Jugoinfo
From: global reflexion <office@...>
Tuesday, October 17, we have send you the interview 'A counter-revolution,
and not all that velvety', of Junge Welt with Prof. Markovic. We send you
the critic of Jared Israel of Emperors Cloths.
Is Prof. Markovic Applying for a Job?
Prof. Markovic, whose interview was recently posted, is a man with a
mission. He has a grudge against the Yugoslav government in general and the
socialist party leaders in particular. (They expelled him a few years back;
he hasn't forgotten.)
Right now, the most important goal of the West is: turn the huge Socialist
Party into an acceptably loyal opposition, like the Bulgarian socialists,
who share with the (Bulgarian) United Democrats the role of quislings for
NATO: Socialists who administer for the IMF and World Bank, Socialists who
provide the necessary cover while Yugoslavia gets stripped of all its
valuables. A smiling decoy for the big thieves.
To achieve this wall street needs leaders. Now consider this statement
from the interview with Prof. Markovic:
"<< One of those reasons is that in Serbia already certain necessary
reforms had been carried out. In year 1989 we had reforms of both the
political and economic system. Therefore, what was later chan-
ged in East European countries, in Yugoslavia had been reformed and
changed already, but of course the government was firmly in the hands of
socialist forces. >>
This quiet reference to "necessary reforms" both "political and economic"
in 1989 is most important. Markovic is in fact talking about the
devastating World Bank program which liquidated over a thousand Yugoslav
companies and left Yugoslavia with 2 million people out of work and/or not
getting paid.
With the IMF and World Bank rushing to regain control, this former
Socialist Party leader's strong endorsement of such "necessary reforms"
amounts to a job application.
If the forced liquidation of over a thousand Yugoslav businesses was
necessary, why not continue the process? This makes him an acceptable
candidate for Wall Street and his other talk about how Oct. 5 was really a
counter revolution amounts to window dressing, necessary for someone who
aspires to lead a (tamed) Socialist Party. In the same way, it is necessary
for Kostunica, picked by Fisher and Albright to be the frontman for the
destruction of Yugoslav sovereignty (this happened at a meeting back in
January, according to Der Spiegel) - it is necessary for Kostunica to use a
few nationalist phrases while he tells CBS: "The Serbian forces were guilty
for Srebrenica."
This is what the New World Order offers those who resist: Socialists who
support wall street's deadly economic medicine and nationalists who agree
with David Rohde and Amb. Holbrooke.
Brave New World Order.
Jared Israel
PS. This matter of 1989 is not abstract. It is a real issue in
Yugoslavia. An article by Michel Chossudovsky and me was distributed by all
the pro-Government mass media in Yugoslavia for several days before the
coup. It dealt specifically with of the 1989 forced liquidations (sorry
-"reforms") It showed that contrary to what many on the left might believe,
the IMF/World bank are NOT focused on privatizing, they are focused on
destroying local economies (of whatever type) for the benefit of financial
pirates.
Prof. Markovic is making clear where he stands on these issues, which as I
said were raised in a massive way in Yugoslavia, before Western agents took
control of all the government media on Oct. 5.
To read this article see: "The International Monetary Fund and the
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
Another article also published in all the Yugoslav papers and read aloud
with photographic illustrations repeatedly on TV is "US Arrogance and
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...
*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
eCircle ti offre una nuova opportunita:
la tua agenda sul web - per te e per i tuoi amici
Organizza on line i tuoi appuntamenti .
E' facile, veloce e gratuito!
Da oggi su
http://www.ecircle.de/ad200097/www.ecircle.it
Tuesday, October 17, we have send you the interview 'A counter-revolution,
and not all that velvety', of Junge Welt with Prof. Markovic. We send you
the critic of Jared Israel of Emperors Cloths.
Is Prof. Markovic Applying for a Job?
Prof. Markovic, whose interview was recently posted, is a man with a
mission. He has a grudge against the Yugoslav government in general and the
socialist party leaders in particular. (They expelled him a few years back;
he hasn't forgotten.)
Right now, the most important goal of the West is: turn the huge Socialist
Party into an acceptably loyal opposition, like the Bulgarian socialists,
who share with the (Bulgarian) United Democrats the role of quislings for
NATO: Socialists who administer for the IMF and World Bank, Socialists who
provide the necessary cover while Yugoslavia gets stripped of all its
valuables. A smiling decoy for the big thieves.
To achieve this wall street needs leaders. Now consider this statement
from the interview with Prof. Markovic:
"<< One of those reasons is that in Serbia already certain necessary
reforms had been carried out. In year 1989 we had reforms of both the
political and economic system. Therefore, what was later chan-
ged in East European countries, in Yugoslavia had been reformed and
changed already, but of course the government was firmly in the hands of
socialist forces. >>
This quiet reference to "necessary reforms" both "political and economic"
in 1989 is most important. Markovic is in fact talking about the
devastating World Bank program which liquidated over a thousand Yugoslav
companies and left Yugoslavia with 2 million people out of work and/or not
getting paid.
With the IMF and World Bank rushing to regain control, this former
Socialist Party leader's strong endorsement of such "necessary reforms"
amounts to a job application.
If the forced liquidation of over a thousand Yugoslav businesses was
necessary, why not continue the process? This makes him an acceptable
candidate for Wall Street and his other talk about how Oct. 5 was really a
counter revolution amounts to window dressing, necessary for someone who
aspires to lead a (tamed) Socialist Party. In the same way, it is necessary
for Kostunica, picked by Fisher and Albright to be the frontman for the
destruction of Yugoslav sovereignty (this happened at a meeting back in
January, according to Der Spiegel) - it is necessary for Kostunica to use a
few nationalist phrases while he tells CBS: "The Serbian forces were guilty
for Srebrenica."
This is what the New World Order offers those who resist: Socialists who
support wall street's deadly economic medicine and nationalists who agree
with David Rohde and Amb. Holbrooke.
Brave New World Order.
Jared Israel
PS. This matter of 1989 is not abstract. It is a real issue in
Yugoslavia. An article by Michel Chossudovsky and me was distributed by all
the pro-Government mass media in Yugoslavia for several days before the
coup. It dealt specifically with of the 1989 forced liquidations (sorry
-"reforms") It showed that contrary to what many on the left might believe,
the IMF/World bank are NOT focused on privatizing, they are focused on
destroying local economies (of whatever type) for the benefit of financial
pirates.
Prof. Markovic is making clear where he stands on these issues, which as I
said were raised in a massive way in Yugoslavia, before Western agents took
control of all the government media on Oct. 5.
To read this article see: "The International Monetary Fund and the
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
Another article also published in all the Yugoslav papers and read aloud
with photographic illustrations repeatedly on TV is "US Arrogance and
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...
*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
eCircle ti offre una nuova opportunita:
la tua agenda sul web - per te e per i tuoi amici
Organizza on line i tuoi appuntamenti .
E' facile, veloce e gratuito!
Da oggi su
http://www.ecircle.de/ad200097/www.ecircle.it
-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Fall Milosevic'
Data: Sat, 21 Oct 2000 12:25:59 +0200
Da: "RKL" <rkl@...>
A: <rkl@...>
Eine weitere Schlacht verloren, aber den Krieg noch nicht
[Nachstehend veröffentlichen wir einen Teil eines längeren Artikels, der
mit
historischen Rückgriffen die heutige Lage in Jugoslawien untersucht. Der
gesamte Artikel, ein Vorabdruck aus der kommenden Ausgabe Nr. 76 des
Klassenkampfes, kann unter folgender Adresse abgerufen werden:]
www.leninist-current.org/cgi-bin/ilc/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=97212
3176
Die Gründe für den Sturz des antiimperialistischen Regimes
Mehr als ein Jahrzehnt gelang es Milosevic’ SPS nicht nur die Mehrheit
der
Bevölkerung und dabei vor allem die Bauern, die Arbeiter sowie die
ärmsten
Schichten inklusive der nationalen Minderheiten wie den Roma, hinter
sich zu
versammeln, sondern auch die in der JUL organisierte bürokratische
Elite,
die roten Direktoren, die in allen anderen Ländern mit fliegenden Fahnen
zum
Imperialismus übergelaufen waren, an sich zu binden. Hinzu kam eine
geschickte und wechselnde Politik der Bündnisse den mit bürgerlichen
serbisch-nationalistischen Parteien von Draskovic und Seselj, die, um
ihrem
nationalistischen Anspruch gerecht zu werden, sich der nationalen
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus zumindest zeitweilig anschließen
mussten.
Der bürgerliche Opposition, die sich offen mit dem Westen und selbst der
Nato verbunden und ihre Geschicke an diese gebunden hatte, gelang es
unter
diesen Umständen nie in den Massen Fuß zu fassen. Sie blieb bis zum
Schluss
auf die Mafiabourgeoisie und einen Teil der Intelligenz beschränkt. Vor
allem die Eskalation in Form des Nato-Krieges im Frühjahr 1999 drängte
die
Nation nochmals hinter Milosevic zusammen und verurteilten die Versuche
ihn
zu stürzen zum Scheitern.
Doch zehn Jahre des wirtschaftlichen Verfalls zermürbten die Masse der
Bevölkerung, auch wenn viele den Zusammenhang mit den Sanktionen und der
imperialistischen Aggression sahen und weiterhin sehen. Dem stetigen und
unaufhaltsamen Absinken des Lebensniveaus, wenn auch über alle Schichten
verhältnismäßig gleichmäßig und immer wieder mit sozialem Ausgleich für
die
Ärmsten, stand die Korruption und die Bereicherung der Elite gegenüber,
die
paradigmatisch in der Figur des Milosevic-Sohnes Marko zum Ausdruck kam.
Der
soziale Unmut, der durch keinerlei Zukunftsperspektive gedämpft werden
konnte, verband sich mit der Auflehnung durch die bürokratische
Machtkontrolle, gegen eine Form der gepanzerten Demokratie.
Indem die bürgerliche Opposition mit dem Placet des Imperialismus sich
des
Stigmas des Bündnisses mit dem Imperialismus und der fünften Kolonne der
Nato entledigte und mittels Kostunica selbst das Banner des serbischen
Nationalismus aufrichtete, gelang es ihr zum ersten Mal nicht nur in den
untersten Schichten des Volkes und selbst in den Kernbereichen der SPS,
den
Arbeitern und Bauern, Unterstützung zu finden und die Mehrheit der
Bevölkerung hinter sich zu versammeln, sondern sogar eine kräftige
Massenbewegung der Jugend gegen das Regime Milosevic’ auf die Straße zu
bringen und eine Streikbewegung in zentralen Sektoren der Industrie
anzuzetteln, die Milosevic schließlich zum Rücktritt zwangen.
Neben den in jeder Hinsicht für den Widerstand gegen die Neue
Weltordnung
ungünstigen internationalen Kräfteverhältnissen, die bei allen
Gestaltungsvarianten gar keine andere Möglichkeit als militärischen
Rückzug
und wirtschaftlichen Niedergang zulassen, ist die bürokratische Form der
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus der Hauptgrund der Niederlage. Was
waren nun die wichtigsten Fehler des Milosevic-Regimes:
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus muss mit einem
Programm
der sozialen Gerechtigkeit für die Volksmassen und gegen die
kapitalistische
Restauration und die neue Bourgeoisie verbunden werden, die mit dem
Imperialismus unter einer Decke steckt. Das konnte und wollte Milosevic
aber
nicht, denn Teile der Bürokratie waren selbst dabei sich in eine
Kapitalistenklasse umzuwandeln. Man konnte die Privilegien und die
Korruption der neuen Bourgeoisie kaum angreifen, wenn man nicht auch
dabei
jene der alten Bürokratie auf das Korn nahm.
Die Massen selbst müssen mobilisiert und politisch organisiert werden um
diesen Kampf zu führen, der sie schließlich an die Macht bringen soll.
Dazu
dürfen sie über die Situation nicht belogen, sondern es muss ihnen
reiner
Wein eingeschenkt werden, so dass sie die politische Lage und die
Kräfteverhältnisse selbst beurteilen können. Das konnte und wollte
Milosevic
nicht, denn das hätte nicht nur seine Macht, sondern auch die
Privilegien
der Bürokratie in Frage gestellt.
Die Wirtschaft kann nur durch strenge planwirtschaftliche Lenkung der
zentralen Industrien, der Banken und des Großhandels kombiniert mit dem
Versuch kontrolliert ausländisches Kapital vorzugsweise aus befreundeten
Ländern hereinzuholen, wieder in Gang gebracht werden. Dazu wäre vor
allem
die Eigeninitiative der Massen notwendig, die das Regime weder willens
noch
in der Lage zu mobilisieren war.
