA.
Conselve (PD): Base radar USA.
Monte Venda (PD): Antenna telecomunicazioni e radar USA.
Trieste: Base navale USA.
Venezia: Base navale USA.
San Anna di Alfaedo (VE): Base radar USA.
Lame di Concordia (VE): Base di telecomunicazioni e radar USA.
San Gottardo, Boscomantivo (VE): Centro telecomunicazioni USA.
Ceggia (VE): Centro radar USA.
Cameri (NO): Base aerea USA con copertura NATO.
Candela-Masazza (Vercelli): Base d'addestramento dell'US-Air-Force e
dell'US-Army, con copertura NATO.
Monte S. Damiano (PC): Base dell'USAF con copertura NATO.
Finale Ligure (SV): Stazione di telecomunicazioni dell'US-Army.
Monte Cimone (MO): Stazione telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Parma: Deposito dell'USAF con copertura NATO.
Bologna: Stazione di telecomunicazioni del Dipartimento di Stato
Americano.
Rimini: Gruppo logistico USA per l'attivazione di bombe nucleari.
Rimini-Miramare: Centro telecomunicazioni USA.
Potenza Picena (MC): Centro radar USA con copertura NATO.
Livorno: Base navale USA.
La Spezia: Centro antisommergibili di Saclant.
San Bartolomeo (SP): Centro ricerche per la guerra sottomarina.
Camp Darby (tra Livorno e Pisa): 8. Gruppo di supporto USA e Base
dell'US Army per l'appoggio alle Forze statunitensi al Sud del Po, nel
Mediterraneo e nell'Africa del Nord.
Coltano (PI): importante base USA/NSA per le telecomunicazioni;
Deposito munizioni US-Army; Base NSA. Pisa (aeroporto militare): Base
saltuaria dell'USAF.
Monte Giogo (MS): Centro di telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Poggio Ballone (GR) - tra Follonica, Castiglione della Pescaia e Tirli:
Centro radar USA con copertura NATO.
Talamone (GR): Base saltuaria dell'US-Navy.
La Maddalena-Santo Stefano (Sassari): Base atomica USA, Base di
sommergibili, Squadra navale di supporto alla portaerei americana
'Simon Lake'.
Monte Limbara (tra Oschiri e Tempio, Sassari, in Sardegna): Base
missilistica USA.
Sinis di Cabras (SS): Centro elaborazioni dati (NSA).
Isola di Tavolara (SS): Stazione radiotelegrafica di supporto ai
sommergibili della US Navy.
Torre Grande di Oristano: Base radar NSA.
Monte Arci (OR): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Capo Frasca (OR): eliporto ed impianto radar USA.
Santulussurgiu (OR): Stazione telecomunicazioni USAF con copertura Nato.
Perdas de Fogu (NU): base missilistica sperimentale.
Capo Teulada (CA): da Capo Teulada (CA) a Capo Frasca (OR): all'incirca
100 km di costa, 7.200 ettari di terreno e piu' di 70.000 ettari di
zone Off Limits: poligono di tiro per esercitazioni aeree ed aeronavali
della Sesta flotta americana e della Nato.
Decimomannu (CA): aeroporto Usa con copertura Nato.
Aeroporto di Elmas: Base aerea dell'US-Air-Force.
Salto di Quirra (CA): poligoni missilistici.
Capo San Loremo (CA): zona di addestramento per la Sesta flotta USA.
Monte Urpino (CA): Depositi munizioni USA e NATO.
Cagliari: Base navale USA.
Roma-Ciampino (aeroporto militare): Base saltuaria USAF.
Rocca di Papa (Roma): Stazione telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Monte Romano (VT): Poligono saltuario di tiro dell'US-Army.
Gaeta (LT): Base permanente della Sesta Flotta USA e della Squadra
navale di scorta alla portaerei 'La Salle'.
Casale delle Palme (LT): Scuola telecomunicazioni NATO su controllo USA.
Napoli: Comando del Security Force del corpo dei Marines; Base di
sommergibili USA; Comando delle Forze Aeree USA per il Mediterraneo.
Napoli-Capodichino: Base aerea dell'US-Air-Force.
Monte Camaldoli (NA): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Ischia (NA): Antenna di telecomunicazioni USA con copertura Nato.
Nisida: Base US-Army.
Bagnoli: Centro controllo telecomunicazioni Usa per il Mediterraneo.
Agnano: Base dell'US-Army.
Cirigliano.(NA): Comando delle Forze Navali USA in Europa.
Licola (NA): Antenna di telecomunicazioni USA.
Lago Patria (CE): Stazione telecomunicazioni USA.
Giugliano (vicinanze del lago Patria, Caserta): Comando STATCOM.
Grazzanise (CE): Base saltuaria USAF.
Mondragone (CE): Centro di Comando USA e NATO sotterraneo antiatomico.
Montevergine (AV): Stazione di comunicazioni USA.
Pietraficcata (MT): Centro telecomunicazioni USA/NATO.
Gioia del Colle (BA): Base aerea USA di supporto tecnico.
Punta della Contessa (BR): Poligono di tiro USA/NATO.
San Vito dei Normanni (BR): Base del 499. Expeditionary Squadron; Base
dei Servizi Segreti: Electronics Security Group (NSA).
Monte Iacotenente (FG): Base del complesso radar Nadge.
Brindisi: Base navale USA.
Otranto: Stazione radar USA.
Taranto: Base navale USA; Deposito USA NATO.
Martina Franca (TA): Base radar USA.
Crotone: Stazione di telecomunicazioni e radar USA/NATO.
Monte Mancuso (CZ): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Sellia Marina (CZ): Centro telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Sigonella (CT): importante Base aeronavale USA (oltre ad unita' della
US-Navy, ospita diversi squadroni tattici dell'US-Air-Force: elicotteri
del tipo HC-4, caccia Tomcat F14 e A6 Intruder, nonche' alcuni gruppi
di F-16 e F-111 equipaggiati con bombe nucleari del tipo B-43, da piu'
di 100 kilotoni l'una).
Motta S. Anastasia (CT): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Caltagirone (CT): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Vizzini (CT): Diversi depositi USA.
Isola delle Femmine (PA): Deposito munizioni USA/NATO.
Punta Raisi (Aeroporto): Base saltuaria dell'USAF.
Marina di Marza (RG): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Monte Lauro (SR): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Sorico: Antenna NSA.
Augusta (SR): Base della VI Flotta USA e Deposito munizioni.
Centuripe (EN): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Niscemi (Sicilia): Base del NavComTelSta (stazione di comunicazione
US-Navy).
Trapani: Base USAF con copertura NATO.
Pantelleria: Centro telecomunicazioni US-Navy e Base aerea e radar NATO.
Lampedusa: Base della Guardia costiera USA; Centro d'ascolto e di
comunicazioni NSA.
(Tratto da:
Notiziario del Campo Antimperialista .... 27 agosto 2003
itacampo@... - http://www.antiimperialista.org
Una mappa delle basi USA sul territorio nazionale italiano si puo'
trovare su:
http://www.carta.org/rivista/settimanale/2003/06/06mappabasi.htm)
1. A che cosa servono?
Polemica su "La Rinascita della Sinistra" sull'abbattimento del DC9 ad
Ustica: l'obiettivo era Gheddafi, in viaggio per la Jugoslavia.
2. Quante sono?
Elenco della basi USA sul territorio italiano.
=== 1 ===
Date: Mon, 25 Aug 2003 12:39:02 +0200
From: Redazione Rinascita <redazione@...>
Subject: DA RINASCITA SEN. BONFIETTI SU USTICA: GIOVANARDI MESCOLA CON
GRANDE BANALITA' MOLTE MENZOGNE
Ufficio Stampa "La Rinascita"
Monica Macchioni 338/5913300 06/6840081
DA RINASCITA DARIA BONFIETTI SU USTICA: GIOVANARDI MESCOLA CON GRANDE
BANALITA¹ MOLTE MENZOGNE
Su La Rinascita, settimanale del Pdci in edicola venerdì 29 agosto, è
pubblicato un articolo della Sen. Daria Bonfietti, presidente
dell¹Associazione Familiari Vittime di Ustica. Data la delicatezza del
tema e le polemiche di questi giorni con il ministro Carlo Giovanardi,
si dirama la versione integrale dell¹articolo.
"Ogni occasione è valida per la sistematica negazione della verità sul
caso Ustica da parte del ministro Giovanardi. scrive Daria Bonfietti
- Recentemente il colonnello Gheddafi ha ammesso responsabilità libiche
per la bomba di Lockerbie e subito il ministro, in duetto con il sen.
Guzzanti dalle colonne de Il Giornale, ha tratto le sue conclusioni:
c'era una bomba
sul Dc 9 di Ustica. Lasciamo da parte Guzzanti, aduso a cambiare
opinione su Ustica a seconda dei suoi umori o interessi, quello che
deve scandalizzare è la posizione di un Ministro in carica che
ostinatamente, mescolando con grande banalità molte menzogne, si
schiera contro la verità su una questione così delicata. Bisogna
ricordare che il capitolo Libia è un capitolo inquietante nella
vicenda. Nell¹edizione del 2 luglio 1980 del quotidiano siciliano
L¹Ora, il consolato libico a Palermo fa pubblicare il seguente
necrologio: ³Il Consolato Generale della Giamahiriah Araba Libica
Popolare Socialista partecipa sinceramente al dolore che ha colpito i
familiari delle
vittime della sciagura aerea di Ustica e manifesta tutta la sua
solidarietà al Presidente della Regione e al Presidente dell¹ARS per
questo grave lutto che ha colpito la Sicilia². Poi, a tre settimane dal
disastro, il venerdì 18 luglio '80, secondo la ricostruzione ufficiale,
sulla Sila viene rinvenuto un aereo, un MiG23 monoposto delle Forze
Armate libiche: la inchiesta
giudiziaria ci ha rivelato che la ricostruzione ufficiale è menzognera,
quell'aereo è caduto molto prima e, sempre secondo gli inquirenti "è
elevata la probabilità che tale caduta sia correlata con l'incidente
occorso al Dc9." In tutti questi anni il leader libico Gheddafi ha
sostenuto di conoscere la verità sulla tragica vicenda, fino ad inviare
una lettera ufficiale al
nostro Paese, (24.10.89) in cui dopo aver stigmatizzato le manovre Nato
nel Mediterraneo alle quali aveva partecipato anche l¹Italia, scrive:
³Tali manovre hanno disperso tutti gli sforzi compiuti dalle forze
progressiste ed amanti della pace, per la sicurezza e l¹integrità del
Mediterraneo. Non avete scordato certamente il delitto e la tragedia
occorsa al Dc9
dell¹Italia, abbattuto il 27.06.80, in cui hanno perso la vita decine e
decine di vittime, a causa della aggressione ed in conseguenza della
presenza delle basi e delle flotte militari, nel Mediterraneo". Sempre
Gheddafi ha sostenuto, in moltissime occasioni, di essere lui la
vittima designata nell'attacco di quella notte. Anche nel febbraio '98,
in una
intervista La Stampa, ha affermato "Io sono il testimone, perché io in
quelle ore andavo in aereo verso la Jugoslavia. Però noi, a differenza
dei passeggeri del volo Italia, siamo arrivati a destinazione sani e
salvi. Quando abbiamo sentito dell'abbattimento di questo aereo civile,
abbiamo capito che probabilmente noi eravamo l'obiettivo. E che loro
volevano buttar giù il mio aereo". Certamente le ultime iniziative di
Gheddafi riguardo Lockerbie debbono essere attentamente considerate, ma
sotto un'altra ottica: I libici non hanno mai risposto alle nostre
richieste di informazioni su Ustica tramite rogatorie internazionali,
pur dicendo ³siamo pronti a parlare
di questa vicenda². Gheddafi lo ha dichiarato tante volte di sapere, ma
sul piano formale non si è mai scritto nulla. E¹ singolare che il
nostro paese sia riuscito, con tre o quattro anni di diplomazia
intensiva, a convincere lo stesso Gheddafi a consegnare nelle mani
della giustizia internazionale i presunti attentatori del volo Pan Am
precipitato a Lockerbie, mentre per gli ottantuno civili che erano sul
DC9 non si sia fatto nulla nella ricerca della verità e delle
responsabilità. Non credo, ad esempio, che i nostri governanti che sono
stati di recente a Tripoli abbiano affrontato questo problema. In
mancanza di una adeguata iniziativa diplomatica, parla invece
Giovanardi tutto teso nel sostenere l'ipotesi bomba facendo anche
scomparire le conclusioni della sentenza ordinanza del giudice Rosario
Priore che ci ha consegnato, nel '99, la verità giudiziaria sulla
vicenda Ustica:
³L'incidente al Dc9 è occorso a seguito di azione militare di
intercettamento, il Dc9 è stato abbattuto, è stata spezzata la vita a
81 cittadini innocenti con un¹azione, che è stata propriamente atto di
guerra, guerra di fatto e non dichiarata, operazione di polizia
internazionale coperta contro il nostro Paese, di cui sono stati
violati i confini e i diritti. Nessuno ha dato la minima spiegazione di
quanto è avvenuto". Ci si
deve chiedere come si possa accettare la menzogna sistematica di un
Ministro, nella sua veste istituzionale, nei riguardi del Parlamento e
dei cittadini, in un inaccettabile misto di banalità, superficialità e
servilismo nei riguardi degli imputati. Tutto questo ferisce
profondamente la verità, il ricordo delle vittime e la coscienza civile
del Paese che sulla vicenda Ustica ha sempre mostrato grande
sensibilità².
Roma, 25 agosto 2003
=== 2 ===
Per chi non lo sapesse: elenco delle 107 Basi Usa (Air-Force, Navy,
Army, NSA) in Italia
(Quelle che occorre chiudere per sempre!)
L'Italia, per un verso, è sicuramente un paese che fa parte del
ristretto gruppo di briganti e predatori imperialisti. Tuttavia,
quest'agghiacciante elenco di basi americane mostra che per l'altro
verso esso e' un paese a sovranita' (e liberta') assolutamente limitate.
Cima Gallina (BZ): Stazione telecomunicazioni e radar dell'USAF.
Aviano (Pordenone, Friuli): la 16ma Forza Aerea ed il 31. Gruppo da
caccia dell'Aviazione U.S.A. e uno squadrone di F-18 dei Marines.
Monte Paganella (TN): Stazione telecomunicazioni USAF.
Rivolto (UD): Base USAF.
Maniago (UD): Poligono di tiro dell'US-Air-Force (USAF).
S. Bernardo (UD): Deposito munizioni dell'US-Army.
Roveredo (PN): Deposito armi USA.
Istrana (TV): Base US-Air-Force (USAF).
Ciano (TV): Centro telecomunicazioni e radar USA.
Ghedi (BS): Base dell'US-Air-Force (USAF).
Montichiari (BS): Base aerea (USAF).
Remondo' (nel Pavese): Base US-Army.
Vicenza: Comando SETAF, Sud Europe Task Force; Quinta Forza aerea
tattica (USAF); Deposito di testate nucleari.
Camp Ederle (provincia di Vicenza): Q.G. NATO; Comando SETAF
dell'US-Army; un Btg. di obici ed Gruppo tattico di paracadutisti USA.
Tormeno (San Giovanni a Monte, Vicenza): depositi di armi e munizioni.
Longare (Vicenza): importante deposito d'armamenti.
Verona: Air Operations Center (USAF). e Base NATO delle Forze di Terra
del Sud Europa; Centro di telecomunicazioni (USAF).
Affi (VR): Centro telecomunicazioni USA.
Lunghezzano (VR): Centro radar USA.
Erbezzo (VR): Antenna radar NSA.
Conselve (PD): Base radar USA.
Monte Venda (PD): Antenna telecomunicazioni e radar USA.
Trieste: Base navale USA.
Venezia: Base navale USA.
San Anna di Alfaedo (VE): Base radar USA.
Lame di Concordia (VE): Base di telecomunicazioni e radar USA.
San Gottardo, Boscomantivo (VE): Centro telecomunicazioni USA.
Ceggia (VE): Centro radar USA.
Cameri (NO): Base aerea USA con copertura NATO.
Candela-Masazza (Vercelli): Base d'addestramento dell'US-Air-Force e
dell'US-Army, con copertura NATO.
Monte S. Damiano (PC): Base dell'USAF con copertura NATO.
Finale Ligure (SV): Stazione di telecomunicazioni dell'US-Army.
Monte Cimone (MO): Stazione telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Parma: Deposito dell'USAF con copertura NATO.
Bologna: Stazione di telecomunicazioni del Dipartimento di Stato
Americano.
Rimini: Gruppo logistico USA per l'attivazione di bombe nucleari.
Rimini-Miramare: Centro telecomunicazioni USA.
Potenza Picena (MC): Centro radar USA con copertura NATO.
Livorno: Base navale USA.
La Spezia: Centro antisommergibili di Saclant.
