Informazione
Stavolta il nostro personaggio si e' entusiasmato nel leggere
l'editoriale de "Il Riformista", quotidiano dell'ultradestra del
centrosinistra (riportato integralmente in fondo).
E fu cosi' che...
Subject: Sull'Iraq
Date: Mon, 27 Jan 2003 17:11:45 +0100
From: Italo Slavetti
To: "direttore" <direttore@...>
CC: "s.cappellini" <s.cappellini@...>,
"m.contini" <m.contini@...>, "f.desposito"
<f.desposito@...>, "r.mania" <r.mania@...>,
"c.puca" <c.puca@...>, "w.ward"
<w.ward@...>, "g.teotino"
<g.teotino@...>
Egregio Dott. Polito, stimatissima Redazione,
concordo pienamente con quanto si legge nel Vs. Editoriale di oggi 27
Gennaio 2003 (IRAQ. LA SPACCATURA DELL'OCCIDENTE È IL VERO RISCHIO DI
QUESTA CRISI - Ma che altro può fare Berlusconi?
http://www.ilriformista.it/documenti/editoriale.asp?id_doc=3391 ).
In particolare:
<<Il casus belli non c'è, non diciamo l'affondamento del Lusitania ma
neanche un piccolo incidente di frontiera, neanche una ripresa della
Cnn dei profughi kossovari in fuga o dei bambini che muoiono di fame
in Somalia. Le opinioni pubbliche hanno bisogno di immagini per essere
mobilitate, e da Baghdad non ne arrivano.>>
Avevo gia' scritto ai vostri colleghi di Panorama, molte settimane fa,
per dire che non e' solamente opportuno, ma e' anche banale trovare
tale "casus belli". Eppure: i mesi passano ed ancora siamo in alto
mare. Francamente, mi cadono le braccia: dov'e' tutta questa
difficolta'? Anche i bambini saprebbero trovare sul mercato una di
quelle ottime agenzie specializzate, come la Ruder&Finn e la
Hill&Knowlton - quest'ultima gia' attiva nel contesto iracheno con la
storia degli incubatori.
In alternativa, basta un po' di creativita': potremmo ad esempio
attaccare con armi chimiche qualche grande citta' irachena per poi
dare la colpa a Saddam. Si puo' ad esempio colpire una citta' nella
zona curda oppure una a maggioranza sciita, e dire che e' stato Saddam
in un gesto di repressione. E' solo un esempio, ma non credo sia
eccessivo, visto quello che abbiamo gia' fatto a Pancevo e sulle
montagne dell'Afghanistan.
<<Gli ispettori chiedono più tempo e va loro accordato, se davvero
l'obiettivo è il disarmo di quel gran bugiardo di Saddam.>>
In effetti, non posso che essere d'accordo. E' proprio per dare a chi
di dovere la possibilita' di inscenare un "casus belli" che dobbiamo
avere pazienza. Ad esempio, in Kosovo nel 1998 eravamo gia' tutti
pronti a bombardare, ma abbiamo dovuto aspettare il gennaio 1999 per
la messinscena della strage di Racak, sapientemente organizzata
dall'ispettore OSCE William Walker con l'aiuto di tutti i nostri
media: un esempio lampante del fatto che gli ispettori servono,
bisogna dar loro tempo.
Infine, sulla questione dell'ONU: e' chiaro che si tratta solamente di
un appiglio retorico di Berlusconi per prendere tempo. Noi - lo
abbiamo dimostrato gia' nel 1999! - con la Carta dell'ONU cosi' come
con l'articolo 11 della nostra Costituzione ci possiamo pulire il
nostro culo! Mica siamo nazifascisti e bugiardi come Saddam, noi!
In solidarieta'
Italo Slavetti
===
MA, CHISSA' PERCHE', A SLAVETTI I MAIL RITORNANO INDIETRO...
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===
http://www.ilriformista.it/documenti/editoriale.asp?id_doc=3391
----------------------
EDITORIALE del 27 Gennaio 2003
IRAQ. LA SPACCATURA DELL'OCCIDENTE È IL VERO RISCHIO
DI QUESTA CRISI
Ma che altro può fare Berlusconi?
Non chiedetevi che cosa fareste voi. Qui non si tratta
di scegliere la formazione della Nazionale. Chiedetevi
che cosa dovrebbe fare l'Italia, di fronte alla crisi
irachena. Qual è il suo interesse nazionale. Per un
riformista, sarebbe difficile esprimere un giudizio
migliore di questo: «Una spaccatura atlantica è il
peggiore di tutti gli scenari possibili in questo
momento. Più grave del caos mediorientale che alcuni
temono come conseguenza della guerra. Più grave della
guerra in sé, e lo dice uno come me fortemente
contrario all'intervento militare in Iraq». Il Foglio
dice che l'ha detto Rutelli, Rutelli dice che non l'ha
detto. Chiunque l'abbia detto, è ben detto. Diciamo
che lo diciamo noi.
Il problema è che non basta affermare, come fa
D'Alema, che gli italiani vogliono la pace. Governanti
e potenziali governanti devono anche dire come. Come
si fa in modo che alla fine di questa crisi il mondo
sia più stabile e più sicuro. Non c'è bisogno di
essere abbonati a Foreign Affairs per capire che un
mondo diviso tra un'America Pacifica da un lato e
un'Eurasia a guida franco-russa dall'altro, non è il
più rassicurante degli sviluppi. Bush passerà,
l'America resterà: cardine di ogni ordine mondiale
possibile, almeno per i prossimi cinquant'anni. Dove
starà l'Europa? Dove starà l'Italia?
Per restare in quell'Occidente al quale tutti giurammo
fedeltà all'indomani dell'11 settembre, un paese come
il nostro, di scarso peso militare e di incerto
passato diplomatico, può fare solo una cosa, che è
esattamente quella che si imputa al governo
Berlusconi: restare europeo e atlantico allo stesso
tempo. Non farsi abbagliare dall'asse franco-tedesco,
che potrebbe andare fuori asse tra una settimana se
Schroeder collasserà in Assia e Bassa Sassonia; e se
Chirac, appena riconquistata un po' di grandeur,
spedirà il suo battaglione di bersaglieri nella Crimea
irachena, per partecipare a una vittoria dalla quale
nessuna potenza può autoescludersi.
D'altra parte non si può neanche lasciare che i nostri
bersaglieri vengano arruolati dal portavoce della Casa
Bianca. E non solo per motivi di orgoglio nazionale.
Alla vigilia del rapporto degli ispettori all'Onu, e
in attesa di leggerlo, tre cose sono chiare. 1) Il
casus belli non c'è, non diciamo l'affondamento del
Lusitania ma neanche un piccolo incidente di
frontiera, neanche una ripresa della Cnn dei profughi
kossovari in fuga o dei bambini che muoiono di fame in
Somalia. Le opinioni pubbliche hanno bisogno di
immagini per essere mobilitate, e da Baghdad non ne
arrivano. 2) Gli ispettori chiedono più tempo e va
loro accordato, se davvero l'obiettivo è il disarmo di
quel gran bugiardo di Saddam. 3) La guerra deve essere
quanto meno consentita dall'Onu, perché «ci sono due
modi di usare la forza: l'uno in difesa della
stabilità internazionale, l'altro a suo detrimento»
(Filippo Andreatta sul Mulino).
Queste tre cose le ha dette Berlusconi. Sta giocando a
guadagnare tempo? E' vero, ma che altro può fare? Chi
lo sfotteva solo un anno fa perché veniva escluso
dalla lista della Casa Bianca per l'intervento in
Afghanistan oggi lo sfotte per essere stato inserito
nella lista dell'Iraq. Ricordiamo, per incidens, che
il governo D'Alema partecipò alla guerra del Kosovo in
assenza di un mandato Onu, e giustamente, perché
altrimenti il veto russo avrebbe bloccato l'azione
della comunità internazionale, e ci sono due modi di
uccidere un governo mondiale: uno è scavalcare l'Onu,
l'altro è paralizzarla col potere di veto, come nel
lungo inverno della Guerra Fredda.
Bush è un cow boy un po' arrogante, ma non un pazzo.
Non più di quell'altro cow boy un po' arrogante,
Ronald Reagan, che si mise in testa che si poteva
sconfiggere il comunismo tra le irrisioni degli
europei, e piazzò in una Germania allora anche più
pacifista i missili che fecero cadere il muro di
Berlino (con grande gioia dei pacifisti tedeschi).
Bush si muove sulla base di un calcolo. Sa che se la
guerra sarà breve e vittoriosa, dopo saranno tutti con
lui, Francia e Russia comprese, a spartirsi onori,
commesse e influenza. Su che cosa dovrebbe scommettere
l'Italia? Su Saddam o sulla profezia di Timothy Garton
Ash, che immagina nel 2023 l'Europa impegnata in un
acceso dibattito sulla richiesta di adesione dell'Iraq
e del suo petrolio all'Unione?
l'editoriale de "Il Riformista", quotidiano dell'ultradestra del
centrosinistra (riportato integralmente in fondo).
E fu cosi' che...
Subject: Sull'Iraq
Date: Mon, 27 Jan 2003 17:11:45 +0100
From: Italo Slavetti
To: "direttore" <direttore@...>
CC: "s.cappellini" <s.cappellini@...>,
"m.contini" <m.contini@...>, "f.desposito"
<f.desposito@...>, "r.mania" <r.mania@...>,
"c.puca" <c.puca@...>, "w.ward"
<w.ward@...>, "g.teotino"
<g.teotino@...>
Egregio Dott. Polito, stimatissima Redazione,
concordo pienamente con quanto si legge nel Vs. Editoriale di oggi 27
Gennaio 2003 (IRAQ. LA SPACCATURA DELL'OCCIDENTE È IL VERO RISCHIO DI
QUESTA CRISI - Ma che altro può fare Berlusconi?
http://www.ilriformista.it/documenti/editoriale.asp?id_doc=3391 ).
In particolare:
<<Il casus belli non c'è, non diciamo l'affondamento del Lusitania ma
neanche un piccolo incidente di frontiera, neanche una ripresa della
Cnn dei profughi kossovari in fuga o dei bambini che muoiono di fame
in Somalia. Le opinioni pubbliche hanno bisogno di immagini per essere
mobilitate, e da Baghdad non ne arrivano.>>
Avevo gia' scritto ai vostri colleghi di Panorama, molte settimane fa,
per dire che non e' solamente opportuno, ma e' anche banale trovare
tale "casus belli". Eppure: i mesi passano ed ancora siamo in alto
mare. Francamente, mi cadono le braccia: dov'e' tutta questa
difficolta'? Anche i bambini saprebbero trovare sul mercato una di
quelle ottime agenzie specializzate, come la Ruder&Finn e la
Hill&Knowlton - quest'ultima gia' attiva nel contesto iracheno con la
storia degli incubatori.
In alternativa, basta un po' di creativita': potremmo ad esempio
attaccare con armi chimiche qualche grande citta' irachena per poi
dare la colpa a Saddam. Si puo' ad esempio colpire una citta' nella
zona curda oppure una a maggioranza sciita, e dire che e' stato Saddam
in un gesto di repressione. E' solo un esempio, ma non credo sia
eccessivo, visto quello che abbiamo gia' fatto a Pancevo e sulle
montagne dell'Afghanistan.
<<Gli ispettori chiedono più tempo e va loro accordato, se davvero
l'obiettivo è il disarmo di quel gran bugiardo di Saddam.>>
In effetti, non posso che essere d'accordo. E' proprio per dare a chi
di dovere la possibilita' di inscenare un "casus belli" che dobbiamo
avere pazienza. Ad esempio, in Kosovo nel 1998 eravamo gia' tutti
pronti a bombardare, ma abbiamo dovuto aspettare il gennaio 1999 per
la messinscena della strage di Racak, sapientemente organizzata
dall'ispettore OSCE William Walker con l'aiuto di tutti i nostri
media: un esempio lampante del fatto che gli ispettori servono,
bisogna dar loro tempo.
Infine, sulla questione dell'ONU: e' chiaro che si tratta solamente di
un appiglio retorico di Berlusconi per prendere tempo. Noi - lo
abbiamo dimostrato gia' nel 1999! - con la Carta dell'ONU cosi' come
con l'articolo 11 della nostra Costituzione ci possiamo pulire il
nostro culo! Mica siamo nazifascisti e bugiardi come Saddam, noi!
In solidarieta'
Italo Slavetti
===
MA, CHISSA' PERCHE', A SLAVETTI I MAIL RITORNANO INDIETRO...
- These recipients of your message have been processed by the mail
server:
direttore@...; Failed; 5.1.1 (bad destination mailbox
address)
Remote MTA mail.dol.it: SMTP diagnostic: 550
<direttore@...>,
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===
http://www.ilriformista.it/documenti/editoriale.asp?id_doc=3391
----------------------
EDITORIALE del 27 Gennaio 2003
IRAQ. LA SPACCATURA DELL'OCCIDENTE È IL VERO RISCHIO
DI QUESTA CRISI
Ma che altro può fare Berlusconi?
Non chiedetevi che cosa fareste voi. Qui non si tratta
di scegliere la formazione della Nazionale. Chiedetevi
che cosa dovrebbe fare l'Italia, di fronte alla crisi
irachena. Qual è il suo interesse nazionale. Per un
riformista, sarebbe difficile esprimere un giudizio
migliore di questo: «Una spaccatura atlantica è il
peggiore di tutti gli scenari possibili in questo
momento. Più grave del caos mediorientale che alcuni
temono come conseguenza della guerra. Più grave della
guerra in sé, e lo dice uno come me fortemente
contrario all'intervento militare in Iraq». Il Foglio
dice che l'ha detto Rutelli, Rutelli dice che non l'ha
detto. Chiunque l'abbia detto, è ben detto. Diciamo
che lo diciamo noi.
Il problema è che non basta affermare, come fa
D'Alema, che gli italiani vogliono la pace. Governanti
e potenziali governanti devono anche dire come. Come
si fa in modo che alla fine di questa crisi il mondo
sia più stabile e più sicuro. Non c'è bisogno di
essere abbonati a Foreign Affairs per capire che un
mondo diviso tra un'America Pacifica da un lato e
un'Eurasia a guida franco-russa dall'altro, non è il
più rassicurante degli sviluppi. Bush passerà,
l'America resterà: cardine di ogni ordine mondiale
possibile, almeno per i prossimi cinquant'anni. Dove
starà l'Europa? Dove starà l'Italia?
Per restare in quell'Occidente al quale tutti giurammo
fedeltà all'indomani dell'11 settembre, un paese come
il nostro, di scarso peso militare e di incerto
passato diplomatico, può fare solo una cosa, che è
esattamente quella che si imputa al governo
Berlusconi: restare europeo e atlantico allo stesso
tempo. Non farsi abbagliare dall'asse franco-tedesco,
che potrebbe andare fuori asse tra una settimana se
Schroeder collasserà in Assia e Bassa Sassonia; e se
Chirac, appena riconquistata un po' di grandeur,
spedirà il suo battaglione di bersaglieri nella Crimea
irachena, per partecipare a una vittoria dalla quale
nessuna potenza può autoescludersi.
D'altra parte non si può neanche lasciare che i nostri
bersaglieri vengano arruolati dal portavoce della Casa
Bianca. E non solo per motivi di orgoglio nazionale.
Alla vigilia del rapporto degli ispettori all'Onu, e
in attesa di leggerlo, tre cose sono chiare. 1) Il
casus belli non c'è, non diciamo l'affondamento del
Lusitania ma neanche un piccolo incidente di
frontiera, neanche una ripresa della Cnn dei profughi
kossovari in fuga o dei bambini che muoiono di fame in
Somalia. Le opinioni pubbliche hanno bisogno di
immagini per essere mobilitate, e da Baghdad non ne
arrivano. 2) Gli ispettori chiedono più tempo e va
loro accordato, se davvero l'obiettivo è il disarmo di
quel gran bugiardo di Saddam. 3) La guerra deve essere
quanto meno consentita dall'Onu, perché «ci sono due
modi di usare la forza: l'uno in difesa della
stabilità internazionale, l'altro a suo detrimento»
(Filippo Andreatta sul Mulino).
Queste tre cose le ha dette Berlusconi. Sta giocando a
guadagnare tempo? E' vero, ma che altro può fare? Chi
lo sfotteva solo un anno fa perché veniva escluso
dalla lista della Casa Bianca per l'intervento in
Afghanistan oggi lo sfotte per essere stato inserito
nella lista dell'Iraq. Ricordiamo, per incidens, che
il governo D'Alema partecipò alla guerra del Kosovo in
assenza di un mandato Onu, e giustamente, perché
altrimenti il veto russo avrebbe bloccato l'azione
della comunità internazionale, e ci sono due modi di
uccidere un governo mondiale: uno è scavalcare l'Onu,
l'altro è paralizzarla col potere di veto, come nel
lungo inverno della Guerra Fredda.
Bush è un cow boy un po' arrogante, ma non un pazzo.
Non più di quell'altro cow boy un po' arrogante,
Ronald Reagan, che si mise in testa che si poteva
sconfiggere il comunismo tra le irrisioni degli
europei, e piazzò in una Germania allora anche più
pacifista i missili che fecero cadere il muro di
Berlino (con grande gioia dei pacifisti tedeschi).
Bush si muove sulla base di un calcolo. Sa che se la
guerra sarà breve e vittoriosa, dopo saranno tutti con
lui, Francia e Russia comprese, a spartirsi onori,
commesse e influenza. Su che cosa dovrebbe scommettere
l'Italia? Su Saddam o sulla profezia di Timothy Garton
Ash, che immagina nel 2023 l'Europa impegnata in un
acceso dibattito sulla richiesta di adesione dell'Iraq
e del suo petrolio all'Unione?
Nota: Sarebbe importante disporre di una traduzione in lingua italiana
del pezzo seguente. Chi fosse disponibile a tradurre e' pregato di
contattarci subito: <jugocoord@...>.
---
Note: Bare history is demonstrating, day after day, that the criticism
towards Tito's Yugoslavia and its leadership - as it is expressed in
the following article - is unjustified. Apart from this, we find this
contribution by M. Tepavac really excellent. CNJ
Date: Sun, 26 Jan 2003 08:20:53 +0100
From: "Milan Tepavac"
To: "YUGOSLAVIAINFO" <This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.>,
THE CASE OF BILJANA PLAVSIC
BEFORE THE SO-CALLED HAGUE TRIBUNAL
The acknowledgment of personal guilt if it really exists, is
a moral act, but the fact remains that she did it in the
wrong place, in front of the wrong people, as a trade-off
and without naming the main culprits for the tragedy
faced by her own people and herself.
December 18th 2002 marked the end of the trial
against Biljana Plavsic, former top official and political
leader of the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the time of the
illicit secession war that raged there between 1992 and 1995,
and president of the Republic of Srpska after the signing all
the Dayton agreement, after she changed her mind and
pleaded guilty for crimes against humanity. The sentence of
the court is expected by the end of January 2003. The
prosecution suggested a sentence of 15-25 years of
imprisonment, while the Defense underlined the fact that
any sentence longer than 8 years -- bearing in mind that
the accused is 72 years old -- would be equivalent to a life
sentence.
For those who refuse to recognize this institution as a
legal and legitimate international criminal court (1) --
including the author of this text -- the whole procedure
against Biljana Plavsic and other persons detained in
Scheveningen Prison at the Hague, including, of course,
Slobodan Milosevic, the former president of Yugoslavia and
the Republic of Serbia, legally means nothing, i.e. cannot
bear any consequences in the sense of international law. All
the decisions of this illegal and illegitimate institution are
legally unfounded and cannot serve as a precedent in
international law. It is in fact, an institution that was
established by the United Nations Security Council under the
pressure of the United States and contrary to the United
Nations Charter. Certain political reasons -- "political" in
the worse sense of this word -- forced the US to do so. We
shall not dwell upon such reasons, but two must have been
the most decisive ones: the imperialist tendency towards
global domination, and the breakup of SFR Yugoslavia, to
help create in the Yugoslav region mini states that are easily
manipulated, and the grant the Moslems in Yugoslavia --
with the intention to placate their efforts against Israel --
some sort of "Moslimania" right in the heart of Southeast
Europe. The personal hatred against Serbs harbored by
Madeleine Albright, sometimes referred to as "Tribunal's
godmother", must also have played a certain role.(2)
The ICTY was founded by the U.N. Security Council
with its resolution No. 827 dated May 25th 1993, even though
it had no such authority according to the U.N. Charter. With
the same resolution it passed the Tribunal Statute, which is,
obviously, also illegal and invalid as a legal document. Of all
the persons detained by the Tribunal in the Scheveningen
dungeon -- used during World War II by the Gestapo to
torture Resistance fighters -- only Slobodan Milosevic
remains firm in refusing to recognize this institution, and in
his statements during the "process" against him, uses every
opportunity to reiterate this. He is assisted in his efforts by
the Yugoslav Defense Committee, the International
Committee and several other national committees, the
German one being particularly active among them. Naturally,
he also relies on the help of a large number of individuals --
international jurists, politicians, writers and especially the
Russian Duma. Objectively speaking, the Hague Tribunal is
worse than any of Hitler's or Stalin's courts, because those
courts at least had some formal legality, whilst ICTY has
neither legality nor legitimacy. Undoubtedly, no one normal
within the international community would want the Security
Council to become some sort of a World Government
reserving for itself even legislative powers to define
international criminal offenses. One must also consider the
fact that the Tribunal can prosecute only a limited number of
suspects (about 50), whilst the number of those that have
committed crimes is at least ten times greater. Therefore, by
the virtue of things, the national courts are the only ones that
can bring justice to this region.
In the beginning I did not object to the legality of the
Tribunal and its Statute. I thought that Tribunal would be
judging the main culprits fully Yugoslav tragedy -- some
two dozen people -- and this is why the back in 1995 I
submitted to the Tribunal criminal charges against the
following persons: Franjo Tudjman, Alija Izetbegovic, Milan
Kucan, Kiro Gligorov (secession leaders), and the following
foreign assistants, aiders and financers: Hans Dietrich
Genscher, Helmut Kohl, Klaus Kinkel, Peter Alexander
Rupert (Lord) Carrington, Robert Badintere, William
Clinton, Aloysius Mock, Gesa Yanewsky, Carol Woytilla
(Pope John Paul II), James Baker, Hans van den Broek and
Franz Vranicky, as the prime culprits for provoking the
secession wars in Yugoslavia, contrary to international law
and the OSCE Helsinki Final Act. I also asked that
national courts should prosecute Borislav Jovic, Stipe Mesic,
Janez Drnovsek, Ante Markovic, Veljko Kadijevic, Budimir
Loncar and several other persons for breaching the
Constitution of SFRY and the Criminal Code of SFRY, as
well as for not taking measures to protect the constituted
order in accordance with the Constitution, the Criminal Code
and the oath they took when they stepped into the office for
which they collected a handsome salary.(3). Since the
Tribunal refused to initiate proceedings against the main
culprits, it became clear to me that this was by no means a
court administering justice, but rather a political creation of
the anti-Serbian racists, and subsequently a tool used by
NATO for its domination. Instead of prosecuting those
culprits, the "court" turned on Slobodan Milosevic, a man
that did the most normal thing in the world -- i.e. tried to
defend his country and his homeland, from the armed attacks
of the crazed secessionists, from NATO aggression and
enslavement.
Still, in spite of all that, the Biljana Plavsic case must
be analyzed in detail not only from the political perspective,
but also from the legal aspects, because many are those
throughout the world -- lamentably in Yugoslavia and the
Republic of Srpska as well -- that believe either that ICTY is
nevertheless a legal international criminal court, and that its
Statute positively reflects the international criminal law, or
that one should not insist on the lack of legality of the
Tribunal, because it's two objectives -- punishing war
criminals and establishing peace and reconciliation in former
Yugoslavia -- are justified, rational and moral.
So, let's consider the arguments they can invoke in
favor of their standing in the light of what Biljana Plavsic
did, putting aside the issue of legality and legitimacy of the
Tribunal and its Statute. Let us examine the case of Biljana
Plavsic as if a real court were involved.
What is it that made her change her mind about her guilt,
which she initially denied before the Tribunal?
Shocked by the news that Biljana Plavsic admitted to
her guilt with respect to the indictment raised by the
Tribunal, the Serbs in Diaspora -- who sense the
demonization of the Serbian people in the West much more
than we do here in the country -- used the Internet to
address several questions to her, to the public and to the
politicians in Yugoslavia and the Republic of Srpska:
We still recall your willful, and fully conscient decision to
appear as the accused before the International Criminal
Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, to help establish the truth
about the participants and the events that took place. We still
remember your first statement before the court at The Hague,
which you started with the words "your honor".
Subsequently, you stated under oath and guaranteed with
your honor, that you are not guilty on any of the counts, i.e.
that you are not responsible for the crimes that have been
committed. A few days ago we have learned from a videotape
presented before the court at the Hague, that whilst you were
staying in Belgrade -- in an atmosphere and with the status
of a person protected by the Hague court -- you rejected
your initial plea which you gave under oath and guaranteed
with your honor, i.e. that you admitted your guilt for the
crimes.
Mme Plavsic, ex-president of the Republic of Srpska, we
would very much appreciate if you could offer the answers to
the following questions, publicly, in a radio and television
press-conference in Belgrade:
Is the video recording, presented before the Hague Tribunal as
your statement given freely and without coercion, really true,
though it denies your earlier plea given before the court at the
Hague? Which one of the two statements is valid, which one
is true? If the statement presented on videotape is true, we
would very much appreciate if you could explain the crimes
you feel guilty of, and why this is so. On the other hand, if
your initial statement given personally before the court at
The Hague is true, we would be grateful if you were to
explain the circumstances under which you made the
statement presented on videotape before the Court at The Hague.