Die nationale Verteidigung Serbiens war angesichts des Abfalls der
anderen
jugoslawischen Teilrepubliken und ihrer Umwandlung zu Instrumenten des
Imperialismus eine absolute Pflicht und das Bündnis mit dem serbischen
Nationalismus daher unumgänglich. Dennoch wäre eine klare Abgrenzung vom
bürgerlichen Nationalismus und vor allem von seinen zweifellos
vorhandenen
chauvinistischen Elementen und die Aufrechterhaltung des Angebots an die
anderen Nationalitäten Jugoslawiens und des Balkans, sich gegen den
Imperialismus zu vereinigen, notwendig gewesen, auch wenn die realen
Voraussetzungen für die Verwirklichung eines solchen Bündnisses dazu
heute
nicht gegeben sind. Nur mit dem klaren Bekenntnis zum multinationalen
Charakter Jugoslawiens und Serbiens, sowie der Propagierung der Idee der
Balkanföderation, können innerhalb der zum Imperialismus übergegangenen
Nationen Risse zwischen den Klassen gefördert und antiimperialistische
Bündnispartner angesprochen werden.
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen die Angriffe hätte offensiv geführt
werden
müssen. Die Geschichte zeigte, dass der Krieg mit dem Imperialismus
unvermeidlich war. Je früher und offensiver er geführt worden wäre,
desto
besser wären die Siegeschancen gestanden. Während bei aller Ablehnung
der
Sezessionswunsch der Slowenen und des mehrheitlich kroatisch besiedelten
Gebietes respektiert werden musste (wie es auch tatsächlich geschah)
musste
Ostslawonien, die Krajina und ganz Bosnien (eventuell mit Ausnahme der
Herzegowina) mit allen militärischen Mitteln offensiv verteidigt werden,
um
es im jugoslawischen Staatsverband zu halten. Der Rückzug aus
Ostslawonien,
der Krajina und der Vertrag von Dayton stellen einen Verrat an den
Imperialismus dar, der das gewünschte Appeacement weder brachte noch
bringen
konnte. Ebenso hätte die UCK rücksichtslos ausgerottet werden müssen,
eventuell auch mittels Präventivschlägen gegen ihre Basen in Albanien.
In letzter Konsequenz kann nur die Verbindung mit der internationalen
antiimperialistischen, revolutionären und kommunistischen Bewegung einen
Ausweg für ein isoliertes und vom Imperialismus angegriffenes Land einen
Ausweg bieten (wenn auch auf langfristige Sicht). Daran hatte aber die
SPS
und die JUL wenig Interesse. Sie war mehr auf kurzfristige Lösungen aus,
die
sich aber als unmöglich erwiesen.
Kostunica ist nicht Jelzin
Jelzin kam mit einem Putsch 1991 an die Macht und festigte diese mit
einem
zweiten Putsch 1993. Er unterdrückte den Widerstand eines isolierten
Teils
des Staatsapparates und tauschte seine Spitze durch imperialistische
Handlanger aus. Zwar konnte er den Staatsapparat nicht völlig
zerschlagen
und durch einen neuen ersetzen, wie das in vielen osteuropäischen
Staaten
der Fall war, doch gelang es ihm den Widerstand zumindest für ein
Jahrzehnt
im Schach halten.
In Jugoslawien stehen die Kräfteverhältnisse anders:
Kostunica ist auf der Basis einer Massenbewegung mit einem starken
nationalistischen Element an die Macht gekommen, das potenziell im
Konflikt
mit dem Imperialismus steht. Es existieren in der Bewegung zwar starke
Illusionen in die kapitalistische Marktwirtschaft, doch sind die
sozialen
Forderungen der Volksmassen und die tief verwurzelte Idee der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit deswegen nicht vergessen. Des weiteren besteht eine auf
Erfahrung (sowohl im eigenen Land als auch in Osteuropa) gebaute Skepsis
nicht nur gegenüber den militärischen Instrumenten des Westens, sondern
auch
gegenüber seinen wirtschaftlichen Institutionen wie dem IWF, der
Weltbank
und der WTO. Die offen reaktionäre und proimperialistische Strömung um
Djindjic ist eine kleine Minderheit.
Die SPS hält eine Verankerung bei mindestens einem Drittel der
Bevölkerung,
auch wenn sich diese vorläufig passiv und defensiv verhält. Daher kann
sie
auch nicht verboten werden, so wie es in Russland der Fall war. Der
reaktionäre Straßenterror der Djindjic-Kräfte, der unmittelbar nach dem
Umsturz anhob, fand nicht nur nicht die Unterstützung der Massen, die
vehement gegen den Bürgerkrieg sind, sondern stieß auch auf die
Ablehnung
von Kostunica. Auch die Armeespitze konnte noch nicht ausgetauscht
werden,
so wie viele andere Positionen im Staatsapparat.
Djindjic strebte einen Putsch nach russischem Vorbild an, doch Kostunica
wusste, das dieser angesichts der andersgearteten Kräfteverhältnisse
nicht
möglich war. Er traf sich mit Milosevic and vereinbarte einen – wenn
auch
temporären und brüchigen – Kompromiss. Der verfassungsmäßige Rahmen
wurde
nicht gesprengt, so wie es Djindjic mit dem Sturz aller von ehemaligen
Regierungsblock kontrollierter Institutionen vorhatte. Allerdings musste
auch die serbische Regierung, die unter der Kontrolle von Milosevic
stand,
zurücktreten. Heute stehen wir vor einer Situation des fragilen
Gleichgewichts, in der die antiimperialistischen Kräfte sich jedoch im
Rückzug befinden.
Die offene Frage der nächsten Wochen und Monate bis zu den serbischen
Parlamentswahlen am 23. Dezember ist, ob die SPS dem Druck standhalten
wird
können oder ob sie sich spalten und ein Teil von ihr kapitulieren wird,
so
wie es ihr montenegrinischer Bündnispartner SNP von Momir Bulatovic
bereits
vorexerziert hat.
Der Imperialismus wird Kostunica vorläufig seine Unterstützung geben.
Doch
auf längere Sicht ist der Konflikt vorprogrammiert, denn Kostunica, der
Milosevic wegen nationalen Verrats angeklagt hat, muss Erfolge bei der
Durchsetzung von nationalen serbischen Interessen vorweisen können, die
Zugeständnisse voraussetzen, die der Imperialismus nicht zu machen
bereit
sein wird.
Angesichts der Heterogenität der bürgerlichen DOS, in der sich neben
serbischen Nationalisten wie Kostunica auch die offenen
proimperialistischen
Kräfte sowie eine Autonomie anstrebende Kräfte aus der Vojvodina und aus
dem
Sandschak befinden, würde diese einen solchen Konflikt nicht überleben.
Die
Frage ist nur, ob sich bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt das Kräftegleichgewicht
mit
der SPS halten kann oder ob deren Widerstand und Opposition
zusammenbricht
und sich die Kräfteverhältnisse abermals zugunsten des Imperialismus
verschieben.
Die wirtschaftliche Öffnung und Unterwerfung unter die neoliberale
Globalisierung wird von Kostunica eingeleitet werden. Da diese in der
ersten
Phase Hilfsgelder und dringend nötige Investitionen ins Land bringen
wird,
ist kein unmittelbarer Widerstand dagegen zu erwarten. Erst in dem Maße,
wie
sich zeigt, dass die IWF-Programme nicht die erhofften Verbesserungen
für
die breite Masse bringen werden, ist eine Opposition dagegen
vorstellbar,
doch das kann eine gewisse Zeit dauern – jedenfalls zu lange um der
Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes in Serbien etwas
entgegenzusetzen.
Alles hängt nun von den linken, antiimperialistischen Kräften – unter
anderem auch in der Armee – ab. Sie sind es, die den Ausgleich mit dem
Imperialismus verhindern und den Klassenkonflikt anfachen können. Sind
sie
in der Lage ihre Unterstützung durch einen Teil der Massen zu erhalten
und
weiterhin Widerstand gegen die Inthronisierung eines offen
proimperialistischen Regimes zu leisten oder kapitulieren sie und werden
entweder integriert oder hinweggefegt?
Die Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes ist zwar
keineswegs ausgeschlossen, wird aber sowohl durch die historischen
Unabhängigkeitsbestrebung als auch durch die Traditionen der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit in den serbischen Volksmassen brüchig bleiben. Dennoch,
wenn
ein solches Regime einmal im Sattel sitzt (so wie in Russland), bedarf
es
wesentlich größerer Anstrengungen es wieder zu entfernen.
Daher geht es ummittelbar darum, das Gleichgewicht der Kräfte, das in
gewisser Hinsicht eine Doppelmachtsituation darstellt, und damit die
Positionen in Staatsapparat und Armee zu erhalten, DOS zu spalten und
die
Mittelgruppe um Kostunica zum Lavieren zwischen pro- und
antiimperialistischen Kräften zu zwingen. Es gilt zu verhindern, dass
die
offenen Nato-Schergen wie Djindjic die Macht ergreifen um unter
günstigeren
Umständen wieder in die Offensive gehen zu können.
Antiimperialistische Volksfront
Obwohl die radikale Linke Jugoslawiens bei den vergangenen Wahlen einen
Achtungserfolg erzielte und damit unter Beweis stellte, dass es für sie
eine
Basis gibt, ist sie weder in ihrer titoistischen noch in ihrer
stalinistischen Form in der Lage die wesentlichen Aufgaben dieser
entscheidenden Periode zu erfüllen – weder in organisatorischer noch in
politischer Hinsicht.
Die JUL, die Partei der „roten Direktoren“, der Korruption und der
Privatisierungsgewinner ist nicht nur tot, sie hat den Tod auch
verdient.
Am ehestens ist ein ernsthafter Widerstand vom linken Flügel der SPS
sowie
der Armee zu erwarten, die nicht bereit sind, zehn Jahre
antiimperialistischen Kampf einfach aufzugeben und damit einen
beträchtlichen Teil der Arbeiter, Bauern und vor allem auch Soldaten
repräsentieren.
Um folgendes Programm müssen sich die antiimperialistischen und
kommunistischen Kräfte gruppieren und damit versuchen, den linken Flügel
der
SPS, die titoistischen und stalinistischen Teile der radikalen Linken
sowie
die Volksarmee miteinzubeziehen und mit ihnen eine antiimperialistische
Volksfront zu bilden:
Der Kampf für die soziale Gerechtigkeit und die Interessen der Arbeiter,
Bauern und der ärmsten Teile der Bevölkerung. Mobilisierung gegen die zu
erwartenden IWF-Programme, die verbundene weitere Verarmung der Massen
sowie
die schamlose Bereicherung einer kleinen kapitalistischen Elite. Gegen
die
Privatisierung der zentralen Industrien und deren Verstaatlichung.
Planwirtschaftliche Lenkung dieser durch Machtorgane des Volkes
anknüpfend
an die Tradition der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung. Kontrolle ausländischen
Kapitals durch diese.
Die unversöhnliche Verteidigung der nationalen serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Interessen gegen den Imperialismus. Rückgabe des Kosovo, Anschluss der
Republika Srpska inklusive des Korridors von Brcko, Abzug der Nato aus
dem
Kosovo, aus Bosnien und schließlich vom gesamten Balkan. Die
nationalistischen Phrasen von Kostunica und der Opposition müssen als
Lüge
entlarvt werden. Es muss den Massen vor Augen geführt werden, dass die
nationalen Interessen Serbiens nur gegen den Imperialismus und nicht mit
ihm
durchgesetzt werden können. Wer mit dem Imperialismus wirtschaftlich
unter
einer Decke steckt, kann sich nicht gegen ihn verteidigen. Es ist kein
Zufall, dass Kostunica die Kürzung des Militärbudgets angekündigt hat.
Gegenwehr gegen den Terror der konterrevolutionären Djindjic-Kräfte, die
mit
bewaffneten Banden versuchen Positionen in Industrie und Staat zu
besetzen
und die Vertreter des Milosevic-Regimes zu entfernen.
Die Armee muss unter der Kontrolle des Volkes bleiben. Bildung von
Verbindungskomitees zwischen den Garnisonen und den Betrieben (eventuell
durch Gewerkschaften und Organe der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung) und
Wohnvierteln.
Einberufung eines Volkskongresses zur Verteidigung des Landes und der
Interessen der Arbeiter, Bauern und Soldaten, dessen Beschlüsse sich
alle
staatlichen Funktionäre, Parteien und Institutionen, die die Interessen
des
Volkes zu vertreten vorgeben, unterordnen müssen.
Für ein multinationales Serbien und Jugoslawien. Für eine demokratische,
antiimperialistische Balkanföderation.
Einbindung der antiimperialistischen und kommunistischen Kräfte
Jugoslawiens
und Serbiens in die internationale Bewegung, anknüpfend an die weltweite
Solidaritätsbewegung für den jugoslawischen Widerstand gegen die
imperialistische Aggression.
Mit der Machtübernahme Kostunicas haben die serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Massen ein weiteres Rückzugsgefecht verloren (und deren werden noch
einige
folgen), doch im Gegensatz zu den meisten anderen Ländern Osteuropas hat
der
Widerstand des letzten Jahrzehnts Ergebnisse gezeigt und eine
antiimperialistischen Kraft im Volk entstehen lassen. Daher ist die
letzte
Schlacht noch nicht geschlagen und der Krieg noch nicht verloren!