San Bartolomeo (SP): Centro ricerche per la guerra sottomarina.
Camp Darby (tra Livorno e Pisa): 8. Gruppo di supporto USA e Base
dell'US Army per l'appoggio alle Forze statunitensi al Sud del Po, nel
Mediterraneo e nell'Africa del Nord.
Coltano (PI): importante base USA/NSA per le telecomunicazioni;
Deposito munizioni US-Army; Base NSA. Pisa (aeroporto militare): Base
saltuaria dell'USAF.
Monte Giogo (MS): Centro di telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Poggio Ballone (GR) - tra Follonica, Castiglione della Pescaia e Tirli:
Centro radar USA con copertura NATO.
Talamone (GR): Base saltuaria dell'US-Navy.
La Maddalena-Santo Stefano (Sassari): Base atomica USA, Base di
sommergibili, Squadra navale di supporto alla portaerei americana
'Simon Lake'.
Monte Limbara (tra Oschiri e Tempio, Sassari, in Sardegna): Base
missilistica USA.
Sinis di Cabras (SS): Centro elaborazioni dati (NSA).
Isola di Tavolara (SS): Stazione radiotelegrafica di supporto ai
sommergibili della US Navy.
Torre Grande di Oristano: Base radar NSA.
Monte Arci (OR): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Capo Frasca (OR): eliporto ed impianto radar USA.
Santulussurgiu (OR): Stazione telecomunicazioni USAF con copertura Nato.
Perdas de Fogu (NU): base missilistica sperimentale.
Capo Teulada (CA): da Capo Teulada (CA) a Capo Frasca (OR): all'incirca
100 km di costa, 7.200 ettari di terreno e piu' di 70.000 ettari di
zone Off Limits: poligono di tiro per esercitazioni aeree ed aeronavali
della Sesta flotta americana e della Nato.
Decimomannu (CA): aeroporto Usa con copertura Nato.
Aeroporto di Elmas: Base aerea dell'US-Air-Force.
Salto di Quirra (CA): poligoni missilistici.
Capo San Loremo (CA): zona di addestramento per la Sesta flotta USA.
Monte Urpino (CA): Depositi munizioni USA e NATO.
Cagliari: Base navale USA.
Roma-Ciampino (aeroporto militare): Base saltuaria USAF.
Rocca di Papa (Roma): Stazione telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Monte Romano (VT): Poligono saltuario di tiro dell'US-Army.
Gaeta (LT): Base permanente della Sesta Flotta USA e della Squadra
navale di scorta alla portaerei 'La Salle'.
Casale delle Palme (LT): Scuola telecomunicazioni NATO su controllo USA.
Napoli: Comando del Security Force del corpo dei Marines; Base di
sommergibili USA; Comando delle Forze Aeree USA per il Mediterraneo.
Napoli-Capodichino: Base aerea dell'US-Air-Force.
Monte Camaldoli (NA): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Ischia (NA): Antenna di telecomunicazioni USA con copertura Nato.
Nisida: Base US-Army.
Bagnoli: Centro controllo telecomunicazioni Usa per il Mediterraneo.
Agnano: Base dell'US-Army.
Cirigliano.(NA): Comando delle Forze Navali USA in Europa.
Licola (NA): Antenna di telecomunicazioni USA.
Lago Patria (CE): Stazione telecomunicazioni USA.
Giugliano (vicinanze del lago Patria, Caserta): Comando STATCOM.
Grazzanise (CE): Base saltuaria USAF.
Mondragone (CE): Centro di Comando USA e NATO sotterraneo antiatomico.
Montevergine (AV): Stazione di comunicazioni USA.
Pietraficcata (MT): Centro telecomunicazioni USA/NATO.
Gioia del Colle (BA): Base aerea USA di supporto tecnico.
Punta della Contessa (BR): Poligono di tiro USA/NATO.
San Vito dei Normanni (BR): Base del 499. Expeditionary Squadron; Base
dei Servizi Segreti: Electronics Security Group (NSA).
Monte Iacotenente (FG): Base del complesso radar Nadge.
Brindisi: Base navale USA.
Otranto: Stazione radar USA.
Taranto: Base navale USA; Deposito USA NATO.
Martina Franca (TA): Base radar USA.
Crotone: Stazione di telecomunicazioni e radar USA/NATO.
Monte Mancuso (CZ): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Sellia Marina (CZ): Centro telecomunicazioni USA con copertura NATO.
Sigonella (CT): importante Base aeronavale USA (oltre ad unita' della
US-Navy, ospita diversi squadroni tattici dell'US-Air-Force: elicotteri
del tipo HC-4, caccia Tomcat F14 e A6 Intruder, nonche' alcuni gruppi
di F-16 e F-111 equipaggiati con bombe nucleari del tipo B-43, da piu'
di 100 kilotoni l'una).
Motta S. Anastasia (CT): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Caltagirone (CT): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Vizzini (CT): Diversi depositi USA.
Isola delle Femmine (PA): Deposito munizioni USA/NATO.
Punta Raisi (Aeroporto): Base saltuaria dell'USAF.
Marina di Marza (RG): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Monte Lauro (SR): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Sorico: Antenna NSA.
Augusta (SR): Base della VI Flotta USA e Deposito munizioni.
Centuripe (EN): Stazione di telecomunicazioni USA.
Niscemi (Sicilia): Base del NavComTelSta (stazione di comunicazione
US-Navy).
Trapani: Base USAF con copertura NATO.
Pantelleria: Centro telecomunicazioni US-Navy e Base aerea e radar NATO.
Lampedusa: Base della Guardia costiera USA; Centro d'ascolto e di
comunicazioni NSA.
(Tratto da:
Notiziario del Campo Antimperialista .... 27 agosto 2003
itacampo@... - http://www.antiimperialista.org
Una mappa delle basi USA sul territorio nazionale italiano si puo'
trovare su:
http://www.carta.org/rivista/settimanale/2003/06/06mappabasi.htm)
1. Slobodan Milosevic Addresses the Public
2. President Milosevic under treath of total isolation
3. ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
=== 1 ===
Slobodan Milosevic Addresses the Public
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
The shameful terror against my family is part of the criminal
lawlessness and tyranny, through which the Belgrade regime is aiding
The Hague and its aggression against our country and our people
- Slobodan Milosevic’s public response to charges fabricated by the
Belgrade regime -
In March 2001, I was accused of imaginary crimes, so I could be
arrested and delivered to The Hague.
These new accusations in 2003 have the same purpose: The Hague. Only
this time, their goal is to try to prevent, or at least minimize, the
obvious fiasco of the false Tribunal, which is serving as the weapon of
war against our country and our people. This time, unlike 2001, they
have also begun to terrorize my family, fiendishly persecuting my wife
and my son. The criminal campaign against my wife and my son is being
mounted solely because of my struggle here.
It is absurd and shameful that they are hounding a woman, a spouse of a
long-time head of state, a University professor; the author of ten
books, translated into 30 languages and printed worldwide, so no one
will be able to destroy or cover up her weekly testimonies on the
Yugoslav crisis. Their worth has been time-tested and proven, to Mira’s
honor and our pride. No other intellectual has raised her voice more
against war, violence, primitivism, exploitation, and slavery and in
favor of peace, freedom and equal rights.
They are hounding a young man who with an open and clear heart decided
to make his way in life independently, through his own labor,
intelligence and abilities, and has done everything to help others and
make his town more beautiful and more humane.
A crime is being committed against two people who have treated others
with nothing but goodness and humanity.
Their only crime is being my family.
People of Serbia and freedom-loving people throughout the world send me
messages of support and wish me victory. It seems that only the
Belgrade regime cheers on the Hague Tribunal, so much so that it does
not balk from terrorizing women and children.
I have told the two men who came to interrogate me – five months after
I publicly requested it – that only cowards attack women and children,
that there is no greater shame. The political, media and police
campaign against me and my family is the greatest infamy for any
country; an infamy that will grow greater for its participants, but
also those who witness it in silence, with time.
Legija and the Red Berets
Regarding the “reasons” for which the judge and the prosecutor came to
The Hague, I wish to make it clear that:
Neither I nor my entourage ever had any connections with any criminal
groups.
No “Zemun Clan“ existed while I was President. It is the direct result
of the current governments’ behavior, the role certain groups and
individuals had in the October 5, 2000 coup, and their mutual
arrangements.
Neither I nor any of my entourage had personal contacts or
acquaintances with members of the Special Operations Unit, popularly
known as the Red Berets. I believed it was an elite anti-terrorist
unit, common to any Security Service. I still believe that most of that
unit’s members were true to this description. Those who had a criminal
past or inclination thereto are certainly better known to the present
regime, as they used them on October 5.
My visit to the Kula facility in 1997 was ceremonial, a gesture of
appreciation for the Service chief Jovica Stanisic, whom I respected as
a professional and a man who endeavored to do his job in accordance
with his position. That the visit was ceremonial, and that everything
there was new to me, should be obvious to anyone who reviews the entire
tape and pays attention.
The officer who reported to me on the parade grounds was unfamiliar to
me. Now I know his name was Lukovic, “Legija.” When he came to arrest
me in March 2001, I mistook him for the officer who during my visit
drove Stanisic and me from the headquarters to the outdoors gymnasium,
which they also wanted to show me. By the way, even today I cannot
recall any of the names of officers who reported to me on various
occasions before an honor guard. This goes even for the commanders of
Yugoslav Army Guard units.
The first time I talked to Lukovic-Legija was when he came to arrest
me, on March 31, 2001. Given that I had never been in any contact with
him before, or even conversed with him, the only thing I could have
“ordered” him would have been my arrest.
Clearly, those who used the “Red Berets” members for my arrest (and
others, who jumped over the fence into the residence with stockings on
their heads) have also used them before and after. I clearly could not.
Rumors that this unit also worked as my security detail are not true.
Plain lies. My security detail at all time was the public security unit
(not State Security), commanded by Senta Milenkovic.
Ivan Stambolic
I have been a friend of Ivan Stambolic for many years. We parted ways
at the 8th Session of the Serbian League of Communists’ Central
Committee, in 1987. We never quarreled personally.
After he was relieved, he came to me and asked for one of the best jobs
(in both our opinion) in the SFRY: President of the Yugoslav bank for
international economic relations. And he received it, staying in that
position for over 10 years despite the practice of rotating the
management, until his retirement – for which he was eligible long
before, on grounds of both work experience and age.
He had been completely forgotten as a politician for many years. Thus
the story of how he represented a potential challenge in the elections
is a blatant lie, since he was never in the running. He was not even a
candidate. Besides, in those ten years, has any harm befallen any other
candidates?
It is absurd to claim that I rushed to kill him as a threat, after I’d
enabled him to hold a position of his choice for 10 years and he
retired!
Especially puzzling for me is that his family has readily accepted this
shallow lie. It seems they care more to blame me than find out the
truth about the fate of their father and husband.
Ivan Stambolic was a forgotten politician, and at the time of his
disappearance, a forgotten banker as well. No one in the state or the
political apparatus had mentioned him for years. He belonged to the era
of the former SFRY, and things have unfortunately changed since 1990.
No offense, but no one cared about Ivan Stambolic any more. There was
no persecution of those who supported his position at the 8th Session.
Desimir Jeftić, the chairman of the Serbian government who was also
relieved, was for many years the Ambassador to Romania. Ivan’s best
friend and neighbor Dragan Tomic, the CEO of ”Simpo” furniture company,
remained a member of the Party and state leadership. I am certain he
would confirm that I had told him, after Ivan was relieved, that I
would think of him the worst if he’d renounced his friend and turned
his back on him. So, the truth is quite the opposite from the story
fabricated by several pathetic creatures.
I was informed of Ivan’s disappearance over the telephone, by interior
minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic. I told him to use all the available
resources to find him. He told me that Ivan’s wife and son reported his
disappearance in the afternoon, though he went jogging that morning,
which would make the investigation more difficult.
All border posts were notified, and Vlajko Stojiljkovic told me later
that evening that several hundred police were engaged in the
investigation. I insisted that all resources be used to find him
[Stambolic] as soon as possible. Certainly most of these officers are
still employed by the interior ministry, and can testify to that.
From what Stojiljkovic told me, everything that could have been done
was done.
Draskovic, Pavkovic and the Budva Incident
Since the investigator, during the introductions, mentioned my alleged
connection to the “attempted murder of Vuk Draskovic”, I wish to say a
few words about that as well.
I never believed that what happened in Budva was a real murder attempt,
because it seems improbable that someone could shoot up all the bullets
in a small room like that and miss with every one of them. Even Vuk
Draskovic, with his talent for the dramatic, could not have turned into
a fly or a mosquito. I believed that either someone tried to scare him,
or that he made the entire incident up to gain attention and promote
his role as the “victim of the regime.” It is not hard to see who could
have benefited from such an incident, but it is abundantly clear that
it did not serve the government. Quite to the contrary, in fact.
I am not aware that the Serbian Security Service had any activities in
Montenegro apart from gathering information about cigarette smuggling
into Serbia. Rade Markovic even showed me aerial reconnaissance photos
of an area known as Mehov Krs, on the Serbian side of the boundary with
Montenegro, and explained that according to his information, that was a
major warehouse for smuggled cigarettes. He was preparing a raid to
catch the smugglers and seize the contraband, when the timing was
right. I do not know whether the photos were made from an airplane or a
helicopter, police or military, as these details did not interest me.
I never talked to Pavkovic about transporting “assassins” and “agents”
from Montenegro. It is incredulous that the Commander in Chief would be
involved in shuttling some alleged secret agents, especially through
the entire chain of command starting at the Chief of the General Staff.
Truth is, I’ve always insisted that services shouldcooperate and
abandon their rivalry, as they did not serve me but the state, and they
were supposed to work for the state, in accordance with the law.
General Aleksandar Vasiljevic testified about that in this illegal
court, as a witness of the prosecution, no less. And Rade Markovic
testified both here and in front of two parliamentary committees that
he was illegally coerced into trying to incriminate me.
The only helicopter incident I ever remember concerned a low-altitude
flyover of one helicopter over the White Palace (which was illegal),
when a Yugoslav Army officer in charge of White Palace security kept
his calm and prevented it from being tragically shot down. Later that
day it turned out that the helicopter was evacuating a seriously ill
person from the [Bosnian] Serb Republic to the Academy of Military
Medicine [VMA].
Are you not ashamed?
I demanded of both the investigator and the prosecutor that my
interrogation be public, and that they could even bring an open
telephone line, so anyone could ask me whatever they wanted. They
explained that this was not allowed by law, as long as the
investigation was ongoing. I accepted that, but requested that the
recordings be made public at the end of the investigation – since there
would be no danger of potential interference at that time. They
rejected that as well, even though they had the full legal authority to
approve it. Neither I, nor they, nor my legal representatives disputed
that.
Today’s government uses the law as an excuse for lawlessness and
tyranny. Nothing new!
Montestquieu wrote as early as 1742 that “There is no crueler tyranny
than one perpetrated under the shield of law, and in the name of
justice.”
In this entire dirty operation of trying to save this illegitimate
Hague court from a fiasco, the most shameful element is surely the
persecution of my wife and son. I told the investigating judge that his
investigation should include the phantom gold bars, foreign currency
reserves, villas in Switzerland and whatnot, because they were all
mentioned in various statements and extensive newspaper stories, only
to be “forgotten” later.
I asked him “Are you not ashamed?” He did not answer.
To my wife and son, Mira and Marko, who have been separated from me in
this heinous way, I wish to say: “Life is too short to thank you for
your goodness.”
The Hague, 17 August 2003.
Slobodan Milosevic
URL for this text: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/engleski/slobaE170803.htm
=== 2 ===
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC UNDER THREAT OF TOTAL ISOLATION!
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
Dear friends,
The Hague tribunal has just issued an order to ban all the visits to
President Milosevic from SPS and SLOBODA/Freedom Association!
Their “explanation” is that it was done because the members of the SPS
delegation gave statements to media after their recent visit.
The Tribunal’s decision was issued just after the application of Mr.
Bogoljub Bjelica, Chairman of SLOBODA to visit President Milosevic.
We responded to the tribunal letter immediately. You can read our
respond and our original application bellow and the tribunal’s
outrageous letter addressed to President Milosevic in the attachment.
After he has been deprived of family visits, President Milosevic is now
cut from the visits of his closest associates, who also work on
preparations of his struggle for truth.
The strongest legal and public reaction is urgently needed.
It is perhaps also time to attack the fact that President Milosevic is
prohibited to talk to media when, at the same time both tribunal and
its prosecution have several spokespersons who talk to media all the
time!
The criminal political mechanisms of the Hague machinery, which in the
panic of total defeat try to destroy the victor, should be totally
exposed and stopped.