Mme Plavsic, you know perfectly well that the Serbian people
has invested its kingdom, and generations of its best children,
not only to gain freedom and live freely, but also to free all
other Yugoslav nations, that we might all live in friendship.
You also know, that the Serbian people has been the one to
suffer the most during the rule of Josip Broz Tito, just to
preserve peace. You are aware that the Serbian people in
Bosnia-Herzegovina wanted to continue living in peace with
the other Yugoslav nations in the common state -
Yugoslavia, without seceding from it. You know that it made
this choice at the referendum. You know that both in the
country and abroad the results of the referendum carried out
by all other nations have been honored (even those of the
Republics, in contrast with the Constitution of SFR
Yugoslavia) and that only the referenda of the Serbian people
in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in Krayina were belittled and
ignored. You know that according to the Constitution of SFR
Yugoslavia, the right to self-determination had not been
granted to any of the Republics. You know that SR
Bosnia-Herzegovina was a Republic of three equal-righted
and constituent nations: Moslems, Serbs and Croats.
You know that the aggression forced the Serbian nation to
resort to justified defense; the aggression started in
Bosnia-Herzegovina with the Moslem attack on a wedding
party resulting in the wounding of the newlyweds and the
death of the bride's father. This incident in Sarajevo occurred
just because the newlyweds were Serbs. You know that the
aggression continued with the attack of Croatian paramilitary
units on Bosanski Brod, where they massacred Serbs
including the town mayor. The day after, they joined the
Moslem paramilitary units in the attack on the Serbian
village of Sjekovac where they burned down both the village
and the villagers. You are aware that the aggression escalated
further with the slaughters of Serbs around the villages of
Vlasenica and Bratunac. We know all that too. We have, or
we had friends and relatives there, we had -- because some
of them fell as innocent victims.
You are also perfectly aware of the appeal launched back
then by His Holiness Serbian Patriarch Pavle to all the Serbs:
not to succumb to hatred and not to commit crimes.
You were the president of the Republic of Srpska. It is your
moral, material, national and official duty to explain publicly,
as a free person -- primarily to the people of the Republic of
Srpska, then to the Serbian people and to the Moslem and
Croatian people -- what is it that you really did, and what is
it that you are responsible for with regards to the accusations
made against you at the beginning of your trial at the Hague
Tribunal.
If your statement presented on videotape before the court at
the Hague is correct and true, we would greatly appreciate it
if you could explain to the Serbian people why did you betray
the Serbian morale, the dignity of the Serbian people, the
humanity it has always shown to the other Yugoslav nations,
and why did you fail to state that before your own people in
the Republic of Srpska first? Why did you betray the trust
and the honor bestowed upon you by the people of the
Republic of Srpska?
On the other hand, if your first statement given before the
court at the Hague is true, we appeal to you once again -- as
an official that accept the honor and the trusts of her native
people, as a former president all the Republic of Srpska -- to
publicly reveal what was it that induced you to make the
statement shown on videotape at the Hague Tribunal, with
which you denied your earlier plea given under oath and
guaranteed by your honor.
Judging by her attitude in the final stage of the
process before the Tribunal, and by the speech she delivered
in that phase, appeals like the one quoted above, addressed to
her, the public and the relevant factors in Serbia and the
Republic of Srpska, had absolutely no effect. What was the
reason that made her omit in her speech any reference to
even the basic facts, which are so well known, that would
have shed some light on the events in Bosnia and
Herzegovina for which she has been accused, and which she
has confessed to before the Tribunal? Here is her whole
speech; maybe it hides the answer to this essential question.
She spoke in Serbian, and this is unofficial translation of it:
<<
Your Honor, Mme Prosecutor, Defense attorneys -- I thank
you for offering me today this opportunity to speak.
Nearly two years ago I came here as someone
accused of taking part in crimes against other human beings,
even against humanity. I came for two reasons: to face these
accusations and spare my people -- because it was clear that
they will be paying the price of anyone failing to come here. I
have had time to examine these accusations, and to verify and
evaluate them together with my attorneys. I have now been
convinced and I accept that several thousand innocent people
were victims of organized and systematic actions to eliminate
Moslems and Croats from areas that the Serbs thought were
theirs. At that time I had thoughtlessly convinced myself that
this was a question of survival and self-defense. Actually,
even more than that -- our leadership, and I was an essential
part of it -- guided an undertaking which had as its victims
countless innocent people. Clarifications on self-defense and
survival offer no justification. In the end, even our fellow
countrymen have said that in this war, we had lost our
nobleness.
Obvious questions arise: if this truth is so evident
now, why is it that I did not see it before; and -- how is it
possible that our leadership and those that followed it could
have committed to such acts? The answer to both these
questions is, I believe -- fear -- blinding fear leading to
obsession, especially for those among us that have a vivid
memory of World War II, that the Serbs should never allow
to be the victims again. By doing this, we, the leaders,
breached the quintessential duty of every human being -- the
duty to refrain oneself and to honor the dignity of others. We
were determined to do whatever was necessary to overcome.
Although I had been faced with reports on cruel and in
human actions against non-Serbs on various occasions -- I
refused to accept them, or even verify them. Actually, I
completely gave in to talk of innocent Serbian victims of this
war. This daily work, strengthened my conviction that we
were fighting for survival, and that in this struggle the
international community was our enemy. And so, I simply
denied such reports, leaving them unchecked. I remained
firmly convinced that the Serbs were unable of doing
something similar. In this obsession of never again becoming
victims -- we allowed ourselves to become the perpetrators.
You have heard yesterday, and partially even today
much about the suffering caused by all this. I accept the
responsibility for my share in it. This responsibility is mine
-- and only mine. It does not extend to other leaders and
their right to defend themselves. It most certainly does not
extend to our Serbian people, which already paid a high price
for the actions of our leadership. The awareness that I'm
responsible for such human suffering and for smearing the
honor of my people, shall always remain part of me.
There is a justice that demands a life for each innocent life,
death for every sinful death. For me, obviously, it's impossible
to answer the requests of such justice. I can only do what is in
my power and hope that this will serve some purpose -- to
learn to truth, to say it and to accept the responsibility. This
will, I hope, help the innocent Moslem, Croatian and Serbian
victims to avoid becoming taken over by bitterness, which
often becomes hatred, and which is -- in the end --
self-destructive.
As far as my people are concerned -- I said
something about their reputation here today. Therefore I
believe it's necessary to clarify what is it that I am talking
about. Today in Belgrade, right in the heart of Belgrade,
stands a church under a dome whose construction started
back in 1935. Our people have persevered in building this
church consecrated to a man that is -- more than anyone
else -- part of the Serbian nation, and that's St. Sava. The
path he followed was marked by self-restraint and respect for
everyone. He was a great diplomat that earned a reputation
among his people and abroad, a man whose character is
deeply rooted within the Serbian nation. The path an the
example of St. Sava had been followed by great Serbian
leaders, even in recent times, who pursued dedication,
nobleness and dignity even in the most difficult of
circumstances. It is sufficient to mention bishop Artemije
Radosavljevic, which still represents the voice invoking
justice, in what has become for the Serbs -- the desert of
Kosovo. Lamentably, our leadership, myself included,
abandoned this path during the recent war. I believe you
realize that I have disassociated myself from those leaders --
albeit too late. Nevertheless, that same leadership shamelessly
continues to seek the loyalty and the support of our people.
This is done by instigating fear and promoting half-truths to
convince the people that the whole world is against us. But
the fruits of their work -- of those leaders -- are clear:
Graves, refugees, isolation and bitterness towards the whole
world that rejected us precisely because of those leaders. I
have been warned that this is neither the time nor the place
to state this truth -- and that it would be better to wait for
the others to also accept the responsibility for their doing. But
I believe that there is neither time nor place where truth
should not be told. I think that we must bring order in our
house -- the others will have to examine themselves and
their actions. We have to live in this world, and not in a cave.
Still, as long as we preserve our identity and our character --
we have nothing to fear. As far as I'm concerned -- the
judges of this court are the ones who have been given the
responsibility to judge. You must strive to find in your
sentence whichever form of justice that this world can offer
-- not only for me, but for the innocent victims of this war
as well. I will however, address an appeal to this Tribunal --
to judges, prosecutors and investigators -- to do everything
that is in your power to offer justice for all sides. In doing so,
maybe you will have the opportunity to carry out the mission
for which this court exists. Thank you.
>>
The striking fact, stemming not only from this
statement, but from the entire process before that Tribunal (I
watched the TV broadcast very carefully) is that neither she,
nor her defense attorneys, and not even the members of the
panel of judges even mentioned that Bosnia and Herzegovina
was a republic in Yugoslavia, nor has the word "Yugoslavia"
been mentioned once in this context. Furthermore, no one
raised the key question, the question of all questions: who
provoked, whocaused the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who is
responsible for it? In fact, any sane person realizes that the
war crimes in the battlefield -- or as the jurists say in bello
-- are only the consequence of war, and for that matter --
as history has repeatedly shown -- of every war. Without
going too far back in the history of war and warfare, let us
consider World War II only. Not only the Germans and their
satellites -- the most eager among them being the Croats
and the Moslems in the so-called Independent State of
Croatia, which included Bosnia -- committed war crimes,
but Allies did as well. Dresden (4) and Hiroshima (5) are just
two examples. Both sides committed countless crimes in that
war. In the marvelous film The Nuremberg Process (with
Spencer Tracy and Marlene Dietrich), when the prosecution
presents horrifying scenes filmed when the German
concentration camps were liberated, the attorney of a group
of indicted Nazi officials (played by the fascinating
Maximilian Shell) addresses the prosecutor and the panel of
judges enraged: "I protest most sternly against this action of
the prosecutor, I repeat and repeat: I protest most sternly! I
could show you a film on Hiroshima, couldn't I?"
THE FACTOGRAPHY OF THE WAR IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Therefore, what's astonishing is that neither Biljana
Plavsic -- except for a passing reference to World War II --
nor the defense, nor the prosecution, nor the panel of judges
have shown any interest in the circumstances that brought
about the horrible crimes in Bosnia-Herzegovina, committed
undoubtedly by all warring sides. In saying this I'm not
considering the circumstances from "times immemorial", but
circumstances that directly caused this war and consequently
the war crimes. This is even more perplexing considering the
fact that these are circumstances well known not only to
Biljana Plavsic, but probably to everyone else present in the
Tribunal courtroom as well. Still, she bears the greatest
responsibility for not speaking about those circumstances; she
had the obligation to talk about that, both for the sake of her
people and for the sake of truth. Evidently, she traded all that
for her personal interests that she negotiated with Carla Del
Ponte.(6). The first gauleiter of Bosnia-Herzegovina after
Dayton, the Swede Karl Bildt, having appeared as a witness
at the trial against Biljana Plavsic, admitted that when he
took that office, he knew nothing of the meaning of 1941 in
Bosnia-Herzegovina. A thick Swede can permit himself not
to know, but how could have Biljana Plavsic forgotten about
the events that she might even have a personal memory of,
when the Croats and the Moslems from her Bosnia
committed such crimes against her people that can hardly be
equaled in monstrosity and cruelty to any other in the history
of mankind?
This is certainly not the place to go back to the
distant past of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Hence, I shall only
mention the circumstances and the events that caused directly
the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, these circumstances and
events being quite well known to Biljana Plavsic, though she
didn't even mentioned them at the trial.
The Moslem and Croatian leaders, acting against the
position of the Serbian representatives, decided in favor of an
unconstitutional secession of Bosnia-Herzegovina from
SFR Yugoslavia. On October 15th 1991, the deputies of
SDA (Moslems) and HDZ (Croats) adopted -- contrary to
the Constitution of SFR Yugoslavia, and contrary to the
Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the "Memorandum
on the Sovereignty of Bosnia-Herzegovina" incited by and
urged directly by EC criminals and fiends and, obviously, by
the chief sheriff in Washington. At the so-called peace
conference on Yugoslavia held at the Hague, the British
aristocrat Lord Peter Carrington, acting on behalf of the
European Community, proposed on October 18th 1991 the
plan for "solving the Yugoslav crisis", which merely
advocated that all Yugoslav federal units should become
independent states and that they be granted international
recognition in that status, i.e. that Yugoslavia should be
disintegrated and deleted from the political map! Such a
document -- unheard of in international relations -- had
been accepted by Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia and obviously
the Moslem/Croat leaders in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Reacting
to such a course of events, on October 25th 1991, the Serbs in
Bosnia-Herzegovina organized themselves and founded the
Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
stressing that -- obviously -- they refused to leave
Yugoslavia and that the Moslems and the Croats had no right
to pull them out of Yugoslavia against their will. In
obliterating Yugoslavia as a country, the European
Community went to the extreme: late at night on December
16th 1991, the EC adopted the decision -- under the
pressure of Hans Dietrich Genscher, i.e. Germany -- that
the Yugoslav republics wishing independence should
submit a request to this effect within eight days, and that
they would be recognized as independent states! (7).
Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina did so
within the given deadline. As a reaction, the Assembly of the
Serbian people in Bosnia-Herzegovina passed a resolution on
the forming of the Republic of Srpska within Yugoslavia.
Trying to give an appearance of legality to their crimes, the
Moslem and Croat secessionist leaders in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, organized a referendum (March 3rd
1992) on the secession of Bosnia-Herzegovina from
Yugoslavia and the creation of the "independent"
Bosnia-Herzegovina, that the Serbs -- obviously -- did not
take part in. Like the previous decision on secession made
without the participation of the constituent Serbian nation in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, this referendum was
unconstitutional both according to the Yugoslav Constitution
and the Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
In spite of all that, the representatives of the Serbian people in
Bosnia and Herzegovina did everything possible to avoid the
armed conflict. At the meeting of the representatives of all
three nations held in Sarajevo on March 17th 1992, the
Serbian representatives agreed to a Declaration on the
principles for the new constitutional arrangement of
Bosnia-Herzegovina (as an independent state), also known
as the "Coutillero Plan", even though they had not been
given the mandate to do so by their people which had
already clearly opted in favor of staying in Yugoslavia, and
dismissed the attempts to forcibly pull it out of the
federation. However, Warren Zimmerman - the U.S.
ambassador to SFR Yugoslavia - flew immediately to
Sarajevo and convinced (forced) Alija Izetbegovic to retract
his signature from the agreement. And that time, the acting
Secretary of State was Lawrence Eagleburger. This removes
any possibility of W. Zimmerman having done this of his own
initiative, for he must have been following the instructions of
his boss L. Eagleburger. It should be noted that both of them,
Zimmerman and Eagleburger, were not only US ambassadors
to Yugoslavia, but worked for many years in the U.S.
Embassy in Belgrade, and hence knew perfectly well that by
undermining the Coutillero Plan they would inevitably ignite
the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In spite of that, or
because of that, they did what they did! (8).
Maybe all this was not completely known to everyone in the
Tribunal "courtroom", but Biljana Plavsic certainly knew it
all, because she was not only a witness but also a player in all
those events. Evidently, acting in favor of her personal
interests, she betrayed not only her people, but also the truth
and the basic human dignity. And, what is more, if she had
said all that the "judges" and the public could have listened to
it?
THE WAR IN BOSNIA AND INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW
Even those international law experts and politicians
that insist that the U.N. Security Council did not breach the
U.N. Charter by establishing the "International tribunal for
prosecuting persons responsible for serious violations of
international humanitarian law committed in the territory of
the former Yugoslavia from 1 January 1991" -- which is the
full name of this incredible institution -- should ask
themselves the question: do Articles 2-5 of the Tribunal
Statute really embody the modern international criminal law?
Even if the Security Council were to have the mandate to
establish international criminal courts according to the U.N.
Charter, it certainly doesn't have, nor could ever have any
international legislative mandate, in the sense of defining
international crimes. And this is exactly what it did with the
Tribunal Statute. The crimes listed and formulated in articles
2, 3, 4, and 5 (serious breaches of the Geneva conventions,
war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity) certainly
represent international crimes, not as the Security Council
had formulated them, but rather as they are formulated by
the modern international law. And not only that. All those
international crimes are made operative only through
national legislations and not directly. For example, as far as
serious breaches of the Geneva conventions are concerned,
these conventions specify that the states assume the
obligation to integrate such breaches into their legislation.
Nearly all the countries have done this, Yugoslavia being one
of the first. The same thing applies to all the other crimes
listed in the Tribunal Statute, including genocide. In fact, the
Convention on Genocide clearly states: "The parties assume
the obligation to ensure that, in accordance with their current
constitutions, legal measures be taken to allow the
implementation of the provisions of this Convention, and in
particular to adopt effective criminal sanctions to be applied
against persons responsible for genocide". This solution is
quite logical bearing in mind the fact that the Convention on
genocide does not specify the punishment.
If someone fails to realize -- even bearing in mind all
these facts -- to which extent has the U.N. Security Council
overstepped its mandate based on the U.N. Charter, then one
should read article 24 of the Tribunal Statute, with which the
Security Council introduces the life sentence!
Practically the only international crime that exists
independently from national legislation (aside from piracy at
sea and a few others) is provoking and initiating war of
aggression, which is what the Nuremberg and Tokyo
Tribunal are about. They tried the German in Japanese
officials for after World War II. But, this particular crime
-- believe it or not -- is not listed in the Tribunal
Statute! Obviously, not by mistake. The creators of the
Tribunal, and the authors of its Statute had a clear idea:
preventing at any cost the Tribunal from judging those
that provoked and caused the war in Yugoslavia. Namely,
the secessionist leaders in Yugoslavia and their foreign
sponsors, helpers and commanders. Furthermore, it is evident
that even back then, when the Statute was drafted and the
Tribunal created, the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia had
been anticipated, Tribunal rules had to be a written in a way
that even in that case the Tribunal would not be competent to
try the culprits! Only moral degenerates and deranged
individuals could have invented, designed and adopted such
solutions and the end of the 20th century.
Biljana Plavsic confessed her guilt for the crime of
"expulsion" and is to be sentenced -- to 15 to 20 years of
imprisonment by request of the Prosecutor, and to "not more
than eight years" by demand of the Defense. The fact is that
the Tribunal Statute does not list such a crime! There is
something called "deportation", and this probably applies to
her and her confession, but in criminal law analogies are not
admissible and crimes must be defined very precisely. The
Statute offers no indication on what does the term
"deportation" refers to actually - or as jurists would say -
what is the actual essence of this crime. Therefore, the
Tribunal "judges" will have the freedom to choose what to
subsum in this notion. Deportation, in fact need not
necessarily entail a crime. If it is done for humanitarian
reasons -- for example to remove the population from a
battlefield, or to carry out a voluntary exchange of population
to prevent massacres in a civil war -- it certainly does not
constitute a crime.
Naturally, no one denies that deportations of the
other kind - representing a crime - were committed by all
sides involved in the conflict in Bosnia. But in Bosnia, after
what the Moslems and the Croats did to the Serbs between
1941 and 1945, and with the breakup of Yugoslavia in
1991-1992, demarcation was the only lasting and rational
solution for ensuring true peace and stability in this part of
Europe. Undoubtedly, Greece and Turkey made a wise move
when they carried out a broad exchange of population after
World War I. By no means am I justifying anyone that
committed any form of crime in the process, but demarcation
is, I repeat, the only rational solution for Bosnia. Forget
Dayton!(7). From that perspective, comments made at the
trial by Alex Boraine, a South African that hasn't the faintest
idea what Bosnia is, are nothing but deceitful and silly
remarks. Truth and reconciliation are, naturally, something
that must come about, but not the way that this man
suggested in his testimony.
Notes:
(1) The full and official name of this institution is
"International tribunal for prosecuting persons responsible for
serious violations of international humanitarian law
committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1
January 1991". In this text it is referred to as ICTY, or simply
Tribunal, without quotation marks, although I believe it to be
an illegal and a illegitimate institution.
(2) At the time that this institution was created, she was the
U.S. ambassador to the UN. This woman spent part of her
childhood and youth in Belgrade, since she was the daughter
of the ambassador of Czechoslovakia in Belgrade immediately
after World War II. As a US agent and a traitor to his
country, her father fled to America. Children of diplomats
usually become lifelong friends of the country where they
grew up, went to school and made friends. For some curious
reason she started hating Serbs. During the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia, launched partially due to her
efforts, a deadly graffiti appeared on the walls of the bombed
buildings in Belgrade: "I like Madleine Albright as well as my
Coca-Cola: on the table and cold!" In Serbian it rhymes:
Volim Olbrajtovu kao koka-kolu: hladnu i na stolu.
(3) One can quote many examples of how a country is
defended and how it should be defended, but I shall merely
rely on an article recently published by the Belgrade daily
Politika (December 20th 2002) dealing with the attempted
secession of Texas from the U.S.:
In America, one cannot fool around with the federation.
Anyone even thinking of chipping off a piece of it, and thus
undermining the interest of the community of 50 united
states, will regret the day he was born. This warning is
underscored by the court file entitled "Separatists from
Texas". The warning will last until 2118! An absurdity, but
still a ruling of the federal court in Dallas.
Richard McLaren, a separatist that proclaimed the
"Independent State of Texas" back in 1995, has been tried
three times consecutively and sentenced to 121 years in
prison.
The "independence of Texas" was not proclaimed at the
congress of a separatist, independentist, or sovereignist party
-- although representatives from abroad, honored with such
attributes have visited Washington -- because no such party
exists in America; rather, it was was made public at the
meeting of two dozen Texas secessionists that met at a
forsaken farm near Fort Davis.
Richard McLaren (47) leader of the separatists, rallied his
supporters in a self-proclaimed "Embassy", installed initially
in the shack of the volunteer fire brigade, and later on in an
abandoned tramway car. The "temporary Capitol" was
located on a 17 acres ranch near the small town of Quero,
and this is where the separatists converged. "State Secretary"
Bernar Grover thought this would be a safe place for
"receptions and meetings with foreign officials and
diplomats", and the first overseas consulate of the separatist
Texas was supposed to be opened in Barcelona. Even an
airport runway was planned, as well as the customs and trade
zone of the "Republic of Texas".
The small group of separatists advocated the need for
international recognition of the " independent Republic of
Texas", and recognition of the Texan "nation". The
separatists from Texas did not introduce their own currency,
nor had they adopted someone else's currency (at the time the
German mark became the official currency in Montenegro),
but a printed Texas cheques with a face value of milions,
based on the "trust of the people of Texas".
This utopia ended with armed clashes.
In the spring of 1997, when President Clinton's financial and
sexual scandals were shaking the White House, on April 27th
the militia of the separatist "Republic of Texas" declared war
to the U.S. government, in reaction to the arrest of one of the
separatists by the police, after the renegades took three
civilians hostage and declared them "prisoners of war. Several
hundred policemen surrounded the armed separatists, and the
little town of Fort Davies turned into a battlefield. From the
nearby counties came several hundred more policemen, that
quickly overpowered the rebels and arrested seven of them
immediately. The separatist leader Richard McLaren asked
for U.N. mediation to save the "besieged nation" threatening
to fight to the death.
The police say that there were some two dozen activists and
about 800 supporters from the surrounding area. After seven
days, McLaren surrendered without struggle, but the trial
lasted nearly three years.
The leader of the separatists invoked the fact that Texas --
initially an Indian prairie, then a colony of the Spanish
conquistadores, then part of Mexico -- after the battle of
Alamo became a recognized independent state between 1836
and 1845. Settlers from the U.S. quickly stormed Texas and
after a referendum that many have objections to, annexed it
to the U.S. union. Spanish is the mother tongue of one-third
of the Texans, and one out of nine is of African origin.
The keepers of the Federation retaliated against McLaren
with a series of trials. He was accused of undermining the
federal revenue by selling void checks, in the name of the
"sovereign Republic of Texas". But Texas, the second-largest
state in the Federation, larger than France, with 20 million
inhabitants, rich with oil and land of origin of Eisenhower,
George Bush, Lindon B. Johnson - shall never be allowed to
leave the Federation.
McLaren was first sentenced to 99 years of imprisonment in a
state penitentiary - for taking part in kidnapping and
resisting the federal police. Because of the monetary
machinations he was further sentenced to 12.5 years in a
federal prison. The County Court in Midland sentenced him
to 10 more years for posession of firearms and planning the
secession of Texas. Total: 121 years of imprisonment. Nearly
half of the total history of the United States.
His six accomplices in the separatist adventure were each
sentenced to 5 years of imprisonment. Karen Paulson, the
wife of one of the separatists, was sentenced to 50 months of
prison.
The utopian effort of a handful of separatists to threaten the
integrity of the American federation and separate 683.000
km2 of territory (46, times the size of Montenegro) to create a
"independent Republic of Texas" has been punished with a
total of 155 years of imprisonment. Information about the
separatists offered to the U.S. public was very limited:
lunatics, madman from the prairie. If he were to live to serve
all three sentences, the utopian and separatist McLaren,
should hope to reach the age of 168.
I hope that this article from their Politika has been read by
all the members of the committee drafting the Constitutional
Charter of Serbia and Montenegro, as well as all those that
took on state affairs, without even knowing the meaning of
the word STATE.