**************************************
Revolutionär Kommunistische Liga (RKL)
(österr. Sektion der Internationalen Leninistischen Strömung - ILS)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
rkl@...
www.leninist-current.org/rkl
www.antiimperialista.com
Konto PSK 92 125 137 BLZ 60000
Oggetto: Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Fall Milosevic'
Data: Sat, 21 Oct 2000 12:25:59 +0200
Da: "RKL" <rkl@...>
A: <rkl@...>
Eine weitere Schlacht verloren, aber den Krieg noch nicht
[Nachstehend veröffentlichen wir einen Teil eines längeren Artikels, der
mit
historischen Rückgriffen die heutige Lage in Jugoslawien untersucht. Der
gesamte Artikel, ein Vorabdruck aus der kommenden Ausgabe Nr. 76 des
Klassenkampfes, kann unter folgender Adresse abgerufen werden:]
www.leninist-current.org/cgi-bin/ilc/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=97212
3176
Die Gründe für den Sturz des antiimperialistischen Regimes
Mehr als ein Jahrzehnt gelang es Milosevic’ SPS nicht nur die Mehrheit
der
Bevölkerung und dabei vor allem die Bauern, die Arbeiter sowie die
ärmsten
Schichten inklusive der nationalen Minderheiten wie den Roma, hinter
sich zu
versammeln, sondern auch die in der JUL organisierte bürokratische
Elite,
die roten Direktoren, die in allen anderen Ländern mit fliegenden Fahnen
zum
Imperialismus übergelaufen waren, an sich zu binden. Hinzu kam eine
geschickte und wechselnde Politik der Bündnisse den mit bürgerlichen
serbisch-nationalistischen Parteien von Draskovic und Seselj, die, um
ihrem
nationalistischen Anspruch gerecht zu werden, sich der nationalen
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus zumindest zeitweilig anschließen
mussten.
Der bürgerliche Opposition, die sich offen mit dem Westen und selbst der
Nato verbunden und ihre Geschicke an diese gebunden hatte, gelang es
unter
diesen Umständen nie in den Massen Fuß zu fassen. Sie blieb bis zum
Schluss
auf die Mafiabourgeoisie und einen Teil der Intelligenz beschränkt. Vor
allem die Eskalation in Form des Nato-Krieges im Frühjahr 1999 drängte
die
Nation nochmals hinter Milosevic zusammen und verurteilten die Versuche
ihn
zu stürzen zum Scheitern.
Doch zehn Jahre des wirtschaftlichen Verfalls zermürbten die Masse der
Bevölkerung, auch wenn viele den Zusammenhang mit den Sanktionen und der
imperialistischen Aggression sahen und weiterhin sehen. Dem stetigen und
unaufhaltsamen Absinken des Lebensniveaus, wenn auch über alle Schichten
verhältnismäßig gleichmäßig und immer wieder mit sozialem Ausgleich für
die
Ärmsten, stand die Korruption und die Bereicherung der Elite gegenüber,
die
paradigmatisch in der Figur des Milosevic-Sohnes Marko zum Ausdruck kam.
Der
soziale Unmut, der durch keinerlei Zukunftsperspektive gedämpft werden
konnte, verband sich mit der Auflehnung durch die bürokratische
Machtkontrolle, gegen eine Form der gepanzerten Demokratie.
Indem die bürgerliche Opposition mit dem Placet des Imperialismus sich
des
Stigmas des Bündnisses mit dem Imperialismus und der fünften Kolonne der
Nato entledigte und mittels Kostunica selbst das Banner des serbischen
Nationalismus aufrichtete, gelang es ihr zum ersten Mal nicht nur in den
untersten Schichten des Volkes und selbst in den Kernbereichen der SPS,
den
Arbeitern und Bauern, Unterstützung zu finden und die Mehrheit der
Bevölkerung hinter sich zu versammeln, sondern sogar eine kräftige
Massenbewegung der Jugend gegen das Regime Milosevic’ auf die Straße zu
bringen und eine Streikbewegung in zentralen Sektoren der Industrie
anzuzetteln, die Milosevic schließlich zum Rücktritt zwangen.
Neben den in jeder Hinsicht für den Widerstand gegen die Neue
Weltordnung
ungünstigen internationalen Kräfteverhältnissen, die bei allen
Gestaltungsvarianten gar keine andere Möglichkeit als militärischen
Rückzug
und wirtschaftlichen Niedergang zulassen, ist die bürokratische Form der
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus der Hauptgrund der Niederlage. Was
waren nun die wichtigsten Fehler des Milosevic-Regimes:
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus muss mit einem
Programm
der sozialen Gerechtigkeit für die Volksmassen und gegen die
kapitalistische
Restauration und die neue Bourgeoisie verbunden werden, die mit dem
Imperialismus unter einer Decke steckt. Das konnte und wollte Milosevic
aber
nicht, denn Teile der Bürokratie waren selbst dabei sich in eine
Kapitalistenklasse umzuwandeln. Man konnte die Privilegien und die
Korruption der neuen Bourgeoisie kaum angreifen, wenn man nicht auch
dabei
jene der alten Bürokratie auf das Korn nahm.
Die Massen selbst müssen mobilisiert und politisch organisiert werden um
diesen Kampf zu führen, der sie schließlich an die Macht bringen soll.
Dazu
dürfen sie über die Situation nicht belogen, sondern es muss ihnen
reiner
Wein eingeschenkt werden, so dass sie die politische Lage und die
Kräfteverhältnisse selbst beurteilen können. Das konnte und wollte
Milosevic
nicht, denn das hätte nicht nur seine Macht, sondern auch die
Privilegien
der Bürokratie in Frage gestellt.
Die Wirtschaft kann nur durch strenge planwirtschaftliche Lenkung der
zentralen Industrien, der Banken und des Großhandels kombiniert mit dem
Versuch kontrolliert ausländisches Kapital vorzugsweise aus befreundeten
Ländern hereinzuholen, wieder in Gang gebracht werden. Dazu wäre vor
allem
die Eigeninitiative der Massen notwendig, die das Regime weder willens
noch
in der Lage zu mobilisieren war.
Die nationale Verteidigung Serbiens war angesichts des Abfalls der
anderen
jugoslawischen Teilrepubliken und ihrer Umwandlung zu Instrumenten des
Imperialismus eine absolute Pflicht und das Bündnis mit dem serbischen
Nationalismus daher unumgänglich. Dennoch wäre eine klare Abgrenzung vom
bürgerlichen Nationalismus und vor allem von seinen zweifellos
vorhandenen
chauvinistischen Elementen und die Aufrechterhaltung des Angebots an die
anderen Nationalitäten Jugoslawiens und des Balkans, sich gegen den
Imperialismus zu vereinigen, notwendig gewesen, auch wenn die realen
Voraussetzungen für die Verwirklichung eines solchen Bündnisses dazu
heute
nicht gegeben sind. Nur mit dem klaren Bekenntnis zum multinationalen
Charakter Jugoslawiens und Serbiens, sowie der Propagierung der Idee der
Balkanföderation, können innerhalb der zum Imperialismus übergegangenen
Nationen Risse zwischen den Klassen gefördert und antiimperialistische
Bündnispartner angesprochen werden.
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen die Angriffe hätte offensiv geführt
werden
müssen. Die Geschichte zeigte, dass der Krieg mit dem Imperialismus
unvermeidlich war. Je früher und offensiver er geführt worden wäre,
desto
besser wären die Siegeschancen gestanden. Während bei aller Ablehnung
der
Sezessionswunsch der Slowenen und des mehrheitlich kroatisch besiedelten
Gebietes respektiert werden musste (wie es auch tatsächlich geschah)
musste
Ostslawonien, die Krajina und ganz Bosnien (eventuell mit Ausnahme der
Herzegowina) mit allen militärischen Mitteln offensiv verteidigt werden,
um
es im jugoslawischen Staatsverband zu halten. Der Rückzug aus
Ostslawonien,
der Krajina und der Vertrag von Dayton stellen einen Verrat an den
Imperialismus dar, der das gewünschte Appeacement weder brachte noch
bringen
konnte. Ebenso hätte die UCK rücksichtslos ausgerottet werden müssen,
eventuell auch mittels Präventivschlägen gegen ihre Basen in Albanien.
In letzter Konsequenz kann nur die Verbindung mit der internationalen
antiimperialistischen, revolutionären und kommunistischen Bewegung einen
Ausweg für ein isoliertes und vom Imperialismus angegriffenes Land einen
Ausweg bieten (wenn auch auf langfristige Sicht). Daran hatte aber die
SPS
und die JUL wenig Interesse. Sie war mehr auf kurzfristige Lösungen aus,
die
sich aber als unmöglich erwiesen.
Kostunica ist nicht Jelzin
Jelzin kam mit einem Putsch 1991 an die Macht und festigte diese mit
einem
zweiten Putsch 1993. Er unterdrückte den Widerstand eines isolierten
Teils
des Staatsapparates und tauschte seine Spitze durch imperialistische
Handlanger aus. Zwar konnte er den Staatsapparat nicht völlig
zerschlagen
und durch einen neuen ersetzen, wie das in vielen osteuropäischen
Staaten
der Fall war, doch gelang es ihm den Widerstand zumindest für ein
Jahrzehnt
im Schach halten.
In Jugoslawien stehen die Kräfteverhältnisse anders:
Kostunica ist auf der Basis einer Massenbewegung mit einem starken
nationalistischen Element an die Macht gekommen, das potenziell im
Konflikt
mit dem Imperialismus steht. Es existieren in der Bewegung zwar starke
Illusionen in die kapitalistische Marktwirtschaft, doch sind die
sozialen
Forderungen der Volksmassen und die tief verwurzelte Idee der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit deswegen nicht vergessen. Des weiteren besteht eine auf
Erfahrung (sowohl im eigenen Land als auch in Osteuropa) gebaute Skepsis
nicht nur gegenüber den militärischen Instrumenten des Westens, sondern
auch
gegenüber seinen wirtschaftlichen Institutionen wie dem IWF, der
Weltbank
und der WTO. Die offen reaktionäre und proimperialistische Strömung um
Djindjic ist eine kleine Minderheit.
Die SPS hält eine Verankerung bei mindestens einem Drittel der
Bevölkerung,
auch wenn sich diese vorläufig passiv und defensiv verhält. Daher kann
sie
auch nicht verboten werden, so wie es in Russland der Fall war. Der
reaktionäre Straßenterror der Djindjic-Kräfte, der unmittelbar nach dem
Umsturz anhob, fand nicht nur nicht die Unterstützung der Massen, die
vehement gegen den Bürgerkrieg sind, sondern stieß auch auf die
Ablehnung
von Kostunica. Auch die Armeespitze konnte noch nicht ausgetauscht
werden,
so wie viele andere Positionen im Staatsapparat.
Djindjic strebte einen Putsch nach russischem Vorbild an, doch Kostunica
wusste, das dieser angesichts der andersgearteten Kräfteverhältnisse
nicht
möglich war. Er traf sich mit Milosevic and vereinbarte einen – wenn
auch
temporären und brüchigen – Kompromiss. Der verfassungsmäßige Rahmen
wurde
nicht gesprengt, so wie es Djindjic mit dem Sturz aller von ehemaligen
Regierungsblock kontrollierter Institutionen vorhatte. Allerdings musste
auch die serbische Regierung, die unter der Kontrolle von Milosevic
stand,
zurücktreten. Heute stehen wir vor einer Situation des fragilen
Gleichgewichts, in der die antiimperialistischen Kräfte sich jedoch im
Rückzug befinden.
Die offene Frage der nächsten Wochen und Monate bis zu den serbischen
Parlamentswahlen am 23. Dezember ist, ob die SPS dem Druck standhalten
wird
können oder ob sie sich spalten und ein Teil von ihr kapitulieren wird,
so
wie es ihr montenegrinischer Bündnispartner SNP von Momir Bulatovic
bereits
vorexerziert hat.
Der Imperialismus wird Kostunica vorläufig seine Unterstützung geben.
Doch
auf längere Sicht ist der Konflikt vorprogrammiert, denn Kostunica, der
Milosevic wegen nationalen Verrats angeklagt hat, muss Erfolge bei der
Durchsetzung von nationalen serbischen Interessen vorweisen können, die
Zugeständnisse voraussetzen, die der Imperialismus nicht zu machen
bereit
sein wird.
Angesichts der Heterogenität der bürgerlichen DOS, in der sich neben
serbischen Nationalisten wie Kostunica auch die offenen
proimperialistischen
Kräfte sowie eine Autonomie anstrebende Kräfte aus der Vojvodina und aus
dem
Sandschak befinden, würde diese einen solchen Konflikt nicht überleben.