Vladimir Krsljanin
General Secretary of SLOBODA
Coordinator of ICDSM
Foreign Relations Assistant to President Milosevic
---
Mr. Hans Holthuis
Registrar
ICTY, The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Re: Your unjustified decision of August 12 and our application for a
visit of August 11, 2003
Dear Mr. Holthuis,
In your letter to President Milosevic, dated August
12, the copy of which we have received by fax on August 15, after our
phone intervention to accelerate your respond to our August 11
application, and which has been delivered to President Milosevic only
yesterday, August 18, you threat with total isolation of President
Milosevic. After he has been deprived of family visits, now you want to
cut also the visits of his closest associates. Except it is outrageous,
your decision is totally legally unsustainable. Here are the reasons:
1. It is not true that your rules prohibit that any information
about the visit can be disclosed to the media. Rule 63(B) of your
“Rules on Detention” and Regulation 33(B) of your “Regulations to
govern the supervision of visits to and communications with detainees”
only says that: “Permission may be denied if the Registrar has reason
to believe that the purpose of the visit is to obtain information which
may be subsequently reported in the media.” So even if someone says
some detail to media it still does not mean that it was the purpose of
his visit. Then, even if some individual does something you dislike, it
still does not mean that you should punish the whole organization. And
finally, the spirit of all your other relevant rules implies that the
discretion right given to you should have only meaning to prevent
influence of media on the processes before the ICTY.
2. Nobody in Serbia is aware that any of the members of SPS
delegation gave any public statement that can influence the process.
3. You are very well aware that listing the Freedom Association
among the “associated entities” with SPS has absolutely no legal
meaning and is bellow the level of anyone who claims to be a lawyer.
SPS is a political party and Freedom Association is a non-governmental
and non-partisan organization. These two entities are completely
legally independent one from each other. Following the same logic of
who is “associated” with whom you can also ban visits of all Serbs and
finally of all human beings.
So, after he has been in many respects deprived in comparison
with other detainees when the visits are concerned (he was the only one
kept in total isolation so long at the beginning of his detention; he
is the only one whose family can visit him for only three days in a
month; now his wife can not visit him at all; he is often not informed
about the requests of the people who apply to visit him; many visitors
were denied access with false justification that he didn’t request to
see them, in spite he made written requests etc.) President Milosevic
is now cut of the visits from the only home organization which protects
his human rights and from his closest associates, which also seriously
affects his right to defense.
We expect you to change your wrong decision immediately.
Otherwise, we will be forced to take other legal and public measures in
order to protect law and justice.
Belgrade, August 19th, 2003
On behalf of Freedom Association
Igor Raicevic, Chairman of the Assembly
---
Ms. Monica Martinez
Chief of OLAD
Registry, ICTY
The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Subject: Application for a visit of Mr. Bjelica to President Milosevic
Dear Ms. Martinez,
We apply hereby for a visit of the Chairman of the
“Freedom” Association Mr. Bogoljub Bjelica to President Milosevic. We
make this application with the consent of President Milosevic. The
visit would take place at earliest convenience. Having in mind the
health situation of Mr. Milosevic and the amount of his current
activities in the preparations for the continuation of the process, we
would appreciate very much if you could agree the exact date for the
visit in direct communication with President Milosevic.
Since several months have passed since our last visit, we
are sure that there will be no difficulties in approving this visit.
Our legal interest and our commitments remain as before.
For your reply or any further information our contacts
remain: phone +381 63 8862 301 or fax +381 11 630 549.
Belgrade, August 11th, 2003
Appreciating your cooperation, I remain
Yours sincerely
Igor Raicevic
Chairman of the Assembly of "Freedom" Association
=== 3 ===
ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
Hans
Holthuis
August 26, 2003
Registrar,
His Honour Judge Theodor Meron,
President,
The Honourable Judges Trial Chamber III
ICTY, The Hague, Netherlands
RE: Slobodan Milosevic
Illegal Prohibition of Visits and Communication With The Press
The International Committee For The Defense of Slobodan Milosevic
protests the illegal and unjustified prohibition of visits to Slobodan
Milosevic by members of the Socialist Party of Serbia and the Sloboda
(Freedom) Association, a non-government organization dedicated to
achieving his rightful freedom.
The order prohibiting visits is allegedly based on a violation of the
newly introduced rule prohibiting communication to the media of
statements made by a detainee during visits, a rule which is both
illegal and unjustified and the sole purpose of which is to silence the
voice of an innocent man, a political prisoner, held hostage by the
“judicial” arm of NATO.
The British House of Lords has stated in Regina v Ex Parte Sims and
O’Brien that the right of prisoners to communicate with the media is
essential to prevent miscarriages of justice. The prohibition of such
communication is a fundamental violation of the presumption of
innocence set out in the Statute of the Tribunal.
The blanket prohibition of personal visits is also a flagrant violation
of Article 10 of the European Convention For The Protection of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, of Rule 92 of the UN Standard Minimum
Rules For The Treatment of Prisoners, Principle 15 of the UN Principles
of Detention and the Tribunal Rules of Detention themselves.
The Tribunal is unable to demonstrate any need for this action in terms
of the security or good order of the UN Detention Unit or under any
other legitimate rationale. Therefore, the question arises; what is the
real purpose of the order of prohibition? There can be only one answer;
to silence the voice of an innocent man in order to prevent the
embarrassment of the NATO countries who are his political enemies and
the enemies of the Serbian people and in order to suppress the truth
about the war crimes committed by NATO in Yugoslavia.
The actions of the Tribunal follow the issuance of arrest warrants by
the present Belgrade regime against his wife and son which have the
sole objective of preventing them from visiting him in an attempt to
isolate him and wear him down psychologically. In this, neither NATO
nor the Tribunal will succeed.
The ICDSM demands that the order prohibiting visits to Slobodan
Milosevic be rescinded forthwith along with the “rule” prohibiting
communication with the news media.
Prof. Velko Valkanov, Co-Chair, ICDSM,
Christopher Black, Toronto
Prof. Mikhail Kuznetzov, Moscow
Maitre Jacques Verges, Paris,
For The Legal Committee, ICDSM
---
YOUR HELP
The work for the defense of Slobodan Milosevic totally depends on your
donations.
For more details, see: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/finappeal.htm
Send a check to our address:
SLOBODA
Rajiceva 16, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro, Yugoslavia
or transfer your donation to our account using the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomocdet.htm
---
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
2. President Milosevic under treath of total isolation
3. ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
=== 1 ===
Slobodan Milosevic Addresses the Public
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
The shameful terror against my family is part of the criminal
lawlessness and tyranny, through which the Belgrade regime is aiding
The Hague and its aggression against our country and our people
- Slobodan Milosevic’s public response to charges fabricated by the
Belgrade regime -
In March 2001, I was accused of imaginary crimes, so I could be
arrested and delivered to The Hague.
These new accusations in 2003 have the same purpose: The Hague. Only
this time, their goal is to try to prevent, or at least minimize, the
obvious fiasco of the false Tribunal, which is serving as the weapon of
war against our country and our people. This time, unlike 2001, they
have also begun to terrorize my family, fiendishly persecuting my wife
and my son. The criminal campaign against my wife and my son is being
mounted solely because of my struggle here.
It is absurd and shameful that they are hounding a woman, a spouse of a
long-time head of state, a University professor; the author of ten
books, translated into 30 languages and printed worldwide, so no one
will be able to destroy or cover up her weekly testimonies on the
Yugoslav crisis. Their worth has been time-tested and proven, to Mira’s
honor and our pride. No other intellectual has raised her voice more
against war, violence, primitivism, exploitation, and slavery and in
favor of peace, freedom and equal rights.
They are hounding a young man who with an open and clear heart decided
to make his way in life independently, through his own labor,
intelligence and abilities, and has done everything to help others and
make his town more beautiful and more humane.
A crime is being committed against two people who have treated others
with nothing but goodness and humanity.
Their only crime is being my family.
People of Serbia and freedom-loving people throughout the world send me
messages of support and wish me victory. It seems that only the
Belgrade regime cheers on the Hague Tribunal, so much so that it does
not balk from terrorizing women and children.
I have told the two men who came to interrogate me – five months after
I publicly requested it – that only cowards attack women and children,
that there is no greater shame. The political, media and police
campaign against me and my family is the greatest infamy for any
country; an infamy that will grow greater for its participants, but
also those who witness it in silence, with time.
Legija and the Red Berets
Regarding the “reasons” for which the judge and the prosecutor came to
The Hague, I wish to make it clear that:
Neither I nor my entourage ever had any connections with any criminal
groups.
No “Zemun Clan“ existed while I was President. It is the direct result
of the current governments’ behavior, the role certain groups and
individuals had in the October 5, 2000 coup, and their mutual
arrangements.
Neither I nor any of my entourage had personal contacts or
acquaintances with members of the Special Operations Unit, popularly
known as the Red Berets. I believed it was an elite anti-terrorist
unit, common to any Security Service. I still believe that most of that
unit’s members were true to this description. Those who had a criminal
past or inclination thereto are certainly better known to the present
regime, as they used them on October 5.
My visit to the Kula facility in 1997 was ceremonial, a gesture of
appreciation for the Service chief Jovica Stanisic, whom I respected as
a professional and a man who endeavored to do his job in accordance
with his position. That the visit was ceremonial, and that everything
there was new to me, should be obvious to anyone who reviews the entire
tape and pays attention.
The officer who reported to me on the parade grounds was unfamiliar to
me. Now I know his name was Lukovic, “Legija.” When he came to arrest
me in March 2001, I mistook him for the officer who during my visit
drove Stanisic and me from the headquarters to the outdoors gymnasium,
which they also wanted to show me. By the way, even today I cannot
recall any of the names of officers who reported to me on various
occasions before an honor guard. This goes even for the commanders of
Yugoslav Army Guard units.
The first time I talked to Lukovic-Legija was when he came to arrest
me, on March 31, 2001. Given that I had never been in any contact with
him before, or even conversed with him, the only thing I could have
“ordered” him would have been my arrest.
Clearly, those who used the “Red Berets” members for my arrest (and
others, who jumped over the fence into the residence with stockings on
their heads) have also used them before and after. I clearly could not.
Rumors that this unit also worked as my security detail are not true.
Plain lies. My security detail at all time was the public security unit
(not State Security), commanded by Senta Milenkovic.
Ivan Stambolic
I have been a friend of Ivan Stambolic for many years. We parted ways
at the 8th Session of the Serbian League of Communists’ Central
Committee, in 1987. We never quarreled personally.
After he was relieved, he came to me and asked for one of the best jobs
(in both our opinion) in the SFRY: President of the Yugoslav bank for
international economic relations. And he received it, staying in that
position for over 10 years despite the practice of rotating the
management, until his retirement – for which he was eligible long
before, on grounds of both work experience and age.
He had been completely forgotten as a politician for many years. Thus
the story of how he represented a potential challenge in the elections
is a blatant lie, since he was never in the running. He was not even a
candidate. Besides, in those ten years, has any harm befallen any other
candidates?
It is absurd to claim that I rushed to kill him as a threat, after I’d
enabled him to hold a position of his choice for 10 years and he
retired!
Especially puzzling for me is that his family has readily accepted this
shallow lie. It seems they care more to blame me than find out the
truth about the fate of their father and husband.
Ivan Stambolic was a forgotten politician, and at the time of his
disappearance, a forgotten banker as well. No one in the state or the
political apparatus had mentioned him for years. He belonged to the era
of the former SFRY, and things have unfortunately changed since 1990.
No offense, but no one cared about Ivan Stambolic any more. There was
no persecution of those who supported his position at the 8th Session.
Desimir Jeftić, the chairman of the Serbian government who was also
relieved, was for many years the Ambassador to Romania. Ivan’s best
friend and neighbor Dragan Tomic, the CEO of ”Simpo” furniture company,
remained a member of the Party and state leadership. I am certain he
would confirm that I had told him, after Ivan was relieved, that I
would think of him the worst if he’d renounced his friend and turned
his back on him. So, the truth is quite the opposite from the story
fabricated by several pathetic creatures.
I was informed of Ivan’s disappearance over the telephone, by interior
minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic. I told him to use all the available
resources to find him. He told me that Ivan’s wife and son reported his
disappearance in the afternoon, though he went jogging that morning,
which would make the investigation more difficult.
All border posts were notified, and Vlajko Stojiljkovic told me later
that evening that several hundred police were engaged in the
investigation. I insisted that all resources be used to find him
[Stambolic] as soon as possible. Certainly most of these officers are
still employed by the interior ministry, and can testify to that.
From what Stojiljkovic told me, everything that could have been done
was done.
Draskovic, Pavkovic and the Budva Incident
Since the investigator, during the introductions, mentioned my alleged
connection to the “attempted murder of Vuk Draskovic”, I wish to say a
few words about that as well.
I never believed that what happened in Budva was a real murder attempt,
because it seems improbable that someone could shoot up all the bullets
in a small room like that and miss with every one of them. Even Vuk
Draskovic, with his talent for the dramatic, could not have turned into
a fly or a mosquito. I believed that either someone tried to scare him,
or that he made the entire incident up to gain attention and promote
his role as the “victim of the regime.” It is not hard to see who could
have benefited from such an incident, but it is abundantly clear that
it did not serve the government. Quite to the contrary, in fact.
I am not aware that the Serbian Security Service had any activities in
Montenegro apart from gathering information about cigarette smuggling
into Serbia. Rade Markovic even showed me aerial reconnaissance photos
of an area known as Mehov Krs, on the Serbian side of the boundary with
Montenegro, and explained that according to his information, that was a
major warehouse for smuggled cigarettes. He was preparing a raid to
catch the smugglers and seize the contraband, when the timing was
right. I do not know whether the photos were made from an airplane or a
helicopter, police or military, as these details did not interest me.
I never talked to Pavkovic about transporting “assassins” and “agents”
from Montenegro. It is incredulous that the Commander in Chief would be
involved in shuttling some alleged secret agents, especially through
the entire chain of command starting at the Chief of the General Staff.
Truth is, I’ve always insisted that services shouldcooperate and
abandon their rivalry, as they did not serve me but the state, and they
were supposed to work for the state, in accordance with the law.
General Aleksandar Vasiljevic testified about that in this illegal
court, as a witness of the prosecution, no less. And Rade Markovic
testified both here and in front of two parliamentary committees that
he was illegally coerced into trying to incriminate me.
The only helicopter incident I ever remember concerned a low-altitude
flyover of one helicopter over the White Palace (which was illegal),
when a Yugoslav Army officer in charge of White Palace security kept
his calm and prevented it from being tragically shot down. Later that
day it turned out that the helicopter was evacuating a seriously ill
person from the [Bosnian] Serb Republic to the Academy of Military
Medicine [VMA].
Are you not ashamed?
I demanded of both the investigator and the prosecutor that my
interrogation be public, and that they could even bring an open
telephone line, so anyone could ask me whatever they wanted. They
explained that this was not allowed by law, as long as the
investigation was ongoing. I accepted that, but requested that the
recordings be made public at the end of the investigation – since there
would be no danger of potential interference at that time. They
rejected that as well, even though they had the full legal authority to
approve it. Neither I, nor they, nor my legal representatives disputed
that.
Today’s government uses the law as an excuse for lawlessness and
tyranny. Nothing new!
Montestquieu wrote as early as 1742 that “There is no crueler tyranny
than one perpetrated under the shield of law, and in the name of
justice.”
In this entire dirty operation of trying to save this illegitimate
Hague court from a fiasco, the most shameful element is surely the
persecution of my wife and son. I told the investigating judge that his
investigation should include the phantom gold bars, foreign currency
reserves, villas in Switzerland and whatnot, because they were all
mentioned in various statements and extensive newspaper stories, only
to be “forgotten” later.
I asked him “Are you not ashamed?” He did not answer.
To my wife and son, Mira and Marko, who have been separated from me in
this heinous way, I wish to say: “Life is too short to thank you for
your goodness.”
The Hague, 17 August 2003.
Slobodan Milosevic
URL for this text: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/engleski/slobaE170803.htm
=== 2 ===
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC UNDER THREAT OF TOTAL ISOLATION!
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
Dear friends,
The Hague tribunal has just issued an order to ban all the visits to
President Milosevic from SPS and SLOBODA/Freedom Association!
Their “explanation” is that it was done because the members of the SPS
delegation gave statements to media after their recent visit.
The Tribunal’s decision was issued just after the application of Mr.
Bogoljub Bjelica, Chairman of SLOBODA to visit President Milosevic.
We responded to the tribunal letter immediately. You can read our
respond and our original application bellow and the tribunal’s
outrageous letter addressed to President Milosevic in the attachment.
After he has been deprived of family visits, President Milosevic is now
cut from the visits of his closest associates, who also work on
preparations of his struggle for truth.
The strongest legal and public reaction is urgently needed.
It is perhaps also time to attack the fact that President Milosevic is
prohibited to talk to media when, at the same time both tribunal and
its prosecution have several spokespersons who talk to media all the
time!
The criminal political mechanisms of the Hague machinery, which in the
panic of total defeat try to destroy the victor, should be totally
exposed and stopped.