(4) In Germany just is published a bestseller book (Der Brand
- Deutschland im Bombenkrieg 1940-1945) in which the
author Joerg Friedrich describes the devastation of German
cities and civilians in them, calling Churchill a war criminal,
implying that the RAF directly caused holokaust against the Jews.
(5) In Hiroshima there were in few seconds more civilian
victims than in Bosnian war - 200.000.
(6) See also the secret agreement between B. Plavsic and C.
Del Ponte, dated November 14th 2002 and made public before
the tribunal on Dec. 16th 2002. This deal is quite interesting
and can be found at http://www.tiker.co.yu/vesti.htm and on
the Tribunal site (www.un.org/icty).
(7) British journalist Misha Gleny in his good book on the
destruction of Yugoslavia - although he also, as almost all
Westerners, is obsessed with "great-Serbian chauvinism and
hegemony" as if he attended the Comintern school in
Moscow - cites commentary of one Krajina soldier on the
recognition of Croatia: "Why did you fucking English
capitulate to the fucking Nazis? You fucking bastard, go fuck
your mother, you spineless motherfucker!". (Misha Gleny,
"The Fall of Yugoslavia", London 1992, p.25). This
diplomatic conversation took place in a smoky Knin tavern.
That Krajina soldier, if he survived, wuold be most sutable for
Serbian ambassador in Bonn or London.
(8) In his text «How the war started», Andy Wilcoxson says:
On March 18, 1992, Alija Izetbegovic (Bosnian-Muslim
leader), Mate Boban (Bosnian-Croat leader), and Radovan
Karadzic (Bosnian-Serb Leader) all reached an agreement
on the peaceful succession of Bosnia & Herzegovina from
Yugoslavia.
The Agreement was known as the Lisbon Agreement (it is
also known as the Cutileiro Plan). The agreement called for
an independent Bosnia divided into three constituent and
geographically separate parts, each of which would be
autonomous. Izetbegovic, Boban, and Karadzic all agreed to
the plan, and signed the agreement.
The agreement was all set, internal and external borders, and
the administrative functions of the central and autonomous
governments had all been agreed upon. The threat of civil
war had been removed from Bosnia that is until, the U.S.
Ambassador Warren Zimmerman showed up.
On March 28, 1992, ten days after the agreement was reached
that would have avoided war in Bosnia, Warren Zimmerman
flew to Sarajevo and met with the Bosnian-Muslim leader,
Alija Izetbegovic. Upon finding that Izetbegovic was having
second thoughts about the agreement he had signed in
Lisbon, the Ambassador suggested that if he withdrew his
signature, the United States would grant recognition to
Bosnia as an independent state. Izetbegovic then withdrew his
signature and renounced the agreement.
After Izetbegovic reneged on the Lisbon Agreement, he called
a referendum on separation that was constitutionally illegal.
On the second day of the referendum there was a Muslim-led
attack on a Serb wedding. But the real trigger was
Izetbegovic announcing a full mobilization on April 4, 1992.
He could not legally do that without Serb & Croat consent,
but he did it anyway. That night terror reigned in Sarajevo.
The war was on.
The Bosnian war was ugly and extremely bloody. People
were maimed and killed in bloody inner-city battles that left
over half a million people dead.
The United States likes to point to Bosnia as a shining
example of where it helped Muslims. It is true that the United
States armed the Muslims in Bosnia. But, after many
thousands of deaths and massive destruction throughout
Bosnia, the Muslims were afforded by the terms of the
Dayton Accords, less territory than they had been guaranteed
by the Lisbon Agreement, which the United States urged the
Muslim leader to reject.
The bottom line here is that this war didn't have to happen at
all. Nobody had to die in Bosnia. If Ambassador Zimmerman
had just left Izetbegovic alone, then none of this would have
happened to begin with. Its that simple. The blame for all of
the death and destruction associated with the Bosnian war
lies exclusively with Alija Izetbegovic for starting the war,
and with the U.S. President Bill Clinton for sending that idiot
Zimmerman to Bosnia in the first place.
www.slobodan-milosevic.org/bosnia-started.
(7) The circumstances under which the republic of
Bosnia-Herzegovina was created as a federal unit within
Yugoslavia, in the middle of World War II, and how it
subsequently existed and evolved quite successfully until Alija
Izetbegovic appeared on the political scene with his Islamic
Declaration and the "upsurging of democracy" in the form of
his SDA party, are explained by Milovan Djilas, one of the
figures that took part in its creation back in the '40s, in what
I believe this is best work ever, Wartime, on p. 356: "The
party had held the view that Bosnia and Hercegovina should
have autonomous status, rather than become republic. This
plan implied autonomy under the Republic of Serbia.
However, the war had turned Bosnia into a battleground
between feuding Ustashi and Chetniks, as well as a base and
haven for the Partisans. Autonomy under either Serbia or
Croatia would have encoraged furter strife and deprived the
Moslems of their individuality. The Bosnian leadership too,
like every authority that grows out of an uprising, insised on
their own state, and later even on their own historical outlet
to the sea. But the republican status of Bosnia and
Hercegovina was not decided at that time, or during the
session of AVNOJ. It was decided in early January 1944 at a
meeting during a march, after the retreat from Jajce.
Rankovic reported that the Bosnian leadership proposed a
republic, Tito agreed, and so did all the rest of us, as if this
were something acceptable on the face of it". And so a
semi-literate corporal of the Austrian Imperial Army and a
small group of fanatic communists found a far more rational
solution for Bosnia than the one created by the Empire in
Dayton. Why? Well, simply because, in spite of all their
ideological and political limitations, they were people born in
this region devoid of any imperialist ambition to rule the
world.
Dr Milan Tepavac
del pezzo seguente. Chi fosse disponibile a tradurre e' pregato di
contattarci subito: <jugocoord@...>.
---
Note: Bare history is demonstrating, day after day, that the criticism
towards Tito's Yugoslavia and its leadership - as it is expressed in
the following article - is unjustified. Apart from this, we find this
contribution by M. Tepavac really excellent. CNJ
Date: Sun, 26 Jan 2003 08:20:53 +0100
From: "Milan Tepavac"
To: "YUGOSLAVIAINFO" <This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.>,
THE CASE OF BILJANA PLAVSIC
BEFORE THE SO-CALLED HAGUE TRIBUNAL
The acknowledgment of personal guilt if it really exists, is
a moral act, but the fact remains that she did it in the
wrong place, in front of the wrong people, as a trade-off
and without naming the main culprits for the tragedy
faced by her own people and herself.
December 18th 2002 marked the end of the trial
against Biljana Plavsic, former top official and political
leader of the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the time of the
illicit secession war that raged there between 1992 and 1995,
and president of the Republic of Srpska after the signing all
the Dayton agreement, after she changed her mind and
pleaded guilty for crimes against humanity. The sentence of
the court is expected by the end of January 2003. The
prosecution suggested a sentence of 15-25 years of
imprisonment, while the Defense underlined the fact that
any sentence longer than 8 years -- bearing in mind that
the accused is 72 years old -- would be equivalent to a life
sentence.
For those who refuse to recognize this institution as a
legal and legitimate international criminal court (1) --
including the author of this text -- the whole procedure
against Biljana Plavsic and other persons detained in
Scheveningen Prison at the Hague, including, of course,
Slobodan Milosevic, the former president of Yugoslavia and
the Republic of Serbia, legally means nothing, i.e. cannot
bear any consequences in the sense of international law. All
the decisions of this illegal and illegitimate institution are
legally unfounded and cannot serve as a precedent in
international law. It is in fact, an institution that was
established by the United Nations Security Council under the
pressure of the United States and contrary to the United
Nations Charter. Certain political reasons -- "political" in
the worse sense of this word -- forced the US to do so. We
shall not dwell upon such reasons, but two must have been
the most decisive ones: the imperialist tendency towards
global domination, and the breakup of SFR Yugoslavia, to
help create in the Yugoslav region mini states that are easily
manipulated, and the grant the Moslems in Yugoslavia --
with the intention to placate their efforts against Israel --
some sort of "Moslimania" right in the heart of Southeast
Europe. The personal hatred against Serbs harbored by
Madeleine Albright, sometimes referred to as "Tribunal's
godmother", must also have played a certain role.(2)
The ICTY was founded by the U.N. Security Council
with its resolution No. 827 dated May 25th 1993, even though
it had no such authority according to the U.N. Charter. With
the same resolution it passed the Tribunal Statute, which is,
obviously, also illegal and invalid as a legal document. Of all
the persons detained by the Tribunal in the Scheveningen
dungeon -- used during World War II by the Gestapo to
torture Resistance fighters -- only Slobodan Milosevic
remains firm in refusing to recognize this institution, and in
his statements during the "process" against him, uses every
opportunity to reiterate this. He is assisted in his efforts by
the Yugoslav Defense Committee, the International
Committee and several other national committees, the
German one being particularly active among them. Naturally,
he also relies on the help of a large number of individuals --
international jurists, politicians, writers and especially the
Russian Duma. Objectively speaking, the Hague Tribunal is
worse than any of Hitler's or Stalin's courts, because those
courts at least had some formal legality, whilst ICTY has
neither legality nor legitimacy. Undoubtedly, no one normal
within the international community would want the Security
Council to become some sort of a World Government
reserving for itself even legislative powers to define
international criminal offenses. One must also consider the
fact that the Tribunal can prosecute only a limited number of
suspects (about 50), whilst the number of those that have
committed crimes is at least ten times greater. Therefore, by
the virtue of things, the national courts are the only ones that
can bring justice to this region.
In the beginning I did not object to the legality of the
Tribunal and its Statute. I thought that Tribunal would be
judging the main culprits fully Yugoslav tragedy -- some
two dozen people -- and this is why the back in 1995 I
submitted to the Tribunal criminal charges against the
following persons: Franjo Tudjman, Alija Izetbegovic, Milan
Kucan, Kiro Gligorov (secession leaders), and the following
foreign assistants, aiders and financers: Hans Dietrich
Genscher, Helmut Kohl, Klaus Kinkel, Peter Alexander
Rupert (Lord) Carrington, Robert Badintere, William
Clinton, Aloysius Mock, Gesa Yanewsky, Carol Woytilla
(Pope John Paul II), James Baker, Hans van den Broek and
Franz Vranicky, as the prime culprits for provoking the
secession wars in Yugoslavia, contrary to international law
and the OSCE Helsinki Final Act. I also asked that
national courts should prosecute Borislav Jovic, Stipe Mesic,
Janez Drnovsek, Ante Markovic, Veljko Kadijevic, Budimir
Loncar and several other persons for breaching the
Constitution of SFRY and the Criminal Code of SFRY, as
well as for not taking measures to protect the constituted
order in accordance with the Constitution, the Criminal Code
and the oath they took when they stepped into the office for
which they collected a handsome salary.(3). Since the
Tribunal refused to initiate proceedings against the main
culprits, it became clear to me that this was by no means a
court administering justice, but rather a political creation of
the anti-Serbian racists, and subsequently a tool used by
NATO for its domination. Instead of prosecuting those
culprits, the "court" turned on Slobodan Milosevic, a man
that did the most normal thing in the world -- i.e. tried to
defend his country and his homeland, from the armed attacks
of the crazed secessionists, from NATO aggression and
enslavement.
Still, in spite of all that, the Biljana Plavsic case must
be analyzed in detail not only from the political perspective,
but also from the legal aspects, because many are those
throughout the world -- lamentably in Yugoslavia and the
Republic of Srpska as well -- that believe either that ICTY is
nevertheless a legal international criminal court, and that its
Statute positively reflects the international criminal law, or
that one should not insist on the lack of legality of the
Tribunal, because it's two objectives -- punishing war
criminals and establishing peace and reconciliation in former
Yugoslavia -- are justified, rational and moral.
So, let's consider the arguments they can invoke in
favor of their standing in the light of what Biljana Plavsic
did, putting aside the issue of legality and legitimacy of the
Tribunal and its Statute. Let us examine the case of Biljana
Plavsic as if a real court were involved.
What is it that made her change her mind about her guilt,
which she initially denied before the Tribunal?
Shocked by the news that Biljana Plavsic admitted to
her guilt with respect to the indictment raised by the
Tribunal, the Serbs in Diaspora -- who sense the
demonization of the Serbian people in the West much more
than we do here in the country -- used the Internet to
address several questions to her, to the public and to the
politicians in Yugoslavia and the Republic of Srpska:
We still recall your willful, and fully conscient decision to
appear as the accused before the International Criminal
Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, to help establish the truth
about the participants and the events that took place. We still
remember your first statement before the court at The Hague,
which you started with the words "your honor".
Subsequently, you stated under oath and guaranteed with
your honor, that you are not guilty on any of the counts, i.e.
that you are not responsible for the crimes that have been
committed. A few days ago we have learned from a videotape
presented before the court at the Hague, that whilst you were
staying in Belgrade -- in an atmosphere and with the status
of a person protected by the Hague court -- you rejected
your initial plea which you gave under oath and guaranteed
with your honor, i.e. that you admitted your guilt for the
crimes.
Mme Plavsic, ex-president of the Republic of Srpska, we
would very much appreciate if you could offer the answers to
the following questions, publicly, in a radio and television
press-conference in Belgrade:
Is the video recording, presented before the Hague Tribunal as
your statement given freely and without coercion, really true,
though it denies your earlier plea given before the court at the
Hague? Which one of the two statements is valid, which one
is true? If the statement presented on videotape is true, we
would very much appreciate if you could explain the crimes
you feel guilty of, and why this is so. On the other hand, if
your initial statement given personally before the court at
The Hague is true, we would be grateful if you were to
explain the circumstances under which you made the
statement presented on videotape before the Court at The Hague.
Mme Plavsic, you know perfectly well that the Serbian people
has invested its kingdom, and generations of its best children,
not only to gain freedom and live freely, but also to free all
other Yugoslav nations, that we might all live in friendship.
You also know, that the Serbian people has been the one to
suffer the most during the rule of Josip Broz Tito, just to
preserve peace. You are aware that the Serbian people in
Bosnia-Herzegovina wanted to continue living in peace with
the other Yugoslav nations in the common state -
Yugoslavia, without seceding from it. You know that it made
this choice at the referendum. You know that both in the
country and abroad the results of the referendum carried out
by all other nations have been honored (even those of the
Republics, in contrast with the Constitution of SFR
Yugoslavia) and that only the referenda of the Serbian people
in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in Krayina were belittled and
ignored. You know that according to the Constitution of SFR
Yugoslavia, the right to self-determination had not been
granted to any of the Republics. You know that SR
Bosnia-Herzegovina was a Republic of three equal-righted
and constituent nations: Moslems, Serbs and Croats.
You know that the aggression forced the Serbian nation to
resort to justified defense; the aggression started in
Bosnia-Herzegovina with the Moslem attack on a wedding
party resulting in the wounding of the newlyweds and the
death of the bride's father. This incident in Sarajevo occurred
just because the newlyweds were Serbs. You know that the
aggression continued with the attack of Croatian paramilitary
units on Bosanski Brod, where they massacred Serbs
including the town mayor. The day after, they joined the
Moslem paramilitary units in the attack on the Serbian
village of Sjekovac where they burned down both the village
and the villagers. You are aware that the aggression escalated
further with the slaughters of Serbs around the villages of
Vlasenica and Bratunac. We know all that too. We have, or
we had friends and relatives there, we had -- because some
of them fell as innocent victims.
You are also perfectly aware of the appeal launched back
then by His Holiness Serbian Patriarch Pavle to all the Serbs:
not to succumb to hatred and not to commit crimes.
You were the president of the Republic of Srpska. It is your
moral, material, national and official duty to explain publicly,
as a free person -- primarily to the people of the Republic of
Srpska, then to the Serbian people and to the Moslem and
Croatian people -- what is it that you really did, and what is
it that you are responsible for with regards to the accusations
made against you at the beginning of your trial at the Hague
Tribunal.
If your statement presented on videotape before the court at
the Hague is correct and true, we would greatly appreciate it
if you could explain to the Serbian people why did you betray
the Serbian morale, the dignity of the Serbian people, the
humanity it has always shown to the other Yugoslav nations,
and why did you fail to state that before your own people in
the Republic of Srpska first? Why did you betray the trust
and the honor bestowed upon you by the people of the
Republic of Srpska?
On the other hand, if your first statement given before the
court at the Hague is true, we appeal to you once again -- as
an official that accept the honor and the trusts of her native
people, as a former president all the Republic of Srpska -- to
publicly reveal what was it that induced you to make the
statement shown on videotape at the Hague Tribunal, with
which you denied your earlier plea given under oath and
guaranteed by your honor.
Judging by her attitude in the final stage of the
process before the Tribunal, and by the speech she delivered
in that phase, appeals like the one quoted above, addressed to
her, the public and the relevant factors in Serbia and the
Republic of Srpska, had absolutely no effect. What was the
reason that made her omit in her speech any reference to
even the basic facts, which are so well known, that would
have shed some light on the events in Bosnia and
Herzegovina for which she has been accused, and which she
has confessed to before the Tribunal? Here is her whole
speech; maybe it hides the answer to this essential question.
She spoke in Serbian, and this is unofficial translation of it:
<<
Your Honor, Mme Prosecutor, Defense attorneys -- I thank
you for offering me today this opportunity to speak.
Nearly two years ago I came here as someone
accused of taking part in crimes against other human beings,
even against humanity. I came for two reasons: to face these
accusations and spare my people -- because it was clear that
they will be paying the price of anyone failing to come here. I
have had time to examine these accusations, and to verify and
evaluate them together with my attorneys. I have now been
convinced and I accept that several thousand innocent people
were victims of organized and systematic actions to eliminate
Moslems and Croats from areas that the Serbs thought were
theirs. At that time I had thoughtlessly convinced myself that
this was a question of survival and self-defense. Actually,
even more than that -- our leadership, and I was an essential
part of it -- guided an undertaking which had as its victims
countless innocent people. Clarifications on self-defense and
survival offer no justification. In the end, even our fellow
countrymen have said that in this war, we had lost our
nobleness.
Obvious questions arise: if this truth is so evident
now, why is it that I did not see it before; and -- how is it
possible that our leadership and those that followed it could
have committed to such acts? The answer to both these
questions is, I believe -- fear -- blinding fear leading to
obsession, especially for those among us that have a vivid
memory of World War II, that the Serbs should never allow
to be the victims again. By doing this, we, the leaders,
breached the quintessential duty of every human being -- the
duty to refrain oneself and to honor the dignity of others. We
were determined to do whatever was necessary to overcome.
Although I had been faced with reports on cruel and in
human actions against non-Serbs on various occasions -- I
refused to accept them, or even verify them. Actually, I
completely gave in to talk of innocent Serbian victims of this
war. This daily work, strengthened my conviction that we
were fighting for survival, and that in this struggle the
international community was our enemy. And so, I simply
denied such reports, leaving them unchecked. I remained
firmly convinced that the Serbs were unable of doing
something similar. In this obsession of never again becoming
victims -- we allowed ourselves to become the perpetrators.
You have heard yesterday, and partially even today
much about the suffering caused by all this. I accept the
responsibility for my share in it. This responsibility is mine
-- and only mine. It does not extend to other leaders and
their right to defend themselves. It most certainly does not
extend to our Serbian people, which already paid a high price
for the actions of our leadership. The awareness that I'm
responsible for such human suffering and for smearing the
honor of my people, shall always remain part of me.
There is a justice that demands a life for each innocent life,
death for every sinful death. For me, obviously, it's impossible
to answer the requests of such justice. I can only do what is in
my power and hope that this will serve some purpose -- to
learn to truth, to say it and to accept the responsibility. This
will, I hope, help the innocent Moslem, Croatian and Serbian
victims to avoid becoming taken over by bitterness, which
often becomes hatred, and which is -- in the end --
self-destructive.
As far as my people are concerned -- I said
something about their reputation here today. Therefore I
believe it's necessary to clarify what is it that I am talking
about. Today in Belgrade, right in the heart of Belgrade,
stands a church under a dome whose construction started
back in 1935. Our people have persevered in building this
church consecrated to a man that is -- more than anyone
else -- part of the Serbian nation, and that's St. Sava. The
path he followed was marked by self-restraint and respect for
everyone. He was a great diplomat that earned a reputation
among his people and abroad, a man whose character is
deeply rooted within the Serbian nation. The path an the
example of St. Sava had been followed by great Serbian
leaders, even in recent times, who pursued dedication,
nobleness and dignity even in the most difficult of
circumstances. It is sufficient to mention bishop Artemije
Radosavljevic, which still represents the voice invoking
justice, in what has become for the Serbs -- the desert of
Kosovo. Lamentably, our leadership, myself included,
abandoned this path during the recent war. I believe you
realize that I have disassociated myself from those leaders --
albeit too late. Nevertheless, that same leadership shamelessly
continues to seek the loyalty and the support of our people.
This is done by instigating fear and promoting half-truths to
convince the people that the whole world is against us. But
the fruits of their work -- of those leaders -- are clear:
Graves, refugees, isolation and bitterness towards the whole
world that rejected us precisely because of those leaders. I
have been warned that this is neither the time nor the place
to state this truth -- and that it would be better to wait for
the others to also accept the responsibility for their doing. But
I believe that there is neither time nor place where truth
should not be told. I think that we must bring order in our
house -- the others will have to examine themselves and
their actions. We have to live in this world, and not in a cave.
Still, as long as we preserve our identity and our character --
we have nothing to fear. As far as I'm concerned -- the
judges of this court are the ones who have been given the
responsibility to judge. You must strive to find in your
sentence whichever form of justice that this world can offer
-- not only for me, but for the innocent victims of this war
as well. I will however, address an appeal to this Tribunal --
to judges, prosecutors and investigators -- to do everything
that is in your power to offer justice for all sides. In doing so,
maybe you will have the opportunity to carry out the mission
for which this court exists. Thank you.
>>
The striking fact, stemming not only from this
statement, but from the entire process before that Tribunal (I
watched the TV broadcast very carefully) is that neither she,
nor her defense attorneys, and not even the members of the
panel of judges even mentioned that Bosnia and Herzegovina
was a republic in Yugoslavia, nor has the word "Yugoslavia"
been mentioned once in this context. Furthermore, no one
raised the key question, the question of all questions: who
provoked, whocaused the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who is
responsible for it? In fact, any sane person realizes that the
war crimes in the battlefield -- or as the jurists say in bello
-- are only the consequence of war, and for that matter --
as history has repeatedly shown -- of every war. Without
going too far back in the history of war and warfare, let us
consider World War II only. Not only the Germans and their
satellites -- the most eager among them being the Croats
and the Moslems in the so-called Independent State of
Croatia, which included Bosnia -- committed war crimes,
but Allies did as well. Dresden (4) and Hiroshima (5) are just
two examples. Both sides committed countless crimes in that
war. In the marvelous film The Nuremberg Process (with
Spencer Tracy and Marlene Dietrich), when the prosecution
presents horrifying scenes filmed when the German
concentration camps were liberated, the attorney of a group
of indicted Nazi officials (played by the fascinating
Maximilian Shell) addresses the prosecutor and the panel of
judges enraged: "I protest most sternly against this action of
the prosecutor, I repeat and repeat: I protest most sternly! I
could show you a film on Hiroshima, couldn't I?"
THE FACTOGRAPHY OF THE WAR IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Therefore, what's astonishing is that neither Biljana
Plavsic -- except for a passing reference to World War II --
nor the defense, nor the prosecution, nor the panel of judges
have shown any interest in the circumstances that brought
about the horrible crimes in Bosnia-Herzegovina, committed
undoubtedly by all warring sides. In saying this I'm not
considering the circumstances from "times immemorial", but
circumstances that directly caused this war and consequently
the war crimes. This is even more perplexing considering the
fact that these are circumstances well known not only to
Biljana Plavsic, but probably to everyone else present in the
Tribunal courtroom as well. Still, she bears the greatest
responsibility for not speaking about those circumstances; she
had the obligation to talk about that, both for the sake of her
people and for the sake of truth. Evidently, she traded all that
for her personal interests that she negotiated with Carla Del
Ponte.(6). The first gauleiter of Bosnia-Herzegovina after
Dayton, the Swede Karl Bildt, having appeared as a witness
at the trial against Biljana Plavsic, admitted that when he
took that office, he knew nothing of the meaning of 1941 in
Bosnia-Herzegovina. A thick Swede can permit himself not
to know, but how could have Biljana Plavsic forgotten about
the events that she might even have a personal memory of,
when the Croats and the Moslems from her Bosnia
committed such crimes against her people that can hardly be
equaled in monstrosity and cruelty to any other in the history
of mankind?
This is certainly not the place to go back to the
distant past of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Hence, I shall only
mention the circumstances and the events that caused directly
the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, these circumstances and
events being quite well known to Biljana Plavsic, though she
didn't even mentioned them at the trial.