Die
Frage ist nur, ob sich bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt das Kräftegleichgewicht
mit
der SPS halten kann oder ob deren Widerstand und Opposition
zusammenbricht
und sich die Kräfteverhältnisse abermals zugunsten des Imperialismus
verschieben.
Die wirtschaftliche Öffnung und Unterwerfung unter die neoliberale
Globalisierung wird von Kostunica eingeleitet werden. Da diese in der
ersten
Phase Hilfsgelder und dringend nötige Investitionen ins Land bringen
wird,
ist kein unmittelbarer Widerstand dagegen zu erwarten. Erst in dem Maße,
wie
sich zeigt, dass die IWF-Programme nicht die erhofften Verbesserungen
für
die breite Masse bringen werden, ist eine Opposition dagegen
vorstellbar,
doch das kann eine gewisse Zeit dauern – jedenfalls zu lange um der
Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes in Serbien etwas
entgegenzusetzen.
Alles hängt nun von den linken, antiimperialistischen Kräften – unter
anderem auch in der Armee – ab. Sie sind es, die den Ausgleich mit dem
Imperialismus verhindern und den Klassenkonflikt anfachen können. Sind
sie
in der Lage ihre Unterstützung durch einen Teil der Massen zu erhalten
und
weiterhin Widerstand gegen die Inthronisierung eines offen
proimperialistischen Regimes zu leisten oder kapitulieren sie und werden
entweder integriert oder hinweggefegt?
Die Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes ist zwar
keineswegs ausgeschlossen, wird aber sowohl durch die historischen
Unabhängigkeitsbestrebung als auch durch die Traditionen der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit in den serbischen Volksmassen brüchig bleiben. Dennoch,
wenn
ein solches Regime einmal im Sattel sitzt (so wie in Russland), bedarf
es
wesentlich größerer Anstrengungen es wieder zu entfernen.
Daher geht es ummittelbar darum, das Gleichgewicht der Kräfte, das in
gewisser Hinsicht eine Doppelmachtsituation darstellt, und damit die
Positionen in Staatsapparat und Armee zu erhalten, DOS zu spalten und
die
Mittelgruppe um Kostunica zum Lavieren zwischen pro- und
antiimperialistischen Kräften zu zwingen. Es gilt zu verhindern, dass
die
offenen Nato-Schergen wie Djindjic die Macht ergreifen um unter
günstigeren
Umständen wieder in die Offensive gehen zu können.
Antiimperialistische Volksfront
Obwohl die radikale Linke Jugoslawiens bei den vergangenen Wahlen einen
Achtungserfolg erzielte und damit unter Beweis stellte, dass es für sie
eine
Basis gibt, ist sie weder in ihrer titoistischen noch in ihrer
stalinistischen Form in der Lage die wesentlichen Aufgaben dieser
entscheidenden Periode zu erfüllen – weder in organisatorischer noch in
politischer Hinsicht.
Die JUL, die Partei der „roten Direktoren“, der Korruption und der
Privatisierungsgewinner ist nicht nur tot, sie hat den Tod auch
verdient.
Am ehestens ist ein ernsthafter Widerstand vom linken Flügel der SPS
sowie
der Armee zu erwarten, die nicht bereit sind, zehn Jahre
antiimperialistischen Kampf einfach aufzugeben und damit einen
beträchtlichen Teil der Arbeiter, Bauern und vor allem auch Soldaten
repräsentieren.
Um folgendes Programm müssen sich die antiimperialistischen und
kommunistischen Kräfte gruppieren und damit versuchen, den linken Flügel
der
SPS, die titoistischen und stalinistischen Teile der radikalen Linken
sowie
die Volksarmee miteinzubeziehen und mit ihnen eine antiimperialistische
Volksfront zu bilden:
Der Kampf für die soziale Gerechtigkeit und die Interessen der Arbeiter,
Bauern und der ärmsten Teile der Bevölkerung. Mobilisierung gegen die zu
erwartenden IWF-Programme, die verbundene weitere Verarmung der Massen
sowie
die schamlose Bereicherung einer kleinen kapitalistischen Elite. Gegen
die
Privatisierung der zentralen Industrien und deren Verstaatlichung.
Planwirtschaftliche Lenkung dieser durch Machtorgane des Volkes
anknüpfend
an die Tradition der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung. Kontrolle ausländischen
Kapitals durch diese.
Die unversöhnliche Verteidigung der nationalen serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Interessen gegen den Imperialismus. Rückgabe des Kosovo, Anschluss der
Republika Srpska inklusive des Korridors von Brcko, Abzug der Nato aus
dem
Kosovo, aus Bosnien und schließlich vom gesamten Balkan. Die
nationalistischen Phrasen von Kostunica und der Opposition müssen als
Lüge
entlarvt werden. Es muss den Massen vor Augen geführt werden, dass die
nationalen Interessen Serbiens nur gegen den Imperialismus und nicht mit
ihm
durchgesetzt werden können. Wer mit dem Imperialismus wirtschaftlich
unter
einer Decke steckt, kann sich nicht gegen ihn verteidigen. Es ist kein
Zufall, dass Kostunica die Kürzung des Militärbudgets angekündigt hat.
Gegenwehr gegen den Terror der konterrevolutionären Djindjic-Kräfte, die
mit
bewaffneten Banden versuchen Positionen in Industrie und Staat zu
besetzen
und die Vertreter des Milosevic-Regimes zu entfernen.
Die Armee muss unter der Kontrolle des Volkes bleiben. Bildung von
Verbindungskomitees zwischen den Garnisonen und den Betrieben (eventuell
durch Gewerkschaften und Organe der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung) und
Wohnvierteln.
Einberufung eines Volkskongresses zur Verteidigung des Landes und der
Interessen der Arbeiter, Bauern und Soldaten, dessen Beschlüsse sich
alle
staatlichen Funktionäre, Parteien und Institutionen, die die Interessen
des
Volkes zu vertreten vorgeben, unterordnen müssen.
Für ein multinationales Serbien und Jugoslawien. Für eine demokratische,
antiimperialistische Balkanföderation.
Einbindung der antiimperialistischen und kommunistischen Kräfte
Jugoslawiens
und Serbiens in die internationale Bewegung, anknüpfend an die weltweite
Solidaritätsbewegung für den jugoslawischen Widerstand gegen die
imperialistische Aggression.
Mit der Machtübernahme Kostunicas haben die serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Massen ein weiteres Rückzugsgefecht verloren (und deren werden noch
einige
folgen), doch im Gegensatz zu den meisten anderen Ländern Osteuropas hat
der
Widerstand des letzten Jahrzehnts Ergebnisse gezeigt und eine
antiimperialistischen Kraft im Volk entstehen lassen. Daher ist die
letzte
Schlacht noch nicht geschlagen und der Krieg noch nicht verloren!
**************************************
Revolutionär Kommunistische Liga (RKL)
(österr. Sektion der Internationalen Leninistischen Strömung - ILS)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
rkl@...
www.leninist-current.org/rkl
www.antiimperialista.com
Konto PSK 92 125 137 BLZ 60000
-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Prof. R.K.Kent:DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL
AND "VINDICATED" ( CORRECTED TEXT )
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 23:27:50 -0400
From: "minja m." <minja@...>
Reply-To: minja@...
( CORRECTED TEXT )
DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL AND "VINDICATED"
How Madeleine got to Bomb the Serbs
R.K.Kent
A most revealing informtion comes out of two sources about the air war
for Kosovo. . Both merit attention and close reading. One is a former
United States Air Attache at London, Alan J. Parrington. The other is
James F. Rubin, Madeleine Albright_s closest State Department associate.
Parrington was on duty in London just before, during and after the
bombings (24 March 1999 through 5th June, officially 10th June 1999). In
his own words:
"I saw a war of underlying motives, missed
diplomatic opportunities,
misguided military strategies and questionable
outcomes. Worst of
all, the war never need happened: Milosevic
conceded major U.S.
demands two weeks before the war began."
(Colorado Sorings Gazette,
October 12, 2000, reported by Ben Works).
Parrington went on to relate how, on 11th March 1999, he was approached
at a British Diplomatic reception by the Yugoslav Defense Attache to
the Court of St.James,. The Attache, a Serb Colonel, told him that
Milosevic is allowing international and even NATO troops into Kosovo but
must "first have a letter from Clinton explaining the benefit Yugoslavia
will receive in exchange." At first, Parrington was taken aback because
the stationing of foreign troops in Kosovo was the "sticking point in
negotiations." The" benefits" expected finally came down to
"three things Yugoslavia must have." Yugoslavia must retain sovereignty
over Kosovo. The Kosovo Liberation Army must be disarmed. The
independence referendum must be "removed."
According to Parrington this was "apparently too much for the Clinton
Administration to accept." In the end, after eleven weeks of bombing:
"the Administration, running short of
precision weapons and
faced with the prospect of a bloody ground
war, abandoned the
bombing strategy and asked the Russians to
broker a deal based
ON MILOSEVIC’S ANTEBELLUM OFFER" (caps added
for emphasis).
Parrington concluded that the war achieved nothing beyond what Milosevic
had proposed beforehand and "only inflamed ethnic passions for
generations to come." De jure, Kosovo remains a part of Yugoslavia, no
referendum on independence as such is scheduled but the KLA has been
only marginally disarmed. Parrington quotes a KLA leader speaking to him
personally, "one day, the Serbs will be selling us guns to shoot at
NATO."
Clearly there was no need to go to war and, just as clearly, what was
unacceptable fourteen weeks earlier became even "useful" after the war
had spent itself. From a purely psychological point of view one could
say that the war took off to ratify the prerogative of superior power
to
react punitively and even with vengeance when its will is thwarted.
While , despite the NATO framework, the "air war" was primarily an
endeavor of the Clinton Administration, the real driving, dominat
force in it was Madeleine Albright. It is virtually certain that
without her around a diplomatic solution would have prevailed. Rubin
states that NATO_s violent advent into the ex-Yugoslav space "had
become a very personal war for Albright." Rubin joined her in this
respect, struggling to persuade "the West" to halt Serb "genocide" in
Bosnia. Rubin adds that
"by 1995, Albright’s views were
vindicated when NATO’s
air strikes forced the Serbs to the
bargaining table and a
Bosnian peace accord was finally reached
that automn ."
There are two items of disinformation in the quote. NATO’s air strikes
against Bosnian Serb positions did not "bring" the Serbs to the
negotiating table. In fact, they had been asking reapetedly for
negotiations but Alija Izetbegovic refused until NATO assured him of
an Air Force for the Bosnian Muslim side. Secondly, it is very easy to
advance"genocide" as a documented sin that cannot be left unpunished.
Its glib use immediately evokes the Holocaust (1939-1945)and is meant
to inflame to the point when no furher questions need be asked. A srtict
definition of genocide would exclude forcible expulsions of groups
regarded as inimical. What did happen in Bosnia fits "ethnic cleansing"
but not planned physical exterminations of entire groups of people.
Neither the Serbs nor the Croats palnned to exterminate two million
Bosnian Muslims, nor did the Bosnian Muslims plan to exterminate all of
the Serbs and Croats inside Bosnia since, combined, they accounted for
roughly half of Bosnia’s total population.
Be that as it may, Madeleine was hardly "vindicated" (a claim now being
repeated for the 78 days of bombing Serbia itself). It is not well known
that she was actually opposed to Holbrooke’s dealing with "Milosevic"
at Dayton. It is even less known that she once threatened all of the
U.N. Security Council Ambassadors with the severing of relations with
her U.S. Mission if any of them received a Yugoslav (Serb) minister of
state invited to come for talks. It would have been humiliating for the
U.S. had there been an "Ambassadorial Revolt" proposing to stop the
Council’s proceeding pending an apology for such an auto da fe but,
fortunately, the French and Chinese Ambassadors simply disregarded
Madeleine_s ulimatum. To return to Rubin’s account, in order to get her
personal war going, Madeleine had to overcome several hard obstacles.
The first one was Europe’s general reluctance and, in some cases,
outright opposition to bombing Serbia.
Rubin is very clear on this point. He relates how difficult it was to
"galvanize the West" to act in unison before 1999. While the Clinton
Administration was "deeply divided" within itsself:
"Nearly all our allies, including the
British, put roadblocks in
the way of decisive action prior to the
Rambouillet peace confernce
"in 1999. And during Rambouillet, the
French and the
Italians acted in ways that could have
derailed the Admini-
stration’s effort to unite against the
Belgrade regime."
Some Europeans did not wish to side with the KLA. In Rubin_s version
the Russian and German foreign ministers regarded the KLA as a terrorist
group. The "rebels were unknown figures raising money illegaly through
smugling, or worse." Such reservations did not even phase Madeleine
although some people in the State Department did not dismiss them
entirely. The Europeans even made "crude jokes about Albanian immigrants
and criminal gangs." Other European ministers did not wish to break
International Law, requiring prior U.N. Security Council action. They
defended this position on legal advice. Madeleine retorted "change the
laweyrs." It is obvious that she could not care less for International
Law and the U.N. Charter provisions if these interfered with an ardent
desire to" bomb the Serbs." Some months after the bombing of Serbia,
Secretary Albright claimed formally in the New York Times that she
honors the U.N. Charter ("which we helped write"). At the time, however,
the Europeans were not sufficiently "motivated" to go to war against
Serbia, espacially not on behalf of the KLA.