Vladimir Krsljanin
General Secretary of SLOBODA
Coordinator of ICDSM
Foreign Relations Assistant to President Milosevic
---
Mr. Hans Holthuis
Registrar
ICTY, The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Re: Your unjustified decision of August 12 and our application for a
visit of August 11, 2003
Dear Mr. Holthuis,
In your letter to President Milosevic, dated August
12, the copy of which we have received by fax on August 15, after our
phone intervention to accelerate your respond to our August 11
application, and which has been delivered to President Milosevic only
yesterday, August 18, you threat with total isolation of President
Milosevic. After he has been deprived of family visits, now you want to
cut also the visits of his closest associates. Except it is outrageous,
your decision is totally legally unsustainable. Here are the reasons:
1. It is not true that your rules prohibit that any information
about the visit can be disclosed to the media. Rule 63(B) of your
“Rules on Detention” and Regulation 33(B) of your “Regulations to
govern the supervision of visits to and communications with detainees”
only says that: “Permission may be denied if the Registrar has reason
to believe that the purpose of the visit is to obtain information which
may be subsequently reported in the media.” So even if someone says
some detail to media it still does not mean that it was the purpose of
his visit. Then, even if some individual does something you dislike, it
still does not mean that you should punish the whole organization. And
finally, the spirit of all your other relevant rules implies that the
discretion right given to you should have only meaning to prevent
influence of media on the processes before the ICTY.
2. Nobody in Serbia is aware that any of the members of SPS
delegation gave any public statement that can influence the process.
3. You are very well aware that listing the Freedom Association
among the “associated entities” with SPS has absolutely no legal
meaning and is bellow the level of anyone who claims to be a lawyer.
SPS is a political party and Freedom Association is a non-governmental
and non-partisan organization. These two entities are completely
legally independent one from each other. Following the same logic of
who is “associated” with whom you can also ban visits of all Serbs and
finally of all human beings.
So, after he has been in many respects deprived in comparison
with other detainees when the visits are concerned (he was the only one
kept in total isolation so long at the beginning of his detention; he
is the only one whose family can visit him for only three days in a
month; now his wife can not visit him at all; he is often not informed
about the requests of the people who apply to visit him; many visitors
were denied access with false justification that he didn’t request to
see them, in spite he made written requests etc.) President Milosevic
is now cut of the visits from the only home organization which protects
his human rights and from his closest associates, which also seriously
affects his right to defense.
We expect you to change your wrong decision immediately.
Otherwise, we will be forced to take other legal and public measures in
order to protect law and justice.
Belgrade, August 19th, 2003
On behalf of Freedom Association
Igor Raicevic, Chairman of the Assembly
---
Ms. Monica Martinez
Chief of OLAD
Registry, ICTY
The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Subject: Application for a visit of Mr. Bjelica to President Milosevic
Dear Ms. Martinez,
We apply hereby for a visit of the Chairman of the
“Freedom” Association Mr. Bogoljub Bjelica to President Milosevic. We
make this application with the consent of President Milosevic. The
visit would take place at earliest convenience. Having in mind the
health situation of Mr. Milosevic and the amount of his current
activities in the preparations for the continuation of the process, we
would appreciate very much if you could agree the exact date for the
visit in direct communication with President Milosevic.
Since several months have passed since our last visit, we
are sure that there will be no difficulties in approving this visit.
Our legal interest and our commitments remain as before.
For your reply or any further information our contacts
remain: phone +381 63 8862 301 or fax +381 11 630 549.
Belgrade, August 11th, 2003
Appreciating your cooperation, I remain
Yours sincerely
Igor Raicevic
Chairman of the Assembly of "Freedom" Association
=== 3 ===
ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
Hans
Holthuis
August 26, 2003
Registrar,
His Honour Judge Theodor Meron,
President,
The Honourable Judges Trial Chamber III
ICTY, The Hague, Netherlands
RE: Slobodan Milosevic
Illegal Prohibition of Visits and Communication With The Press
The International Committee For The Defense of Slobodan Milosevic
protests the illegal and unjustified prohibition of visits to Slobodan
Milosevic by members of the Socialist Party of Serbia and the Sloboda
(Freedom) Association, a non-government organization dedicated to
achieving his rightful freedom.
The order prohibiting visits is allegedly based on a violation of the
newly introduced rule prohibiting communication to the media of
statements made by a detainee during visits, a rule which is both
illegal and unjustified and the sole purpose of which is to silence the
voice of an innocent man, a political prisoner, held hostage by the
“judicial” arm of NATO.
The British House of Lords has stated in Regina v Ex Parte Sims and
O’Brien that the right of prisoners to communicate with the media is
essential to prevent miscarriages of justice. The prohibition of such
communication is a fundamental violation of the presumption of
innocence set out in the Statute of the Tribunal.
The blanket prohibition of personal visits is also a flagrant violation
of Article 10 of the European Convention For The Protection of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, of Rule 92 of the UN Standard Minimum
Rules For The Treatment of Prisoners, Principle 15 of the UN Principles
of Detention and the Tribunal Rules of Detention themselves.
The Tribunal is unable to demonstrate any need for this action in terms
of the security or good order of the UN Detention Unit or under any
other legitimate rationale. Therefore, the question arises; what is the
real purpose of the order of prohibition? There can be only one answer;
to silence the voice of an innocent man in order to prevent the
embarrassment of the NATO countries who are his political enemies and
the enemies of the Serbian people and in order to suppress the truth
about the war crimes committed by NATO in Yugoslavia.
The actions of the Tribunal follow the issuance of arrest warrants by
the present Belgrade regime against his wife and son which have the
sole objective of preventing them from visiting him in an attempt to
isolate him and wear him down psychologically. In this, neither NATO
nor the Tribunal will succeed.
The ICDSM demands that the order prohibiting visits to Slobodan
Milosevic be rescinded forthwith along with the “rule” prohibiting
communication with the news media.
Prof. Velko Valkanov, Co-Chair, ICDSM,
Christopher Black, Toronto
Prof. Mikhail Kuznetzov, Moscow
Maitre Jacques Verges, Paris,
For The Legal Committee, ICDSM
---
YOUR HELP
The work for the defense of Slobodan Milosevic totally depends on your
donations.
For more details, see: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/finappeal.htm
Send a check to our address:
SLOBODA
Rajiceva 16, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro, Yugoslavia
or transfer your donation to our account using the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomocdet.htm
---
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
On Russia and the Kosovo issue
1. From Kosovo to Iraq
(by Vladimir Radyuhin, The Hindu, 18/08/2003)
2. Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid 'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's
Non-Albanians
(Novosti, June 11, 2003)
=== 1 ===
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/thscrip/
print.pl?file=2003081800911000.htm&date=2003/08/18/&prd=th&
Date:18/08/2003
URL: http://www.thehindu.com/2003/08/18/stories/2003081800911000.htm
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
From Kosovo to Iraq
By Vladimir Radyuhin
Any international security mission for Iraq will be under U.S. command.
This would set the stage for a replay of the Kosovo scenario.
RUSSIA IS not likely to send its peacekeepers to Iraq even though
Foreign Ministry officials have not ruled out the option if the United
Nations Security Council supports a multinational force for Iraq.
Russia has just pulled out of a similar arrangement in the Balkans
wishing it had never joined in, in the first place.
The quiet withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Kosovo was in stark
contrast to their triumphant arrival in the region in June 1999 after
the 78-day NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. Russia stunned the West
when about 200 of its paratroopers undertook a daring 600-km raid from
Bosnia across Yugoslavia and into Kosovo, stealing a march on NATO. The
local Serb population gave a rousing welcome to Russian troops as
liberators and protectors against Albanian militants. However, Moscow's
plan to fly in reinforcements from Russia even as the NATO command
mulled over the shocking news that the Russians had occupied the
strategic Pristina airport fell through when East European countries
closed their airspace to Russian transport aircraft on the request of
NATO, which they craved to join.
In the end, the Pristina raid proved little more than a damage control
exercise by the whimsical Russian leader, Boris Yeltsin, to camouflage
his abrupt turnaround from staunch support for Yugoslavia to blatant
sell-out when he persuaded the Yugoslav leader, Slobodan Milosevic, to
accept a Western ultimatum and agree to a NATO occupation of Kosovo.
Russia voted for the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, which
mandated an international peace force for Kosovo, KFOR. The resolution
called for "the deployment in Kosovo, under United Nations auspices, of
international civil and security presences." The text of the resolution
did not say clearly under whose command the peacekeepers would be
deployed, but an annexe appended to the resolution mentioned rather
evasively that the security force should include a "substantial NATO
participation" and be "under unified command and control."
This ambiguous wording deprived Russian diplomats of any bargaining
power to press Moscow's demand for its peacekeepers to serve under
Russian command in a separate sector of Kosovo populated predominantly
by Serbs to prevent their ethnic cleansing by Albanian militants. A
Russian force of 3,600 paratroopers, vastly outnumbered by NATO troops,
was split between the American, French and German sectors under NATO
command.
Resolution 1244 tasked the international security force with
"demilitarizing the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and other armed Kosovo
Albanian groups" and "establishing a secure environment in which
refugees and displaced persons can return home in safety." Neither
demand has been enforced. The KLA became Kosovo police and Serbs
terrorised by Albanians continued to flee Kosovo.
Contrary to the U.N. Security Council demand that Kosovo "enjoy
substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," the
region has gained de facto independence from Belgrade.
Russia's withdrawal from KFOR was precipitated by the U.S.-led war
against Iraq, which Moscow strongly opposed. As soon as the
U.S.-British forces attacked Iraq, the Russian President, Vladimir
Putin, began talks with NATO on the Kosovo pullout. As Russian
paratroopers packed up, television showed painful pictures of Kosovo
Serbs complaining that the "Russian brothers" had betrayed them by
leaving them alone to face Albanian violence.
However, Mr. Putin, who is striving to reassert Russia's influence in
global politics, could not afford to share responsibility with the U.S.
for further dismembering what remained of former Yugoslavia and seeing
Kosovo turn into a hotbed of terrorism and drug trafficking in the
heart of Europe. Nor could Mr. Putin, who has been arguing for a
stronger U.N. role in international affairs, be seen as conniving in
the flouting of the Security Council resolution on Kosovo.
History may now repeat itself in Iraq. As things stand today, there is
no chance that the U.S. would be prepared to let the U.N. take over
control of peacekeeping in Iraq. The U.S.-drafted resolution calls for
a timid "U.N. Assistance Mission." Even if the U.S. agrees at some
stage for a broader U.N. mandate, any international security mission
for Iraq will be under U.S. command. This would set the stage for a
replay of the Kosovo scenario.
When Russia's partners in the post-Soviet Commonwealth of Independent
States — Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan — scramble to jump on the
American bandwagon in Iraq, their motive is to win U.S. favour and
patronage.
Russia is a different case. By pulling out from Kosovo, Mr. Putin has
sent a clear signal that Russia will no longer pull chestnuts from the
fire for others.
© Copyright 2000 - 2003 The Hindu
=== 2 ===
Da: Rick Rozoff
Data: Gio 12 Giu 2003 09:31:08 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid
'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's Non-Albanians
http://en.rian.ru/rian/
index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3267393&startrow=21&date=2003-06-
11&do_alert=0
Russian Information Agency (Novosti)
June 11, 2003
GENERAL IVASHOV: DECISION TO DEPLOY RUSSIAN AIRBORNE BATTALION IN
KOSOVO WAS CORRECT
-That decision did not allow to "distort the essence
of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed
the sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
-"It was a brilliant raid, performed despite the
fierce pressure from Washington and Brussels [NATO
headquarters]. Russia's powerful military-political
potential was demonstrated, and not on the Balkans
alone. Unfortunately, this potential was not properly
used and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving
the Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
MOSCOW, June 11th, 2003 /from a RIA Novosti
correspondent/ -- The decision to deploy a Russian
airborne battalion in Kosovo in 1999 was correct, said
Colonel General Leonid Ivashov, a former top official
of the Russian Defence Ministry.
That decision did not allow to "distort the essence of
UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed the
sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
What was called "Russia's Pristina raid" was carried
out on June 11-12 from Bosnia, where a Russian
airborne battalion was deployed as part of
international peacemaking forces. "It was a brilliant
raid, performed despite the fierce pressure from
Washington and Brussels [NATO headquarters]. Russia's
powerful military-political potential was
demonstrated, and not on the Balkans alone.
Unfortunately, this potential was not properly used
and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving the
Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
Ivashov stressed that the battalion had been deployed
"in line with the international law and the UN SC
resolution". The operation was sanctioned by the then
Russian President Boris Yeltsin. "His decision, based
on reports of the ministers of defence and foreign
affairs, envisaged the deployment of a Russian
peacekeeping contingent simultaneously with NATO
troops if NATO refused to recognise Russia as an equal
partner in the Kosovo settlement," Ivashov stressed.
The deployment was carried out on an agreement with
Yugoslavia's political leadership. The then Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic ordered the defence
ministry and other ministries to provide assistance to
the Russian soldiers and co-operate with the Russian
contingent's command.
According to Ivashov, the final decision to deploy
troops was taken "after the disruption of negotiations
with the Americans who were trying to impose on Russia
discriminating terms of participation in the
peacekeeping operation in the Balkans." "Russia was
proposed to take part in the operation 'with two
battalions within the mobile reserve of General
Jackson, the KFOR commander, and Russia naturally
rejected such form of participation," the general
said.
The battalion was assigned the mission of seizing the
Slatina airdrome, Kosovo's key object. The order to
advance was received on June 11, 1999. The battalion
reached the airdrome on June 12 early in the morning.
1. From Kosovo to Iraq
(by Vladimir Radyuhin, The Hindu, 18/08/2003)
2. Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid 'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's
Non-Albanians
(Novosti, June 11, 2003)
=== 1 ===
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/thscrip/
print.pl?file=2003081800911000.htm&date=2003/08/18/&prd=th&
Date:18/08/2003
URL: http://www.thehindu.com/2003/08/18/stories/2003081800911000.htm
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
From Kosovo to Iraq
By Vladimir Radyuhin
Any international security mission for Iraq will be under U.S. command.
This would set the stage for a replay of the Kosovo scenario.
RUSSIA IS not likely to send its peacekeepers to Iraq even though
Foreign Ministry officials have not ruled out the option if the United
Nations Security Council supports a multinational force for Iraq.
Russia has just pulled out of a similar arrangement in the Balkans
wishing it had never joined in, in the first place.
The quiet withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Kosovo was in stark
contrast to their triumphant arrival in the region in June 1999 after
the 78-day NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. Russia stunned the West
when about 200 of its paratroopers undertook a daring 600-km raid from
Bosnia across Yugoslavia and into Kosovo, stealing a march on NATO. The
local Serb population gave a rousing welcome to Russian troops as
liberators and protectors against Albanian militants. However, Moscow's
plan to fly in reinforcements from Russia even as the NATO command
mulled over the shocking news that the Russians had occupied the
strategic Pristina airport fell through when East European countries
closed their airspace to Russian transport aircraft on the request of
NATO, which they craved to join.
In the end, the Pristina raid proved little more than a damage control
exercise by the whimsical Russian leader, Boris Yeltsin, to camouflage
his abrupt turnaround from staunch support for Yugoslavia to blatant
sell-out when he persuaded the Yugoslav leader, Slobodan Milosevic, to
accept a Western ultimatum and agree to a NATO occupation of Kosovo.
Russia voted for the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, which
mandated an international peace force for Kosovo, KFOR. The resolution
called for "the deployment in Kosovo, under United Nations auspices, of
international civil and security presences." The text of the resolution
did not say clearly under whose command the peacekeepers would be
deployed, but an annexe appended to the resolution mentioned rather
evasively that the security force should include a "substantial NATO
participation" and be "under unified command and control."
This ambiguous wording deprived Russian diplomats of any bargaining
power to press Moscow's demand for its peacekeepers to serve under
Russian command in a separate sector of Kosovo populated predominantly
by Serbs to prevent their ethnic cleansing by Albanian militants. A
Russian force of 3,600 paratroopers, vastly outnumbered by NATO troops,
was split between the American, French and German sectors under NATO
command.
Resolution 1244 tasked the international security force with
"demilitarizing the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and other armed Kosovo
Albanian groups" and "establishing a secure environment in which
refugees and displaced persons can return home in safety." Neither
demand has been enforced. The KLA became Kosovo police and Serbs
terrorised by Albanians continued to flee Kosovo.
Contrary to the U.N. Security Council demand that Kosovo "enjoy
substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," the
region has gained de facto independence from Belgrade.
Russia's withdrawal from KFOR was precipitated by the U.S.-led war
against Iraq, which Moscow strongly opposed. As soon as the
U.S.-British forces attacked Iraq, the Russian President, Vladimir
Putin, began talks with NATO on the Kosovo pullout. As Russian
paratroopers packed up, television showed painful pictures of Kosovo
Serbs complaining that the "Russian brothers" had betrayed them by
leaving them alone to face Albanian violence.