The Moslem and Croatian leaders, acting against the
position of the Serbian representatives, decided in favor of an
unconstitutional secession of Bosnia-Herzegovina from
SFR Yugoslavia. On October 15th 1991, the deputies of
SDA (Moslems) and HDZ (Croats) adopted -- contrary to
the Constitution of SFR Yugoslavia, and contrary to the
Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the "Memorandum
on the Sovereignty of Bosnia-Herzegovina" incited by and
urged directly by EC criminals and fiends and, obviously, by
the chief sheriff in Washington. At the so-called peace
conference on Yugoslavia held at the Hague, the British
aristocrat Lord Peter Carrington, acting on behalf of the
European Community, proposed on October 18th 1991 the
plan for "solving the Yugoslav crisis", which merely
advocated that all Yugoslav federal units should become
independent states and that they be granted international
recognition in that status, i.e. that Yugoslavia should be
disintegrated and deleted from the political map! Such a
document -- unheard of in international relations -- had
been accepted by Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia and obviously
the Moslem/Croat leaders in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Reacting
to such a course of events, on October 25th 1991, the Serbs in
Bosnia-Herzegovina organized themselves and founded the
Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
stressing that -- obviously -- they refused to leave
Yugoslavia and that the Moslems and the Croats had no right
to pull them out of Yugoslavia against their will. In
obliterating Yugoslavia as a country, the European
Community went to the extreme: late at night on December
16th 1991, the EC adopted the decision -- under the
pressure of Hans Dietrich Genscher, i.e. Germany -- that
the Yugoslav republics wishing independence should
submit a request to this effect within eight days, and that
they would be recognized as independent states! (7).
Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina did so
within the given deadline. As a reaction, the Assembly of the
Serbian people in Bosnia-Herzegovina passed a resolution on
the forming of the Republic of Srpska within Yugoslavia.
Trying to give an appearance of legality to their crimes, the
Moslem and Croat secessionist leaders in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, organized a referendum (March 3rd
1992) on the secession of Bosnia-Herzegovina from
Yugoslavia and the creation of the "independent"
Bosnia-Herzegovina, that the Serbs -- obviously -- did not
take part in. Like the previous decision on secession made
without the participation of the constituent Serbian nation in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, this referendum was
unconstitutional both according to the Yugoslav Constitution
and the Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
In spite of all that, the representatives of the Serbian people in
Bosnia and Herzegovina did everything possible to avoid the
armed conflict. At the meeting of the representatives of all
three nations held in Sarajevo on March 17th 1992, the
Serbian representatives agreed to a Declaration on the
principles for the new constitutional arrangement of
Bosnia-Herzegovina (as an independent state), also known
as the "Coutillero Plan", even though they had not been
given the mandate to do so by their people which had
already clearly opted in favor of staying in Yugoslavia, and
dismissed the attempts to forcibly pull it out of the
federation. However, Warren Zimmerman - the U.S.
ambassador to SFR Yugoslavia - flew immediately to
Sarajevo and convinced (forced) Alija Izetbegovic to retract
his signature from the agreement. And that time, the acting
Secretary of State was Lawrence Eagleburger. This removes
any possibility of W. Zimmerman having done this of his own
initiative, for he must have been following the instructions of
his boss L. Eagleburger. It should be noted that both of them,
Zimmerman and Eagleburger, were not only US ambassadors
to Yugoslavia, but worked for many years in the U.S.
Embassy in Belgrade, and hence knew perfectly well that by
undermining the Coutillero Plan they would inevitably ignite
the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In spite of that, or
because of that, they did what they did! (8).
Maybe all this was not completely known to everyone in the
Tribunal "courtroom", but Biljana Plavsic certainly knew it
all, because she was not only a witness but also a player in all
those events. Evidently, acting in favor of her personal
interests, she betrayed not only her people, but also the truth
and the basic human dignity. And, what is more, if she had
said all that the "judges" and the public could have listened to
it?
THE WAR IN BOSNIA AND INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW
Even those international law experts and politicians
that insist that the U.N. Security Council did not breach the
U.N. Charter by establishing the "International tribunal for
prosecuting persons responsible for serious violations of
international humanitarian law committed in the territory of
the former Yugoslavia from 1 January 1991" -- which is the
full name of this incredible institution -- should ask
themselves the question: do Articles 2-5 of the Tribunal
Statute really embody the modern international criminal law?
Even if the Security Council were to have the mandate to
establish international criminal courts according to the U.N.
Charter, it certainly doesn't have, nor could ever have any
international legislative mandate, in the sense of defining
international crimes. And this is exactly what it did with the
Tribunal Statute. The crimes listed and formulated in articles
2, 3, 4, and 5 (serious breaches of the Geneva conventions,
war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity) certainly
represent international crimes, not as the Security Council
had formulated them, but rather as they are formulated by
the modern international law. And not only that. All those
international crimes are made operative only through
national legislations and not directly. For example, as far as
serious breaches of the Geneva conventions are concerned,
these conventions specify that the states assume the
obligation to integrate such breaches into their legislation.
Nearly all the countries have done this, Yugoslavia being one
of the first. The same thing applies to all the other crimes
listed in the Tribunal Statute, including genocide. In fact, the
Convention on Genocide clearly states: "The parties assume
the obligation to ensure that, in accordance with their current
constitutions, legal measures be taken to allow the
implementation of the provisions of this Convention, and in
particular to adopt effective criminal sanctions to be applied
against persons responsible for genocide". This solution is
quite logical bearing in mind the fact that the Convention on
genocide does not specify the punishment.
If someone fails to realize -- even bearing in mind all
these facts -- to which extent has the U.N. Security Council
overstepped its mandate based on the U.N. Charter, then one
should read article 24 of the Tribunal Statute, with which the
Security Council introduces the life sentence!
Practically the only international crime that exists
independently from national legislation (aside from piracy at
sea and a few others) is provoking and initiating war of
aggression, which is what the Nuremberg and Tokyo
Tribunal are about. They tried the German in Japanese
officials for after World War II. But, this particular crime
-- believe it or not -- is not listed in the Tribunal
Statute! Obviously, not by mistake. The creators of the
Tribunal, and the authors of its Statute had a clear idea:
preventing at any cost the Tribunal from judging those
that provoked and caused the war in Yugoslavia. Namely,
the secessionist leaders in Yugoslavia and their foreign
sponsors, helpers and commanders. Furthermore, it is evident
that even back then, when the Statute was drafted and the
Tribunal created, the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia had
been anticipated, Tribunal rules had to be a written in a way
that even in that case the Tribunal would not be competent to
try the culprits! Only moral degenerates and deranged
individuals could have invented, designed and adopted such
solutions and the end of the 20th century.
Biljana Plavsic confessed her guilt for the crime of
"expulsion" and is to be sentenced -- to 15 to 20 years of
imprisonment by request of the Prosecutor, and to "not more
than eight years" by demand of the Defense. The fact is that
the Tribunal Statute does not list such a crime! There is
something called "deportation", and this probably applies to
her and her confession, but in criminal law analogies are not
admissible and crimes must be defined very precisely. The
Statute offers no indication on what does the term
"deportation" refers to actually - or as jurists would say -
what is the actual essence of this crime. Therefore, the
Tribunal "judges" will have the freedom to choose what to
subsum in this notion. Deportation, in fact need not
necessarily entail a crime. If it is done for humanitarian
reasons -- for example to remove the population from a
battlefield, or to carry out a voluntary exchange of population
to prevent massacres in a civil war -- it certainly does not
constitute a crime.
Naturally, no one denies that deportations of the
other kind - representing a crime - were committed by all
sides involved in the conflict in Bosnia. But in Bosnia, after
what the Moslems and the Croats did to the Serbs between
1941 and 1945, and with the breakup of Yugoslavia in
1991-1992, demarcation was the only lasting and rational
solution for ensuring true peace and stability in this part of
Europe. Undoubtedly, Greece and Turkey made a wise move
when they carried out a broad exchange of population after
World War I. By no means am I justifying anyone that
committed any form of crime in the process, but demarcation
is, I repeat, the only rational solution for Bosnia. Forget
Dayton!(7). From that perspective, comments made at the
trial by Alex Boraine, a South African that hasn't the faintest
idea what Bosnia is, are nothing but deceitful and silly
remarks. Truth and reconciliation are, naturally, something
that must come about, but not the way that this man
suggested in his testimony.
Notes:
(1) The full and official name of this institution is
"International tribunal for prosecuting persons responsible for
serious violations of international humanitarian law
committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1
January 1991". In this text it is referred to as ICTY, or simply
Tribunal, without quotation marks, although I believe it to be
an illegal and a illegitimate institution.
(2) At the time that this institution was created, she was the
U.S. ambassador to the UN. This woman spent part of her
childhood and youth in Belgrade, since she was the daughter
of the ambassador of Czechoslovakia in Belgrade immediately
after World War II. As a US agent and a traitor to his
country, her father fled to America. Children of diplomats
usually become lifelong friends of the country where they
grew up, went to school and made friends. For some curious
reason she started hating Serbs. During the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia, launched partially due to her
efforts, a deadly graffiti appeared on the walls of the bombed
buildings in Belgrade: "I like Madleine Albright as well as my
Coca-Cola: on the table and cold!" In Serbian it rhymes:
Volim Olbrajtovu kao koka-kolu: hladnu i na stolu.
(3) One can quote many examples of how a country is
defended and how it should be defended, but I shall merely
rely on an article recently published by the Belgrade daily
Politika (December 20th 2002) dealing with the attempted
secession of Texas from the U.S.:
In America, one cannot fool around with the federation.
Anyone even thinking of chipping off a piece of it, and thus
undermining the interest of the community of 50 united
states, will regret the day he was born. This warning is
underscored by the court file entitled "Separatists from
Texas". The warning will last until 2118! An absurdity, but
still a ruling of the federal court in Dallas.
Richard McLaren, a separatist that proclaimed the
"Independent State of Texas" back in 1995, has been tried
three times consecutively and sentenced to 121 years in
prison.
The "independence of Texas" was not proclaimed at the
congress of a separatist, independentist, or sovereignist party
-- although representatives from abroad, honored with such
attributes have visited Washington -- because no such party
exists in America; rather, it was was made public at the
meeting of two dozen Texas secessionists that met at a
forsaken farm near Fort Davis.
Richard McLaren (47) leader of the separatists, rallied his
supporters in a self-proclaimed "Embassy", installed initially
in the shack of the volunteer fire brigade, and later on in an
abandoned tramway car. The "temporary Capitol" was
located on a 17 acres ranch near the small town of Quero,
and this is where the separatists converged. "State Secretary"
Bernar Grover thought this would be a safe place for
"receptions and meetings with foreign officials and
diplomats", and the first overseas consulate of the separatist
Texas was supposed to be opened in Barcelona. Even an
airport runway was planned, as well as the customs and trade
zone of the "Republic of Texas".
The small group of separatists advocated the need for
international recognition of the " independent Republic of
Texas", and recognition of the Texan "nation". The
separatists from Texas did not introduce their own currency,
nor had they adopted someone else's currency (at the time the
German mark became the official currency in Montenegro),
but a printed Texas cheques with a face value of milions,
based on the "trust of the people of Texas".
This utopia ended with armed clashes.
In the spring of 1997, when President Clinton's financial and
sexual scandals were shaking the White House, on April 27th
the militia of the separatist "Republic of Texas" declared war
to the U.S. government, in reaction to the arrest of one of the
separatists by the police, after the renegades took three
civilians hostage and declared them "prisoners of war. Several
hundred policemen surrounded the armed separatists, and the
little town of Fort Davies turned into a battlefield. From the
nearby counties came several hundred more policemen, that
quickly overpowered the rebels and arrested seven of them
immediately. The separatist leader Richard McLaren asked
for U.N. mediation to save the "besieged nation" threatening
to fight to the death.
The police say that there were some two dozen activists and
about 800 supporters from the surrounding area. After seven
days, McLaren surrendered without struggle, but the trial
lasted nearly three years.
The leader of the separatists invoked the fact that Texas --
initially an Indian prairie, then a colony of the Spanish
conquistadores, then part of Mexico -- after the battle of
Alamo became a recognized independent state between 1836
and 1845. Settlers from the U.S. quickly stormed Texas and
after a referendum that many have objections to, annexed it
to the U.S. union. Spanish is the mother tongue of one-third
of the Texans, and one out of nine is of African origin.
The keepers of the Federation retaliated against McLaren
with a series of trials. He was accused of undermining the
federal revenue by selling void checks, in the name of the
"sovereign Republic of Texas". But Texas, the second-largest
state in the Federation, larger than France, with 20 million
inhabitants, rich with oil and land of origin of Eisenhower,
George Bush, Lindon B. Johnson - shall never be allowed to
leave the Federation.
McLaren was first sentenced to 99 years of imprisonment in a
state penitentiary - for taking part in kidnapping and
resisting the federal police. Because of the monetary
machinations he was further sentenced to 12.5 years in a
federal prison. The County Court in Midland sentenced him
to 10 more years for posession of firearms and planning the
secession of Texas. Total: 121 years of imprisonment. Nearly
half of the total history of the United States.
His six accomplices in the separatist adventure were each
sentenced to 5 years of imprisonment. Karen Paulson, the
wife of one of the separatists, was sentenced to 50 months of
prison.
The utopian effort of a handful of separatists to threaten the
integrity of the American federation and separate 683.000
km2 of territory (46, times the size of Montenegro) to create a
"independent Republic of Texas" has been punished with a
total of 155 years of imprisonment. Information about the
separatists offered to the U.S. public was very limited:
lunatics, madman from the prairie. If he were to live to serve
all three sentences, the utopian and separatist McLaren,
should hope to reach the age of 168.
I hope that this article from their Politika has been read by
all the members of the committee drafting the Constitutional
Charter of Serbia and Montenegro, as well as all those that
took on state affairs, without even knowing the meaning of
the word STATE.
(4) In Germany just is published a bestseller book (Der Brand
- Deutschland im Bombenkrieg 1940-1945) in which the
author Joerg Friedrich describes the devastation of German
cities and civilians in them, calling Churchill a war criminal,
implying that the RAF directly caused holokaust against the Jews.
(5) In Hiroshima there were in few seconds more civilian
victims than in Bosnian war - 200.000.
(6) See also the secret agreement between B. Plavsic and C.
Del Ponte, dated November 14th 2002 and made public before
the tribunal on Dec. 16th 2002. This deal is quite interesting
and can be found at http://www.tiker.co.yu/vesti.htm and on
the Tribunal site (www.un.org/icty).
(7) British journalist Misha Gleny in his good book on the
destruction of Yugoslavia - although he also, as almost all
Westerners, is obsessed with "great-Serbian chauvinism and
hegemony" as if he attended the Comintern school in
Moscow - cites commentary of one Krajina soldier on the
recognition of Croatia: "Why did you fucking English
capitulate to the fucking Nazis? You fucking bastard, go fuck
your mother, you spineless motherfucker!". (Misha Gleny,
"The Fall of Yugoslavia", London 1992, p.25). This
diplomatic conversation took place in a smoky Knin tavern.
That Krajina soldier, if he survived, wuold be most sutable for
Serbian ambassador in Bonn or London.
(8) In his text «How the war started», Andy Wilcoxson says:
On March 18, 1992, Alija Izetbegovic (Bosnian-Muslim
leader), Mate Boban (Bosnian-Croat leader), and Radovan
Karadzic (Bosnian-Serb Leader) all reached an agreement
on the peaceful succession of Bosnia & Herzegovina from
Yugoslavia.
The Agreement was known as the Lisbon Agreement (it is
also known as the Cutileiro Plan). The agreement called for
an independent Bosnia divided into three constituent and
geographically separate parts, each of which would be
autonomous. Izetbegovic, Boban, and Karadzic all agreed to
the plan, and signed the agreement.
The agreement was all set, internal and external borders, and
the administrative functions of the central and autonomous
governments had all been agreed upon. The threat of civil
war had been removed from Bosnia that is until, the U.S.
Ambassador Warren Zimmerman showed up.
On March 28, 1992, ten days after the agreement was reached
that would have avoided war in Bosnia, Warren Zimmerman
flew to Sarajevo and met with the Bosnian-Muslim leader,
Alija Izetbegovic. Upon finding that Izetbegovic was having
second thoughts about the agreement he had signed in
Lisbon, the Ambassador suggested that if he withdrew his
signature, the United States would grant recognition to
Bosnia as an independent state. Izetbegovic then withdrew his
signature and renounced the agreement.
After Izetbegovic reneged on the Lisbon Agreement, he called
a referendum on separation that was constitutionally illegal.
On the second day of the referendum there was a Muslim-led
attack on a Serb wedding. But the real trigger was
Izetbegovic announcing a full mobilization on April 4, 1992.
He could not legally do that without Serb & Croat consent,
but he did it anyway. That night terror reigned in Sarajevo.
The war was on.
The Bosnian war was ugly and extremely bloody. People
were maimed and killed in bloody inner-city battles that left
over half a million people dead.
The United States likes to point to Bosnia as a shining
example of where it helped Muslims. It is true that the United
States armed the Muslims in Bosnia. But, after many
thousands of deaths and massive destruction throughout
Bosnia, the Muslims were afforded by the terms of the
Dayton Accords, less territory than they had been guaranteed
by the Lisbon Agreement, which the United States urged the
Muslim leader to reject.
The bottom line here is that this war didn't have to happen at
all. Nobody had to die in Bosnia. If Ambassador Zimmerman
had just left Izetbegovic alone, then none of this would have
happened to begin with. Its that simple. The blame for all of
the death and destruction associated with the Bosnian war
lies exclusively with Alija Izetbegovic for starting the war,
and with the U.S. President Bill Clinton for sending that idiot
Zimmerman to Bosnia in the first place.
www.slobodan-milosevic.org/bosnia-started.
(7) The circumstances under which the republic of
Bosnia-Herzegovina was created as a federal unit within
Yugoslavia, in the middle of World War II, and how it
subsequently existed and evolved quite successfully until Alija
Izetbegovic appeared on the political scene with his Islamic
Declaration and the "upsurging of democracy" in the form of
his SDA party, are explained by Milovan Djilas, one of the
figures that took part in its creation back in the '40s, in what
I believe this is best work ever, Wartime, on p. 356: "The
party had held the view that Bosnia and Hercegovina should
have autonomous status, rather than become republic. This
plan implied autonomy under the Republic of Serbia.
However, the war had turned Bosnia into a battleground
between feuding Ustashi and Chetniks, as well as a base and
haven for the Partisans. Autonomy under either Serbia or
Croatia would have encoraged furter strife and deprived the
Moslems of their individuality. The Bosnian leadership too,
like every authority that grows out of an uprising, insised on
their own state, and later even on their own historical outlet
to the sea. But the republican status of Bosnia and
Hercegovina was not decided at that time, or during the
session of AVNOJ. It was decided in early January 1944 at a
meeting during a march, after the retreat from Jajce.
Rankovic reported that the Bosnian leadership proposed a
republic, Tito agreed, and so did all the rest of us, as if this
were something acceptable on the face of it". And so a
semi-literate corporal of the Austrian Imperial Army and a
small group of fanatic communists found a far more rational
solution for Bosnia than the one created by the Empire in
Dayton. Why? Well, simply because, in spite of all their
ideological and political limitations, they were people born in
this region devoid of any imperialist ambition to rule the
world.
Dr Milan Tepavac
NOTA: L'articolo che segue e' stato distribuito in internet su liste
pubbliche e ci e' stato forwardato da iscritti a JUGOINFO.
L'autrice, Maria Lina Veca, collabora con il quotidiano di estrema
destra "Rinascita Nazionale".
Abbiamo gia' avuto occasione di sottolineare la nostra sorpresa e la
nostra sfiducia per le "attenzioni" che settori della estrema destra
italiana sembrano nutrire verso la "causa serba": attenzioni che sono
in contraddizione sia con le posizioni della destra europea nel suo
complesso, sia con la Storia, cioe' con gli atti compiuti dal
nazifascismo nei Balcani. Cercheremo di tornare prima possibile su
questo punto con un nostro commento in proposito.
Riteniamo tuttavia necessaria la diffusione di questo reportage di
Maria Lina Veca, poiche' si tratta di una documentazione rara in
lingua italiana sulla situazione attuale in Kosovo, in un contesto in
cui i giornalisti specializzati si dimostrano privi del coraggio
intellettuale necessario a raccontare i fatti. Tra l'altro, la Veca
per il suo lavoro si e' avvalsa e si avvale della collaborazione dei
servizi della intelligence militare italiana, e non ne fa mistero: e'
lei stessa a scrivere che i Carabinieri l'hanno accompagnata ed
aiutata, come si puo' leggere sotto.
Una documentazione, percio', piu' che rara: unica. CNJ
---
TRE STORIE DI "NORMALE", QUOTIDIANO,
INFINITO, ORRORE.
DAL KOSOVO, GENNAIO 2003.
di Maria Lina Veca
CERNICA
Arrivo a Cernica in un pomeriggio di
neve e ghiaccio.
All'ingresso di questo paese, che ha
visto i combattimenti più cruenti e
tanti episodi di odio e crudeltà, un
segnale inquietante: un grande
monumento all'UCK, in costruzione.
E' già ultimata la scalinata di marmo,
e in cima ci sarà la stele nera, a
ricordo dei "combattenti" terroristi
del sedicente "esercito di liberazione
del Kosovo".
Si entra in paese, e sulla sinistra
fervono i lavori per la grande Moschea,
più avanti la nuova scuola del
villaggio, una costruzione moderna e
rifinita.
Peccato che sia aperta soltanto per i
bambini albanesi, e chiusa alla
frequentazione delle minoranze
non-albanesi. Peccato anche che nella stanza
del Direttore didattico della scuola,
un insegnante albanese, troneggino le
foto dei "martiri" dell'UCK e anche il
calendario dei "combattenti"
estremisti albanesi: tutti ovviamente
completi di divisa e Kalashnikov.
Molto educativo per i bambini e molto
appropriato alla costruzione di un
futuro di pace e di convivenza...
Con il Land-Rover dei Carabinieri
proseguiamo ancora ed entriamo nella
zona più povera, quella dei sopravvissuti
serbi. Qui la scuola è molto diversa
dall'altra: in realtà non è neanche una
scuola, è una stalla, appena
"mascherata" da una mano di vernice.
Dentro ci sono tre piccole stanze,
qualche seggiolina scompagnata, dei
vecchi banchi di legno, una lavagna, una
stufa a carbone. Questa è la scuola dei
bimbi serbi. Il Direttore non ha
foto di "eroi" combattenti nel suo
ufficio: ha soltanto il ricordo del
figlio di quattro anni, ucciso
nell'estate del 1999 da terroristi
albanesi.
Gli spararono alla testa, il suo
cervello si sparse sul muro della casa.
Era un bambino di quattro anni. Morente,
fu raccolto da un soldato americano
(erano gli americani di KFOR a
controllare la zona). Spirò fra le braccia
di quel giovane americano. Il soldato
sembrava impazzito dal dolore, cominciò
a piangere disperato. Poi tirò fuori la
pistola e la mise alla testa del suo
tenente, gridando: "Guarda cosa fanno
gli albanesi, e noi li proteggiamo..."
Fu subito rimpatriato.
STRPCE
Strpce, nella valle del Tetovo, verso
la Macedonia: una vallata inondata di
sole, la neve immacolata e lo sfondo
delle montagne...da cartolina.
Arriviamo a Strepce (con l'interprete
serbo e i carabinieri di M.S.U.) per
parlare con due ragazze di Urosevac,
Ivana e Jasmina.
La loro è una delle tante storie che
hanno dato vita alle controverse
statistiche sulla realtà delle "missing
persons".
"Missing", scomparsi, svaniti nel
nulla: quante persone, soprattutto nei
mesi immediatamente dopo la "fine"
della guerra (giugno/ottobre 1999) si
sono dissolti nel nulla, prelevati per
le strade, nei posti di lavoro, nelle
case, traditi da amici e vicini,
dimenticati da tutti, dalle autorità
che dovevano indagare...vivi solo nel
ricordo di chi li ha amati, padri,
madri, fratelli, mariti, figli.
Scomparsi. Missing. Svaniti.
Questa è la storia di Ivana e Jasmina,
una storia come tante: due ragazze
che hanno perso il padre il 28
settembre 1999. Entrato nella scuola
dove lavorava come Direttore, accompagnato
fino all'entrata dalla scorta di KFOR,
non è mai uscito.
Svanito nel nulla.
Le due figlie vivono ora a Strpce,
lavorano come interpreti per gli
americani.
Ci incontriamo dentro il Comune di
Strpce, ma è difficile avere un po' di
privacy con gli ufficiali americani che
entrano continuamente nella
stanza...così andiamo a parlare in un
ristorante serbo, con i carabinieri e
l'interprete.
Ivana e Jasmina sono belle e giovani,
all'inizio sembrano controllate, quasi
distaccate, mentre ripetono per
l'ennesima volta il racconto di quel
giorno che ha cambiato la loro vita.
Poi gli occhi si riempiono di
lacrime...rivelano la disperazione di due
ragazze che hanno perso il padre senza
un perchè, senza un motivo, senza un
indizio, e che continuano ad attenderlo
e cercarlo oltre ogni ragionevole
speranza...
E raccontano ancora una volta: quel
giorno, il 28 settembre, il padre - si
chiamava Paun Zivkovic, era nato il 26
novembre del 1947, nel villaggio di
Crotovusa, nella municipalità di Strpce
- chiese alla scorta di KFOR (erano
polacchi) di accompagnarlo nel suo
ufficio, nella scuola superiore di
Urosevac della quale era Direttore, per
prendere alcuni documenti.
Entrò nella scuola, scortato fino
all'ingresso dai soldati polacchi.
Fu lasciato solo con gli albanesi che
erano nella scuola, ma lui stesso non
considerò questa situazione come
pericolosa.
Conosceva tutti, erano suoi colleghi.
Doveva uscire fuori in mezz'ora e la
scorta doveva tornare a prenderlo.
Non uscì mai.
Nessuno vide nulla, nessuno si accorse
di nulla.
Furono arrestate due persone,
trattenute per un mese, accusate di
falsa testimonianza, poi rilasciate.