What was needed to push them over the point of no return? It should be
recalled here that the NATO bombing of Bosnian Serbs took place just
hours after the so-called "third marketplace massacre at Sarajevo." A
U.N. Report in situ and quite "fresh" exculpated the Serbs nonetheless.
U.N. Ambassador Albright immediately demanded that this Report be kept
secret as it is to-date. The political value of yet another "massacre,"
this time of "Kosovars" by the"Serb butchers," was hardly out of sight.
It came at a place in Kosovo called Racak, according to Rubin , on
January 15, 1999, over the radio. This date is interesting because the
first claim of a "massacre at Racak" came on 16th January 1999 but,
there is no doubt how it was used to "galvanize" the "international
Community" into action. The "Racak massacre" has all the elements of
staging and circumstances that cannot be really explained in any other
way.
The first item of circumstantial evidence resides in the quick ad hoc
posting to Kosovo of William Walker as the Administration’s Special
Envoy. One would assume some Balkan diplomatic pedigree here. Instead,
Mr. Walker had headed the U.S.Embassy’s Political Section in Salvador,
1974-1977. He was posted to Honduras (l980-1982) when arms were being
funnelled via Honduras to the Contras in Nicaragua. He spent another
four years (1988-1992} as Ambassador to Salvador just when the local
death squads were liquidating anyone close to humanitarian concern,
including a Roman Catholic Bishop. A French source once described Mr.
Walker as the "control" of a "government of assassins which used its
last days in power before the end of civil war to _rub out_ all oif its
opponents." Threre can be no doubt that Mr. Walker had close relations
with the CIA. Why he came to Kosovo will become apparent with what
follows.
On 16th January 1999, the SERB police INFORMED "Ambassador" Walker that
an attack was being prepared against Racak, a KLA stronghold. Suddenly,
an open-mass grave with 47 bodies came into view as Walker was GUIDED to
it with a host of journalists and a TV crew. "It’s a massacre" said
Walker. It’s a "massacre" repetaed the journalists and the media
throughout the world in minutes and hours. There were no spent cartrages
at the grave site and no one even bothered to ask two key questions.
With an obvious international support for the KLA why would the Serb
Police inform Walker of their attack on Racak and then massacre what
looked like civilians? Why would the Serb Police furthermore not try to
hide its would -be crime by re-burying the bodies, practice the Serbs
had been consistenly accused of for some four years before Kosovo? A
week before the start of the "air war," on 17 March 1999, the medical
investigator, Dr. Helena Ranta of Finland, submitted a report (21
kilograms and 3,000 photos)plus a five-page resume yet unable to
confirm the instant, ersatz verdict of William Walker. There is,
however, no doubt in respect to one result. His statement, reproduced
everywhere fast, "galvanized," as Madeleine Albright put it, the
"International Community."Racak of January led to Rambouillet in
February. Rambouillet led, in turn, to the air war in late March
1999.Part One of the "galvanizing process" took place in Washington.
During the week of January l7th 1999, Madeleine Albright spent her time
in intensive pursuit of a green light to go to war with the Serbs. Her
working group consisted of Secretary Cohen, National Security Adviser
Sanford Berger, CIA Director George Tenet and General Shelton, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. A collective decision was made in a few
days and "the speed reflected the meeting of minds that had developed
between Albright and the President"She "worked" President Clinton by
pounding on his "indecision in Bosnia." With the
"wag-the-dog""possibility in the air(and posterity, no doubt, watching
his Legacy)the President took Madeleine’s door which allowed, at the
same time, an entry and an exit. Having thus gotten his "nod"she used
it then to "pass on" as the President’s "own" inclination to go into
action..Thereafter came "Galvanizing II." as she --in Rubin’s words--
"began to work the Europeans." By February 1999 Rambouillet was on.
The talks at Rambouillet were decidedly not going Madeleine’s way. She
expected the Serbs to reject the "Peace Plan." She even asked all the
NATO Members’ Foreign Ministers, according to Rubin, "to instruct"
their "ambassadors in Brussels to support air strikes should the Serbs
be responsible for a breakdown in the talks." The Ministers agreed but
"only after securing the pledge to punish the Albanian side in the event
the KLA caused a breakdown." The Serbs, who were supposed to reject
the granting of Autonomy to Kosovo and thus give her the pretext to
bomb, actually agreed to restore it, allowing foreign troops under the
U.N. but not yet under NATO. But, the KLA political leader Hashim
Thaci, unexpectedly, would not sign the "Peace Plan." He did not want
Autonomy. He stuck to the demand for Independence instead. Neither
Madeleine’s "charm" nor threats of losing U.S. support (an admission
that the U.S. was supporting the KLA in the field as well despite"
denials") could persuade Thachi to budge form his position. Apparently,
Madeleine mentioned nothing of "pledge" to Thaci despite an added
European demand that the Albanians defer the issue of Independence.
The "unity of the Europeans was cracking," as Rubin assessed the
situation. The French proved to be least prone to play according to
Madeleine’s game plan. "We knew the critical factor for the KLA was the
prospect of air strikes and NATO ground troops. So we had arranged for
NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander, General Wesley Clark, to come to the
castle to brief them on NATO military plans and help win them over in
the final hours of the conference." The French woul not alllow the
"formidable figure" of General Clark to enter Rambouillet, "arguing
that his NATO role would somehow upset the diplomatic balance with the
Serbs." But, "Albright finally convinced Hubert Vedrine, the (French)
foreign minister to allow four KLA members to leave the castle for a
briefing with Clark at a military airfield." The formula was the same
as in the NATO air war over Serb Bosnian positions years earlier. Give
the KLA NATO’s planes and misssiles, show them exactly in a secret
military briefing, how you plan to "hit the Serbs." Hint to them that
the action is worth a "slight postponement" of Independence, along with
an eventual support for it, promise clandestinely that Kosovo will be
turned over to KLA at the exclusion of "moderate" Ibrahim Rugova, and
the result came out just the way Madeleine wanted it. Thaci would sign.
Since the Serbs, however, had just about accepted the major sticking
point of foreign troops, including NATOs, along with Autonomy for
Kosovo, the final pretext for bombs was still missing. Serbs had to be
MADE to reject the "Peace Plan."
The idea was brilliant in its evil banality. Someone recalled the 1914
ten-point ultimatum to Serbia by Austriua in 1914, after the
assassination of Archduke Ferdinand at Sarajevo. Two Appendices added
overnight to the previous text of the "Peace Plan." One of the two,
Appendix B, spelled out in great detail that Serbs must agree to an
immediate occupation of all of Yugoslavia, including Belgrade, by NATO
troops which not only had a total freedom of movement and acrtioin but
which would be a prioro immune from prosecution for any types of crime.
Colonial "Capitulations" come to mind, delivered with supreme arrogance.
When the Serb delegation walked out of Rambouillet, Albright spread the
word. "The SERBS have REJECTED the Peace Plan." She would quip after the
air war, that "we raised (at Rambouillet)the bar so Milosevich could not
jump over it. Yugoslavia needed a little bombing."
By the beginning of June 1999, thanks to the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright , Serbia’s infrastructure was taken out to the tune of over
$100 billion. Hospitals ,factories,churches (even a Synagogue at Nis),
schools, soccer fields, shopping malls, generators, a TV station, even
the Chinese Embassy, were hit. Some 3,000 Serb civilians were killed
with about three times that many of the wounded, more or less seriously.
Serbia’s (and Kosovo’s) air, soil and water were polluted with chemical
toxins of all kinds, with depleted uranium and graphite, assuring
mutation of genes yet to come. Thousands of the internationally banned
cluster bombs were dropped and
are still killing both Serb and Albaniuan children who find them esily
because of their colors. General Clark certainly knew what he was doing.
Before becoming a Vice-Presidential Candidate, Senator Lieberamn
proclaimed that the Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was "fighting
for American values." Vice-President Al Gore has been going around the
country telling the American People about "our" "victory" at Kosovo.
Following the fall of Milosevic, the main scribal media at home went
into overdrive about the "vindication" of Madeleine Albright. General
Wesley Clark went even further. He claimed on Public Television that the
eleven weeks of NATO bombings in Serbia and Kosovo brought Milosevic
down.
Since NATO "liberated Kosovo" from "Serb oppression" unadulterated
day-to-day realities have turned Senator Lieberman_s claim into a
tragic joke. At Kosovo, the "ex-KLA" members are engaged in organized
white slavery and prostitution, drug dealing, kidnapping, beatings and
murder. Just recently, KFOR with British Marines arrested an entire KLA
clan involved in such activities. Albanian piecemeal terror, on a daily
basis (and long after the advent of NATO) has "cleansed" some 300,000
non Albanians (mainly Serbs but also half a dozen other minorities).
Actual results reveal that there was no struggle for "liberation" but
for power, a struggle induced from outside of Kosovo and bankrolled by a
drug cartel seeking a free zone for huge profits. It wanted to replace
the constraints of State in favor of an acephalous area dominated by
Albanian clans engaged in criminal enterprise. Among thousands of
refugees in the post-NATO era there are Albanians who fled to
Serbia. The U.S. deliberately turned Kosovo over to its "air war"
ally, the KLA and its political head Hashim Thachi, dropping support for
of the only true leader of Kosovo_s Albanians, the poet Ibrahim Rugova.
The architect of this stunning success was the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright. To get to bomb the Serbs she would have made a pact with the
Devil. Only one major and intriguing question remains.Was her
Serbophobia driven by some deeply hidden demons or was it merely
grafted on some geopolitical strategies pushed on the makers of foriegn
policy by Madeleine’s mentor, Zbigniew Brzezinski?
It would appear from all the gloating about who did Milosevic in,
about the "Victory at Kosovo," that nothing has been learned at the
top. It is very likely that a similar NATO intervention will never come
about in Europe. NATO in present-day Europe is an oxymoron.
It has no one to "defend" or attack on"humanitarian" grounds unless it
wishes to hit the French over Corsica, Spaniards over their Basque
problem and the English over their Colonialism in Ireland. Its
peace-keeping mission in Bosnia and Kosovo has not really settled
anything fundamental. The .U.S., if not alone, has been a major part of
the bloody problems in ex-Yugoslavia. It killed two viable peace
treaties in 1992 and in 1993. It sided with anyone who was against the
Serbs, arming and training the Croat Army to ethnically cleanse Krajina
of its long-time resident Serbs, some 250,000 of them. It allowed Shiite
Muslim extermists and arms into Bosnia and it has taken the side of
Kosovo’s Muslim Albanians under entirely false pretexts.
Assisted by the main media, the gross and continuous disinformation of
the current U.S. Government, about the realities on the ground in
Kosovo, meant to secure the support of the American People, reveal with
dramatic force that an American Government, claiming to act in the
National Interest, is manipulating our Democracy, silencing informed
criticism, and acting against its own People. Its arrogance abroad, and
especially, against the small Serb people, has taken the Imperial Mask
off the New Uncle Sam’s face. It cannot grasp that the use of its
military might (without loss of a single American soldier), the economic
conquests in the globe and the cultural flooding out of other
societies, coupled with obvious arrogance ( do read Chalmer Johnston’s
book "Blowback")and propensity to lecture everyone(reflected beautifully
in Al Gore’s public posturing for the election) --that all of this
combined is fanning the latent fires of universal hate against the New
World Order and its Global Master. The Republican Presidential Candidate
has recognized the problem of arrogance and is promoting the need for
"humility." It may already be too late unless the Amewrican People take
foreign policy from the hands of experts, "hawks" out to "punish" and
"teach" the rest of the world about Democracy while losing it at home.
Subject: Prof. R.K.Kent:DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL
AND "VINDICATED" ( CORRECTED TEXT )
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 23:27:50 -0400
From: "minja m." <minja@...>
Reply-To: minja@...
( CORRECTED TEXT )
DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL AND "VINDICATED"
How Madeleine got to Bomb the Serbs
R.K.Kent
A most revealing informtion comes out of two sources about the air war
for Kosovo. . Both merit attention and close reading. One is a former
United States Air Attache at London, Alan J. Parrington. The other is
James F. Rubin, Madeleine Albright_s closest State Department associate.
Parrington was on duty in London just before, during and after the
bombings (24 March 1999 through 5th June, officially 10th June 1999). In
his own words:
"I saw a war of underlying motives, missed
diplomatic opportunities,
misguided military strategies and questionable
outcomes. Worst of
all, the war never need happened: Milosevic
conceded major U.S.
demands two weeks before the war began."
(Colorado Sorings Gazette,
October 12, 2000, reported by Ben Works).