However, Mr. Putin, who is striving to reassert Russia's influence in
global politics, could not afford to share responsibility with the U.S.
for further dismembering what remained of former Yugoslavia and seeing
Kosovo turn into a hotbed of terrorism and drug trafficking in the
heart of Europe. Nor could Mr. Putin, who has been arguing for a
stronger U.N. role in international affairs, be seen as conniving in
the flouting of the Security Council resolution on Kosovo.
History may now repeat itself in Iraq. As things stand today, there is
no chance that the U.S. would be prepared to let the U.N. take over
control of peacekeeping in Iraq. The U.S.-drafted resolution calls for
a timid "U.N. Assistance Mission." Even if the U.S. agrees at some
stage for a broader U.N. mandate, any international security mission
for Iraq will be under U.S. command. This would set the stage for a
replay of the Kosovo scenario.
When Russia's partners in the post-Soviet Commonwealth of Independent
States — Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan — scramble to jump on the
American bandwagon in Iraq, their motive is to win U.S. favour and
patronage.
Russia is a different case. By pulling out from Kosovo, Mr. Putin has
sent a clear signal that Russia will no longer pull chestnuts from the
fire for others.
© Copyright 2000 - 2003 The Hindu
=== 2 ===
Da: Rick Rozoff
Data: Gio 12 Giu 2003 09:31:08 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid
'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's Non-Albanians
http://en.rian.ru/rian/
index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3267393&startrow=21&date=2003-06-
11&do_alert=0
Russian Information Agency (Novosti)
June 11, 2003
GENERAL IVASHOV: DECISION TO DEPLOY RUSSIAN AIRBORNE BATTALION IN
KOSOVO WAS CORRECT
-That decision did not allow to "distort the essence
of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed
the sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
-"It was a brilliant raid, performed despite the
fierce pressure from Washington and Brussels [NATO
headquarters]. Russia's powerful military-political
potential was demonstrated, and not on the Balkans
alone. Unfortunately, this potential was not properly
used and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving
the Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
MOSCOW, June 11th, 2003 /from a RIA Novosti
correspondent/ -- The decision to deploy a Russian
airborne battalion in Kosovo in 1999 was correct, said
Colonel General Leonid Ivashov, a former top official
of the Russian Defence Ministry.
That decision did not allow to "distort the essence of
UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed the
sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
What was called "Russia's Pristina raid" was carried
out on June 11-12 from Bosnia, where a Russian
airborne battalion was deployed as part of
international peacemaking forces. "It was a brilliant
raid, performed despite the fierce pressure from
Washington and Brussels [NATO headquarters]. Russia's
powerful military-political potential was
demonstrated, and not on the Balkans alone.
Unfortunately, this potential was not properly used
and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving the
Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
Ivashov stressed that the battalion had been deployed
"in line with the international law and the UN SC
resolution". The operation was sanctioned by the then
Russian President Boris Yeltsin. "His decision, based
on reports of the ministers of defence and foreign
affairs, envisaged the deployment of a Russian
peacekeeping contingent simultaneously with NATO
troops if NATO refused to recognise Russia as an equal
partner in the Kosovo settlement," Ivashov stressed.
The deployment was carried out on an agreement with
Yugoslavia's political leadership. The then Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic ordered the defence
ministry and other ministries to provide assistance to
the Russian soldiers and co-operate with the Russian
contingent's command.
According to Ivashov, the final decision to deploy
troops was taken "after the disruption of negotiations
with the Americans who were trying to impose on Russia
discriminating terms of participation in the
peacekeeping operation in the Balkans." "Russia was
proposed to take part in the operation 'with two
battalions within the mobile reserve of General
Jackson, the KFOR commander, and Russia naturally
rejected such form of participation," the general
said.
The battalion was assigned the mission of seizing the
Slatina airdrome, Kosovo's key object. The order to
advance was received on June 11, 1999. The battalion
reached the airdrome on June 12 early in the morning.
http://www.apisgroup.org/article.html?id=1381
Serbs and Jews
1. Jewish literature
While talking about the horrors of the Holocaust, Jewish literature
tends to be ethnocentric. It is understandable to a certain degree.
Still, when talking about suffering in Yugoslavia, all of the
literature talks with one voice about "Serbs and Jews"... For Jews and
Serbs the destiny was the same.
"Encyclopedia of The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/ustashi.html#EH_Croatia
In many volumes of this book one can find many references on suffering
of Serbs and Jews in Yugoslavia. Just look for: Croatia, Serbia,
Jasenovac, Pavelic, Hussein al-, ... In the chapter on Croatia it says:
"THE USTASHA REGIME IN CROATIA, AND PARTICULARLY THIS DRIVE IN THE
SUMMER OF 1941 TO EXTERMINATE AND DISPOSSESS THE SERBS, WAS ONE OF THE
MOST HORRENDOUS EPISODES OF WORLD WAR II . THE MURDER METHODS APPLIED
BY THE USTASHA WERE EXTRAORDINARILY PRIMITIVE AND SADISTIC."
(Professor) Martin Gilbert: "The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/m-gilbert.html
This historian, the official biographer of Winston Churchill says: "in
Yugoslavia, Hitler had an ideological and physical ally in the Croat
Ustashi movement..."
(Professor) Helen Fein: "Accounting for Genocide"
http://www.apisgroup.org/H-Fein.html
This renowned historian says:"[Already] by June 1941, signs on public
establishments [in Nazi Independent State of Croatia] read, NO SERBS,
JEWS, NOMADS, AND DOGS ALLOWED. She clearly states:"...Nonpartisan
sources agree that mass genocide was authorized by the state of
Croatia. They concur the state instigated, planned, and executed masses
against the Serbian Orthodox minority ...and that the Catholic clergy
approved, led, or failed to denounce these massacres."
(Professor) Raul Hilberg: "The Destruction of the European Jews"
http://www.apisgroup.org/hilberg.html
This is probably the best known book on the Jewish holocaust. It
consists of two large volumes.
Briefly, this is what Dr. Hilberg says: Since April 1941, Serbia was
under German occupation. But proud Serbs could never stand oppression.
Soon they started uprising. Unlike anywhere else in occupied Europe,
angry Nazi Germans invented 1:100 formula. For every German soldier
killed 100 civilian hostages would be executed. Jewish male population
was first among the hostages. Croatian Ustashi then finished (by use of
gas vans) Jewish women and children of Serbia. This is how German Nazi
commander of occupied Serbia could brag that "Jewish question in Serbia
was solved".
In Fascist-Catholic Independent State of Croatia, Croat fascists
eagerly and bestially exterminate Serbs (in the first place), Jews and
Gypsies. Not only did Nazi Croats surpassed Nazi Germans and Fascist
Italians - they shocked them with the bestial methods they implemented.
It was Fascist Italians that tried to stop Ustashi bloody bacchanalia.
(Professor) Susan Zuccotti:"The Italians and the Holocaust -
Persecution, Rescue, Survival" (New York, 1987)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
Dr. Nora Levin:"The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Levin2.html
The author reminds us:"The Ustashi were fanatics bent on the
destruction of both Serbs and Jews... [They] murdered and tortured Jews
and Serbs in indescribably bestial fashion. One of the most notorious
camps in Hitler's Europe, Jasenovac
[http://www.apisgroup.org/jasenovac.html%5d, was in Croatia. Here the
Ustashi used primitive implements in putting their victims to death -
knives, axes, hammers and other iron tools... One source estimates that
770,000 Serbs, 40,000 Gypsies and 20,000 Jews were done to death in the
Jasenovac camp [alone]."
Michael R. Marrus: "The Holocaust in History"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marrus.html
While talking about the Nazi satellites, the author says:"The overall
level of violence was highest in Croatia, where Pavelic's Ustasha
movement devised the most thoroughly totalitarian state of any
satellite and pursued a merciless, bloody assault on the country's two
million Serbs..."
(Professor) Clive Ponting: "Armageddon"
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/books/ponting.html
This historian and politician says: "The greatest ethnic slaughter took
place as Yugoslavia was carved up after the German invasion in April
1941. The creation of a separate Croatia ... controlled by the fascist,
Catholic, extremist Ustasha movement was the catalyst for the
tragedy... Now, historic Croatia was expanded to include
Bosnia-Herzegovina and other teritories, and the Ustasha were left ...
to govern a population of nearly 7 million people, of whom about half
were Croats, just over 2 million were Serbs, about 750,000 were
Muslims, and small numbers were Protestants and Jews.... The Minister
of Education, Mile Budak, made clear the Ustasha aims: "Our new Croatia
will get rid of all Serbs in our midst in order to become one hundred
percent Catholic within ten years." He spoke of killing a third of the
Serbs, converting a third, and expelling the remainder. The leader of
the Ustasha, Ante Pavelic, said,"A good Ustasha is one who can use his
knife to cut a child from the womb of its mother." (end quote).
Dr. Ronnie S. Landau: "The Nazi Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/R-Landau.html
In Yugoslav Croatia, too, there is evidence that officials of the
Orthodox Church [that is - the Serbs] pleaded with the authorities
[that is to the Nazi Croats - Ustashi] to curtail the vicious treatment
meted out to both Orthodox Serbs and Jews.
Major Richard L. Felman
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/Felman/snf-speech.html#Jew
One of more than 500 American Airmen rescued by the Serbs during WWII
says: "Many Serbs risked their lives during World War II to save
countless Jews from Nazi death camps. This is something we can never
forget and for which I and The Jewish People will always be grateful."
Gottlieb Hlinko:"Kaddish in the Serbian Forest" -"The Massacre of
European Jewry: An Antology" (Israel: Kibbutz Merchavia, 1963)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
2. Jewish reaction to the current events
Some Jews still remember...
They shared our fate
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lapid.html
"As Jews, we do indeed have a historical obligation to the Serbs" says
Mr. Joseph Lapid, a columnist and editorial writer for"Ma'ariv" a
leading Hebrew daily.
'Eden' of Sarajevo disappeared during WWII
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lipson1.html
Says Dr. Alfred Lipson, a Senior Researcher at Holocaust Resource
Center and Archives, Queensborough Community College of the City
University of New York, Bayside, N.Y.
Serbs, Jews and Bosnia
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/ranz/July95.html
Professor John Ranz, Chairperson Survivors of the Buchenwald
Concentration Camp reminds us of the basic history of the region.
A plan bad to the bone
http://www.apisgroup.org/Reich.html
Dr. Reich, the Director of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in
Washington protests Croatian plan to mix the bones of the Holocaust's
victims in Croatia with those of its perpetrators.
Fascism is alive and well in Croatia
http://www.apisgroup.org/Adelson.html
Professor Howard L. Adelson says "Today Ustashi murderers are being
rehabilitated and are being extolled as national heroes by Tudjman
despite the fact that they were among the most brutal villains [of
WWII]."
The Serbian soldiers - utterly truthful and honorable
http://www.apisgroup.org/H_Brin.html
...says Herb Brin, the oldest working American journalist and adds:
"the decision to bomb the Serb position in Bosnia breaks my heart".
U.S. Jews and the Balkan Situation
http://www.apisgroup.org/Dorfman.html
Mr. Alvin Dorfman and Mrs. Heather Cottin explain how major Jewish
organizations got to spread government anti-Serb propaganda.
Shame, shame, shame!
http://www.apisgroup.org/betrayal.html
Charley Reese: "No sin blots American politics today more than the
betrayal of the Serbs. No one ought to be more ashamed of U.S.
treatment of the Serbs than American Jews."
Jewish motives
http://www.apisgroup.org/Ramati1.html
Dr. Yohanan Ramati, the Director of The Jerusalem Institute for Western
Defence explains mentality of diaspora Jews. How did they alow to be
duped.
An open letter to the American Jewish Commitee
http://www.apisgroup.org/Cadik.html
Mr. Danon Cadik, the chief Rabbi of Yugoslavia, et. al., pleads for
justice.
Set your records straight!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Almuli.html
Mr. Jasa Almuli, past President of the Jewish Community of Belgrade and
past Vice-President of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia, pleads for
truth.
The Serbs had for ever won a place in the hearts of the Jews
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mosic.html
"We the surviving Jews of Serbia have for them respect and
understanding. We know that the basic motive of their recent rebellion
in secessionist Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina were their distrust
and deep apprehension after they have been slaughtered in the Nazi era
by the Croat Ustashas and Muslim SS..." says Dr. Aleksandar Mosic,
Former Deputy President, Federation of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia.
Serbs are our brothers in soul
http://www.apisgroup.org/Enriko-Josif.html
"A media Auschwitz, was perpetrated on the Serbian people! The Serbs
were dehumanized and portrayed as monsters exactly as the Jews were
portrayed through centuries. Do not participate in persecution of the
Serbs. They are our brothers. They are people who share the same
destiny with us, the Jewish people." says Professor and composer Enriko
Josif.
60 Minutes...more yellow journalism on Bosnia!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marquette.html
An open letter by Mrs. Sandy Marquette a Jew from Chicago.
The European Hoodlum Democracy Will Not Break the Serbs
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mandic.html
Dr. Klara Mandic, a senior Belgrade Jewish community leader explains
the Serbian motives.
America in the Eye of a Hurricane
http://www.apisgroup.org/Kissinger.html
Dr. Henry Kissinger reminds us that Bosnia had never been an
independent state and warns us that long American tradition of support
to self-determination has been betrayed.
23. avgust 2003. godine
Serbs and Jews
1. Jewish literature
While talking about the horrors of the Holocaust, Jewish literature
tends to be ethnocentric. It is understandable to a certain degree.
Still, when talking about suffering in Yugoslavia, all of the
literature talks with one voice about "Serbs and Jews"... For Jews and
Serbs the destiny was the same.
"Encyclopedia of The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/ustashi.html#EH_Croatia
In many volumes of this book one can find many references on suffering
of Serbs and Jews in Yugoslavia. Just look for: Croatia, Serbia,
Jasenovac, Pavelic, Hussein al-, ... In the chapter on Croatia it says:
"THE USTASHA REGIME IN CROATIA, AND PARTICULARLY THIS DRIVE IN THE
SUMMER OF 1941 TO EXTERMINATE AND DISPOSSESS THE SERBS, WAS ONE OF THE
MOST HORRENDOUS EPISODES OF WORLD WAR II . THE MURDER METHODS APPLIED
BY THE USTASHA WERE EXTRAORDINARILY PRIMITIVE AND SADISTIC."
(Professor) Martin Gilbert: "The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/m-gilbert.html
This historian, the official biographer of Winston Churchill says: "in
Yugoslavia, Hitler had an ideological and physical ally in the Croat
Ustashi movement..."
(Professor) Helen Fein: "Accounting for Genocide"
http://www.apisgroup.org/H-Fein.html
This renowned historian says:"[Already] by June 1941, signs on public
establishments [in Nazi Independent State of Croatia] read, NO SERBS,
JEWS, NOMADS, AND DOGS ALLOWED. She clearly states:"...Nonpartisan
sources agree that mass genocide was authorized by the state of
Croatia. They concur the state instigated, planned, and executed masses
against the Serbian Orthodox minority ...and that the Catholic clergy
approved, led, or failed to denounce these massacres."
(Professor) Raul Hilberg: "The Destruction of the European Jews"
http://www.apisgroup.org/hilberg.html
This is probably the best known book on the Jewish holocaust. It
consists of two large volumes.
Briefly, this is what Dr. Hilberg says: Since April 1941, Serbia was
under German occupation. But proud Serbs could never stand oppression.
Soon they started uprising. Unlike anywhere else in occupied Europe,
angry Nazi Germans invented 1:100 formula. For every German soldier
killed 100 civilian hostages would be executed. Jewish male population
was first among the hostages. Croatian Ustashi then finished (by use of
gas vans) Jewish women and children of Serbia. This is how German Nazi
commander of occupied Serbia could brag that "Jewish question in Serbia
was solved".
In Fascist-Catholic Independent State of Croatia, Croat fascists
eagerly and bestially exterminate Serbs (in the first place), Jews and
Gypsies. Not only did Nazi Croats surpassed Nazi Germans and Fascist
Italians - they shocked them with the bestial methods they implemented.
It was Fascist Italians that tried to stop Ustashi bloody bacchanalia.
(Professor) Susan Zuccotti:"The Italians and the Holocaust -
Persecution, Rescue, Survival" (New York, 1987)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
Dr. Nora Levin:"The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Levin2.html
The author reminds us:"The Ustashi were fanatics bent on the
destruction of both Serbs and Jews... [They] murdered and tortured Jews
and Serbs in indescribably bestial fashion. One of the most notorious
camps in Hitler's Europe, Jasenovac
[http://www.apisgroup.org/jasenovac.html%5d, was in Croatia. Here the
Ustashi used primitive implements in putting their victims to death -
knives, axes, hammers and other iron tools... One source estimates that
770,000 Serbs, 40,000 Gypsies and 20,000 Jews were done to death in the
Jasenovac camp [alone]."