Furono interpellate dalla famiglia
tutte le autorità possibili: KFOR, il
comandante di KFOR, UNMIK Police, il
Generale che comandava la Brigata
tedesca, l'unità che riguarda proprio
"Missing Persons" di UNMIK, "Central
Criminal Investigations Unit", "War
Crimes", ecc...Sigle roboanti, nomi
altisonanti, che nascondono il vuoto...
Niente, nessuno ha mai dato una
risposta sulla sorte di Zivkovic.
"Noi abbiamo difficoltà anche a
muoverci liberamente - dice Jasmina - non
possiamo andare da nessuna parte senza
scorta, così indagare da sole è
troppo difficile... abbiamo anche
difficoltà di rimanere in contatto con
le famiglie degli altri scomparsi.
Pensiamo a Marko Stojanovic, a Ivan
Andjelkovic, a Zivojin Andjelkovic, a
Vlastinir Zivkovic, tutti scomparsi...
Nel caso di nostro padre, ci sono
decine di testimoni oculari che erano
nella scuola quel giorno, studenti,
professori, ma nessuno parla. Qualcuno
ci ha detto che nostro padre è stato
preso per fare uno scambio con qualche
albanese detenuto in Serbia.
Abbiamo chiesto a tutti gli albanesi
che lavorano nella scuola, ai nostri
vicini: tutti rispondevano di non poter
parlare, per paura dell'UCK.
E quelli che erano dentro la scuola
quel giorno, erano anche nostri vicini
di casa...Forse dovremmo cercare dentro
i cimiteri di KFOR, a Dardanje, fra
i morti nei sacchi della KFOR,
centinaia di morti senza nome." E Ivana
aggiunge: "Tante persone sono sparite,
tante sono state uccise. Nostro zio è
stato ucciso nel luglio del 1999,
fermato in mezzo alla strada e ucciso da
tre estremisti albanesi. Una signora di
Strpce è quasi impazzita, lei ha
perso il figlio, un ragazzo appena
sposato, con una bimba di tre anni. Le
hanno rapito anche il marito e il
cognato. Scomparsi, nel nulla. Tutti
sapevano dove erano le prigioni
dell'UCK, tutti sapevano che le persone
rapite venivano portate lì, ma nesssuno
ha fatto nulla. Noi pensiamo che le
stesse persone che erano nell'ufficio
di nostro padre, suoi colleghi, hanno
avvertito l'UCK perchè venissero a
prendere nostro padre. Uno di loro, Agim
Redzepi, è stato anche Direttore della
scuola, e adesso dovrebbe lavorare in
"Radio Free Europe", a Pristina. Gli
altri due, Fadil Sejdiun e Selman
Sulejamani, erano anche loro nella
stanza quando nostro padre fu rapito:
anche loro hanno dato versioni
contrastanti...stavano bevendo il té in
un'altra stanza, sono entrati uomini
mascherati, sono entrati a volto
scoperto con le pistole...menzogne,
menzogne, omertà. E i criminali adesso
siedono nei posti di governo, sono
diventati leaders politici...
I soldati polacchi di KFOR, che quel
giorno fecero la scorta a nostro padre,
sono stati mandati a casa. Con loro
c'era un interprete albanese.
Dentro la base polacca non ci lasciano
neanche entrare.
Quando videro che nostro padre era
scomparso, i polacchi chiamarono gli
americani di KFOR. Nostro padre fu
rapito fra mezzogiorno e l'una. Loro
arrivarono verso le due, e invece di
cercare dentro la scuola, cercarono nei
dintorni. Ci avvertirono verso le otto
di sera, così venimmo a sapere che
nostro padre era svanito nel nulla.
E' chiaro che il rapimento di nostro
padre non è stato casuale, è stato un
crimine organizzato, ha avuto complici
nella scuola. Abbiamo offerto soldi,
la nostra stessa casa, per sapere
qualcosa. Niente."
KURCE
La madre di Dragan Ristic è anziana,
vestita di scuro, ha un fazzoletto in
testa e tiene in braccio una bimba che
sorride, la sua nipotina.
Ci riceve nella sua casa, nel villaggio
di Kurce, vicino Gnjlane. Ha gli
occhi vivi e mobili, il viso nobile e
ancora bello, una voce ferma e dolce,
che ogni tanto si spezza, mentre
racconta un'altra storia di ordinario
orrore.
Suo figlio è scomparso il 22 giugno del
1999.
Era nato il 16 marzo del 1963, a
Gnjlane ed era un ingegnere elettronico.
E' stato rapito a Gnjlane, davanti alla
fabbrica nella quale ricopriva un
ruolo dirigenziale.
Fino alla guerra. Fino a quando, il 9
giugno 1999, la cosiddetta "pace" e
l'ingresso delle forze multinazionali
di KFOR non lasciarono via libera alla
violenza selvaggia dell'estremismo
albanese.
Dragan aveva un figlio di 11 mesi, e
una moglie.
Ora loro stanno in Serbia, e la moglie
impedisce alla nonna di vedere il bimbo.
C'è una foto di Dragan sul televisore.
"Quella foto non posso dartela - dice
l'anziana donna - avevo tante foto di
mio figlio, sono venute tante persone,
ognuno ha portato via una sua foto,
questa è l'ultima che mi rimane. Hanno
chiesto le foto per cercarlo, ma
nessuno ha fatto niente. Ora non ho più
né le fotografie né mio figlio."
La storia comincia il 21 giugno 1999.
"Quando iniziò la guerra - racconta la
madre di Dragan - mio figlio portò la
famiglia in Serbia, sua moglie aveva
paura. Ma lui volle tornare qui, in
Kosovo, nel suo villaggio. Non voleva
abbandonare la sua terra, la sua casa,
a Gnjlane. Quel 21 giugno voleva andare
a vedere la casa e poi passare in
fabbrica.
Mi ha salutato, qui sulla porta, e io
non l'ho fermato...non so perchè. Non
ho sentito nessun pericolo, nessun
presentimento.
A Gnjlane fu bloccato da una macchina
bianca, con quattro uomini, dicevano
di essere della polizia militare. Lo
hanno perquisito, lui li ha lasciati
fare, ha detto che non aveva niente da
nascondere. Lo hanno lasciato andare.
Dragan mi ha telefonato dopo
quest'episodio, ha detto di stare
tranquilla.
Alla sera mi ha chiamato ancora, voleva
dormire a casa sua, a Gnjlane.
Al mattino dopo, verso le 10, gli ho
telefonato, stava per fare una doccia,
non trovava gli asciugamani...poi
voleva andare alla fabbrica.
Gli ho detto: "Non andare da solo,
trova qualcuno che ti accompagni!" Lui
mi ha tranquillizzato. E' l'ultima
volta che ho sentito mio figlio.
E' arrivata la sera, ho provato a
chiamarlo a casa. Niente.
Ho chiamato una vicina. Non l'aveva
visto.
Allora ho chiamato la polizia, mi hanno
detto di rimanere a casa, avrebbero
pensato loro a trovarlo. Dopo un'ora mi
hanno richiamato dicendo che era
stato arrestato il giorno prima.
Non è possibile, ho detto, ho parlato
con lui stamattina...si trattava di un
errore di persona.
Il mattino dopo, il 23 giugno, l'altro
mio figlio è andato fino alla
fabbrica: sono usciti fuori quelli
dell'UCK, che si trovavano all'interno
dell'edificio. Hanno detto: l'abbiamo
arrestato noi, lo teniamo ancora per
un giorno...fino a domattina alle 10'.
Ma il giorno dopo, lui non è tornato.
Abbiamo avvertito i militari della KFOR
che l'UCK aveva rapito Dragan.
Tutto il villaggio di Kusce, circa 200
persone, è venuto con noi a Gnjlane,
davanti al Comune. Quelli di KFOR
volevano evitare incidenti, hanno
mandato fuori un'interprete che ci ha
rassicurati, ha detto che la KFOR avrebbe
liberato Dragan, l'avrebbe riportato da
sua madre. Ha aggiunto che sarebbero
andati a controllare in due prigioni
dell'UCK, una è KORETIN, vicino
Kamenica, l'altra è INTERNAT (un
ex-convitto) a Gnjlane... abbiamo
aspettato, sono tornati quelli di KFOR, ci
hanno detto di non averlo trovato. Hanno
riportato tutti a Kusce, con una scorta
enorme, per evitare incidenti.
L'altro mio figlio è rimasto nella sede
di KFOR, a Gnjlane.
Si è presentato un ufficiale americano.
Parlava in serbo, ha chiesto una
descrizione di Dragan, ha detto: 'Non
ti preoccupare, tuo fratello è in
INTERNAT, lo liberiamo
sicuramente'...il giorno dopo ho
portato una foto di
mio figlio in Comune, è venuto di nuovo
questo militare americano, mi ha
detto: 'Stai tranquilla, fra qualche
giorno lo liberiamo, è in INTERNAT..."
L'americano mi ha abbracciato e
piangeva.
Allora anch'io ho pianto e gli ho
detto: 'Io avevo due figli, se mi aiuti,
se mi fai ritrovare Dragan, da domani
avrò tre figli...tu sarai il mio terzo
figlio'.
Poi sono andata nell'appartamento di
Gnjlane: era tutto a soqquadro, quasi
tutto era stato portato via, mobili,
sanitari... Quel poco che era rimasto,
era già imballato per essere portato
via...ho chiesto ad una vicina albanese
di farmi nascondere quel poco che si
era salvato nel suo appartamento: ha
rifiutato, ha detto che aveva troppa
paura, non poteva aiutarmi.
Arrivarono gli americani, quel solito
ufficiale, con venti uomini... l'ufficiale
disse: 'Noi sappiamo tutto, possiamo
liberarlo, ma non possiamo agire, non
abbiamo ricevuto l'ordine di farlo...'.
Tempo dopo, tramite un albanese che
abita a Draganac, si chiama Ahmet
Kadriu, abbiamo saputo che Dragan era
stato ferito mentre cercava di fuggire
da una prigione dell'UCK, che era
prigioniero e costretto a lavorare
nella centrale elettrica di Obilic.
Quest'albanese diceva di essere stato
presente mentre mio figlio veniva
portato via, davanti alla fabbrica.
Mentre cercavano di rapirlo, lui gridava
e chiedeva "Perchè?", e si dibatteva.
Allora gli hanno legato le mani, e
soltanto a quel punto sono riusciti a
metterlo dentro la macchina.
Questo Kadriu mi ha dato un
appuntamento, ha detto: 'Troverò tuo
figlio, è in Albania. Ma voglio 10.000
marchi...'
Qualche giorno dopo ci ha avvertiti:
'Lo portiamo a Skopje, alla stazione
dei pullmans...ma ora voglio 60.000
marchi...'
Siamo andati a Skopje, ma di mio figlio
non c'era traccia.
Ho detto all'albanese che gli avrei
dato tutti i soldi che voleva, ma solo
dopo aver visto mio figlio. Lui ha
risposto: 'Non sono solo io che
decido... tu devi dare i soldi un mese
prima... comunque tuo figlio è in
Albania, sarà processato'.
Mi ha confermato che era stato ferito
mentre cercava di scappare da Obilic,
insieme ad un altro serbo di Kosovo Polje.
Da quel momento, era gennaio del 2001,
più niente.
Né KFOR, né Croce Rossa, né UNMIK...
nessuno ci ha dato una risposta, una
qualsiasi risposta. E tutti sanno.
E il TMK - che è sempre UCK - sta
ancora dentro alla fabbrica...
Qui, nel paese, c'è stato un altro
rapimento, un funzionario serbo
dell'azienda dell'acqua di Gnilane. Gli
albanesi che lavoravano con lui sono
stati complici del suo sequestro, tutti
lo sanno...
Abbiamo avuto decine di contatti con
ufficiali americani, ognuno di loro è
venuto qui, ha mangiato in casa nostra,
poi mi ha abbracciato e ha detto
"Scusa!"
Adesso spero solo di sapere che il
corpo di mio figlio è uno di quelli
ritrovati nelle fosse comuni di serbi
scoperte negli ultimi tempi, come
quella di Brekovac...vorrei almeno un
luogo in cui piangerlo..."
pubbliche e ci e' stato forwardato da iscritti a JUGOINFO.
L'autrice, Maria Lina Veca, collabora con il quotidiano di estrema
destra "Rinascita Nazionale".
Abbiamo gia' avuto occasione di sottolineare la nostra sorpresa e la
nostra sfiducia per le "attenzioni" che settori della estrema destra
italiana sembrano nutrire verso la "causa serba": attenzioni che sono
in contraddizione sia con le posizioni della destra europea nel suo
complesso, sia con la Storia, cioe' con gli atti compiuti dal
nazifascismo nei Balcani. Cercheremo di tornare prima possibile su
questo punto con un nostro commento in proposito.
Riteniamo tuttavia necessaria la diffusione di questo reportage di
Maria Lina Veca, poiche' si tratta di una documentazione rara in
lingua italiana sulla situazione attuale in Kosovo, in un contesto in
cui i giornalisti specializzati si dimostrano privi del coraggio
intellettuale necessario a raccontare i fatti. Tra l'altro, la Veca
per il suo lavoro si e' avvalsa e si avvale della collaborazione dei
servizi della intelligence militare italiana, e non ne fa mistero: e'
lei stessa a scrivere che i Carabinieri l'hanno accompagnata ed
aiutata, come si puo' leggere sotto.
Una documentazione, percio', piu' che rara: unica. CNJ
---
TRE STORIE DI "NORMALE", QUOTIDIANO,
INFINITO, ORRORE.
DAL KOSOVO, GENNAIO 2003.
di Maria Lina Veca
CERNICA
Arrivo a Cernica in un pomeriggio di
neve e ghiaccio.
All'ingresso di questo paese, che ha
visto i combattimenti più cruenti e
tanti episodi di odio e crudeltà, un
segnale inquietante: un grande
monumento all'UCK, in costruzione.
E' già ultimata la scalinata di marmo,
e in cima ci sarà la stele nera, a
ricordo dei "combattenti" terroristi
del sedicente "esercito di liberazione
del Kosovo".
Si entra in paese, e sulla sinistra
fervono i lavori per la grande Moschea,
più avanti la nuova scuola del
villaggio, una costruzione moderna e
rifinita.
Peccato che sia aperta soltanto per i
bambini albanesi, e chiusa alla
frequentazione delle minoranze
non-albanesi. Peccato anche che nella stanza
del Direttore didattico della scuola,
un insegnante albanese, troneggino le
foto dei "martiri" dell'UCK e anche il
calendario dei "combattenti"
estremisti albanesi: tutti ovviamente
completi di divisa e Kalashnikov.
Molto educativo per i bambini e molto
appropriato alla costruzione di un
futuro di pace e di convivenza...
Con il Land-Rover dei Carabinieri
proseguiamo ancora ed entriamo nella
zona più povera, quella dei sopravvissuti
serbi. Qui la scuola è molto diversa
dall'altra: in realtà non è neanche una
scuola, è una stalla, appena
"mascherata" da una mano di vernice.
Dentro ci sono tre piccole stanze,
qualche seggiolina scompagnata, dei
vecchi banchi di legno, una lavagna, una
stufa a carbone. Questa è la scuola dei
bimbi serbi. Il Direttore non ha
foto di "eroi" combattenti nel suo
ufficio: ha soltanto il ricordo del
figlio di quattro anni, ucciso
nell'estate del 1999 da terroristi
albanesi.
Gli spararono alla testa, il suo
cervello si sparse sul muro della casa.
Era un bambino di quattro anni. Morente,
fu raccolto da un soldato americano
(erano gli americani di KFOR a
controllare la zona). Spirò fra le braccia
di quel giovane americano. Il soldato
sembrava impazzito dal dolore, cominciò
a piangere disperato. Poi tirò fuori la
pistola e la mise alla testa del suo
tenente, gridando: "Guarda cosa fanno
gli albanesi, e noi li proteggiamo..."
Fu subito rimpatriato.
STRPCE
Strpce, nella valle del Tetovo, verso
la Macedonia: una vallata inondata di
sole, la neve immacolata e lo sfondo
delle montagne...da cartolina.
Arriviamo a Strepce (con l'interprete
serbo e i carabinieri di M.S.U.) per
parlare con due ragazze di Urosevac,
Ivana e Jasmina.
La loro è una delle tante storie che
hanno dato vita alle controverse
statistiche sulla realtà delle "missing
persons".
"Missing", scomparsi, svaniti nel
nulla: quante persone, soprattutto nei
mesi immediatamente dopo la "fine"
della guerra (giugno/ottobre 1999) si
sono dissolti nel nulla, prelevati per
le strade, nei posti di lavoro, nelle
case, traditi da amici e vicini,
dimenticati da tutti, dalle autorità
che dovevano indagare...vivi solo nel
ricordo di chi li ha amati, padri,
madri, fratelli, mariti, figli.
Scomparsi. Missing. Svaniti.
Questa è la storia di Ivana e Jasmina,
una storia come tante: due ragazze
che hanno perso il padre il 28
settembre 1999. Entrato nella scuola
dove lavorava come Direttore, accompagnato
fino all'entrata dalla scorta di KFOR,
non è mai uscito.
Svanito nel nulla.
Le due figlie vivono ora a Strpce,
lavorano come interpreti per gli
americani.
Ci incontriamo dentro il Comune di
Strpce, ma è difficile avere un po' di
privacy con gli ufficiali americani che
entrano continuamente nella
stanza...così andiamo a parlare in un
ristorante serbo, con i carabinieri e
l'interprete.
Ivana e Jasmina sono belle e giovani,
all'inizio sembrano controllate, quasi
distaccate, mentre ripetono per
l'ennesima volta il racconto di quel
giorno che ha cambiato la loro vita.
Poi gli occhi si riempiono di
lacrime...rivelano la disperazione di due
ragazze che hanno perso il padre senza
un perchè, senza un motivo, senza un
indizio, e che continuano ad attenderlo
e cercarlo oltre ogni ragionevole
speranza...
E raccontano ancora una volta: quel
giorno, il 28 settembre, il padre - si
chiamava Paun Zivkovic, era nato il 26
novembre del 1947, nel villaggio di
Crotovusa, nella municipalità di Strpce
- chiese alla scorta di KFOR (erano
polacchi) di accompagnarlo nel suo
ufficio, nella scuola superiore di
Urosevac della quale era Direttore, per
prendere alcuni documenti.
Entrò nella scuola, scortato fino
all'ingresso dai soldati polacchi.
Fu lasciato solo con gli albanesi che
erano nella scuola, ma lui stesso non
considerò questa situazione come
pericolosa.
Conosceva tutti, erano suoi colleghi.
Doveva uscire fuori in mezz'ora e la
scorta doveva tornare a prenderlo.
Non uscì mai.
Nessuno vide nulla, nessuno si accorse
di nulla.
Furono arrestate due persone,
trattenute per un mese, accusate di
falsa testimonianza, poi rilasciate.
Furono interpellate dalla famiglia
tutte le autorità possibili: KFOR, il
comandante di KFOR, UNMIK Police, il
Generale che comandava la Brigata
tedesca, l'unità che riguarda proprio
"Missing Persons" di UNMIK, "Central
Criminal Investigations Unit", "War
Crimes", ecc...Sigle roboanti, nomi
altisonanti, che nascondono il vuoto...
Niente, nessuno ha mai dato una
risposta sulla sorte di Zivkovic.
"Noi abbiamo difficoltà anche a
muoverci liberamente - dice Jasmina - non
possiamo andare da nessuna parte senza
scorta, così indagare da sole è
troppo difficile... abbiamo anche
difficoltà di rimanere in contatto con
le famiglie degli altri scomparsi.
Pensiamo a Marko Stojanovic, a Ivan
Andjelkovic, a Zivojin Andjelkovic, a
Vlastinir Zivkovic, tutti scomparsi...
Nel caso di nostro padre, ci sono
decine di testimoni oculari che erano
nella scuola quel giorno, studenti,
professori, ma nessuno parla. Qualcuno
ci ha detto che nostro padre è stato
preso per fare uno scambio con qualche
albanese detenuto in Serbia.
Abbiamo chiesto a tutti gli albanesi
che lavorano nella scuola, ai nostri
vicini: tutti rispondevano di non poter
parlare, per paura dell'UCK.
E quelli che erano dentro la scuola
quel giorno, erano anche nostri vicini
di casa...Forse dovremmo cercare dentro
i cimiteri di KFOR, a Dardanje, fra
i morti nei sacchi della KFOR,
centinaia di morti senza nome." E Ivana
aggiunge: "Tante persone sono sparite,
tante sono state uccise. Nostro zio è
stato ucciso nel luglio del 1999,
fermato in mezzo alla strada e ucciso da
tre estremisti albanesi. Una signora di
Strpce è quasi impazzita, lei ha
perso il figlio, un ragazzo appena
sposato, con una bimba di tre anni. Le
hanno rapito anche il marito e il
cognato. Scomparsi, nel nulla. Tutti
sapevano dove erano le prigioni
dell'UCK, tutti sapevano che le persone
rapite venivano portate lì, ma nesssuno
ha fatto nulla. Noi pensiamo che le
stesse persone che erano nell'ufficio
di nostro padre, suoi colleghi, hanno
avvertito l'UCK perchè venissero a
prendere nostro padre. Uno di loro, Agim
Redzepi, è stato anche Direttore della
scuola, e adesso dovrebbe lavorare in
"Radio Free Europe", a Pristina. Gli
altri due, Fadil Sejdiun e Selman
Sulejamani, erano anche loro nella
stanza quando nostro padre fu rapito:
anche loro hanno dato versioni
contrastanti...stavano bevendo il té in
un'altra stanza, sono entrati uomini
mascherati, sono entrati a volto
scoperto con le pistole...menzogne,
menzogne, omertà. E i criminali adesso
siedono nei posti di governo, sono
diventati leaders politici...
I soldati polacchi di KFOR, che quel
giorno fecero la scorta a nostro padre,
sono stati mandati a casa. Con loro
c'era un interprete albanese.
Dentro la base polacca non ci lasciano
neanche entrare.
Quando videro che nostro padre era
scomparso, i polacchi chiamarono gli
americani di KFOR. Nostro padre fu
rapito fra mezzogiorno e l'una. Loro
arrivarono verso le due, e invece di
cercare dentro la scuola, cercarono nei
dintorni. Ci avvertirono verso le otto
di sera, così venimmo a sapere che
nostro padre era svanito nel nulla.
E' chiaro che il rapimento di nostro
padre non è stato casuale, è stato un
crimine organizzato, ha avuto complici
nella scuola. Abbiamo offerto soldi,
la nostra stessa casa, per sapere
qualcosa. Niente."
KURCE
La madre di Dragan Ristic è anziana,
vestita di scuro, ha un fazzoletto in
testa e tiene in braccio una bimba che
sorride, la sua nipotina.
Ci riceve nella sua casa, nel villaggio
di Kurce, vicino Gnjlane. Ha gli
occhi vivi e mobili, il viso nobile e
ancora bello, una voce ferma e dolce,
che ogni tanto si spezza, mentre
racconta un'altra storia di ordinario
orrore.
Suo figlio è scomparso il 22 giugno del
1999.
Era nato il 16 marzo del 1963, a
Gnjlane ed era un ingegnere elettronico.
E' stato rapito a Gnjlane, davanti alla
fabbrica nella quale ricopriva un
ruolo dirigenziale.
Fino alla guerra. Fino a quando, il 9
giugno 1999, la cosiddetta "pace" e
l'ingresso delle forze multinazionali
di KFOR non lasciarono via libera alla
violenza selvaggia dell'estremismo
albanese.
Dragan aveva un figlio di 11 mesi, e
una moglie.
Ora loro stanno in Serbia, e la moglie
impedisce alla nonna di vedere il bimbo.
C'è una foto di Dragan sul televisore.
"Quella foto non posso dartela - dice
l'anziana donna - avevo tante foto di
mio figlio, sono venute tante persone,
ognuno ha portato via una sua foto,
questa è l'ultima che mi rimane. Hanno
chiesto le foto per cercarlo, ma
nessuno ha fatto niente. Ora non ho più
né le fotografie né mio figlio."
La storia comincia il 21 giugno 1999.
"Quando iniziò la guerra - racconta la
madre di Dragan - mio figlio portò la
famiglia in Serbia, sua moglie aveva
paura. Ma lui volle tornare qui, in
Kosovo, nel suo villaggio. Non voleva
abbandonare la sua terra, la sua casa,
a Gnjlane. Quel 21 giugno voleva andare
a vedere la casa e poi passare in
fabbrica.
Mi ha salutato, qui sulla porta, e io
non l'ho fermato...non so perchè. Non
ho sentito nessun pericolo, nessun
presentimento.
A Gnjlane fu bloccato da una macchina
bianca, con quattro uomini, dicevano
di essere della polizia militare. Lo
hanno perquisito, lui li ha lasciati
fare, ha detto che non aveva niente da
nascondere. Lo hanno lasciato andare.
Dragan mi ha telefonato dopo
quest'episodio, ha detto di stare
tranquilla.
Alla sera mi ha chiamato ancora, voleva
dormire a casa sua, a Gnjlane.
Al mattino dopo, verso le 10, gli ho
telefonato, stava per fare una doccia,
non trovava gli asciugamani...poi
voleva andare alla fabbrica.
Gli ho detto: "Non andare da solo,
trova qualcuno che ti accompagni!" Lui
mi ha tranquillizzato. E' l'ultima
volta che ho sentito mio figlio.