Parrington went on to relate how, on 11th March 1999, he was approached
at a British Diplomatic reception by the Yugoslav Defense Attache to
the Court of St.James,. The Attache, a Serb Colonel, told him that
Milosevic is allowing international and even NATO troops into Kosovo but
must "first have a letter from Clinton explaining the benefit Yugoslavia
will receive in exchange." At first, Parrington was taken aback because
the stationing of foreign troops in Kosovo was the "sticking point in
negotiations." The" benefits" expected finally came down to
"three things Yugoslavia must have." Yugoslavia must retain sovereignty
over Kosovo. The Kosovo Liberation Army must be disarmed. The
independence referendum must be "removed."
According to Parrington this was "apparently too much for the Clinton
Administration to accept." In the end, after eleven weeks of bombing:
"the Administration, running short of
precision weapons and
faced with the prospect of a bloody ground
war, abandoned the
bombing strategy and asked the Russians to
broker a deal based
ON MILOSEVIC’S ANTEBELLUM OFFER" (caps added
for emphasis).
Parrington concluded that the war achieved nothing beyond what Milosevic
had proposed beforehand and "only inflamed ethnic passions for
generations to come." De jure, Kosovo remains a part of Yugoslavia, no
referendum on independence as such is scheduled but the KLA has been
only marginally disarmed. Parrington quotes a KLA leader speaking to him
personally, "one day, the Serbs will be selling us guns to shoot at
NATO."
Clearly there was no need to go to war and, just as clearly, what was
unacceptable fourteen weeks earlier became even "useful" after the war
had spent itself. From a purely psychological point of view one could
say that the war took off to ratify the prerogative of superior power
to
react punitively and even with vengeance when its will is thwarted.
While , despite the NATO framework, the "air war" was primarily an
endeavor of the Clinton Administration, the real driving, dominat
force in it was Madeleine Albright. It is virtually certain that
without her around a diplomatic solution would have prevailed. Rubin
states that NATO_s violent advent into the ex-Yugoslav space "had
become a very personal war for Albright." Rubin joined her in this
respect, struggling to persuade "the West" to halt Serb "genocide" in
Bosnia. Rubin adds that
"by 1995, Albright’s views were
vindicated when NATO’s
air strikes forced the Serbs to the
bargaining table and a
Bosnian peace accord was finally reached
that automn ."
There are two items of disinformation in the quote. NATO’s air strikes
against Bosnian Serb positions did not "bring" the Serbs to the
negotiating table. In fact, they had been asking reapetedly for
negotiations but Alija Izetbegovic refused until NATO assured him of
an Air Force for the Bosnian Muslim side. Secondly, it is very easy to
advance"genocide" as a documented sin that cannot be left unpunished.
Its glib use immediately evokes the Holocaust (1939-1945)and is meant
to inflame to the point when no furher questions need be asked. A srtict
definition of genocide would exclude forcible expulsions of groups
regarded as inimical. What did happen in Bosnia fits "ethnic cleansing"
but not planned physical exterminations of entire groups of people.
Neither the Serbs nor the Croats palnned to exterminate two million
Bosnian Muslims, nor did the Bosnian Muslims plan to exterminate all of
the Serbs and Croats inside Bosnia since, combined, they accounted for
roughly half of Bosnia’s total population.
Be that as it may, Madeleine was hardly "vindicated" (a claim now being
repeated for the 78 days of bombing Serbia itself). It is not well known
that she was actually opposed to Holbrooke’s dealing with "Milosevic"
at Dayton. It is even less known that she once threatened all of the
U.N. Security Council Ambassadors with the severing of relations with
her U.S. Mission if any of them received a Yugoslav (Serb) minister of
state invited to come for talks. It would have been humiliating for the
U.S. had there been an "Ambassadorial Revolt" proposing to stop the
Council’s proceeding pending an apology for such an auto da fe but,
fortunately, the French and Chinese Ambassadors simply disregarded
Madeleine_s ulimatum. To return to Rubin’s account, in order to get her
personal war going, Madeleine had to overcome several hard obstacles.
The first one was Europe’s general reluctance and, in some cases,
outright opposition to bombing Serbia.
Rubin is very clear on this point. He relates how difficult it was to
"galvanize the West" to act in unison before 1999. While the Clinton
Administration was "deeply divided" within itsself:
"Nearly all our allies, including the
British, put roadblocks in
the way of decisive action prior to the
Rambouillet peace confernce
"in 1999. And during Rambouillet, the
French and the
Italians acted in ways that could have
derailed the Admini-
stration’s effort to unite against the
Belgrade regime."
Some Europeans did not wish to side with the KLA. In Rubin_s version
the Russian and German foreign ministers regarded the KLA as a terrorist
group. The "rebels were unknown figures raising money illegaly through
smugling, or worse." Such reservations did not even phase Madeleine
although some people in the State Department did not dismiss them
entirely. The Europeans even made "crude jokes about Albanian immigrants
and criminal gangs." Other European ministers did not wish to break
International Law, requiring prior U.N. Security Council action. They
defended this position on legal advice. Madeleine retorted "change the
laweyrs." It is obvious that she could not care less for International
Law and the U.N. Charter provisions if these interfered with an ardent
desire to" bomb the Serbs." Some months after the bombing of Serbia,
Secretary Albright claimed formally in the New York Times that she
honors the U.N. Charter ("which we helped write"). At the time, however,
the Europeans were not sufficiently "motivated" to go to war against
Serbia, espacially not on behalf of the KLA.
What was needed to push them over the point of no return? It should be
recalled here that the NATO bombing of Bosnian Serbs took place just
hours after the so-called "third marketplace massacre at Sarajevo." A
U.N. Report in situ and quite "fresh" exculpated the Serbs nonetheless.
U.N. Ambassador Albright immediately demanded that this Report be kept
secret as it is to-date. The political value of yet another "massacre,"
this time of "Kosovars" by the"Serb butchers," was hardly out of sight.
It came at a place in Kosovo called Racak, according to Rubin , on
January 15, 1999, over the radio. This date is interesting because the
first claim of a "massacre at Racak" came on 16th January 1999 but,
there is no doubt how it was used to "galvanize" the "international
Community" into action. The "Racak massacre" has all the elements of
staging and circumstances that cannot be really explained in any other
way.
The first item of circumstantial evidence resides in the quick ad hoc
posting to Kosovo of William Walker as the Administration’s Special
Envoy. One would assume some Balkan diplomatic pedigree here. Instead,
Mr. Walker had headed the U.S.Embassy’s Political Section in Salvador,
1974-1977. He was posted to Honduras (l980-1982) when arms were being
funnelled via Honduras to the Contras in Nicaragua. He spent another
four years (1988-1992} as Ambassador to Salvador just when the local
death squads were liquidating anyone close to humanitarian concern,
including a Roman Catholic Bishop. A French source once described Mr.
Walker as the "control" of a "government of assassins which used its
last days in power before the end of civil war to _rub out_ all oif its
opponents." Threre can be no doubt that Mr. Walker had close relations
with the CIA. Why he came to Kosovo will become apparent with what
follows.
On 16th January 1999, the SERB police INFORMED "Ambassador" Walker that
an attack was being prepared against Racak, a KLA stronghold. Suddenly,
an open-mass grave with 47 bodies came into view as Walker was GUIDED to
it with a host of journalists and a TV crew. "It’s a massacre" said
Walker. It’s a "massacre" repetaed the journalists and the media
throughout the world in minutes and hours. There were no spent cartrages
at the grave site and no one even bothered to ask two key questions.
With an obvious international support for the KLA why would the Serb
Police inform Walker of their attack on Racak and then massacre what
looked like civilians? Why would the Serb Police furthermore not try to
hide its would -be crime by re-burying the bodies, practice the Serbs
had been consistenly accused of for some four years before Kosovo? A
week before the start of the "air war," on 17 March 1999, the medical
investigator, Dr. Helena Ranta of Finland, submitted a report (21
kilograms and 3,000 photos)plus a five-page resume yet unable to
confirm the instant, ersatz verdict of William Walker. There is,
however, no doubt in respect to one result. His statement, reproduced
everywhere fast, "galvanized," as Madeleine Albright put it, the
"International Community."Racak of January led to Rambouillet in
February. Rambouillet led, in turn, to the air war in late March
1999.Part One of the "galvanizing process" took place in Washington.
During the week of January l7th 1999, Madeleine Albright spent her time
in intensive pursuit of a green light to go to war with the Serbs. Her
working group consisted of Secretary Cohen, National Security Adviser
Sanford Berger, CIA Director George Tenet and General Shelton, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. A collective decision was made in a few
days and "the speed reflected the meeting of minds that had developed
between Albright and the President"She "worked" President Clinton by
pounding on his "indecision in Bosnia." With the
"wag-the-dog""possibility in the air(and posterity, no doubt, watching
his Legacy)the President took Madeleine’s door which allowed, at the
same time, an entry and an exit. Having thus gotten his "nod"she used
it then to "pass on" as the President’s "own" inclination to go into
action..Thereafter came "Galvanizing II." as she --in Rubin’s words--
"began to work the Europeans." By February 1999 Rambouillet was on.
The talks at Rambouillet were decidedly not going Madeleine’s way. She
expected the Serbs to reject the "Peace Plan." She even asked all the
NATO Members’ Foreign Ministers, according to Rubin, "to instruct"
their "ambassadors in Brussels to support air strikes should the Serbs
be responsible for a breakdown in the talks." The Ministers agreed but
"only after securing the pledge to punish the Albanian side in the event
the KLA caused a breakdown." The Serbs, who were supposed to reject
the granting of Autonomy to Kosovo and thus give her the pretext to
bomb, actually agreed to restore it, allowing foreign troops under the
U.N. but not yet under NATO. But, the KLA political leader Hashim
Thaci, unexpectedly, would not sign the "Peace Plan." He did not want
Autonomy. He stuck to the demand for Independence instead. Neither
Madeleine’s "charm" nor threats of losing U.S. support (an admission
that the U.S. was supporting the KLA in the field as well despite"
denials") could persuade Thachi to budge form his position. Apparently,
Madeleine mentioned nothing of "pledge" to Thaci despite an added
European demand that the Albanians defer the issue of Independence.
The "unity of the Europeans was cracking," as Rubin assessed the
situation. The French proved to be least prone to play according to
Madeleine’s game plan. "We knew the critical factor for the KLA was the
prospect of air strikes and NATO ground troops. So we had arranged for
NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander, General Wesley Clark, to come to the
castle to brief them on NATO military plans and help win them over in
the final hours of the conference." The French woul not alllow the
"formidable figure" of General Clark to enter Rambouillet, "arguing
that his NATO role would somehow upset the diplomatic balance with the
Serbs." But, "Albright finally convinced Hubert Vedrine, the (French)
foreign minister to allow four KLA members to leave the castle for a
briefing with Clark at a military airfield." The formula was the same
as in the NATO air war over Serb Bosnian positions years earlier. Give
the KLA NATO’s planes and misssiles, show them exactly in a secret
military briefing, how you plan to "hit the Serbs." Hint to them that
the action is worth a "slight postponement" of Independence, along with
an eventual support for it, promise clandestinely that Kosovo will be
turned over to KLA at the exclusion of "moderate" Ibrahim Rugova, and
the result came out just the way Madeleine wanted it. Thaci would sign.
Since the Serbs, however, had just about accepted the major sticking
point of foreign troops, including NATOs, along with Autonomy for
Kosovo, the final pretext for bombs was still missing. Serbs had to be
MADE to reject the "Peace Plan."
The idea was brilliant in its evil banality. Someone recalled the 1914
ten-point ultimatum to Serbia by Austriua in 1914, after the
assassination of Archduke Ferdinand at Sarajevo. Two Appendices added
overnight to the previous text of the "Peace Plan." One of the two,
Appendix B, spelled out in great detail that Serbs must agree to an
immediate occupation of all of Yugoslavia, including Belgrade, by NATO
troops which not only had a total freedom of movement and acrtioin but
which would be a prioro immune from prosecution for any types of crime.
Colonial "Capitulations" come to mind, delivered with supreme arrogance.
When the Serb delegation walked out of Rambouillet, Albright spread the
word. "The SERBS have REJECTED the Peace Plan." She would quip after the
air war, that "we raised (at Rambouillet)the bar so Milosevich could not
jump over it. Yugoslavia needed a little bombing."
By the beginning of June 1999, thanks to the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright , Serbia’s infrastructure was taken out to the tune of over
$100 billion. Hospitals ,factories,churches (even a Synagogue at Nis),
schools, soccer fields, shopping malls, generators, a TV station, even
the Chinese Embassy, were hit. Some 3,000 Serb civilians were killed
with about three times that many of the wounded, more or less seriously.
Serbia’s (and Kosovo’s) air, soil and water were polluted with chemical
toxins of all kinds, with depleted uranium and graphite, assuring
mutation of genes yet to come. Thousands of the internationally banned
cluster bombs were dropped and
are still killing both Serb and Albaniuan children who find them esily
because of their colors. General Clark certainly knew what he was doing.