Michael R. Marrus: "The Holocaust in History"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marrus.html
While talking about the Nazi satellites, the author says:"The overall
level of violence was highest in Croatia, where Pavelic's Ustasha
movement devised the most thoroughly totalitarian state of any
satellite and pursued a merciless, bloody assault on the country's two
million Serbs..."
(Professor) Clive Ponting: "Armageddon"
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/books/ponting.html
This historian and politician says: "The greatest ethnic slaughter took
place as Yugoslavia was carved up after the German invasion in April
1941. The creation of a separate Croatia ... controlled by the fascist,
Catholic, extremist Ustasha movement was the catalyst for the
tragedy... Now, historic Croatia was expanded to include
Bosnia-Herzegovina and other teritories, and the Ustasha were left ...
to govern a population of nearly 7 million people, of whom about half
were Croats, just over 2 million were Serbs, about 750,000 were
Muslims, and small numbers were Protestants and Jews.... The Minister
of Education, Mile Budak, made clear the Ustasha aims: "Our new Croatia
will get rid of all Serbs in our midst in order to become one hundred
percent Catholic within ten years." He spoke of killing a third of the
Serbs, converting a third, and expelling the remainder. The leader of
the Ustasha, Ante Pavelic, said,"A good Ustasha is one who can use his
knife to cut a child from the womb of its mother." (end quote).
Dr. Ronnie S. Landau: "The Nazi Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/R-Landau.html
In Yugoslav Croatia, too, there is evidence that officials of the
Orthodox Church [that is - the Serbs] pleaded with the authorities
[that is to the Nazi Croats - Ustashi] to curtail the vicious treatment
meted out to both Orthodox Serbs and Jews.
Major Richard L. Felman
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/Felman/snf-speech.html#Jew
One of more than 500 American Airmen rescued by the Serbs during WWII
says: "Many Serbs risked their lives during World War II to save
countless Jews from Nazi death camps. This is something we can never
forget and for which I and The Jewish People will always be grateful."
Gottlieb Hlinko:"Kaddish in the Serbian Forest" -"The Massacre of
European Jewry: An Antology" (Israel: Kibbutz Merchavia, 1963)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
2. Jewish reaction to the current events
Some Jews still remember...
They shared our fate
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lapid.html
"As Jews, we do indeed have a historical obligation to the Serbs" says
Mr. Joseph Lapid, a columnist and editorial writer for"Ma'ariv" a
leading Hebrew daily.
'Eden' of Sarajevo disappeared during WWII
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lipson1.html
Says Dr. Alfred Lipson, a Senior Researcher at Holocaust Resource
Center and Archives, Queensborough Community College of the City
University of New York, Bayside, N.Y.
Serbs, Jews and Bosnia
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/ranz/July95.html
Professor John Ranz, Chairperson Survivors of the Buchenwald
Concentration Camp reminds us of the basic history of the region.
A plan bad to the bone
http://www.apisgroup.org/Reich.html
Dr. Reich, the Director of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in
Washington protests Croatian plan to mix the bones of the Holocaust's
victims in Croatia with those of its perpetrators.
Fascism is alive and well in Croatia
http://www.apisgroup.org/Adelson.html
Professor Howard L. Adelson says "Today Ustashi murderers are being
rehabilitated and are being extolled as national heroes by Tudjman
despite the fact that they were among the most brutal villains [of
WWII]."
The Serbian soldiers - utterly truthful and honorable
http://www.apisgroup.org/H_Brin.html
...says Herb Brin, the oldest working American journalist and adds:
"the decision to bomb the Serb position in Bosnia breaks my heart".
U.S. Jews and the Balkan Situation
http://www.apisgroup.org/Dorfman.html
Mr. Alvin Dorfman and Mrs. Heather Cottin explain how major Jewish
organizations got to spread government anti-Serb propaganda.
Shame, shame, shame!
http://www.apisgroup.org/betrayal.html
Charley Reese: "No sin blots American politics today more than the
betrayal of the Serbs. No one ought to be more ashamed of U.S.
treatment of the Serbs than American Jews."
Jewish motives
http://www.apisgroup.org/Ramati1.html
Dr. Yohanan Ramati, the Director of The Jerusalem Institute for Western
Defence explains mentality of diaspora Jews. How did they alow to be
duped.
An open letter to the American Jewish Commitee
http://www.apisgroup.org/Cadik.html
Mr. Danon Cadik, the chief Rabbi of Yugoslavia, et. al., pleads for
justice.
Set your records straight!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Almuli.html
Mr. Jasa Almuli, past President of the Jewish Community of Belgrade and
past Vice-President of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia, pleads for
truth.
The Serbs had for ever won a place in the hearts of the Jews
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mosic.html
"We the surviving Jews of Serbia have for them respect and
understanding. We know that the basic motive of their recent rebellion
in secessionist Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina were their distrust
and deep apprehension after they have been slaughtered in the Nazi era
by the Croat Ustashas and Muslim SS..." says Dr. Aleksandar Mosic,
Former Deputy President, Federation of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia.
Serbs are our brothers in soul
http://www.apisgroup.org/Enriko-Josif.html
"A media Auschwitz, was perpetrated on the Serbian people! The Serbs
were dehumanized and portrayed as monsters exactly as the Jews were
portrayed through centuries. Do not participate in persecution of the
Serbs. They are our brothers. They are people who share the same
destiny with us, the Jewish people." says Professor and composer Enriko
Josif.
60 Minutes...more yellow journalism on Bosnia!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marquette.html
An open letter by Mrs. Sandy Marquette a Jew from Chicago.
The European Hoodlum Democracy Will Not Break the Serbs
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mandic.html
Dr. Klara Mandic, a senior Belgrade Jewish community leader explains
the Serbian motives.
America in the Eye of a Hurricane
http://www.apisgroup.org/Kissinger.html
Dr. Henry Kissinger reminds us that Bosnia had never been an
independent state and warns us that long American tradition of support
to self-determination has been betrayed.
23. avgust 2003. godine
Milosevic: Tiranija u Beogradu u sluzbi Haga i agresije
(Udruzenje "Sloboda", Beograd)
1. Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi
koju vodi rezim u Beogradu
2. Milosevic izolovan od poseta!
=== 1 ===
SRAMNI TEROR NAD MOJOM PORODICOM JE DEO KRIMINALNOG BEZAKONJA I
TIRANIJE KOJIMA REZIM U BEOGRADU POMAZE HAGU I AGRESIJI PROTIV NASE
ZEMLJE I NARODA
Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi koju
vodi rezim u Beogradu
Optužili su me marta 2001. za izmišljene krivice, samo da
bi mogli da me uhapse i isporuče u Hag.
Sada, 2003. nova optužba ima isti razlog. Hag. Samo ovog puta razlog je
da se pokuša da spreči, ili bar umanji, očigledan fijasko lažnog
Tribunala, koji služi kao sredstvo rata protiv naše zemlje i naroda.
Ali, ovoga puta, za razliku od 2001. paralelno su pristupili
terorisanju i moje porodice, zločinačkim progonom moje supruge i sina.
Taj zločin nad mojom suprugom i sinom vrši se isključivo zbog borbe
koju ovde vodim.
Da apsurd bude veći (ali i njihova sramota), zločin se vrši nad jednom
ženom, suprugom dugogodišnjeg šefa države, profesorom univerziteta i
piscem deset knjiga, koje su prevedene na trideset jezika i rasute
širom sveta, te ih niko neće moći da uništi ili sakrije kao
svedočanstvo pisano u vreme jugoslovenske krize iz nedelje u nedelju,
čiju je vrednost vreme potvrdilo, koje Miri služe na čast, a svima nama
na ponos. Ne postoji nijedan intelektualac, koji je više digao glas
protiv rata, nasilja, primitivizma, eksploatacije, ropstva. Za mir,
slobodu i ravnopravnost. I vrši se protiv jednog mladića koji je
otvorena i čista srca odlučio da se sam probija kroz život, sopstvenim
radom, pameću i sposobnostima i sve činio da pomogne drugima i da
njegov grad bude lepši i humaniji. Zločin se vrši nad dvoje ljudi koji
su druge ljude zadužili samo svojom dobrotom i humanošću.
Njihova jedina krivica je što su moja porodica.
Građani Srbije i slobodoljubivi ljudi širom sveta šalju mi izraze
podrške i žele pobedu.
Izgleda da samo režim u Beogradu navija za Haški tribunal i to tako
žustro da se ne libi ni terorisanja žene i dece.
Rekao sam ovoj dvojici, koji su došli da me saslušaju, pet meseci posle
mog javnog poziva, da samo kukavice napadaju žene i decu.Ništa sramnije
od toga ne postoji.
Politička, medijska, policijska kampanja koja se vodi protiv mene i
moje porodice je najveća sramota koju je neka država mogla sebi da
dopusti.Ta sramota, za sve njene učesnike ali i za one koji je ćutke
gledaju, postajaće sve veća kako vreme bude prolazilo.
U vezi sa ”razlozima” iz kojih su istražni sudija i tužilac dolazili u
Hag, da bude svakome jasno:
Nikada, ni ja ni moje okruženje, nije imalo veze ni sa kakvom
kriminalnom grupom.
Nikakav ”zemunski klan” nije ni postojao dok sam ja bio predsednik. On
je direktna posledica ponašanja sadašnje vlasti i uloge koju su grupe i
pojedinci imali u izvođenju puča od 5. oktobra 2000. i njihove
međusobne sprege.
Ni ja niti bilo ko iz mog okruženja nije imao nikakve lične kontakte
niti poznavao bilo kog pripadnika JSO, popularno poznate kao ”crvene
beretke”.
Verovao sam da se radi o elitnoj antiterorističkoj jedinici, kakvu ima
svaka služba. I danas verujem da je najveći broj pripadnika te jedinice
to i bio. Ko je među njima bio sa nekom kriminalnom prošlošću ili
sklonostima, to svakako bolje zna sadašnji režim jer su upravo takvi
upotrebljeni 5. oktobra.
Moja poseta centru u Kuli 1997. bila je protokolarne prirode i povodom
svečanosti, na koju je moj dolazak bio isključivo gest pažnje prema
Službi i njenom tadašnjem šefu Jovici Stanišiću, koga sam cenio kao
profesionalca i čoveka koji je nastojao da svoj posao obavlja u skladu
sa svojom funkcijom.
To, da je sve tamo za mene bilo novo i da je poseta bila protokolarne
prirode, može ustanoviti svako ko tu traku sa posete pažljivo i u
celini pogleda.
Oficira, koji mi je predao raport pred počasnim strojem jedinice, nisam
poznavao. Sada je poznato da se zove Luković Legija. Kada je došao da
me uhapsi marta 2001. godine čak sam ga zamenio sa oficirom koji je
prilikom moje posete Stanišića i mene prevezao dzipom od upravne zgrade
do vežbališta, koje su želeli takođe da mi pokažu.
Inače, ni danas ne bih mogao da se setim imena nijednog od oficira koji
su mi u raznim prilikama, pred počasnim strojem, predavali raport. U to
uključujem i komandante počasnih jedinica Garde Vojske Jugoslavije.
Prvi put u svom životu razgovarao sam sa Lukovićem Legijom upravo kada
je došao da me uhapsi 31. marta 2001. godine. S obzirom na to, tj. na
činjenicu da do tada sa njim nikada nisam bio u bilo kakvom kontaktu,
niti razgovarao, jedino delo koje sam bio u prilici da mu ”naložim”,
bilo bi moje sopstveno hapšenje.
Jasno je, dakle, da oni koji su upotrebili ljude iz ”crvenih beretki”
za moje hapšenje (i druge koji su sa čarapama na glavama preskakali
ogradu rezidencije), upotrebljavali su ih i pre toga i posle toga.A to
svakako ne bih mogao biti ja.
Priče o tome da je ta jedinica vršila i poslove mog obezbeđenja su
neistinite. Laž. Mene je sve vreme obezbeđivala jedinica javne
bezbednosti (a ne DB), čiji je komandant bio Senta Milenković.
Što se Ivana Stambolića tiče, bili smo dugo godina dobri prijatelji.
Razišli smo se politički na 8. sednici CK SKS 1987. godine.Lično nikad
nismo bili u sukobu.
Neposredno posle smenjivanja došao je kod mene da me zamoli da dobije
jedno od zaista (i po mom i po njegovom mišljenju) najboljih mesta u
SFRJ. Da bude postavljen za predsednika Jugoslovenske banke za
međunarodne ekonomske odnose.I dobio ga je. Na tom mestu ostao je više
od 10 godina, iako je princip bio da se vrši rotacija. Sve do odlaska u
penziju, za koju je ispunio i radne i starosne uslove daleko pre nego
što je penzionisan.
Kao političar bio je veći niz godina potpuno zaboravljen. A priča kako
je predstavljao opasnost za izbore je takođe gola laž, jer se na
izborima uopšte nije kandidovao. Uostalom, da li se bilo kom kandidatu
za tu čitavu deceniju ikada nešto dogodilo? A, on, čak, nije bio ni
kandidat.
Proizlazi apsurd da sam ja, pošto sam mu obezbedio da 10 godina bude na
funkciji koju je sam tražio i pošto je postao penzioner, jurio da ga
ubijem da me ne bi ugrozio.
Za mene je posebno neshvatljivo što je njegova porodica spremno
prihvatila jednu ovako plitku laž, tako da ispada da im je više stalo
da okrive mene nego da saznaju stvarnu istinu o sudbini svoga oca i
supruga.
Ivan Stambolić je bio potpuno zaboravljen političar, pa čak u vreme
kada je nestao, i zaboravljen bankar. U čitavoj državnoj i političkoj
strukturi i u mom okruženju nećete naći nikoga ko ga je uopšte pominjao
čitav niz godina. To i ne čudi, jer sve je to pripadalo vremenu bivše
SFRJ, a od 1990. pa nadalje, brige i život uzele su, nažalost, potpuno
različit tok.
Bez uvrede, Ivan Stambolić više nikoga nije interesovao. Nikakvog
revanšizma nije bilo ni prema onima koji su ga podržali na 8. sednici.
Desimir Jeftić, tadašnji predsednik Vlade Srbije, koji je takođe posle
smenjen, bio je čitav niz godina ambasador u Rumuniji. Ivanov najbolji
prijatelj i komšija Dragan Tomić, direktor ”Simpa”, bio je sve vreme u
državnom i partijskom rukovodstvu.
Siguran sam da će i on potvrditi da sam njemu lično, posle Ivanove
smene, rekao da bih ga smatrao najgorim čovekom ako bi sada Ivanu pošto
je smenjen, okrenuo leđa i prestao da bude prijatelj. Stvari su, dakle,
potpuno suprotne od priče koju je isfabrikovalo nekoliko žalosnih
kreatura.
O Ivanovom nestanku obavestio me je telefonom Vlajko Stojiljković,
tadašnji ministar unutrašnjih poslova. Rekao sam mu da podigne sve
snage kojima raspolaže, da ga nađu. Upoznao me je da su Ivanovi supruga
i sin, njegov nestanak prijavili tek po podne iako je on otišao na
trčanje još toga jutra - što proširuje i otežava traženje.
Sve su granice obaveštene, a Vlajko Stojiljković me je kasnije, uveče
obavestio da je nekoliko stotina policajaca angažovano u potrazi.
Insistirao sam da se sve snage upotrebe i da ga što pre nađu. Sigurno
je da većina tih policajaca i danas radi u MUP-u i o tome može da da
sve podatke.
Iz svega što me je Vlajko Stojiljković obaveštavao, ništa što je moglo
biti preduzeto nije propušteno da se preduzme.
Pošto mi je istražni sudija prilikom predstavljanja sebe i tužioca i
razloga zbog kojih su došli, pomenuo i vezu sa ”pokušajem ubistva Vuka
Draškovića” želim i o tome da kažem nekoliko reči.
Nikad nisam poverovao da je to što se u Budvi dogodilo bio stvarni
pokušaj ubistva, jer je neverovatno da neko u maloj sobi, ispuca sve
metke i da sve promaši, pošto čak ni Vuk Drašković, sa svim svojim
smislom za glumu nije mogao da odglumi ni muvu ni komarca. Verovao sam
da je to učinjeno da bi ga neko zaplašio ili da je sa svojim smislom za
ulogu žrtve režima, to sam izmislio, da na sebe skrene pažnju. Nije
teško pretpostaviti kome je takav incident mogao da odgovara, ali je
sasvim jasno da nije bio u interesu tadašnje vlasti. naprotiv.
Nije mi poznato da je DB Srbije u Crnoj Gori imao bilo kakvu aktivnost
osim prikupljanja podataka o švercu cigareta na teritoriju Srbije. Rade
Marković mi je čak pokazivao snimke iz vazduha predela koji se zove
Mehov krš, a nalazi se na teritoriji Srbije, na granici sa Crnom Gorom,
sa objašnjenjem, da prema njegovim saznanjima tuda ide, nekim sporednim
putevima, šverc cigareta i da se tu i skladišti. Tada je pripremana
akcija da se u pogodnom trenutku pohapse šverceri i zapleni roba.