E' arrivata la sera, ho provato a
chiamarlo a casa. Niente.
Ho chiamato una vicina. Non l'aveva
visto.
Allora ho chiamato la polizia, mi hanno
detto di rimanere a casa, avrebbero
pensato loro a trovarlo. Dopo un'ora mi
hanno richiamato dicendo che era
stato arrestato il giorno prima.
Non è possibile, ho detto, ho parlato
con lui stamattina...si trattava di un
errore di persona.
Il mattino dopo, il 23 giugno, l'altro
mio figlio è andato fino alla
fabbrica: sono usciti fuori quelli
dell'UCK, che si trovavano all'interno
dell'edificio. Hanno detto: l'abbiamo
arrestato noi, lo teniamo ancora per
un giorno...fino a domattina alle 10'.
Ma il giorno dopo, lui non è tornato.
Abbiamo avvertito i militari della KFOR
che l'UCK aveva rapito Dragan.
Tutto il villaggio di Kusce, circa 200
persone, è venuto con noi a Gnjlane,
davanti al Comune. Quelli di KFOR
volevano evitare incidenti, hanno
mandato fuori un'interprete che ci ha
rassicurati, ha detto che la KFOR avrebbe
liberato Dragan, l'avrebbe riportato da
sua madre. Ha aggiunto che sarebbero
andati a controllare in due prigioni
dell'UCK, una è KORETIN, vicino
Kamenica, l'altra è INTERNAT (un
ex-convitto) a Gnjlane... abbiamo
aspettato, sono tornati quelli di KFOR, ci
hanno detto di non averlo trovato. Hanno
riportato tutti a Kusce, con una scorta
enorme, per evitare incidenti.
L'altro mio figlio è rimasto nella sede
di KFOR, a Gnjlane.
Si è presentato un ufficiale americano.
Parlava in serbo, ha chiesto una
descrizione di Dragan, ha detto: 'Non
ti preoccupare, tuo fratello è in
INTERNAT, lo liberiamo
sicuramente'...il giorno dopo ho
portato una foto di
mio figlio in Comune, è venuto di nuovo
questo militare americano, mi ha
detto: 'Stai tranquilla, fra qualche
giorno lo liberiamo, è in INTERNAT..."
L'americano mi ha abbracciato e
piangeva.
Allora anch'io ho pianto e gli ho
detto: 'Io avevo due figli, se mi aiuti,
se mi fai ritrovare Dragan, da domani
avrò tre figli...tu sarai il mio terzo
figlio'.
Poi sono andata nell'appartamento di
Gnjlane: era tutto a soqquadro, quasi
tutto era stato portato via, mobili,
sanitari... Quel poco che era rimasto,
era già imballato per essere portato
via...ho chiesto ad una vicina albanese
di farmi nascondere quel poco che si
era salvato nel suo appartamento: ha
rifiutato, ha detto che aveva troppa
paura, non poteva aiutarmi.
Arrivarono gli americani, quel solito
ufficiale, con venti uomini... l'ufficiale
disse: 'Noi sappiamo tutto, possiamo
liberarlo, ma non possiamo agire, non
abbiamo ricevuto l'ordine di farlo...'.
Tempo dopo, tramite un albanese che
abita a Draganac, si chiama Ahmet
Kadriu, abbiamo saputo che Dragan era
stato ferito mentre cercava di fuggire
da una prigione dell'UCK, che era
prigioniero e costretto a lavorare
nella centrale elettrica di Obilic.
Quest'albanese diceva di essere stato
presente mentre mio figlio veniva
portato via, davanti alla fabbrica.
Mentre cercavano di rapirlo, lui gridava
e chiedeva "Perchè?", e si dibatteva.
Allora gli hanno legato le mani, e
soltanto a quel punto sono riusciti a
metterlo dentro la macchina.
Questo Kadriu mi ha dato un
appuntamento, ha detto: 'Troverò tuo
figlio, è in Albania. Ma voglio 10.000
marchi...'
Qualche giorno dopo ci ha avvertiti:
'Lo portiamo a Skopje, alla stazione
dei pullmans...ma ora voglio 60.000
marchi...'
Siamo andati a Skopje, ma di mio figlio
non c'era traccia.
Ho detto all'albanese che gli avrei
dato tutti i soldi che voleva, ma solo
dopo aver visto mio figlio. Lui ha
risposto: 'Non sono solo io che
decido... tu devi dare i soldi un mese
prima... comunque tuo figlio è in
Albania, sarà processato'.
Mi ha confermato che era stato ferito
mentre cercava di scappare da Obilic,
insieme ad un altro serbo di Kosovo Polje.
Da quel momento, era gennaio del 2001,
più niente.
Né KFOR, né Croce Rossa, né UNMIK...
nessuno ci ha dato una risposta, una
qualsiasi risposta. E tutti sanno.
E il TMK - che è sempre UCK - sta
ancora dentro alla fabbrica...
Qui, nel paese, c'è stato un altro
rapimento, un funzionario serbo
dell'azienda dell'acqua di Gnilane. Gli
albanesi che lavoravano con lui sono
stati complici del suo sequestro, tutti
lo sanno...
Abbiamo avuto decine di contatti con
ufficiali americani, ognuno di loro è
venuto qui, ha mangiato in casa nostra,
poi mi ha abbracciato e ha detto
"Scusa!"
Adesso spero solo di sapere che il
corpo di mio figlio è uno di quelli
ritrovati nelle fosse comuni di serbi
scoperte negli ultimi tempi, come
quella di Brekovac...vorrei almeno un
luogo in cui piangerlo..."
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:24 January 2003
THE ALBANIAN SEPARATIST`S TERRORISM IN
KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
Rade Drobac
Belgrade, February 1999
NOTE: The present situation in Kosovo and Metohija
demonstrate very clearly the real goals of Albanian separatists
and terrorists and confirm fully the content of this text written in
1999 just before the NATO agression on Yugoslavia in support of
those same terrorists and separatists.
Although the Albanian separatists' terrorist activities in Kosovo
and Metohija have surfaced to a massive degree in its extreme
armed form by the beginning of 1998 (the attacks against the
Security forces in the Villages of Luzane and Likosane in
February), the roots of such activities are reaching the long past
time, but the strategic goal has remained the same - the
forming of "Great Albania" as ethnically cleansed and
extremely national state of all Albanians.
The Albanian terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija is caused by
the political concept of expelling by force and threatening the
non-Albanian population, first of all, Serbs and Montenegrins,
in order to gain the majority within the national structure of
the population, aiming to provide the grounds upon which the
demands would be made for the political control of the territory,
which would then be affiliated to the envisaged "Great
Albania" that should comprise of other neighboring countries -
Macedonia and Greece - territories.
The roots and the continuity of Albanian separatism and
terrorism
Murders, persecution and ill-treating of the Serbian and
Montenegrin population had started under the domination of
the Ottoman Empire, availing of the fact that the majority of
Albanian population, having accepted Islam, had the privileged
status with the Turks and so, without condemnation or
punishment, committed violent acts against the Christian
Serbian and Montenegrin population. The violence was
committed by the local Pashas and those in power.
After Serbia and Montenegro were liberated from the Turkish
occupation, by the end of the 19 century, the extent of the
violence had decreased significantly, but has never ended
completely. The Albanian separatists and terrorist have availed
themselves of the events in World War One, during which
Serbia had suffered a lot, and lost a third of its population, to
renew and intensify the violence against the Serbian and
Montenegrin population. The history records, as particularly
cruel the mass killings of the exhausted, starving and frozen
Serbian soldiers in 1916 while the Serbian army was passing
over the Kosovo and Metohija and Albanian mountains,
withdrawing towards Greece.
Following the end of the Great War, from the years of 1919 to
1924, at the Kosovo and Metohija territory, the terrorist crimes
were committed by the so-called "Kachak movement" - the
merging of the "Great Albania" policy with banditism and
violence. However, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had for about
20 years successfully suppressed the Albanian terrorism and
banditism, so there were no negative consequences of greater
substantiality.
The "Kachak" Albanians terrorism in larger extent and with
destructive aftermath to the Serbs, Montenegrins and other
communities in Kosovo and Metohija was resurrected under the
"baton" of the Fascist Italia, immediately following the
conquest of Albania in April, 1939. The infiltrations of the
criminal gangs from Albania into the Kosovo and Metohija
territory, contrary to the Italian Government obligation under
the intrastate agreement to observe the integrity of Yugoslavia,
were aimed at provoking armed conflicts and preparations of
the grounds for the later to occur fascist conquering and
tearing-up of Yugoslavia. After a short-termed war in April
(which started by the Nazi Germany aircraft bombing Belgrade
on April 6, 1941), following the German and Italian Foreign
Ministers agreement (Vienna, April 21 - 24, 1941) the Italian
Dictator Benito Mussolini on July 29 same year officially
promoted the "Great Albania" with the eastern part of
Montenegro, Kosovo and Metohija, western parts of Macedonia
and a part of the Greek Epirus were annexed. This is how,
helped by the fascist powers, the collaborationist, chauvinistic
"Great Albania" was established - the Albanian separatists and
terrorists' dream ever since.
Under the auspices of the Fascist Italy and with its help, during
the three-year occupation the Albanian separatists and
terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija have killed around 10000 of
Serbs and Montenegrins, burned down and destroyed around
30000 houses and expelled between 60 to 70 thousands of Serbs
and Montenegrins. Within the same period, over 100000
Albanians had emigrated from Albania and settled at the
expelled Serbs' and Montenegrins' property.
By the capitulation of Italy in September 1943, the Albanian
terrorists acquired a new advisor - the Nazi Germany, hoping
to ensure their interests with its help. The Allies' triumphant
progressing that started by the middle of 1944, to which the
Yugoslav People's Liberation Army contributed significantly,
before all in independently liberating its own country, finally
cracked the Nazi Third Reich. From then on till the breakdown
of Germany, the Albanian terrorists, loyal servants of Fascism,
shielded the German army retreat from Greece, crossing
Kosovo and Metohija. After the Germans' retreat, the remnants
of the Albanian separatists terrorism's gang units stayed in
Kosovo and Metohija, not giving up the idea and readiness to
continue with their struggle to establish Albanian ethnic
borders.The Yugoslav People's Liberation Army, by May 1945
when Germany capitulated, defeated the main part of bandit
formations and during some time after the war ended,
continued combating the rest of the terrorists - "balists" in the
Kosovo and Metohija woods. Immediately following the World
War Two, taking advantage of the favorable climate in the
relations of Yugoslavia and Albania, additional 200000
Albanians were moved from Albania to Yugoslavia and the
Serbs and the Montenegrins, who were expelled during the
Italian occupation, were banned from returning to their
property.
While the former Yugoslavia existed, the national-separatists'
ravaged nests (in Drenica and elsewhere) sporadically
attempted to activate their terrorists efforts, but with no
success. Also, within the period of the former Yugoslavia's
existence, being prevented from realizing their intentions by the
most radical methods - terrorism - the Albanian terrorist have
pursued their Great Albania and chauvinist aims through
political pressures, blackmailing and manipulations, taking
advantage of some of the former Yugoslav Federation republics
separatism, first of all Slovenia and Croatia, for the
accomplishment of their political goals. Within the same period,
protected by the Albanian politicians then controlling this
Serbian province, silent expulsion of Serbs and Montenegrins
was in its course, increasing with the degree of this Serbian
province independence in relation to the republic and state
authorities From 1981 to 1988 only, around 28000 Serbs left
Kosovo and Metohija under the pressure of the Albanian
separatists.
The role of Albanian separatism and terrorism in the
breakdown of the former Yugoslavia
New momentum to the Albanian national-separatist and
terrorist movement was gained by the end of the eighties and
the beginning of the nineties. The Province benefited a wide
autonomy, consisting elements of the federal and confederal
status (directly represented in the Federation, although an
integral part of Serbia, independently deciding on almost all the
issues, not having to consult the Republic of Serbia, nor was the
Republic of Serbia given the authority to contest the decision,
absolute jurisdictional, executive and all other authorities, etc.)
did not suffice, since the Albanian separatists' goal, both now
and then, was absolute authority and independence. In the
process of violently breaking up former Yugoslavia, the same
political leaderships of the former Yugoslavia republics that had
seceded it (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and
Macedonia) were the Albanian separatists' patrons. In the
beginning, the national-separatists have tried to reach their
separatist goals by instigating Albanians' mass demonstrations,
staging strikes (miners, public officers), sabotage etc. with basic
slogan of "Kosovo Republic". This slogan revealed the first
stage of the Great Albania nationalists' program, since the
obtaining of the Republic status would enable later secession
according to the model applied by Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and Macedonia. Behind the slogan was the goal of
secession - seceding Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia and the
FR of Yugoslavia part by part and annexing it to Albania.
During the internal upheavals in Kosovo and Metohija in 1991,
they had proclaimed "Kosovo Republic" (the so-called
Kachanik Constitution) contrary to the Constitution and
illegally, with the silent support of new patrons - certain
international community circles, the same ones that had
supported the breakdown of former Yugoslavia. The intention is
obvious - to form parallel state structures that should enable
the internalization of the Kosovo and Metohija issues, with the
help of the benevolent foreign powers, to achieve the
international political legitimacy and start the process of
seceding Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia and the FR of
Yugoslavia.
The radicalism i.e. the revival of terrorism as the means of the
Albanian separatists in Kosovo and Metohija to achieve their
goals was registered in 1992, under the auspices of the Kosovo
Democratic Union. It had been established that the members of
the self-proclaimed "Ministry of Defense and the Army
Headquarters of the Republic of Kosovo" were acting upon
instructions given by one of the Kosovo Democratic Union
leaders, Anton Kolja and the then Minister of Defense of a
foreign state - Albania, General Safet Culjalji. At the same
time, the nationalistic political leader and the leader of the
Albania Democratic Party Sali Berisha started rendering
logistic services to the Kosovo and Metohija terrorists,
regarding their training in the centers in the Northern Albania.
The election of Sali Berisha as the President of the Republic in
1992 and the commencing of the Albanian state organization
falling apart (the crumbling of the pyramidal money savings by
the end of 1996, looting of weapons from the Albanian army
storages, the security system - police -crack-up) encouraged
further strengthening of supporting Albanian terrorism and
separatism in Kosovo and Metohija. It is not a coincidence that
the terrorist so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army" has voiced
itself for the first time at this moment. Parallel to these
processes, Albania is fully supporting the separatists and the
terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija by recognizing the legitimacy
of the illegal "Kosovo Republic" and enabling the "legation" of
this not-existing state to operate in Albania. Albania is the only
country that has recognized these illegal acts and the virtual
State of Kosovo at the territory of another sovereign state
contrary to all the international documents and principles.
Within the same period, the Albanian separatist's terrorist
organization has expanded, and next to the initially formed
centers in Tirana and Elbasan, other centers have been formed,
and from Italy, across the Adriatic, the channel for the
transport of terrorists has been established.
In Albania there are in training the emigrants, terrorists from
Kosovo and Metohija, terrorists from Albania, the Albanians
living abroad and mercenaries from all around the world,
including the mujahedins. At first indolent, later benevolent and
often encouraging attitude of a part of the international
political circles toward the terrorists, contributed to the
escalation of terrorists' actions in the Autonomous Province of
Kosovo and Metohija. The comparative review of the increase
of the terrorist actions' number from 1991 to 1998 clearly
explicates this:
No. of terrorist activities during the following years:
1991. - 0011
1992. - 0012
1993. - 0008
1994. - 0006
1995. - 0011
1996. - 0031
1997. - 0031
1998.- 1885
The aspirations and the strategy of the Great Albania
chauvinists
The political aspirations of the state and political structures of
Albania and the Kosovo and Metohija national-separatists is,
as always in history, the same - ethnically cleansed "Great
Albania". Moreover, Kosovo and Metohija are the focus of all
the Albanians' ambitions of forming such a phantom state and
the starting point of actions by all means towards achieving this
goal. The role of Kosovo and Metohija in the Great Albania
concept is a synthesis of different interests, some of them
presented as the main ones. The most important and the
strategic reason for gaining control over Kosovo and Metohija
in forming the Great Albania is that this territory is at the
center of the conceived policy and the state integrity. Having no
control over it, the Albanians living in Macedonia would be cut
off. The second reason is the extremely high percentage of
Albanian population in this region. This is again the only
ground upon which the separatists and the terrorists are
building their claims of secession from Serbia and Yugoslavia.
Aside from the above said, it should be underlined that Kosovo
and Metohija is the region extremely rich with natural
resources and the roads linking Europe and the Near East are
there. Within this context it should also be pointed out that
Albania has always been supporting, inciting even, the
separatist and terrorist activities because of that fact that it has
never in its short history (it was established in 1912) been a
stable and legal state. The Kosovo and Metohija "problem" has
always been used to divert its own public's attention from
internal problems toward the problems abroad. The freshest
examples of this are the events in Albania by the end of 1996,
since when the instability, upheavals, clashes and political and
economic chaos have prevailed in this country. This is why
Albania favors the Great Albanian nationalism, to transfer the
blame for all its difficulties (the collapse of the state and a
severe economic and social crisis) to an irrational ground. It
also fits into the strategic plans of its latest patron - NATO -
the securing of strategic position in the Balkans (strengthening
of the NATO southern wing). Kosovo and Metohija is also the
focus of NATO new geo-strategic stronghold. This is the
reason the US (NATO) want to deploy troops in Kosovo and
Metohija at any cost. The Kosovo Metohija separatists and
terrorists and the Great Albania extremists consider the new
balance of political powers in the world as a chance to fulfill
their centuries-long dream - secession of a part of Serbia and
Yugoslavia State territory, which they have almost completely
cleansed ethnically and annexing it to Albania. As in all the
previous historical periods, for the completing of their own
aspirations they are taking advantage of the strategic and
hegemonic interests of the great powers, NATO in this case,
which wants to control all the roads leading from Europe
towards the Near East, i.e. the inland routes to the strategic raw
materials (oil). There is another factor in their favor: the
interest of some of the Islamic states to turn Kosovo and
Metohija into the catalyst of Islamism, i.e. to gain another
stable and firm Islamic foothold (next to Bosnia and
Herzegovina) within the well known concept of establishing the
"Green transversal", i.e. an Islamic traverse running from
Turkey to the Middle and Western Europe.
Terrorism - separatists' weapon
There are two basic reasons for the separatists to choose
terrorism as means of achieving their objective. First, they did
not succeed in bringing down the States of Serbia and
Yugoslavia though a political process and non-violence. Their
concept of gradually gaining complete independence by political
pressures and blackmailing was foreclosed by the changes of the
Serbian and Kosovo and Metohija Constitutions in 1989.
Second reason being that this is the only way to destabilize the
situation in Kosovo and Metohija and provoke reaction of the
legal authorities, which would then be used to manipulate the
international public, aiming to internationalize the problem and
then attempting to solve it out of the legal state institutions,
counting upon the help and support of a part of the
international community. To achieve this, the Albanian
separatists in Kosovo and Metohija, together with Albania,
counted upon the full support of their new patron (NATO) and
the proven recipe (in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and
Herzegovina) of pulling down sovereign states - aggression
against a state using local terrorists, political pressures and
blackmailing from abroad, logistic and financial aid from
abroad and mercenaries from the third countries. The result of
the decision to move from political means to terrorism was the
big expansion of terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija in 1998.
The terrorists of the so-called "KLA" are attempting the
"expelling of Serbia" from "their Kosovo" territory by mass
terrorist attacks against the Ministry of the Interior members.
Out of the total of 1885 terrorist attacks committed during the
year of 1998, 1129 were aimed at the members and objects of
the Security Service. 115 police officers were killed and 403
heavily or less heavily wounded. 15 police officers were
abducted (3 killed, 3 released and the fate of 9 police officers is
unknown).
During the same year, the terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija
have carried out numerous terrorist actions against the
civilians. During these they have killed:
- 46 civilians of Serbian and Montenegrin nationality;
- 77 civilians of Albanian nationality, loyal to the State of
Serbia and Yugoslavia;
- 5 civilians Romanies;
- 14 civilians of different nationalities, public servants or
employed with public services
Heavily or less heavily wounded 158 persons:
- 74 civilians of Serbian or Montenegrin nationality;
- 72 civilians of Albanian nationality;
- 3 civilians, members of the Goranci national community;
- 9 civilians of other nationalities.
Abducted a total of 293 civilians:
- 173 civilians of Serbian and Montenegrin nationality (13
were killed, 2 managed to escape, 68 released, the fate of 90
unknown);
- 101 members of Albanian nationality (16 killed, 8 escaped, 34
released, fate of 43 unknown);
- 14 Romanies (2 killed, fate of 5 unknown, 7 released);
- 2 Egyptians (fate unknown);
- 1 Yugoslav citizen from the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia (released);
- 2 civilians of other nationalities (fate unknown).
During 1998, the Albanian terrorists from the self-proclaimed
Kosovo Liberation Army attempted 708 illegal border crossings
(504 to FRY, 204 from FRY) in order to get training and
weapons in Albania. 125 border incidents were caused, out of
which a hundred armed attacks by several thousands of
terrorists against Yugoslav border patrol units. Among the 715
killed, 366 wounded and 93 apprehended terrorists, the members
of the Albanian national minority in Kosovo and Metohija were
identified, Albanian citizens, Islamic fundamentalists and
mujahedins from the Near East and Asia (many of them linked
with Osama Bin Laden) and the mercenaries from European
countries (including the countries of the former Yugoslavia).
While performing the duties of securing the state border and
preventing the infiltration of terrorists, 36 members of the
Yugoslav Army were killed and 105 wounded. It should be
mentioned that, while attempting illegal entries from the
direction of Albania, in most cases, the terrorists were
supported by the Albanian army members' shootings.
It should be underlined that the self-proclaimed "KLA"
terrorists, for the first time after the end of the World War
Two, have established camps for the persons imprisoned from
all over Kosovo and Metohija (Junik, Glodjane, Izbica, Lipovica
and other places) and in killing applied the most brutal methods
characteristic of the Nazi-fascist period (the Klecka
crematorium for burning down the Serbs and the
Montenegrins, places of execution - Donji Ratis, Volujak and
other).
The so-called "KLA" is a terrorist organization
Within the wide range of contradictory and hypocritical
political approaches toward the events in Kosovo and Metohija,
the most cynical are the attempts to portray the more than
obvious terrorism of the so-called "KLA" as a "struggle to
protect the endangered human rights", "armed people's
resistance", "uprising", fighting back the "Serbian aggression",
"colonization", "apartheid", and the terrorists as the "armed
Albanian formations", "Albanians' collective resistance", and
when liquidated by the police as "civilians". This "covering up"
of the terrorists and the relativizing of their responsibility and
harmful activities are still present and represent the avoidance
of any condemnation of terrorism and the terrorists by the
international community and an open attempt at their silent
recognition. Such an approach of the New World Order heads
confirms the fact that in their activities regarding Kosovo and
Metohija they are pursuing their own interests and not
observing the international law and practice. The United
Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe and other influential political
factors have been used as instruments by the United States and
some of their allies and must not oppose them, although the
so-called "KLA" activities by their essential qualities meet the
generally accepted definition of the international terrorism.
There are 120 definitions of terrorism, but none of them is
generally accepted. However, there are certain common,
generally adopted elements classifying a criminal activity as
terrorist. Starting from this point, as well as by the theory on
studying the modern terrorism, the self-proclaimed Kosovo
Liberation Army is a terrorist organization by these standards:
- It is aiming to achieve the illegal political goal of seceding the
Kosovo and Metohija Province from its mother country and
annexing it to the neighboring State of Albania in order to
create the "Great Albania" (within the ethnic borders settled by
the Albanians).
- The basic method of acting is to fight the police and not the
Army;
- They have killed a large number of police officers, soldiers
and civilians and destroyed most of the property by applying
brutal methods of terrorism and banditism and different kinds
of weaponry.
- The so-called "KLA" is organized as a total of groups not
strongly linked acting as terrorists and as criminals at the same
time and with no subordination at all.
- conspiracy is the way of communicating among the leaders of
the groups and the terrorists' close associates;
The United States of America are applying the definition (FBI)
stating: " Terrorism is an illegal use of force or violence against
people or property in order to intimidate or suppress the
government, civil population or its part to achieve political or
social goals". The so-called "KLA" actions can be categorized
by this definition.
According to the Geneva Convention provisions the so-called
"KLA" can also be classified as a terrorist organization because
it ambushes innocent civilians and security forces, while the
Convention recognizes the guerrilla war "if really there is a
war", this not being the case here, since this is not a clash
between two armies but the armed "civilians" are treacherously
attacking victims of all the population structures, as well as the
state bodies and officials. Besides, the guerrilla, as a rule, openly
opposes the enemy.
Favoring the statement that this is a really terrorist
organization is the linking to the Islamic
fundamentalists-terrorist groups from the Near East,
Afghanistan and some Asian countries as well as to the state
terrorism committed against Serbia and Yugoslavia by Albania.
Considering all, the above mentioned undoubtedly confirms the
fact that the separatist-terrorist organization, the so-called
"KLA", by all the international criteria, can be classified as
terrorist. It is easy to suggest, bearing in mind the terrorists'
aspirations, that their founders are the Kosovo and Metohija
Albanian political leaders and that their foreign sponsors are
Albania, the US, Germany and some other the western
European countries. The patronage over the so-called "KLA"
and the real reasons of avoiding to condemn it as terrorist is
obvious in the statement of Christopher Hill, the US
Ambassador to Skopje, who said by the middle of 1998: " Our
concept does not necessarily mean that we are taking Kosovo
out of Serbia, although the Albanians would very much like it.