Before becoming a Vice-Presidential Candidate, Senator Lieberamn
proclaimed that the Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was "fighting
for American values." Vice-President Al Gore has been going around the
country telling the American People about "our" "victory" at Kosovo.
Following the fall of Milosevic, the main scribal media at home went
into overdrive about the "vindication" of Madeleine Albright. General
Wesley Clark went even further. He claimed on Public Television that the
eleven weeks of NATO bombings in Serbia and Kosovo brought Milosevic
down.
Since NATO "liberated Kosovo" from "Serb oppression" unadulterated
day-to-day realities have turned Senator Lieberman_s claim into a
tragic joke. At Kosovo, the "ex-KLA" members are engaged in organized
white slavery and prostitution, drug dealing, kidnapping, beatings and
murder. Just recently, KFOR with British Marines arrested an entire KLA
clan involved in such activities. Albanian piecemeal terror, on a daily
basis (and long after the advent of NATO) has "cleansed" some 300,000
non Albanians (mainly Serbs but also half a dozen other minorities).
Actual results reveal that there was no struggle for "liberation" but
for power, a struggle induced from outside of Kosovo and bankrolled by a
drug cartel seeking a free zone for huge profits. It wanted to replace
the constraints of State in favor of an acephalous area dominated by
Albanian clans engaged in criminal enterprise. Among thousands of
refugees in the post-NATO era there are Albanians who fled to
Serbia. The U.S. deliberately turned Kosovo over to its "air war"
ally, the KLA and its political head Hashim Thachi, dropping support for
of the only true leader of Kosovo_s Albanians, the poet Ibrahim Rugova.
The architect of this stunning success was the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright. To get to bomb the Serbs she would have made a pact with the
Devil. Only one major and intriguing question remains.Was her
Serbophobia driven by some deeply hidden demons or was it merely
grafted on some geopolitical strategies pushed on the makers of foriegn
policy by Madeleine’s mentor, Zbigniew Brzezinski?
It would appear from all the gloating about who did Milosevic in,
about the "Victory at Kosovo," that nothing has been learned at the
top. It is very likely that a similar NATO intervention will never come
about in Europe. NATO in present-day Europe is an oxymoron.
It has no one to "defend" or attack on"humanitarian" grounds unless it
wishes to hit the French over Corsica, Spaniards over their Basque
problem and the English over their Colonialism in Ireland. Its
peace-keeping mission in Bosnia and Kosovo has not really settled
anything fundamental. The .U.S., if not alone, has been a major part of
the bloody problems in ex-Yugoslavia. It killed two viable peace
treaties in 1992 and in 1993. It sided with anyone who was against the
Serbs, arming and training the Croat Army to ethnically cleanse Krajina
of its long-time resident Serbs, some 250,000 of them. It allowed Shiite
Muslim extermists and arms into Bosnia and it has taken the side of
Kosovo’s Muslim Albanians under entirely false pretexts.
Assisted by the main media, the gross and continuous disinformation of
the current U.S. Government, about the realities on the ground in
Kosovo, meant to secure the support of the American People, reveal with
dramatic force that an American Government, claiming to act in the
National Interest, is manipulating our Democracy, silencing informed
criticism, and acting against its own People. Its arrogance abroad, and
especially, against the small Serb people, has taken the Imperial Mask
off the New Uncle Sam’s face. It cannot grasp that the use of its
military might (without loss of a single American soldier), the economic
conquests in the globe and the cultural flooding out of other
societies, coupled with obvious arrogance ( do read Chalmer Johnston’s
book "Blowback")and propensity to lecture everyone(reflected beautifully
in Al Gore’s public posturing for the election) --that all of this
combined is fanning the latent fires of universal hate against the New
World Order and its Global Master. The Republican Presidential Candidate
has recognized the problem of arrogance and is promoting the need for
"humility." It may already be too late unless the Amewrican People take
foreign policy from the hands of experts, "hawks" out to "punish" and
"teach" the rest of the world about Democracy while losing it at home.
The Global Reflexion Foundation contributes, according to her ability,
to
the distribution of information on international issues that in the
media
does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We
receive information from different sources, that does not necessary
reflect
our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail.
******************************************************
Wednesday, October 25, 2000
- Will Moldova be the next Kosovo
- It Turns Out Depleted Uranium Is Bad For NATO Troops In Kosovo [What
About Everyone Else?]
- Activists planned uprising that led to Milosevic's ouster
- "Democracy" will not be for all pockets
*****************************************************
TARGETS, a Dutch monthly publication on international affaires, will
organize a public meeting to discuss the current developments in
Yugoslavia and the role of the Western powers.
The meeting will be adressed by:
· Jürgen Elsässer, editor of the German monthly publication KONKRET and
· Nico Varkevisser, editor-in-chief of TARGETS
Date: Sunday, October 29
Place: Akhnaton, Nieuwezijds Kolk 25, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Time: 15.00h
Jürgen Elsässer will present his new book: 'Kriegsverbrechen'. Die
tötlichen Lügen der Nato und ihre Opfer im Kosovo-Konflikt. (including a
file on Srebrenica)
*************************************************************
Will Moldova be de next Kosovo
NEW ANTI-RUSSIAN NATO MACHINATIONS
by Denis Petrov
On October 2, the U.S. Embassy in Moscow saw fit to deny the existence
of a
secret plan cooked up by American spooks and the Organization for
Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to partition Moldova. Bearing in mind
events in the Balkans in recent years, this denial was enough to
convince
most Russian and Moldovan/Romanian patriots that the plan is already
operational.
The State Department was reacting to a September 23 article in the
influential Izvestiya daily, claiming that talks between Russia and
Moldova
on the fate of the breakaway “Dniester Moldovan Republic”
had
broken down because of a “secret plan” pushed by the West to
annex Moldova to Romania and the Dniester region to Ukraine.
(This self-styled Dniester Republic, sometimes referred to as
Transdnistria, is a predominately Slavic, Russian-speaking region. In
1940
it was fused with the former Romanian province of Bessarabia to form the
Soviet Moldovan Republic in one of Stalin’s notorious land grabs.)
According to Izvestiya, the plan would involve annexation of the
Dniester
region by a nationalist Ukraine. The paper strongly implied that the
West
was backing the resurgent Ukrainian nationalist movement in pro-NATO
Western Ukraine-as a prelude to further NATO expansion. As in Kosovo,
however, the NATO-crats plan on exploiting nationalism only tactically:
the
real aim is to force the unconditional removal of the Russian 14th army
from the Dniester region, making way for an eventual NATO military
presence. Meanwhile, a suitably tamed and re-united Romania -- one that
would be bound by OSCE guidelines on "human rights" not to enforce
recent
laws giving the Romanian language legal predominance -- would be
absorbed
by OSCE/EU structures. The price for eventual integration into the
European
Union would be the negation of a distinct Romanian identity.
Izvestiya further claimed that a delay in Russian-Moldovan talks was
forced
on the Russian delegation, led by former Prime Minister Yevgeniy
Primakov,
as a prelude to scuttling the Russian plan to transform Moldova into a
confederation that would leave the Moldovan state intact while granting
the
Dniester region autonomy. Under the American plan Russia would carry out
a
phased withdrawal of the 14th Army, which the OSCE would pay for.
The Primakov plan, which appears to have suited both the Moldovans and
the
Russians -- at least for now -- was not enough to satisfy the NATOcrats:
Russia would still maintain ties with an autonomous Dniester Republic,
ties
which would probably include a guarantee of Dniester self-determination
should Moldova eventually rejoin Romania. Moreover, the region would
probably seek admittance to the Russian-Belarussian Union under such
circumstances, thereby maintaining Russian influence in the region. The
“secret plan” was devised to pre-empt such eventualities.
On the same day as the Izvestiya article, Kommersant, a
business-oriented
Russian daily, filled in the missing pieces to the diplomatic puzzle.
Kommersant pointed out that the U.S. Congress had recently allocated $45
million for funding "military assistance" to certain former Soviet
republics, including Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and
Moldova.
The aim appears to be to weaken Russian influence in those states by
undermining the Russian-brokered CIS, a commonwealth of former Soviet
republics, and strengthening a Western-influenced GUUAM
(Georgia-Ukraine-Uzbekistan-Azerbaijan-Moldova) counterpart.
The net effect of the NATO/OSCE/EU machinations would be to isolate
Russia
by creating a NATO-dominated buffer zone on the periphery of the former
Soviet empire. This buffer zone would also just so happen to include a
number of states acting as gas and oil transit lines, states whose
importance will only increase as Caspian sea deposits are developed.
It
is small wonder then that an increasing number of Russians view the West
with suspicion and downright hostility: The ultimate objective of
NATO’s version of the Anaconda plan would be to weaken, if not
dismember, Russia.
***************************************
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/arbuth/port.htm
It Turns Out Depleted Uranium Is Bad For NATO Troops In Kosovo [What
About
Everyone Else?]
by Felicity Arbuthnot [10-26-2000]
[Felicity Arbuthnot has written a great deal about the Gulf War and
depleted uranium, as well as about the attack on Yugoslavia. An
interview
with Ms. Arbuthnot follows.]
In a week which has seen the French government follow their Italian
counterparts in launching an enquiry into the effects of depleted
uranium
(DU) on their soldiers in Kosovo, the Portugese Defence Minister, Julio
Castro Caldas has informed NATO Headquarters that he is withdrawing
Portugese troops from Kosmet. They were not, he said, going to become
uranium meat.
DU, first used in the 1991 Gulf war, is both chemically toxic and
radioactive and is used as coating, ballast or core for weapons.
Two Italian K-FOR soldiers have been flown to Rome suffering from
cancers
and the Rome Military Attorney has joined his colleagues in Milan,
Turin
and Venice in investigating DU in Kosovo and the Balkans and effects on
Italian troops. Last month the Yugoslav Ambassador to the Czech
Republic,
Djoko Stojicic told media in Prague that K-FOR soldiers in
Kosovo-Metohia
had long been experiencing health problems associated with DU. Quoting
NATO
French Air Force Commander, General Joffret he said the West apparently
wanted to get rid of their nuclear waste, contaminating the region.
Belgium
and Dutch troops are instructed by their governments not to eat local
produce and that clothes must be destroyed on departure and vehicles
decontaminated. K-FOR contingents have drinking water flown in.
Portuguese Defense Minister Julio Castro Caldas said his decision
should
have been made earlier and that Portugese forces should not have
participated in last year's 72 day war in the Balkans. Former
UK Minister of Defence, now NATO Secretary General, George Robertson
was
well aware of the dangers posed by DU, he said.
Portugese soldiers were sent on missions in the area poisoned with
depleted uranium, Pereira wrote in the influential Lisbon journal
'Diario
de Noticias'. NATO confirmed that the area was contaminted by DU and the
UN
representative also confirmed and apologised. Pereira stated that there
was
opposition in the headquarters of other countries performing missions in
poisoned areas. If it is hard to persuade military circles in
Washington,
Paris, London or Berlin to send their troops to the critical areas in
Kosovo, does that mean that the Portugese are to represent uranium
meat?
Earlier this year a seven page document warning of the hazards of DU
was
placed in the mail boxes of all personel working out of the UN building
in
Pristina and the Supreme Headquarters Allied
Command in Europe (SHAPE) issued warnings to United States Commands
urging
the widest possible dissemination to forces of other nations. A recent
meeting of the United Nations Environment
Programme attended by bodies including the International Atomic Energy
Authority and the Swedish Radiation Protection Institute resulted in
ongoing consultations as to how to proceed with a scientific field
assessment of DU sites, according to Director Klaus Toepfer. Previous
assessments had been hampered by NATO's refusal to provide maps of
affected
areas.
This Wednesday, Dr Asav Durakovic and Dr Hari Sharma, world renowned
radiation experts who tested sick Gulf war veterans for the presence of
DU
in their bodies and found up to one hundred
times the safe limit remaining eight years after the Gulf war, will
brief
the Justice and Human Rights Commission at the European Parliament.
If Balkans Syndrome is proven to affect K-FOR and reportedly other
people
working in the region, might not the native population of Kosovo also
suffer the cancers and birth deformities from DU
which as we know have devastated Iraq?
And how does this question figure in the calculations of NATO?
***
Interview with Felicity Arbuthnot
I spoke to Felicity Arbuthnot, author of the above article, in the wee
hours of this morning, October 25th. She told me the following story:
"In
June of 1999, on the day that they announced they were sending ground
troops into Kosovo, I rang the Ministry of Defense and I said, "Are we
now
going to see a wave of Balkans War Syndrome?" And they said, "Absolutely
not! The Minister himself has given strict instructions that no
personnel
must go near anything that might have been hit by depleted uranium
weapons
and if it is unavoidable they must wear full radiological protective
clothing."