Nije mi poznato da li su ti snimci napravljeni iz aviona ili
helikoptera, policijskih ili vojnih, niti su me takvi detalji
interesovali.
Nikada nisam razgovarao sa Pavkovićem o prebacivanju nekakvih ubica i
agenata iz Crne Gore. Neverovatno je da se vrhovni komandant bavi
prebacivanjem nekakvih tajnih agenata i to po celoj liniji komandovanja
od načelnika generalštaba pa nadole.
Istina je samo to da sam uvek insistirao da službe sarađuju i da
napuste praksu međusobnog rivalstva, pošto službe nisu ni moje ni
njihove već državne i za državu treba da rade, u skladu sa zakonom.O
tome je, uostalom, na ovom nelegalnom sudu, govorio i general
Aleksandar Vasiljević. I to kao svedok optužbe. A Rade Marković je i
ovde i pred dva skupštinska odbora svedočio kakvo su sve nasilje i
bezakonje nad njim primenili da bi me za nešto optužili.
Jedino pominjanje helikoptera, koga se sećam, bilo je u vezi sa
incidentom niskog preleta jednog helikoptera iznad Belog dvora (što je
bilo zabranjeno), kada je samo prisebnošću oficira VJ, nadležnog za
zaštitu Belog dvora, izbegnut tragičan ishod, odnosno obaranje tog
helikoptera.
U toku dana je ustanovljeno da se radilo o helikopteru kojim je neki
teški bolesnik iz Republike Srpske prevezen na obližnji VMA.
Zahtevao sam od istražnog sudije i tužioca da saslušanje bude javno i
da mogu da uvedu čak i otvoreni telefon, da može ko god želi da me pita
šta želi. Objasnili su da to nije moguće po zakonu, dok traje istraga.
To sam uvažio i tražio da donesu odluku da trake budu objavljene po
završetku istrage, jer tada za to ne postoje nikakve smetnje, da
istraga, pošto se završi, bude ugrožena.
Ni to nisu prihvatili, iako su upravo oni, ona službena lica, koja po
zakonu odlučuju o tome, što nije bilo sporno ni za mene ni za njih, ni
za moje pravne zastupnike.
Sadašnja vlast zakone upotrebljava kao izgovor za stvarno bezakonje i
tiraniju.
Ništa novo!
Još 1742, Monteskije: ”Nema svirepije tiranije od one koja se sprovodi
pod štitom zakona i u ime pravde.”
U celoj toj prljavoj operaciji spasavanja fijaska ovog nelegalnog
Haškog suda, najsramniji element predstavljaju napadi na moju suprugu i
sina.
Rekao sam istražnom sudiji, kada mi je doneo traku, da istragu treba da
popuni i zlatnim polugama, deviznim rezervama, vilama u Švajcarskoj i
ne znam čime sve, o čemu su davane razne izjave i opširno pisala
štampa. Pa posle ”zaboravila”.
Pitao sam i: ”Zar vas nije sramota?”Nisam dobio odgovor.
A svojoj supruzi i sinu, Miri i Marku, koje su na ovako podao način od
mene odvojili, želim da poručim: ”Život je kratak da im se zahvalim na
njihovoj dobroti.”
Hag, 17. avgust 2003. Slobodan
Milosevic
=== 2 ===
Politika, cetvratak 21. avgust 2003
PROTEST UDRUŽENJA "SLOBODA"
Milošević "izolovan"
"Najodlučnije protestujemo zbog kriminalnog čina Haškog tribunala da se
Slobodanu Miloševiću zabrane sve posete i da se on potpuno izoluje i
ukoliko se ova bespravna odluka ne ukine, preduzećemo pravne mere",
rekao je juče član nacionalnog komiteta za odbranu Slobodana Miloševića
mr Vladimir Kršljanin.
Na konferenciji za novinare u sedištu udruženja građana "Sloboda"
Kršljanin je ocenio da je ovom odlukom otežan položaj bivšeg
jugoslovenskog predsednika i da su mu onemogućene pripreme za učešće u
haškom procesu.
"Miloševiću je sada zabranjeno da viđa najbliže saradnike, pa je čak i
njegovoj supruzi onemogućeno da ga posećuje. Ne prihvatamo obrazloženje
da je do toga došlo, jer su članovi delegacije SPS-a, nakon posete
Hagu, davali izjave medijima o sadržaju razgovora koje bi uticale na
tok procesa", dodao je Vladimir Kršljanin.
J. K.
---
Proslava rođendana
Povodom rođendana Slobodana Miloševića, a u okviru stalne tribine
"Slobodna Srbija", juče je prikazan i dokumentarni film " Poraženi Hag
(Hronika o borbi Slobodana Miloševića)", autora Dušana Čukića. U
Udruženju "Sloboda" izložene su i slike "Odbrana slobode" slikara
Zareta Đorđevića, a emitovano je i muzičko delo "Alarm", kompozitora
Miloša Raičkovića...
J. G.
---
Danas, cetvrtak, 21. avgust 2003.
U Udruženju "Sloboda" proslavljen 62. Miloševićev rođendan
(Udruzenje "Sloboda", Beograd)
1. Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi
koju vodi rezim u Beogradu
2. Milosevic izolovan od poseta!
=== 1 ===
SRAMNI TEROR NAD MOJOM PORODICOM JE DEO KRIMINALNOG BEZAKONJA I
TIRANIJE KOJIMA REZIM U BEOGRADU POMAZE HAGU I AGRESIJI PROTIV NASE
ZEMLJE I NARODA
Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi koju
vodi rezim u Beogradu
Optužili su me marta 2001. za izmišljene krivice, samo da
bi mogli da me uhapse i isporuče u Hag.
Sada, 2003. nova optužba ima isti razlog. Hag. Samo ovog puta razlog je
da se pokuša da spreči, ili bar umanji, očigledan fijasko lažnog
Tribunala, koji služi kao sredstvo rata protiv naše zemlje i naroda.
Ali, ovoga puta, za razliku od 2001. paralelno su pristupili
terorisanju i moje porodice, zločinačkim progonom moje supruge i sina.
Taj zločin nad mojom suprugom i sinom vrši se isključivo zbog borbe
koju ovde vodim.
Da apsurd bude veći (ali i njihova sramota), zločin se vrši nad jednom
ženom, suprugom dugogodišnjeg šefa države, profesorom univerziteta i
piscem deset knjiga, koje su prevedene na trideset jezika i rasute
širom sveta, te ih niko neće moći da uništi ili sakrije kao
svedočanstvo pisano u vreme jugoslovenske krize iz nedelje u nedelju,
čiju je vrednost vreme potvrdilo, koje Miri služe na čast, a svima nama
na ponos. Ne postoji nijedan intelektualac, koji je više digao glas
protiv rata, nasilja, primitivizma, eksploatacije, ropstva. Za mir,
slobodu i ravnopravnost. I vrši se protiv jednog mladića koji je
otvorena i čista srca odlučio da se sam probija kroz život, sopstvenim
radom, pameću i sposobnostima i sve činio da pomogne drugima i da
njegov grad bude lepši i humaniji. Zločin se vrši nad dvoje ljudi koji
su druge ljude zadužili samo svojom dobrotom i humanošću.
Njihova jedina krivica je što su moja porodica.
Građani Srbije i slobodoljubivi ljudi širom sveta šalju mi izraze
podrške i žele pobedu.
Izgleda da samo režim u Beogradu navija za Haški tribunal i to tako
žustro da se ne libi ni terorisanja žene i dece.
Rekao sam ovoj dvojici, koji su došli da me saslušaju, pet meseci posle
mog javnog poziva, da samo kukavice napadaju žene i decu.Ništa sramnije
od toga ne postoji.
Politička, medijska, policijska kampanja koja se vodi protiv mene i
moje porodice je najveća sramota koju je neka država mogla sebi da
dopusti.Ta sramota, za sve njene učesnike ali i za one koji je ćutke
gledaju, postajaće sve veća kako vreme bude prolazilo.
U vezi sa ”razlozima” iz kojih su istražni sudija i tužilac dolazili u
Hag, da bude svakome jasno:
Nikada, ni ja ni moje okruženje, nije imalo veze ni sa kakvom
kriminalnom grupom.
Nikakav ”zemunski klan” nije ni postojao dok sam ja bio predsednik. On
je direktna posledica ponašanja sadašnje vlasti i uloge koju su grupe i
pojedinci imali u izvođenju puča od 5. oktobra 2000. i njihove
međusobne sprege.
Ni ja niti bilo ko iz mog okruženja nije imao nikakve lične kontakte
niti poznavao bilo kog pripadnika JSO, popularno poznate kao ”crvene
beretke”.
Verovao sam da se radi o elitnoj antiterorističkoj jedinici, kakvu ima
svaka služba. I danas verujem da je najveći broj pripadnika te jedinice
to i bio. Ko je među njima bio sa nekom kriminalnom prošlošću ili
sklonostima, to svakako bolje zna sadašnji režim jer su upravo takvi
upotrebljeni 5. oktobra.
Moja poseta centru u Kuli 1997. bila je protokolarne prirode i povodom
svečanosti, na koju je moj dolazak bio isključivo gest pažnje prema
Službi i njenom tadašnjem šefu Jovici Stanišiću, koga sam cenio kao
profesionalca i čoveka koji je nastojao da svoj posao obavlja u skladu
sa svojom funkcijom.
To, da je sve tamo za mene bilo novo i da je poseta bila protokolarne
prirode, može ustanoviti svako ko tu traku sa posete pažljivo i u
celini pogleda.
Oficira, koji mi je predao raport pred počasnim strojem jedinice, nisam
poznavao. Sada je poznato da se zove Luković Legija. Kada je došao da
me uhapsi marta 2001. godine čak sam ga zamenio sa oficirom koji je
prilikom moje posete Stanišića i mene prevezao dzipom od upravne zgrade
do vežbališta, koje su želeli takođe da mi pokažu.
Inače, ni danas ne bih mogao da se setim imena nijednog od oficira koji
su mi u raznim prilikama, pred počasnim strojem, predavali raport. U to
uključujem i komandante počasnih jedinica Garde Vojske Jugoslavije.
Prvi put u svom životu razgovarao sam sa Lukovićem Legijom upravo kada
je došao da me uhapsi 31. marta 2001. godine. S obzirom na to, tj. na
činjenicu da do tada sa njim nikada nisam bio u bilo kakvom kontaktu,
niti razgovarao, jedino delo koje sam bio u prilici da mu ”naložim”,
bilo bi moje sopstveno hapšenje.
Jasno je, dakle, da oni koji su upotrebili ljude iz ”crvenih beretki”
za moje hapšenje (i druge koji su sa čarapama na glavama preskakali
ogradu rezidencije), upotrebljavali su ih i pre toga i posle toga.A to
svakako ne bih mogao biti ja.
Priče o tome da je ta jedinica vršila i poslove mog obezbeđenja su
neistinite. Laž. Mene je sve vreme obezbeđivala jedinica javne
bezbednosti (a ne DB), čiji je komandant bio Senta Milenković.
Što se Ivana Stambolića tiče, bili smo dugo godina dobri prijatelji.
Razišli smo se politički na 8. sednici CK SKS 1987. godine.Lično nikad
nismo bili u sukobu.
Neposredno posle smenjivanja došao je kod mene da me zamoli da dobije
jedno od zaista (i po mom i po njegovom mišljenju) najboljih mesta u
SFRJ. Da bude postavljen za predsednika Jugoslovenske banke za
međunarodne ekonomske odnose.I dobio ga je. Na tom mestu ostao je više
od 10 godina, iako je princip bio da se vrši rotacija. Sve do odlaska u
penziju, za koju je ispunio i radne i starosne uslove daleko pre nego
što je penzionisan.
Kao političar bio je veći niz godina potpuno zaboravljen. A priča kako
je predstavljao opasnost za izbore je takođe gola laž, jer se na
izborima uopšte nije kandidovao. Uostalom, da li se bilo kom kandidatu
za tu čitavu deceniju ikada nešto dogodilo? A, on, čak, nije bio ni
kandidat.
Proizlazi apsurd da sam ja, pošto sam mu obezbedio da 10 godina bude na
funkciji koju je sam tražio i pošto je postao penzioner, jurio da ga
ubijem da me ne bi ugrozio.
Za mene je posebno neshvatljivo što je njegova porodica spremno
prihvatila jednu ovako plitku laž, tako da ispada da im je više stalo
da okrive mene nego da saznaju stvarnu istinu o sudbini svoga oca i
supruga.
Ivan Stambolić je bio potpuno zaboravljen političar, pa čak u vreme
kada je nestao, i zaboravljen bankar. U čitavoj državnoj i političkoj
strukturi i u mom okruženju nećete naći nikoga ko ga je uopšte pominjao
čitav niz godina. To i ne čudi, jer sve je to pripadalo vremenu bivše
SFRJ, a od 1990. pa nadalje, brige i život uzele su, nažalost, potpuno
različit tok.
Bez uvrede, Ivan Stambolić više nikoga nije interesovao. Nikakvog
revanšizma nije bilo ni prema onima koji su ga podržali na 8. sednici.
Desimir Jeftić, tadašnji predsednik Vlade Srbije, koji je takođe posle
smenjen, bio je čitav niz godina ambasador u Rumuniji. Ivanov najbolji
prijatelj i komšija Dragan Tomić, direktor ”Simpa”, bio je sve vreme u
državnom i partijskom rukovodstvu.
Siguran sam da će i on potvrditi da sam njemu lično, posle Ivanove
smene, rekao da bih ga smatrao najgorim čovekom ako bi sada Ivanu pošto
je smenjen, okrenuo leđa i prestao da bude prijatelj. Stvari su, dakle,
potpuno suprotne od priče koju je isfabrikovalo nekoliko žalosnih
kreatura.
O Ivanovom nestanku obavestio me je telefonom Vlajko Stojiljković,
tadašnji ministar unutrašnjih poslova. Rekao sam mu da podigne sve
snage kojima raspolaže, da ga nađu. Upoznao me je da su Ivanovi supruga
i sin, njegov nestanak prijavili tek po podne iako je on otišao na
trčanje još toga jutra - što proširuje i otežava traženje.
Sve su granice obaveštene, a Vlajko Stojiljković me je kasnije, uveče
obavestio da je nekoliko stotina policajaca angažovano u potrazi.
Insistirao sam da se sve snage upotrebe i da ga što pre nađu. Sigurno
je da većina tih policajaca i danas radi u MUP-u i o tome može da da
sve podatke.
Iz svega što me je Vlajko Stojiljković obaveštavao, ništa što je moglo
biti preduzeto nije propušteno da se preduzme.
Pošto mi je istražni sudija prilikom predstavljanja sebe i tužioca i
razloga zbog kojih su došli, pomenuo i vezu sa ”pokušajem ubistva Vuka
Draškovića” želim i o tome da kažem nekoliko reči.
Nikad nisam poverovao da je to što se u Budvi dogodilo bio stvarni
pokušaj ubistva, jer je neverovatno da neko u maloj sobi, ispuca sve
metke i da sve promaši, pošto čak ni Vuk Drašković, sa svim svojim
smislom za glumu nije mogao da odglumi ni muvu ni komarca. Verovao sam
da je to učinjeno da bi ga neko zaplašio ili da je sa svojim smislom za
ulogu žrtve režima, to sam izmislio, da na sebe skrene pažnju. Nije
teško pretpostaviti kome je takav incident mogao da odgovara, ali je
sasvim jasno da nije bio u interesu tadašnje vlasti. naprotiv.
Nije mi poznato da je DB Srbije u Crnoj Gori imao bilo kakvu aktivnost
osim prikupljanja podataka o švercu cigareta na teritoriju Srbije. Rade
Marković mi je čak pokazivao snimke iz vazduha predela koji se zove
Mehov krš, a nalazi se na teritoriji Srbije, na granici sa Crnom Gorom,
sa objašnjenjem, da prema njegovim saznanjima tuda ide, nekim sporednim
putevima, šverc cigareta i da se tu i skladišti. Tada je pripremana
akcija da se u pogodnom trenutku pohapse šverceri i zapleni roba.
Nije mi poznato da li su ti snimci napravljeni iz aviona ili
helikoptera, policijskih ili vojnih, niti su me takvi detalji
interesovali.
Nikada nisam razgovarao sa Pavkovićem o prebacivanju nekakvih ubica i
agenata iz Crne Gore. Neverovatno je da se vrhovni komandant bavi
prebacivanjem nekakvih tajnih agenata i to po celoj liniji komandovanja
od načelnika generalštaba pa nadole.
Istina je samo to da sam uvek insistirao da službe sarađuju i da
napuste praksu međusobnog rivalstva, pošto službe nisu ni moje ni
njihove već državne i za državu treba da rade, u skladu sa zakonom.O
tome je, uostalom, na ovom nelegalnom sudu, govorio i general
Aleksandar Vasiljević. I to kao svedok optužbe. A Rade Marković je i
ovde i pred dva skupštinska odbora svedočio kakvo su sve nasilje i
bezakonje nad njim primenili da bi me za nešto optužili.