However, we want to, at least, take as large a part of Serbia as
possible out of Kosovo, and to begin with, it is the matter of
policemen". Considering the number of the terrorist attacks
carried out during 1998 and then connect it to Ambassador
Hill's wish to " pull out Serbia and its police forces" from
Kosovo and Metohija, it is then obvious that this represents an
open support to separatism and terrorism.
In such a political ambiance, formed by the bearers of global
hegemony world wide, the causes and the consequences are
totally mixed up, the thesis substituted, so that Serbia and
Yugoslavia, the victims of the terrorist activities, are being cited
as the aggressors and the terrorists, killers and kidnapers as the
victims.
The influential international community persons in power are
covering up their hypocrisy by verbal peacemaking, although
their activity incites and prolongates the clashes in Kosovo and
Metohija. The logical consequence of such support was a huge
increase of the so-called "KLA" terrorists' attacks during 1998
all over Kosovo and Metohija. This has become particularly
conspicuous after the signing of the Agreement between the
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and the US Envoy
Richard Holbrooke. Reacting to the Republic of Serbia partly
withdrawing its police and the Yugoslav Army from Kosovo
and Metohija, carried out not only as the fulfillment of
obligations but also wishing to decrease the intensity of clashes
and to solve the problems peacefully, through political dialogue,
the terrorists of the so-called "KLA" have intensified their
attacks. Since October 13, 1998 till February 11, 1999 the
so-called "KLA" carried out 667 terrorist attacks.
Killed were 65 persons (17 police officers, 48 civilians)
Wounded: 138 (79 police officers, 59 civilians)
Kidnapped; 50 (2 police officers - two of them killed; 46
civilians - one killed) the fate of the rest of them is unknown.
During all that time, the international factor interpreted all
these crimes as "provocations" and "reacting to the killing of
Albanian civilians" and the words of condemnation were
directed to the Serbia legal authorities, whose all actions
against the terrorists were immediately marked as "overuse of
force", "massacre of the civilians", "uncontrolled military
reaction", "humanitarian catastrophe" and the like.
At the same time, the open logistic and all other kinds of
support and help given to the terrorist from Albania is either
kept silent about or vindicated. The fact that the Albanian
terrorists from Kosovo and Metohija are being trained at the
centers located in Albania (Tirana, Elbasan, Bairam Curi,
Tropoya, Kruma and other) by the Albanian army officers,
some of the European countries intelligence services and the
"jihad" warriors is obviously not disturbing anyone. The ample
financial aid provided by the Albania narco-mafia and some
Islamic countries to the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army is
not being met by an adequate reaction of the countries which
rigorously suppress such aid within their territories.
When all this is known it is no wonder that the so-called
"KLA" terrorist organization that is surely occupying the first
position in crimes committed in 1998 is not only not included in
the list of terrorist organizations, but the pressures made by
some of the countries are being increased, first of all by the US.
that "KLA" should be presented as a legal political partner and
ful-fledged negotiator at the dialogue held on Kosovo and
Metohija. At the same time the US is mercilessly combating
terrorists threatening it and does not even shirk of attacking the
terrorists stationed in the sovereign countries' territories, while,
threatening with NATO actions prevents Serbia and
Yugoslavia to combat terrorism at their own territory.
Crime as a source of financing terrorism
A multitude of reliable data points to the fact that the most
important sources of finance for the terrorist activities in
Kosovo and Metohija originate from the criminal activities of
the Albanian mafia: drug-trafficking in the US, Switzerland,
Germany, Belgium, Great Britain and other European
countries (drug-routes Asia-Europe- the US); weapon
smuggling and trafficking from some of the European and Arab
countries; racketeering, blackmailing and violent actions against
the Albanian national community members at work abroad;
prostitution, faking documents and illegal entries of the Kosovo
and Metohija Albanian and other citizens from countries out of
Europe to the US and European countries; the trading of
human organs ; Albanian nationality minors' begging; armed
robberies and frauds and other kinds of criminal activities. The
wide range of the Albanians engaged in criminal activities,
organized on grounds of national membership, no matter
whether they are citizens of Albania, Yugoslavia, Macedonia or
Greece, leaning on the clan principles, are among the world and
Europe largest criminal structures. Particularly dangerous and
"successful" is the Albanian narco-mafia, whose profit ranks as
the third in Europe, according to the experts' estimations. A
large portion of profit made in this way is used for financing the
parallel and illegal "state" in Kosovo and Metohija, and
supplying the terrorists with the state-of-art weaponry. The
smuggling of weapons transported through Albania to Kosovo
and Metohija has reached an enormously large scale. A
remarkable income has been gained by racketeering the
Albanians working abroad. They are forced to regularly pay at
least 30 percent of their earnings to the Albanian terrorist
representatives' accounts in many Western European countries,
the US and Canada and there are positive proofs that these, and
even larger funds are being provided by threats, blackmailing
and maltreating the ones who refuse to do so. The Albanian
nationality citizens in Kosovo and Metohija are forced to pay
"taxes" to the separatists, while at the same time they are not
paying their legal obligations. The separatists' leaders
immediately qualify any serious attempt at implementing law
(payment of taxes, dues etc.) as "pressure" and " violence
against the Albanian civilians" although these are the duties to
be performed by all the citizens, no matter of which nationality.
The international solidarity in combating terrorism
The Albanian terrorism is largely financed by the Islamic
fundamentalists from Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and other
Moslem countries, as well as by some of the western
intelligence services. This can not possibly be done without the
knowledge and assent of these countries' political factors.
Although there is an international-legal obligation of all the
countries not to stimulate or tolerate the financing of terrorist
activities against other countries, a part of the international
community is not fulfilling this obligation. The applying of
double standards serves to secure the political and other
interests of the international key factors. Beside the UN
Charter, the documents prohibiting financing and any other
kind of supporting terrorism and generally condemning any
kind of terrorist activity are: The UN General Assembly
resolution, dated December 21, 1965; The Resolution -
Declaration on the methods of implementing the international
law and cooperation of states; Resolution 2625/25 dated
October 24, 1970; Resolution - Declaration on improving the
international security No. 2734/25 dated December 16, 1970;
Resolution No. 3314 of December 14, 1974 and many other
international documents among which the UN Security
Council Resolutions Nos. 1160, 1199 and 1203 should be
counted in, as well as the most recent UN General Assembly
resolution No. 53/108 of January 26, 1999. The Conference on
suppressing terrorism in the world, held in 1997 in Cairo
statements are in the same line. This particular summit of
Heads of States and Governments named terrorism as the
greatest global evil of the modern world, and the Conference
conclusions call for joint combating terrorism by all the
countries in the world and for mutual aid and cooperation in its
prevention. For the bearers of adverse, violent or willful
behavior, be it advocating globalism, hegemony, religion or
ideology, these valid documents are obligatory, but are not
presenting an obstacle in their attempts to achieve their own
interests in the Balkans, following closely the implementation
of the double standards. Instead of cutting off the roots of
terrorism, being aware of it or not, they have become its
accomplices.
The Serbia and Yugoslavia State bodies legally combating
terrorism
To protect the State from the Albanian separatist terrorism and
maintain the order and safety of all the citizens of the Province,
the police officers have undertaken legal anti-terrorist actions.
Against the police officers, in course of duty, in the year of 1998
the Albanian terrorists committed 1129 attacks, in which 115
police officers were killed, 403 heavily or less heavily wounded
and 15 kidnapped - out of which 3 were killed and 9 are
recorded as missing. Nevertheless, what is legitimate in
combating terrorism in the US, Northern Ireland, Spain
(Basque), France (Corsica) and other countries, was declared
illegal in Serbia and Yugoslavia by the will of the world powers
and NATO. Their aggressive informing and media promotions
of new notions as: "overuse of force", " police forces' extreme
activities", "humanitarian catastrophe among the Albanians"
and others, are aimed at preventing the legal security forces to
crack up terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija. The terrorists are
constantly being pardoned. The UN Security Council
Resolutions Nos. 1160, 1199 and 11203 not only do not
condemn the terrorist so-called "KLA", but are being used to
put pressure upon the FR of Yugoslavia. In this way, the
international documents are being also used to openly support
terrorism and the terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija. Under the
pressures comming from the US, the highest ranking UN
officials can not fulfill their duty of objectively in protecting the
legality and the UN Charter. Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary
General, on June 5, 1998, talking about the anti-terrorist
activities of the police in Kosovo and Metohija states: "If the
world is to learn something from the dark chapters of history,
then it should be that this kind of aggression (police combating
terrorists) should be immediately and decisively fought back".
All the above mentioned enabled the terrorists to reorganize
and continue with their criminal activities. The Republic of
Albania, openly, before the eyes of the international community
and international observers in this country and in Kosovo and
Metohija, continues with its direct and unpunished helping the
so-called "KLA" terrorists. The range of the armed logistics
from Albania for committing terrorist attacks in Kosovo and
Metohija, is proven by the UN Undersecretary for disarmament,
Dzayant Danapolo's statement, given on the grounds of the
official findings of a special UN mission in Albania that from
the Albania armed forces storage houses around 650000 pieces
of weaponry, 1,5 billions of ammunitions and 20000 tons of
explosives were stolen, and that it is a known fact that around
200000 pieces of weaponry was smuggled into Kosovo and
Metohija. Of course, to that number the weapons and
ammunition for the terrorists should be added, supplied by some
western intelligence services and the Albanian mafia from all
over the world, through the training and arming centers of the
so-called "KLA" terrorists in Northern Albania. There is also
the NATO weaponry and state-of-art equipment, including the
weapons banned by the international conventions. The
international factors, closely following the intentionally created
stereotype of Serbia and Yugoslavia being the solely
responsible, are ignoring the open terrorist aggression against a
sovereign state - the FR of Yugoslavia. What in most of the
countries in the world is considered as the biggest crime -
attacking, killing and kidnapping police officers - in Serbia and
Yugoslavia is qualified with bias as "the resistance to
oppression", "the enslaved people fight for liberation" or "the
authorities' retaliating against civilians". This is being used as
the "legal" foundation for the constant insisting to decrease the
number of the police forces in Kosovo and Metohija, while the
terrorist are intensifying their attacks, all the more directing
them to city environments. The strategic goal of such policy is
clear - to gradually expel the legal bodies of Serbia from
Kosovo and Metohija and enable the complete taking over of
the Province by the Albanians and future secession.
Serbia and Yugoslavia determined to reach peaceful solution
Notwithstanding such a constellation and relations regarding
Kosovo and Metohija, Serbia and Yugoslavia advocate a
principled political position that all the issues concerning this
southern Serbian Province should be resolved peacefully,
through democratic dialogue and serving the interests of all the
national communities living in Kosovo and Metohija. Serbia
and Yugoslavia do not need any NATO threats of military
intervention in order to reach peace, since such an orientation
had been voiced long time ago. The Agreement between the
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and the Ambassador
Richard Holbrooke should have presented the true picture on
Kosovo and Metohija to the foreign factors, as well as of the
events in fact occurring there and contribute to the peaceful
solution. The Serbia and Yugoslavia good will was proven by
full implementation of the agreements reached. The legitimate
police forces have partly withdrawn from Kosovo and Metohija,
the bases of these forces were closed at the places inhabited, and
the checkpoints at the traffic routes removed, and the Kosovo
Verification mission tasks secured, i.e. verification.
Following the reaching of the Agreement, the Serbian
government and the representatives of all the national
communities in Kosovo and Metohija signed the Declaration on
the political frameworks of self-rule in Kosovo and Metohija.
Only the representatives of the disunited national-separatists
Albanian parties were missing. Multiple invitations were sent
by the Serbian Government to start the political dialogue but in
vain. Thus Serbia and Yugoslavia have not only de facto
fulfilled the obligations from the relevant UN Security Council
resolutions, the Agreement and the European Union and the
Contact Group conclusions, but have also shown a sincere
interest to resolve the problems in the shortest possible time
through open dialogue, observing the basic principles agreed
upon with Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. The most important
of all being the safeguarding of the territorial integrity and
sovereignty of Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia, observing the
minority rights by the highest European and world standards,
granting autonomy that could not surpass the frameworks of
the Serbian and the FR of Yugoslavia Constitution and
reaching the agreement that would equally protect all the
national communities living in Kosovo and Metohija.
All the Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia endeavors mentioned
here were met with more fierce terrorist attacks of the
so-called "KLA" terrorist against the army and police
members, representatives of the state authorities and innocent
civilians. By its brutality, the attack at the café "Panda" in Pec
stands out, when the Albanian terrorist killed six Serbian boys
aged 15 - 31.
There is no doubt that such behavior of the terrorists is greatly
appropriate to the part of the international community attitude
(the Verification mission), as well as the increased political
activities and all other kinds of help provided by the Republic of
Albania. Were it quite clear to everybody what is really
happening in Kosovo and Metohija and who is attacking whom,
and who is protecting whom, numerous proofs could be
presented. Especially illustrative is the staged case of "massacre
of the Albanian civilians" in the Village of Racak, a media
manipulation aimed to divert the attention from the Albanian
terrorist more frequented and most cruel crimes and at the
same time "create' the conditions for the continuation and
intensifying of pressures and threats against Serbia and the FR
of Yugoslavia. The public statement of Dan Everts, the Head of
the OSCE mission in Albania, issued by the beginning of
January, 1999 that "it could not be negated that the North of
Albania is the base for the "KLA" members military training",
did not result in even serious condemnation of Albania by the
international community, strangely reacting to any
anti-terrorist police action in Kosovo and Metohija. The
arresting of one of the Osama Bin Laden
fundamentalist-terrorists group member (Max Ciciku),
assigned for terrorist activity in Kosovo and Metohija, judging
by the US verbally advocating the persecution and punishment
of all kinds of terrorism, particularly the one imperiling the US
themselves (Bin Laden is the first on the list of the greatest
terrorists sought after by the US), presents strong enough
grounds for taking measures against Albania in order to prevent
its further open support of terrorists, meaning jeopardizing the
Serbia and FR of Yugoslavia sovereign territory. The Albanian
Parliament resolution, dated December 28, 1998 "demanding a
strong support of the Albanian government and State to the
Kosovo brothers", by every international standard represents
aggression against the neighboring country. The meetings of
Albania State and political officials with the so-called "KLA"
terrorists in Tirana, are gross examples of a subversive policy,
aimed against the integrity and sovereignty of the FR of
Yugoslavia, one of the United Nations members.
Nevertheless, the foreign advocates of the use of force against
the FR of Yugoslavia favor further threats and pressures, even
military, to Serbia and Yugoslavia as the ones solely responsible
for the situation and for the problems in Kosovo and Metohija,
turning a blind eye to the flagrant terrorism and separatism.
The so-called "KLA" terrorists and Albania - their inspirer
and helper - although having committed countless crimes and
attacks are being released, for the present, of the responsibility
of inciting a crisis in the region with as yet unforeseeable
consequences.
The crisis in Kosovo and Metohija can not be resolved as long
as the Albanian terrorists are not publicly and decisively
qualified as terrorist same as the terrorists in other parts of the
world, their activity unequivocally condemned and all the
necessary measures undertaken to deny them all the help and
support from abroad, and enable the rest of Kosovo and
Metohija inhabitants to openly and freely, not fearing for their
own and the lives of their family, voice their opinions on the
coexistence of all the national communities in Kosovo and
Metohija.
office@...
Date:24 January 2003
THE ALBANIAN SEPARATIST`S TERRORISM IN
KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
Rade Drobac
Belgrade, February 1999
NOTE: The present situation in Kosovo and Metohija
demonstrate very clearly the real goals of Albanian separatists
and terrorists and confirm fully the content of this text written in
1999 just before the NATO agression on Yugoslavia in support of
those same terrorists and separatists.
Although the Albanian separatists' terrorist activities in Kosovo
and Metohija have surfaced to a massive degree in its extreme
armed form by the beginning of 1998 (the attacks against the
Security forces in the Villages of Luzane and Likosane in
February), the roots of such activities are reaching the long past
time, but the strategic goal has remained the same - the
forming of "Great Albania" as ethnically cleansed and
extremely national state of all Albanians.
The Albanian terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija is caused by
the political concept of expelling by force and threatening the
non-Albanian population, first of all, Serbs and Montenegrins,
in order to gain the majority within the national structure of
the population, aiming to provide the grounds upon which the
demands would be made for the political control of the territory,
which would then be affiliated to the envisaged "Great
Albania" that should comprise of other neighboring countries -
Macedonia and Greece - territories.
The roots and the continuity of Albanian separatism and
terrorism
Murders, persecution and ill-treating of the Serbian and
Montenegrin population had started under the domination of
the Ottoman Empire, availing of the fact that the majority of
Albanian population, having accepted Islam, had the privileged
status with the Turks and so, without condemnation or
punishment, committed violent acts against the Christian
Serbian and Montenegrin population. The violence was
committed by the local Pashas and those in power.
After Serbia and Montenegro were liberated from the Turkish
occupation, by the end of the 19 century, the extent of the
violence had decreased significantly, but has never ended
completely. The Albanian separatists and terrorist have availed
themselves of the events in World War One, during which
Serbia had suffered a lot, and lost a third of its population, to
renew and intensify the violence against the Serbian and
Montenegrin population. The history records, as particularly
cruel the mass killings of the exhausted, starving and frozen
Serbian soldiers in 1916 while the Serbian army was passing
over the Kosovo and Metohija and Albanian mountains,
withdrawing towards Greece.
Following the end of the Great War, from the years of 1919 to
1924, at the Kosovo and Metohija territory, the terrorist crimes
were committed by the so-called "Kachak movement" - the
merging of the "Great Albania" policy with banditism and
violence. However, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had for about
20 years successfully suppressed the Albanian terrorism and
banditism, so there were no negative consequences of greater
substantiality.
The "Kachak" Albanians terrorism in larger extent and with
destructive aftermath to the Serbs, Montenegrins and other
communities in Kosovo and Metohija was resurrected under the
"baton" of the Fascist Italia, immediately following the
conquest of Albania in April, 1939. The infiltrations of the
criminal gangs from Albania into the Kosovo and Metohija
territory, contrary to the Italian Government obligation under
the intrastate agreement to observe the integrity of Yugoslavia,
were aimed at provoking armed conflicts and preparations of
the grounds for the later to occur fascist conquering and
tearing-up of Yugoslavia. After a short-termed war in April
(which started by the Nazi Germany aircraft bombing Belgrade
on April 6, 1941), following the German and Italian Foreign
Ministers agreement (Vienna, April 21 - 24, 1941) the Italian
Dictator Benito Mussolini on July 29 same year officially
promoted the "Great Albania" with the eastern part of
Montenegro, Kosovo and Metohija, western parts of Macedonia
and a part of the Greek Epirus were annexed. This is how,
helped by the fascist powers, the collaborationist, chauvinistic
"Great Albania" was established - the Albanian separatists and
terrorists' dream ever since.
Under the auspices of the Fascist Italy and with its help, during
the three-year occupation the Albanian separatists and
terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija have killed around 10000 of
Serbs and Montenegrins, burned down and destroyed around
30000 houses and expelled between 60 to 70 thousands of Serbs
and Montenegrins. Within the same period, over 100000
Albanians had emigrated from Albania and settled at the
expelled Serbs' and Montenegrins' property.
By the capitulation of Italy in September 1943, the Albanian
terrorists acquired a new advisor - the Nazi Germany, hoping
to ensure their interests with its help. The Allies' triumphant
progressing that started by the middle of 1944, to which the
Yugoslav People's Liberation Army contributed significantly,
before all in independently liberating its own country, finally
cracked the Nazi Third Reich. From then on till the breakdown
of Germany, the Albanian terrorists, loyal servants of Fascism,
shielded the German army retreat from Greece, crossing
Kosovo and Metohija. After the Germans' retreat, the remnants
of the Albanian separatists terrorism's gang units stayed in
Kosovo and Metohija, not giving up the idea and readiness to
continue with their struggle to establish Albanian ethnic
borders.The Yugoslav People's Liberation Army, by May 1945
when Germany capitulated, defeated the main part of bandit
formations and during some time after the war ended,
continued combating the rest of the terrorists - "balists" in the
Kosovo and Metohija woods. Immediately following the World
War Two, taking advantage of the favorable climate in the
relations of Yugoslavia and Albania, additional 200000
Albanians were moved from Albania to Yugoslavia and the
Serbs and the Montenegrins, who were expelled during the
Italian occupation, were banned from returning to their
property.
While the former Yugoslavia existed, the national-separatists'
ravaged nests (in Drenica and elsewhere) sporadically
attempted to activate their terrorists efforts, but with no
success. Also, within the period of the former Yugoslavia's
existence, being prevented from realizing their intentions by the
most radical methods - terrorism - the Albanian terrorist have
pursued their Great Albania and chauvinist aims through
political pressures, blackmailing and manipulations, taking
advantage of some of the former Yugoslav Federation republics
separatism, first of all Slovenia and Croatia, for the
accomplishment of their political goals. Within the same period,
protected by the Albanian politicians then controlling this
Serbian province, silent expulsion of Serbs and Montenegrins
was in its course, increasing with the degree of this Serbian
province independence in relation to the republic and state
authorities From 1981 to 1988 only, around 28000 Serbs left
Kosovo and Metohija under the pressure of the Albanian
separatists.
The role of Albanian separatism and terrorism in the
breakdown of the former Yugoslavia
New momentum to the Albanian national-separatist and
terrorist movement was gained by the end of the eighties and
the beginning of the nineties. The Province benefited a wide
autonomy, consisting elements of the federal and confederal
status (directly represented in the Federation, although an
integral part of Serbia, independently deciding on almost all the
issues, not having to consult the Republic of Serbia, nor was the
Republic of Serbia given the authority to contest the decision,
absolute jurisdictional, executive and all other authorities, etc.)
did not suffice, since the Albanian separatists' goal, both now
and then, was absolute authority and independence. In the
process of violently breaking up former Yugoslavia, the same
political leaderships of the former Yugoslavia republics that had
seceded it (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and
Macedonia) were the Albanian separatists' patrons. In the
beginning, the national-separatists have tried to reach their
separatist goals by instigating Albanians' mass demonstrations,
staging strikes (miners, public officers), sabotage etc. with basic
slogan of "Kosovo Republic". This slogan revealed the first
stage of the Great Albania nationalists' program, since the
obtaining of the Republic status would enable later secession
according to the model applied by Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and Macedonia. Behind the slogan was the goal of
secession - seceding Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia and the
FR of Yugoslavia part by part and annexing it to Albania.
During the internal upheavals in Kosovo and Metohija in 1991,
they had proclaimed "Kosovo Republic" (the so-called
Kachanik Constitution) contrary to the Constitution and
illegally, with the silent support of new patrons - certain
international community circles, the same ones that had
supported the breakdown of former Yugoslavia. The intention is
obvious - to form parallel state structures that should enable
the internalization of the Kosovo and Metohija issues, with the
help of the benevolent foreign powers, to achieve the
international political legitimacy and start the process of
seceding Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia and the FR of
Yugoslavia.
The radicalism i.e. the revival of terrorism as the means of the
Albanian separatists in Kosovo and Metohija to achieve their
goals was registered in 1992, under the auspices of the Kosovo
Democratic Union. It had been established that the members of
the self-proclaimed "Ministry of Defense and the Army
Headquarters of the Republic of Kosovo" were acting upon
instructions given by one of the Kosovo Democratic Union
leaders, Anton Kolja and the then Minister of Defense of a
foreign state - Albania, General Safet Culjalji. At the same
time, the nationalistic political leader and the leader of the
Albania Democratic Party Sali Berisha started rendering
logistic services to the Kosovo and Metohija terrorists,
regarding their training in the centers in the Northern Albania.
The election of Sali Berisha as the President of the Republic in
1992 and the commencing of the Albanian state organization
falling apart (the crumbling of the pyramidal money savings by
the end of 1996, looting of weapons from the Albanian army
storages, the security system - police -crack-up) encouraged
further strengthening of supporting Albanian terrorism and
separatism in Kosovo and Metohija. It is not a coincidence that
the terrorist so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army" has voiced
itself for the first time at this moment. Parallel to these
processes, Albania is fully supporting the separatists and the
terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija by recognizing the legitimacy
of the illegal "Kosovo Republic" and enabling the "legation" of
this not-existing state to operate in Albania. Albania is the only
country that has recognized these illegal acts and the virtual
State of Kosovo at the territory of another sovereign state
contrary to all the international documents and principles.
Within the same period, the Albanian separatist's terrorist
organization has expanded, and next to the initially formed
centers in Tirana and Elbasan, other centers have been formed,
and from Italy, across the Adriatic, the channel for the
transport of terrorists has been established.
In Albania there are in training the emigrants, terrorists from
Kosovo and Metohija, terrorists from Albania, the Albanians
living abroad and mercenaries from all around the world,
including the mujahedins. At first indolent, later benevolent and
often encouraging attitude of a part of the international
political circles toward the terrorists, contributed to the
escalation of terrorists' actions in the Autonomous Province of
Kosovo and Metohija. The comparative review of the increase
of the terrorist actions' number from 1991 to 1998 clearly
explicates this:
No. of terrorist activities during the following years:
1991. - 0011
1992. - 0012
1993. - 0008
1994. - 0006
1995. - 0011
1996. - 0031
1997. - 0031
1998.- 1885
The aspirations and the strategy of the Great Albania
chauvinists
The political aspirations of the state and political structures of
Albania and the Kosovo and Metohija national-separatists is,
as always in history, the same - ethnically cleansed "Great
Albania". Moreover, Kosovo and Metohija are the focus of all
the Albanians' ambitions of forming such a phantom state and
the starting point of actions by all means towards achieving this
goal. The role of Kosovo and Metohija in the Great Albania
concept is a synthesis of different interests, some of them
presented as the main ones. The most important and the
strategic reason for gaining control over Kosovo and Metohija
in forming the Great Albania is that this territory is at the
center of the conceived policy and the state integrity. Having no
control over it, the Albanians living in Macedonia would be cut
off. The second reason is the extremely high percentage of
Albanian population in this region. This is again the only
ground upon which the separatists and the terrorists are
building their claims of secession from Serbia and Yugoslavia.
Aside from the above said, it should be underlined that Kosovo
and Metohija is the region extremely rich with natural
resources and the roads linking Europe and the Near East are
there. Within this context it should also be pointed out that
Albania has always been supporting, inciting even, the
separatist and terrorist activities because of that fact that it has
never in its short history (it was established in 1912) been a
stable and legal state. The Kosovo and Metohija "problem" has
always been used to divert its own public's attention from
internal problems toward the problems abroad. The freshest
examples of this are the events in Albania by the end of 1996,
since when the instability, upheavals, clashes and political and
economic chaos have prevailed in this country. This is why
Albania favors the Great Albanian nationalism, to transfer the
blame for all its difficulties (the collapse of the state and a
severe economic and social crisis) to an irrational ground. It
also fits into the strategic plans of its latest patron - NATO -
the securing of strategic position in the Balkans (strengthening
of the NATO southern wing). Kosovo and Metohija is also the
focus of NATO new geo-strategic stronghold. This is the
reason the US (NATO) want to deploy troops in Kosovo and
Metohija at any cost. The Kosovo Metohija separatists and
terrorists and the Great Albania extremists consider the new
balance of political powers in the world as a chance to fulfill
their centuries-long dream - secession of a part of Serbia and
Yugoslavia State territory, which they have almost completely
cleansed ethnically and annexing it to Albania. As in all the
previous historical periods, for the completing of their own
aspirations they are taking advantage of the strategic and
hegemonic interests of the great powers, NATO in this case,
which wants to control all the roads leading from Europe
towards the Near East, i.e. the inland routes to the strategic raw
materials (oil). There is another factor in their favor: the
interest of some of the Islamic states to turn Kosovo and
Metohija into the catalyst of Islamism, i.e. to gain another
stable and firm Islamic foothold (next to Bosnia and
Herzegovina) within the well known concept of establishing the
"Green transversal", i.e. an Islamic traverse running from
Turkey to the Middle and Western Europe.
Terrorism - separatists' weapon
There are two basic reasons for the separatists to choose
terrorism as means of achieving their objective. First, they did
not succeed in bringing down the States of Serbia and
Yugoslavia though a political process and non-violence. Their
concept of gradually gaining complete independence by political
pressures and blackmailing was foreclosed by the changes of the
Serbian and Kosovo and Metohija Constitutions in 1989.
Second reason being that this is the only way to destabilize the
situation in Kosovo and Metohija and provoke reaction of the
legal authorities, which would then be used to manipulate the
international public, aiming to internationalize the problem and
then attempting to solve it out of the legal state institutions,
counting upon the help and support of a part of the
international community. To achieve this, the Albanian
separatists in Kosovo and Metohija, together with Albania,
counted upon the full support of their new patron (NATO) and
the proven recipe (in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and
Herzegovina) of pulling down sovereign states - aggression
against a state using local terrorists, political pressures and
blackmailing from abroad, logistic and financial aid from
abroad and mercenaries from the third countries. The result of
the decision to move from political means to terrorism was the
big expansion of terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija in 1998.
The terrorists of the so-called "KLA" are attempting the
"expelling of Serbia" from "their Kosovo" territory by mass
terrorist attacks against the Ministry of the Interior members.
Out of the total of 1885 terrorist attacks committed during the
year of 1998, 1129 were aimed at the members and objects of
the Security Service. 115 police officers were killed and 403
heavily or less heavily wounded. 15 police officers were
abducted (3 killed, 3 released and the fate of 9 police officers is
unknown).
During the same year, the terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija
have carried out numerous terrorist actions against the
civilians. During these they have killed:
- 46 civilians of Serbian and Montenegrin nationality;
- 77 civilians of Albanian nationality, loyal to the State of
Serbia and Yugoslavia;
- 5 civilians Romanies;
- 14 civilians of different nationalities, public servants or
employed with public services
Heavily or less heavily wounded 158 persons:
- 74 civilians of Serbian or Montenegrin nationality;
- 72 civilians of Albanian nationality;
- 3 civilians, members of the Goranci national community;
- 9 civilians of other nationalities.
Abducted a total of 293 civilians:
- 173 civilians of Serbian and Montenegrin nationality (13
were killed, 2 managed to escape, 68 released, the fate of 90
unknown);
- 101 members of Albanian nationality (16 killed, 8 escaped, 34
released, fate of 43 unknown);
- 14 Romanies (2 killed, fate of 5 unknown, 7 released);
- 2 Egyptians (fate unknown);
- 1 Yugoslav citizen from the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia (released);
- 2 civilians of other nationalities (fate unknown).
During 1998, the Albanian terrorists from the self-proclaimed
Kosovo Liberation Army attempted 708 illegal border crossings
(504 to FRY, 204 from FRY) in order to get training and
weapons in Albania. 125 border incidents were caused, out of
which a hundred armed attacks by several thousands of
terrorists against Yugoslav border patrol units. Among the 715
killed, 366 wounded and 93 apprehended terrorists, the members
of the Albanian national minority in Kosovo and Metohija were
identified, Albanian citizens, Islamic fundamentalists and
mujahedins from the Near East and Asia (many of them linked
with Osama Bin Laden) and the mercenaries from European
countries (including the countries of the former Yugoslavia).
While performing the duties of securing the state border and
preventing the infiltration of terrorists, 36 members of the
Yugoslav Army were killed and 105 wounded. It should be
mentioned that, while attempting illegal entries from the
direction of Albania, in most cases, the terrorists were
supported by the Albanian army members' shootings.
It should be underlined that the self-proclaimed "KLA"
terrorists, for the first time after the end of the World War
Two, have established camps for the persons imprisoned from
all over Kosovo and Metohija (Junik, Glodjane, Izbica, Lipovica
and other places) and in killing applied the most brutal methods
characteristic of the Nazi-fascist period (the Klecka
crematorium for burning down the Serbs and the
Montenegrins, places of execution - Donji Ratis, Volujak and
other).
The so-called "KLA" is a terrorist organization
Within the wide range of contradictory and hypocritical
political approaches toward the events in Kosovo and Metohija,
the most cynical are the attempts to portray the more than
obvious terrorism of the so-called "KLA" as a "struggle to
protect the endangered human rights", "armed people's
resistance", "uprising", fighting back the "Serbian aggression",
"colonization", "apartheid", and the terrorists as the "armed
Albanian formations", "Albanians' collective resistance", and
when liquidated by the police as "civilians". This "covering up"
of the terrorists and the relativizing of their responsibility and
harmful activities are still present and represent the avoidance
of any condemnation of terrorism and the terrorists by the
international community and an open attempt at their silent
recognition. Such an approach of the New World Order heads
confirms the fact that in their activities regarding Kosovo and
Metohija they are pursuing their own interests and not
observing the international law and practice. The United
Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe and other influential political
factors have been used as instruments by the United States and
some of their allies and must not oppose them, although the
so-called "KLA" activities by their essential qualities meet the
generally accepted definition of the international terrorism.
There are 120 definitions of terrorism, but none of them is
generally accepted. However, there are certain common,
generally adopted elements classifying a criminal activity as
terrorist. Starting from this point, as well as by the theory on
studying the modern terrorism, the self-proclaimed Kosovo
Liberation Army is a terrorist organization by these standards:
- It is aiming to achieve the illegal political goal of seceding the
Kosovo and Metohija Province from its mother country and
annexing it to the neighboring State of Albania in order to
create the "Great Albania" (within the ethnic borders settled by
the Albanians).
- The basic method of acting is to fight the police and not the
Army;
- They have killed a large number of police officers, soldiers
and civilians and destroyed most of the property by applying
brutal methods of terrorism and banditism and different kinds
of weaponry.
- The so-called "KLA" is organized as a total of groups not
strongly linked acting as terrorists and as criminals at the same
time and with no subordination at all.
- conspiracy is the way of communicating among the leaders of
the groups and the terrorists' close associates;
The United States of America are applying the definition (FBI)
stating: " Terrorism is an illegal use of force or violence against
people or property in order to intimidate or suppress the
government, civil population or its part to achieve political or
social goals". The so-called "KLA" actions can be categorized
by this definition.
According to the Geneva Convention provisions the so-called
"KLA" can also be classified as a terrorist organization because
it ambushes innocent civilians and security forces, while the
Convention recognizes the guerrilla war "if really there is a
war", this not being the case here, since this is not a clash
between two armies but the armed "civilians" are treacherously
attacking victims of all the population structures, as well as the
state bodies and officials. Besides, the guerrilla, as a rule, openly
opposes the enemy.
Favoring the statement that this is a really terrorist
organization is the linking to the Islamic
fundamentalists-terrorist groups from the Near East,
Afghanistan and some Asian countries as well as to the state
terrorism committed against Serbia and Yugoslavia by Albania.
Considering all, the above mentioned undoubtedly confirms the
fact that the separatist-terrorist organization, the so-called
"KLA", by all the international criteria, can be classified as
terrorist. It is easy to suggest, bearing in mind the terrorists'
aspirations, that their founders are the Kosovo and Metohija
Albanian political leaders and that their foreign sponsors are
Albania, the US, Germany and some other the western
European countries. The patronage over the so-called "KLA"
and the real reasons of avoiding to condemn it as terrorist is
obvious in the statement of Christopher Hill, the US
Ambassador to Skopje, who said by the middle of 1998: " Our
concept does not necessarily mean that we are taking Kosovo
out of Serbia, although the Albanians would very much like it.
However, we want to, at least, take as large a part of Serbia as
possible out of Kosovo, and to begin with, it is the matter of
policemen". Considering the number of the terrorist attacks
carried out during 1998 and then connect it to Ambassador
Hill's wish to " pull out Serbia and its police forces" from
Kosovo and Metohija, it is then obvious that this represents an
open support to separatism and terrorism.
In such a political ambiance, formed by the bearers of global
hegemony world wide, the causes and the consequences are
totally mixed up, the thesis substituted, so that Serbia and
Yugoslavia, the victims of the terrorist activities, are being cited
as the aggressors and the terrorists, killers and kidnapers as the
victims.
The influential international community persons in power are
covering up their hypocrisy by verbal peacemaking, although
their activity incites and prolongates the clashes in Kosovo and
Metohija. The logical consequence of such support was a huge
increase of the so-called "KLA" terrorists' attacks during 1998
all over Kosovo and Metohija. This has become particularly
conspicuous after the signing of the Agreement between the
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and the US Envoy
Richard Holbrooke. Reacting to the Republic of Serbia partly
withdrawing its police and the Yugoslav Army from Kosovo
and Metohija, carried out not only as the fulfillment of
obligations but also wishing to decrease the intensity of clashes
and to solve the problems peacefully, through political dialogue,
the terrorists of the so-called "KLA" have intensified their
attacks. Since October 13, 1998 till February 11, 1999 the
so-called "KLA" carried out 667 terrorist attacks.
Killed were 65 persons (17 police officers, 48 civilians)
Wounded: 138 (79 police officers, 59 civilians)
Kidnapped; 50 (2 police officers - two of them killed; 46
civilians - one killed) the fate of the rest of them is unknown.
During all that time, the international factor interpreted all
these crimes as "provocations" and "reacting to the killing of
Albanian civilians" and the words of condemnation were
directed to the Serbia legal authorities, whose all actions
against the terrorists were immediately marked as "overuse of
force", "massacre of the civilians", "uncontrolled military
reaction", "humanitarian catastrophe" and the like.
At the same time, the open logistic and all other kinds of
support and help given to the terrorist from Albania is either
kept silent about or vindicated. The fact that the Albanian
terrorists from Kosovo and Metohija are being trained at the
centers located in Albania (Tirana, Elbasan, Bairam Curi,
Tropoya, Kruma and other) by the Albanian army officers,
some of the European countries intelligence services and the
"jihad" warriors is obviously not disturbing anyone. The ample
financial aid provided by the Albania narco-mafia and some
Islamic countries to the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army is
not being met by an adequate reaction of the countries which
rigorously suppress such aid within their territories.
When all this is known it is no wonder that the so-called
"KLA" terrorist organization that is surely occupying the first
position in crimes committed in 1998 is not only not included in
the list of terrorist organizations, but the pressures made by
some of the countries are being increased, first of all by the US.
that "KLA" should be presented as a legal political partner and
ful-fledged negotiator at the dialogue held on Kosovo and
Metohija. At the same time the US is mercilessly combating
terrorists threatening it and does not even shirk of attacking the
terrorists stationed in the sovereign countries' territories, while,
threatening with NATO actions prevents Serbia and
Yugoslavia to combat terrorism at their own territory.
Crime as a source of financing terrorism
A multitude of reliable data points to the fact that the most
important sources of finance for the terrorist activities in
Kosovo and Metohija originate from the criminal activities of
the Albanian mafia: drug-trafficking in the US, Switzerland,
Germany, Belgium, Great Britain and other European
countries (drug-routes Asia-Europe- the US); weapon
smuggling and trafficking from some of the European and Arab
countries; racketeering, blackmailing and violent actions against
the Albanian national community members at work abroad;
prostitution, faking documents and illegal entries of the Kosovo
and Metohija Albanian and other citizens from countries out of
Europe to the US and European countries; the trading of
human organs ; Albanian nationality minors' begging; armed
robberies and frauds and other kinds of criminal activities. The
wide range of the Albanians engaged in criminal activities,
organized on grounds of national membership, no matter
whether they are citizens of Albania, Yugoslavia, Macedonia or
Greece, leaning on the clan principles, are among the world and
Europe largest criminal structures. Particularly dangerous and
"successful" is the Albanian narco-mafia, whose profit ranks as
the third in Europe, according to the experts' estimations. A
large portion of profit made in this way is used for financing the
parallel and illegal "state" in Kosovo and Metohija, and
supplying the terrorists with the state-of-art weaponry. The
smuggling of weapons transported through Albania to Kosovo
and Metohija has reached an enormously large scale. A
remarkable income has been gained by racketeering the
Albanians working abroad. They are forced to regularly pay at
least 30 percent of their earnings to the Albanian terrorist
representatives' accounts in many Western European countries,
the US and Canada and there are positive proofs that these, and
even larger funds are being provided by threats, blackmailing
and maltreating the ones who refuse to do so. The Albanian
nationality citizens in Kosovo and Metohija are forced to pay
"taxes" to the separatists, while at the same time they are not
paying their legal obligations. The separatists' leaders
immediately qualify any serious attempt at implementing law
(payment of taxes, dues etc.) as "pressure" and " violence
against the Albanian civilians" although these are the duties to
be performed by all the citizens, no matter of which nationality.
The international solidarity in combating terrorism
The Albanian terrorism is largely financed by the Islamic
fundamentalists from Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and other
Moslem countries, as well as by some of the western
intelligence services. This can not possibly be done without the
knowledge and assent of these countries' political factors.
Although there is an international-legal obligation of all the
countries not to stimulate or tolerate the financing of terrorist
activities against other countries, a part of the international
community is not fulfilling this obligation. The applying of
double standards serves to secure the political and other
interests of the international key factors. Beside the UN
Charter, the documents prohibiting financing and any other
kind of supporting terrorism and generally condemning any
kind of terrorist activity are: The UN General Assembly
resolution, dated December 21, 1965; The Resolution -
Declaration on the methods of implementing the international
law and cooperation of states; Resolution 2625/25 dated
October 24, 1970; Resolution - Declaration on improving the
international security No. 2734/25 dated December 16, 1970;
Resolution No. 3314 of December 14, 1974 and many other
international documents among which the UN Security
Council Resolutions Nos. 1160, 1199 and 1203 should be
counted in, as well as the most recent UN General Assembly
resolution No. 53/108 of January 26, 1999. The Conference on
suppressing terrorism in the world, held in 1997 in Cairo
statements are in the same line. This particular summit of
Heads of States and Governments named terrorism as the
greatest global evil of the modern world, and the Conference
conclusions call for joint combating terrorism by all the
countries in the world and for mutual aid and cooperation in its
prevention. For the bearers of adverse, violent or willful
behavior, be it advocating globalism, hegemony, religion or
ideology, these valid documents are obligatory, but are not
presenting an obstacle in their attempts to achieve their own
interests in the Balkans, following closely the implementation
of the double standards. Instead of cutting off the roots of
terrorism, being aware of it or not, they have become its
accomplices.
The Serbia and Yugoslavia State bodies legally combating
terrorism
To protect the State from the Albanian separatist terrorism and
maintain the order and safety of all the citizens of the Province,
the police officers have undertaken legal anti-terrorist actions.
Against the police officers, in course of duty, in the year of 1998
the Albanian terrorists committed 1129 attacks, in which 115
police officers were killed, 403 heavily or less heavily wounded
and 15 kidnapped - out of which 3 were killed and 9 are
recorded as missing. Nevertheless, what is legitimate in
combating terrorism in the US, Northern Ireland, Spain
(Basque), France (Corsica) and other countries, was declared
illegal in Serbia and Yugoslavia by the will of the world powers
and NATO. Their aggressive informing and media promotions
of new notions as: "overuse of force", " police forces' extreme
activities", "humanitarian catastrophe among the Albanians"
and others, are aimed at preventing the legal security forces to
crack up terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija. The terrorists are
constantly being pardoned. The UN Security Council
Resolutions Nos. 1160, 1199 and 11203 not only do not
condemn the terrorist so-called "KLA", but are being used to
put pressure upon the FR of Yugoslavia. In this way, the
international documents are being also used to openly support
terrorism and the terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija. Under the
pressures comming from the US, the highest ranking UN
officials can not fulfill their duty of objectively in protecting the
legality and the UN Charter. Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary
General, on June 5, 1998, talking about the anti-terrorist
activities of the police in Kosovo and Metohija states: "If the
world is to learn something from the dark chapters of history,
then it should be that this kind of aggression (police combating
terrorists) should be immediately and decisively fought back".
All the above mentioned enabled the terrorists to reorganize
and continue with their criminal activities. The Republic of
Albania, openly, before the eyes of the international community
and international observers in this country and in Kosovo and
Metohija, continues with its direct and unpunished helping the
so-called "KLA" terrorists. The range of the armed logistics
from Albania for committing terrorist attacks in Kosovo and
Metohija, is proven by the UN Undersecretary for disarmament,
Dzayant Danapolo's statement, given on the grounds of the
official findings of a special UN mission in Albania that from
the Albania armed forces storage houses around 650000 pieces
of weaponry, 1,5 billions of ammunitions and 20000 tons of
explosives were stolen, and that it is a known fact that around
200000 pieces of weaponry was smuggled into Kosovo and
Metohija. Of course, to that number the weapons and
ammunition for the terrorists should be added, supplied by some
western intelligence services and the Albanian mafia from all
over the world, through the training and arming centers of the
so-called "KLA" terrorists in Northern Albania. There is also
the NATO weaponry and state-of-art equipment, including the
weapons banned by the international conventions. The
international factors, closely following the intentionally created
stereotype of Serbia and Yugoslavia being the solely
responsible, are ignoring the open terrorist aggression against a
sovereign state - the FR of Yugoslavia. What in most of the
countries in the world is considered as the biggest crime -
attacking, killing and kidnapping police officers - in Serbia and
Yugoslavia is qualified with bias as "the resistance to
oppression", "the enslaved people fight for liberation" or "the
authorities' retaliating against civilians". This is being used as
the "legal" foundation for the constant insisting to decrease the
number of the police forces in Kosovo and Metohija, while the
terrorist are intensifying their attacks, all the more directing
them to city environments. The strategic goal of such policy is
clear - to gradually expel the legal bodies of Serbia from
Kosovo and Metohija and enable the complete taking over of
the Province by the Albanians and future secession.
Serbia and Yugoslavia determined to reach peaceful solution
Notwithstanding such a constellation and relations regarding
Kosovo and Metohija, Serbia and Yugoslavia advocate a
principled political position that all the issues concerning this
southern Serbian Province should be resolved peacefully,
through democratic dialogue and serving the interests of all the
national communities living in Kosovo and Metohija. Serbia
and Yugoslavia do not need any NATO threats of military
intervention in order to reach peace, since such an orientation
had been voiced long time ago. The Agreement between the
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and the Ambassador
Richard Holbrooke should have presented the true picture on
Kosovo and Metohija to the foreign factors, as well as of the
events in fact occurring there and contribute to the peaceful
solution. The Serbia and Yugoslavia good will was proven by
full implementation of the agreements reached. The legitimate
police forces have partly withdrawn from Kosovo and Metohija,
the bases of these forces were closed at the places inhabited, and
the checkpoints at the traffic routes removed, and the Kosovo
Verification mission tasks secured, i.e. verification.
Following the reaching of the Agreement, the Serbian
government and the representatives of all the national
communities in Kosovo and Metohija signed the Declaration on
the political frameworks of self-rule in Kosovo and Metohija.
Only the representatives of the disunited national-separatists
Albanian parties were missing. Multiple invitations were sent
by the Serbian Government to start the political dialogue but in
vain. Thus Serbia and Yugoslavia have not only de facto
fulfilled the obligations from the relevant UN Security Council
resolutions, the Agreement and the European Union and the
Contact Group conclusions, but have also shown a sincere
interest to resolve the problems in the shortest possible time
through open dialogue, observing the basic principles agreed
upon with Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. The most important
of all being the safeguarding of the territorial integrity and
sovereignty of Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia, observing the
minority rights by the highest European and world standards,
granting autonomy that could not surpass the frameworks of
the Serbian and the FR of Yugoslavia Constitution and
reaching the agreement that would equally protect all the
national communities living in Kosovo and Metohija.
All the Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia endeavors mentioned
here were met with more fierce terrorist attacks of the
so-called "KLA" terrorist against the army and police
members, representatives of the state authorities and innocent
civilians. By its brutality, the attack at the café "Panda" in Pec
stands out, when the Albanian terrorist killed six Serbian boys
aged 15 - 31.
There is no doubt that such behavior of the terrorists is greatly
appropriate to the part of the international community attitude
(the Verification mission), as well as the increased political
activities and all other kinds of help provided by the Republic of
Albania. Were it quite clear to everybody what is really
happening in Kosovo and Metohija and who is attacking whom,
and who is protecting whom, numerous proofs could be
presented. Especially illustrative is the staged case of "massacre
of the Albanian civilians" in the Village of Racak, a media
manipulation aimed to divert the attention from the Albanian
terrorist more frequented and most cruel crimes and at the
same time "create' the conditions for the continuation and
intensifying of pressures and threats against Serbia and the FR
of Yugoslavia. The public statement of Dan Everts, the Head of
the OSCE mission in Albania, issued by the beginning of
January, 1999 that "it could not be negated that the North of
Albania is the base for the "KLA" members military training",
did not result in even serious condemnation of Albania by the
international community, strangely reacting to any
anti-terrorist police action in Kosovo and Metohija. The
arresting of one of the Osama Bin Laden
fundamentalist-terrorists group member (Max Ciciku),
assigned for terrorist activity in Kosovo and Metohija, judging
by the US verbally advocating the persecution and punishment
of all kinds of terrorism, particularly the one imperiling the US
themselves (Bin Laden is the first on the list of the greatest
terrorists sought after by the US), presents strong enough
grounds for taking measures against Albania in order to prevent
its further open support of terrorists, meaning jeopardizing the
Serbia and FR of Yugoslavia sovereign territory. The Albanian
Parliament resolution, dated December 28, 1998 "demanding a
strong support of the Albanian government and State to the
Kosovo brothers", by every international standard represents
aggression against the neighboring country. The meetings of
Albania State and political officials with the so-called "KLA"
terrorists in Tirana, are gross examples of a subversive policy,
aimed against the integrity and sovereignty of the FR of
Yugoslavia, one of the United Nations members.
Nevertheless, the foreign advocates of the use of force against
the FR of Yugoslavia favor further threats and pressures, even
military, to Serbia and Yugoslavia as the ones solely responsible
for the situation and for the problems in Kosovo and Metohija,
turning a blind eye to the flagrant terrorism and separatism.
The so-called "KLA" terrorists and Albania - their inspirer
and helper - although having committed countless crimes and
attacks are being released, for the present, of the responsibility
of inciting a crisis in the region with as yet unforeseeable
consequences.
The crisis in Kosovo and Metohija can not be resolved as long
as the Albanian terrorists are not publicly and decisively
qualified as terrorist same as the terrorists in other parts of the
world, their activity unequivocally condemned and all the
necessary measures undertaken to deny them all the help and
support from abroad, and enable the rest of Kosovo and
Metohija inhabitants to openly and freely, not fearing for their
own and the lives of their family, voice their opinions on the
coexistence of all the national communities in Kosovo and
Metohija.