Jedino pominjanje helikoptera, koga se sećam, bilo je u vezi sa
incidentom niskog preleta jednog helikoptera iznad Belog dvora (što je
bilo zabranjeno), kada je samo prisebnošću oficira VJ, nadležnog za
zaštitu Belog dvora, izbegnut tragičan ishod, odnosno obaranje tog
helikoptera.
U toku dana je ustanovljeno da se radilo o helikopteru kojim je neki
teški bolesnik iz Republike Srpske prevezen na obližnji VMA.
Zahtevao sam od istražnog sudije i tužioca da saslušanje bude javno i
da mogu da uvedu čak i otvoreni telefon, da može ko god želi da me pita
šta želi. Objasnili su da to nije moguće po zakonu, dok traje istraga.
To sam uvažio i tražio da donesu odluku da trake budu objavljene po
završetku istrage, jer tada za to ne postoje nikakve smetnje, da
istraga, pošto se završi, bude ugrožena.
Ni to nisu prihvatili, iako su upravo oni, ona službena lica, koja po
zakonu odlučuju o tome, što nije bilo sporno ni za mene ni za njih, ni
za moje pravne zastupnike.
Sadašnja vlast zakone upotrebljava kao izgovor za stvarno bezakonje i
tiraniju.
Ništa novo!
Još 1742, Monteskije: ”Nema svirepije tiranije od one koja se sprovodi
pod štitom zakona i u ime pravde.”
U celoj toj prljavoj operaciji spasavanja fijaska ovog nelegalnog
Haškog suda, najsramniji element predstavljaju napadi na moju suprugu i
sina.
Rekao sam istražnom sudiji, kada mi je doneo traku, da istragu treba da
popuni i zlatnim polugama, deviznim rezervama, vilama u Švajcarskoj i
ne znam čime sve, o čemu su davane razne izjave i opširno pisala
štampa. Pa posle ”zaboravila”.
Pitao sam i: ”Zar vas nije sramota?”Nisam dobio odgovor.
A svojoj supruzi i sinu, Miri i Marku, koje su na ovako podao način od
mene odvojili, želim da poručim: ”Život je kratak da im se zahvalim na
njihovoj dobroti.”
Hag, 17. avgust 2003. Slobodan
Milosevic
=== 2 ===
Politika, cetvratak 21. avgust 2003
PROTEST UDRUŽENJA "SLOBODA"
Milošević "izolovan"
"Najodlučnije protestujemo zbog kriminalnog čina Haškog tribunala da se
Slobodanu Miloševiću zabrane sve posete i da se on potpuno izoluje i
ukoliko se ova bespravna odluka ne ukine, preduzećemo pravne mere",
rekao je juče član nacionalnog komiteta za odbranu Slobodana Miloševića
mr Vladimir Kršljanin.
Na konferenciji za novinare u sedištu udruženja građana "Sloboda"
Kršljanin je ocenio da je ovom odlukom otežan položaj bivšeg
jugoslovenskog predsednika i da su mu onemogućene pripreme za učešće u
haškom procesu.
"Miloševiću je sada zabranjeno da viđa najbliže saradnike, pa je čak i
njegovoj supruzi onemogućeno da ga posećuje. Ne prihvatamo obrazloženje
da je do toga došlo, jer su članovi delegacije SPS-a, nakon posete
Hagu, davali izjave medijima o sadržaju razgovora koje bi uticale na
tok procesa", dodao je Vladimir Kršljanin.
J. K.
---
Proslava rođendana
Povodom rođendana Slobodana Miloševića, a u okviru stalne tribine
"Slobodna Srbija", juče je prikazan i dokumentarni film " Poraženi Hag
(Hronika o borbi Slobodana Miloševića)", autora Dušana Čukića. U
Udruženju "Sloboda" izložene su i slike "Odbrana slobode" slikara
Zareta Đorđevića, a emitovano je i muzičko delo "Alarm", kompozitora
Miloša Raičkovića...
J. G.
---
Danas, cetvrtak, 21. avgust 2003.
U Udruženju "Sloboda" proslavljen 62. Miloševićev rođendan
La eliminazione dei serbi dalla Croazia
4: Il Vaticano festeggia
---
LINKS:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/IMMAGINI/
krajina1995.jpg
Da non dimenticare
http://www.reformation.org/holocaus.html
The Vatican's Holocaust
---
Da "La Voce del Popolo", Fiume-Rijeka, 6 agosto 2003 e "Vecernji list",
Zagreb, 28 e 6 agosto 2003:
"Celebrata la Giornata del Ringraziamento" (titolo dell’articolo su "La
Voce"); "Celebrata la Giornata della Vittoria e del Ringraziamento
patriottico" (titolo in prima pagina del "Vecernji")
Knin. "In tutta la Croazia è stata celebrata ieri (5 agosto) la
Giornata del Ringraziamento, in memoria di tutti coloro che hanno dato
la vita per la libertà [sic] della Croazia. A Knin, simbolo della
vittoria [sic] croata, una delegazione del Governo guidata dal ministro
della Difesa Zeljka Antunovic e dal vice-premier Goran Granic, ha
deposto una corona di fiori ed ha acceso dei ceri dinanzi alla croce
[sic] innalzata per ricordare l’evento, dopo aver presenziato
all’alzabandiera alla fortezza di Knin".
Ricordiamo come è stata "conquistata" dalle truppe di Tudjman la
cittadina di Knin, capoluogo della regione, popolata a maggioranza da
serbi, che "si poteva difendere anche con le pietre". Dopo che
l’Esercito jugoslavo si era dovuto ritirare senza combattere, la
popolazione civile scappò in massa. Chi ricorda più il grande esodo dei
serbi dalle Krajine sotto il sole cocente estivo?!
Anche nelle celebrazioni di quella tragedia, nella cattolicissima
Croazia immancabile è la presenza della Chiesa.
"A ricorrenza della festa della Signora del Grande Voto Benedetto
Croato, protettrice del Vicariato militare, e in seguito alla Giornata
della Vittoria e del Ringraziamento, ieri (5 agosto) è stato benedetto,
a Zagabria, il nuovo, imponente edificio del Vicariato militare. La
celebrazione è stata presieduta dal rappresentante del Vaticano,
l’arcivescovo Francesco Monterisi."
E non finisce qui! Dopo la messa è stata inaugurata la statua di papa
Giovanni Paolo II, a grandezza d’uomo.
In occasione della benedizione del Vicariato militare, il Papa ha
inviato un messaggio in "lingua croata", nel quale esprime la speranza
che questo avvenimento dia un nuovo vigore al molto proficuo e fertile
lavoro di cura (delle anime) dell’esercito croato e della polizia.
Inoltre nel messaggio, inviato tramite il Segretario di Stato,
cardinale Angelo Sodano, il Papa esprime, tra l’altro, "la speranza che
ciò contribuirà anche alla promozione della cooperazione sempre più
armoniosa tra lo Stato e la Chiesa, per il bene comune della Croazia".
Il Papa "non sa" oppure "non vede" che cosa sta facendo in Croazia "il
figlio spirituale del Vaticano (e suo)" . Quel figlio "cresciuto" e
rafforzato con la beatificazione del cardinale Stepinac.
Il clero cattolico croato, come nel 1941, ed ora dal 1991, grazie allo
"status specialissimo" per le sue istituzioni, è "guida e luce" del
nuovo staterello croato, e si preoccupa di inculcare già dagli asili
nido credenze religiose ed un sostanziale odio razziale - che dovrebbe
essere un affronto al vero Credo - fino ad assolvere anche i criminali
di questa guerra fratricida, detta "civile", perché "combattenti
patrioti".
Proprio, lo ripetiamo, come fecero i prelati nel 1941 – 1945, nel
cosiddetto Stato Indipendente Croato; ora pero' anche con il
beneplacito degli ex comunisti e dei cosiddetti democratici della
sinistra, in primis Ivica Racan, primo ministro.
L’edificio nuovo del Vicariato militare occupa un’area di 1500 mq. E'
stato costruito su 4 piani, all'interno di un’area di 8800 mq, donata
dall’Episcopato metropolitano. Ufficialmente la costruzione è iniziata
il 23 di aprile 1999 (sic! Per festeggiare l'inizio dei bombardamenti
selvaggi contro la Jugoslavia federata –Serbia e Montenegro- ?!), con
benedizione e dedica sulla pietra di basamento. La costruzione è
costata circa 34 milioni di kune - la moneta locale, riedizione della
moneta dei nazisti - ed è stata finanziata dal ministero della Difesa e
dal ministero degli Interni, che si occuperanno anche della
manutenzione.
Il Vicariato militare per la cura dei fedeli cattolici appartenenti
alle forze militari e dipendenti dalla Repubblica di Croazia è stato
fondato il 25 aprile 1997 da papa Giovanni Paolo II, in seguito
all'accordo tra il Vaticano e la Repubblica di Croazia sottoscritto il
19 dicembre 1996. Come primo vescovo militare è stato nominato il
monsignor Juraj Jezerinac.
(a cura di I. Istrijan)
PS. Da "Antologija suvremene hrvatske gluposti" (Antologia della
stupidità contemporanea croata), Edizione di Feral Tribune, Split 1999:
"La nostra religione è molto più libera. Noi almeno abbiamo la
confessione, con la quale tutto ci viene perdonato".
(Una studentessa delle medie superiori, dopo la visita alla sinagoga.
Pubblicato nel mensile dei giovani cattolici "Mi", marzo 1994)
"Questo secolo non aveva mai visto una così grandiosa azione di
liberazione quale e' stata l'Operazione Tempesta. Questa è la
testimonianza che il popolo croato per un momento è stato toccato da
Dio"
(Maja Freundlich, giornalista, al succitato "Mi", giugno 1997)
"A tanti sembra mostruoso che io abbia dato la mano agli ustascia.
Anche se li avessi baciati non vedo che cosa c’è di strano".
(Zdravko Tomac, ex comunista, radicale trasversale pannelliano, ora
socialdemocratico e persino viceministro, a "Slobodna Dalmacija",
aprile 1996)
PPS. Consigliamo vivamente i libri:
"L'Arcivescovo del genocidio" (Monsignor Stepinac, il Vaticano e la
dittatura ustascia in Croazia, 1941 - 1945), di Marco Aurelio Revelli,
Edizioni Kaos, 1998
"Il fascismo e gli ustascia , 1929 -1941" (Il separatismo croato in
Italia) di Pasquale Iusso, Edizioni Gangemini editore, 1998
4: Il Vaticano festeggia
---
LINKS:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/IMMAGINI/
krajina1995.jpg
Da non dimenticare
http://www.reformation.org/holocaus.html
The Vatican's Holocaust
---
Da "La Voce del Popolo", Fiume-Rijeka, 6 agosto 2003 e "Vecernji list",
Zagreb, 28 e 6 agosto 2003:
"Celebrata la Giornata del Ringraziamento" (titolo dell’articolo su "La
Voce"); "Celebrata la Giornata della Vittoria e del Ringraziamento
patriottico" (titolo in prima pagina del "Vecernji")
Knin. "In tutta la Croazia è stata celebrata ieri (5 agosto) la
Giornata del Ringraziamento, in memoria di tutti coloro che hanno dato
la vita per la libertà [sic] della Croazia. A Knin, simbolo della
vittoria [sic] croata, una delegazione del Governo guidata dal ministro
della Difesa Zeljka Antunovic e dal vice-premier Goran Granic, ha
deposto una corona di fiori ed ha acceso dei ceri dinanzi alla croce
[sic] innalzata per ricordare l’evento, dopo aver presenziato
all’alzabandiera alla fortezza di Knin".
Ricordiamo come è stata "conquistata" dalle truppe di Tudjman la
cittadina di Knin, capoluogo della regione, popolata a maggioranza da
serbi, che "si poteva difendere anche con le pietre". Dopo che
l’Esercito jugoslavo si era dovuto ritirare senza combattere, la
popolazione civile scappò in massa. Chi ricorda più il grande esodo dei
serbi dalle Krajine sotto il sole cocente estivo?!
Anche nelle celebrazioni di quella tragedia, nella cattolicissima
Croazia immancabile è la presenza della Chiesa.
"A ricorrenza della festa della Signora del Grande Voto Benedetto
Croato, protettrice del Vicariato militare, e in seguito alla Giornata
della Vittoria e del Ringraziamento, ieri (5 agosto) è stato benedetto,
a Zagabria, il nuovo, imponente edificio del Vicariato militare. La
celebrazione è stata presieduta dal rappresentante del Vaticano,
l’arcivescovo Francesco Monterisi."
E non finisce qui! Dopo la messa è stata inaugurata la statua di papa
Giovanni Paolo II, a grandezza d’uomo.
In occasione della benedizione del Vicariato militare, il Papa ha
inviato un messaggio in "lingua croata", nel quale esprime la speranza
che questo avvenimento dia un nuovo vigore al molto proficuo e fertile
lavoro di cura (delle anime) dell’esercito croato e della polizia.
Inoltre nel messaggio, inviato tramite il Segretario di Stato,
cardinale Angelo Sodano, il Papa esprime, tra l’altro, "la speranza che
ciò contribuirà anche alla promozione della cooperazione sempre più
armoniosa tra lo Stato e la Chiesa, per il bene comune della Croazia".
Il Papa "non sa" oppure "non vede" che cosa sta facendo in Croazia "il
figlio spirituale del Vaticano (e suo)" . Quel figlio "cresciuto" e
rafforzato con la beatificazione del cardinale Stepinac.
Il clero cattolico croato, come nel 1941, ed ora dal 1991, grazie allo
"status specialissimo" per le sue istituzioni, è "guida e luce" del
nuovo staterello croato, e si preoccupa di inculcare già dagli asili
nido credenze religiose ed un sostanziale odio razziale - che dovrebbe
essere un affronto al vero Credo - fino ad assolvere anche i criminali
di questa guerra fratricida, detta "civile", perché "combattenti
patrioti".
Proprio, lo ripetiamo, come fecero i prelati nel 1941 – 1945, nel
cosiddetto Stato Indipendente Croato; ora pero' anche con il
beneplacito degli ex comunisti e dei cosiddetti democratici della
sinistra, in primis Ivica Racan, primo ministro.
L’edificio nuovo del Vicariato militare occupa un’area di 1500 mq. E'
stato costruito su 4 piani, all'interno di un’area di 8800 mq, donata
dall’Episcopato metropolitano. Ufficialmente la costruzione è iniziata
il 23 di aprile 1999 (sic! Per festeggiare l'inizio dei bombardamenti
selvaggi contro la Jugoslavia federata –Serbia e Montenegro- ?!), con
benedizione e dedica sulla pietra di basamento. La costruzione è
costata circa 34 milioni di kune - la moneta locale, riedizione della
moneta dei nazisti - ed è stata finanziata dal ministero della Difesa e
dal ministero degli Interni, che si occuperanno anche della
manutenzione.
Il Vicariato militare per la cura dei fedeli cattolici appartenenti
alle forze militari e dipendenti dalla Repubblica di Croazia è stato
fondato il 25 aprile 1997 da papa Giovanni Paolo II, in seguito
all'accordo tra il Vaticano e la Repubblica di Croazia sottoscritto il
19 dicembre 1996. Come primo vescovo militare è stato nominato il
monsignor Juraj Jezerinac.
(a cura di I. Istrijan)
PS. Da "Antologija suvremene hrvatske gluposti" (Antologia della
stupidità contemporanea croata), Edizione di Feral Tribune, Split 1999:
"La nostra religione è molto più libera. Noi almeno abbiamo la
confessione, con la quale tutto ci viene perdonato".
(Una studentessa delle medie superiori, dopo la visita alla sinagoga.
Pubblicato nel mensile dei giovani cattolici "Mi", marzo 1994)
"Questo secolo non aveva mai visto una così grandiosa azione di
liberazione quale e' stata l'Operazione Tempesta. Questa è la
testimonianza che il popolo croato per un momento è stato toccato da
Dio"
(Maja Freundlich, giornalista, al succitato "Mi", giugno 1997)
"A tanti sembra mostruoso che io abbia dato la mano agli ustascia.
Anche se li avessi baciati non vedo che cosa c’è di strano".
(Zdravko Tomac, ex comunista, radicale trasversale pannelliano, ora
socialdemocratico e persino viceministro, a "Slobodna Dalmacija",
aprile 1996)
PPS. Consigliamo vivamente i libri:
"L'Arcivescovo del genocidio" (Monsignor Stepinac, il Vaticano e la
dittatura ustascia in Croazia, 1941 - 1945), di Marco Aurelio Revelli,
Edizioni Kaos, 1998
"Il fascismo e gli ustascia , 1929 -1941" (Il separatismo croato in
Italia) di Pasquale Iusso, Edizioni Gangemini editore, 1998
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