Jared Israel: Doesn't that slightly contradict their other positions?
That
Gulf War Syndrome has nothing to do with depleted uranium?
Felicity Arbuthnot: Exactly. So I said, "What about refugees we're
encouraging to return not to mention the people who did not leave, the
Serbs and Roma and so on," and they said, "Oh, that has
nothing to do with us. That's UNHCR [the UN refugee organization]."
So I rang up UNHCR and put the same question to them: "What is going to
happen to these people?" And I said one of the things that the Ministry
person had told me was they had been told not to
disturb the soil lest dust should come up. I said, "How are they going
to
rebuild their homes if you don't disturb the soil?"
Israel: Especially since the homes that had been hit with shells
containing DU would be exactly the ones where you would have to tear
down,
consequently distrubing dangerous soil.
Arbuthnot: That's exactly right. Then UNHCR said to me, "What's DU?" So
I
sent them about three trees worth of material.
Israel: They didn't know what DU was?
Arbuthnot: I sent them piles and piles of stuff and they then said,
"You
know, this is really extremely alarming. Do you think we should pull our
personnel out?" And I said "Well, if you are encouraging the refugees to
go
back and you pull your personnel out and they get sick and I were they
I'd
be reaching for my lawyer." So they went very quiet. And you know, in
the
article I speak of this report which mysteriously appeared in the pigeon
holes of all the personnel that work out of the UN headquarters in
Pristina
warning of the dangers of DU. And you know there are hundreds and
hundreds
of people working out of there. And then, there are the people who live
there as well as those who have been driven out since NATO arrived and
who
should like to come back, aren't there?
www.tenc.net Emperor's Clothes]
******************************************
Activists planned uprising that led to Milosevic's ouster
Special coverage of the unrest in Yugoslavia
By DANICA KIRKA, Associated Press
CACAK, Yugoslavia (October 20, 2000 3:27 p.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - The farmhands and factory workers who
surged
through the doors of Yugoslavia's parliament seemed to be acting on
impulse, seizing the moment to oust Slobodan Milosevic.
Truth is, every step was planned.
Activists from this central Yugoslav city had been planning the uprising
long before they drove to the Yugoslav capital on Oct. 5. They brought a
list of targets, 10 days worth of food, a front-end loader and trucks
full
of rocks - ready to do battle with the Milosevic regime.
"People were ready for this," said Dragan Kovacevic, a local coordinator
for pro-democracy forces. "We had had enough of these piecemeal acts. We
needed concrete action."
The Cacak activists had also infiltrated the ranks of Milosevic's feared
police and said they knew in advance how they were likely to react.
The groundwork for the tumultuous events that toppled Milosevic had been
laid as much as four years earlier, when the opposition won elections in
Cacak and Velimir Ilic became mayor.
The job came with a television and radio station, one of many local
media
outlets that dotted the Yugoslav countryside. Considered too small to
worry
about, Milosevic loyalists didn't bother to shut them down when they
muzzled the Belgrade media.
Tensions had been building since the Sept. 24 elections, which the
opposition claimed Vojislav Kostunica had won. A showdown loomed.
Then, Knez, Bozo, Janjo, Vaske and other activists, who spoke on
condition
they only be identified by their first names, heard radio reports that
miners in the nearby town of Kolubara were on strike to pressure
Milosevic
to step down.
Urged on by their mayor, the men, who had lost much of their youth
fighting
wars that kept Milosevic in power, headed to the mine. They joined
thousands of others who had already swept past police blockades.
The events at the Kolubara mine provided a dress rehearsal for the next
day. That's when Kovacevic unleashed the next phase of the plan.
Thousands gathered at 7:30 a.m., along with 230 trucks loaded with
rocks,
farming tools and other equipment, "ready for God knows what," Kovacevic
recalled.
The mood was somber. Most of the crowd knew only that they were going to
"liberate" Belgrade. Details weren't revealed until the convoy was under
way, passed from car to car as it snaked along the 60 miles of twisting
highway.
The first target was the parliament building. Then the state television
station. Finally, the presidential palace.
"Every time I fought, I fought for my countrymen," Knez said. "This was
the
same."
On the road to Belgrade, others joined in, heeding a call by Kostunica's
forces to converge on the capital. The Milosevic regime knew people
would
be coming and had erected roadblocks.
Ilic led the Cacak group, just behind a truck carrying the front-end
loader.
After a brief effort at negotiation, they smashed through two police
barricades, crushing trucks blocking the road, using crowbars, hammers
and
stones.
Some police officers stepped aside after subtle persuasion: Those in the
convoy reminded their neighbors they knew where they lived.
By the time the Cacak convoy arrived in Belgrade, it stretched for 10
miles. People in the capital watched in disbelief as it rolled in.
Participants stopped to smoke and regroup before taking on the
parliament,
the symbolic seat of power.
They stormed its steps, then stopped. Thousands joined the Cacak group.
After nearly two hours, someone in the crowd hit a police officer with a
bottle. Tear gas flew.
The crowd surged into the building. At about this time, the crowd split
in
two, with half staying behind to secure the parliament and the others
moving to the television station, according to plan.
Ilic said the opposition had recruited some of the elite police units
safeguarding the regime's most important asset - its propaganda voice.
"This Belgrade unit, that Milosevic counted most on for special actions,
was completely on our side," Ilic said. "We had an agreement with them
to
do this together, and they supported us fully."
Just in case the police unit changed its mind, the pro-democracy forces
sent along another front-end loader. With little resistance from police,
the station fell quickly. Ringleaders opted not to march to the third
target - Milosevic's palace. They feared their ranks were too depleted.
Back in Cacak, another element of the plan snapped into shape:
Pro-democracy operatives reminded the local police they knew where they
lived and the officers quickly surrendered.
The Kostunica camp seized a transmitter belonging to the
Milosevic-controlled state television network and broadcast news of the
events in the capital to as much as two-thirds of the country.
Soon, everyone learned about front-end loader revolution.
****************************************************
Hungary active in Yugoslav affairs
http://www.centraleurope.com/hungarytoday/news.php3?id=211147
Hungary Lobbying For Amnesty For Yugoslav War "Deserters"
BUDAPEST, Oct 19, 2000 -- (BBC Monitoring) It has been promised to the
Hungarian foreign affairs state secretary [Ivan Baba] in Yugoslavia that
those who have been convicted at home on charges of desertion from the
army
after fleeing from Vojvodina to Hungary will be given amnesty.
[Reporter] The administrative state secretary of the Hungarian Foreign
Ministry has conveyed the Hungarian government's message to the
democratic
forces of Yugoslavia. At a press briefing on his return to Budapest,
Ivan
Baba summed up the key point of this message in the following way:
[Baba] We definitely and unambiguously continue to be interested in the
strengthening of democratic forces and European democratic values in
Yugoslavia and in Yugoslavia becoming a democratic constitutional state
in
the European sense.
[Reporter] The state secretary forwarded an invitation to President
Vojislav Kostunica to take part as a special guest in the summit of the
Central European Initiative in Budapest in November. The Hungarian state
secretary's Yugoslav partners promised that they would help the
restoration
of the
navigability of the Danube as soon as possible, agree to the abolition
of
border crossing duties and deal with the question of amnesty for
Hungarian
and non-Hungarian Yugoslav citizens who had been convicted at home on
charges of desertion for fleeing from Vojvodina to Hungary. According to
Ivan Baba, their number is several thousands.
Ivan Baba repeated to his Serb negotiating partners in Vojvodina that
the
Hungarian government was interested in cross-border cooperation and
supported the autonomy demands of Vojvodina Hungarian organizations.
In Szabadka [Subotica, northern part of Vojvodina], Ivan Baba met Jozsef
Kasza [chairman of the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians, SVM], who was
recently elected, for the fifth time, as the mayor of Szabadka. Kasza,
as
other leaders in Yugoslavia, asked for Hungarian fuel and energy aid
before
the winter, which is expected to be hard.
Asked by "Chronicle" [this program], Ivan Baba said that the Yugoslav
side
noted Hungary's request for a Hungarian consulate to be opened in
Szabadka
and a Hungarian trade mission - with diplomatic or non-diplomatic status
-
to be opened in the smaller member republic, Montenegro.
Source: Hungarian Radio, Budapest, in Hungarian 1600 GMT 18 Oct 00
Miroslav Antic
http://www.antic.org/SNN/
*************************************************
"Democracy" will not be for all pockets
IN BELGRADE, OIL JUMPED FROM 15 TO 51 DINARS
"Democracy" will not be for all pockets
In Belgrade, the price of one liter of oil had jumped from 15 to
51dinars,
price of bread from 6 to 14 and of sugar from 6 to 45. "Democratic
prices",
mock the consumers, already disappointed. In
Kragujevac, trade unionists of Zastava are beaten and persecuted. At the
same time, financed western press celebrates "good affairs in sight".
And
finally, one US senator already threatens Kostunica to expand NATO to
Slovenia. What are the connections between these four facts?
Michel Collon
Our Western media do not speak about Yugoslavia anymore. Still,
important
things are happening there. And revealing... Before, government gave
subsidizes for the production of basic food products. So farmers and
merchants still had enough gain, but consumers could buy in spite of
embargo. Nobody was dying of hunger. But the DOS opposition had
announced,
in its "G 17 plus" program, that
"the new government will immediately suspend all the subsidization, with
no
regret or hesitation, because it will be difficult to apply this measure
latter". Indeed, it didn't take them long at all!
Los Angeles Times of 15th writes: "When Kostunica supporters forced out
most managers in state-owned shops and factories and put their own
people
in charge, that system of controls collapsed and prices immediately shot
up. New directors are moving quickly to make their plants more
profitable. "
Problem: consumers are dissatisfied and elections are in two months. So,
director of G 17, Mladjan Dinkic, is accusing...Serbian government,
still
run by SPS socialists, of "wanting to create chaos". But argument is not
holding water: this government is not functioning precisely because of
the
chaos created by DOS, its street-violence and "crisis comittees" which
forcibly took over the control of all institutions.
"We will be able to export to Yugoslavia"
Therefore we see already that the "prosperity" announced in election
promises will not benefit to all the pockets. But who will? Answer of
Italian financial supplement of International Herald Tribune of 10th
(Italy is Yugoslav economic partner No. 2) "Perspectives seem good and
Italian export goods - shoes, textile, food products - will be the first
to
profit the occasion. But privatization in Yugoslavia might also attract
the
interest of foreign investors. Lot of public sectors - counting in
energy
and airports - can be licenses soon and their re-structuring might give
the
space to new foreign capital.
What does it mean to "give space"? At the spot, at the moment of putsch,
a
friend of mine, Radmila, warned me: "Actually, our electricity worked
really well. Foreign companies would want to put its hands on it. But to
invest, they demand significant profits, which means huge tariffs
growths.
People do not understand that this G17 program will ruin them!"
About the export of Italian shoes...Having forgotten my moccasin's back
home, I had to buy a new pair in Belgrade: 1 100 dinars. Tree times
less
than the Italians, which I usually buy. Maybe somewhat less "chick", but
comfortable and solid. What will happen, with new regime? With their
financial power, western multinationals will take the control over
Yugoslav
factories, closing a big part of them, and western products will flood
over
the local market. Europe would be able to get rid of its food-stocks, at
unbeatable prices, because of European Union subsidization (so there! in
this case, it's good to subsidize, isn't it?). "Crazy cows" and other
genetically trafficked food-products can feed the Serbs then, they're
too
numerous anyway, right? But West will throw in some help, they
say..."Help"? Germany wants absolutely to re-open the Danube, so it will
open funds. Gifts? No, loans. To keep Yugoslavia "cooperative" in
extortion
of payment like numerous other countries forced by spiral of debts to
always the biggest concessions.(???) In short, Yugoslavia will pay for
the
bombing damages!
Scandalous. And what will this cleaned Danube serve for? First of all,
to
flood the country with German merchandise, which will eliminate local
products from the market.
In short, instead of promised prosperity, one New York Times editorial
of
15th predicts that "at worst Yugoslavia's economy could follow Russia's
path, to corruption and decline".
Why are syndicate activists beaten?
In Kragujevac, car factory Zastava trade unionists have been
sequestered
and beaten by ex-opposition gangs, people responsible for truck
department
were forced to resign. Progressive Italian daily Manifesto (which rather
supported Kostunica) is appalled:
" Syndicate members have been independent, as much from Milosevic as
from
opposition. They relayed humanitarian operations of Italian syndicates.
But
opposition syndicate activists (formed in Rumania by US experts) are
pressuring the workers, threatening them with massive layoffs. "We
fought
for the workers, without engaging ourselves in politics. This is our
crime!" concluded one of them".
All those facts are linked together. To push through this IMF policy -
high
prices , closing ups, layoffs and gifts to multinationals, every
possibility of syndicate or leftist resistance - must be eliminated. In
Belgrade, one office of New Communist Party has been burned down by
rightist militia.
And if all this is not enough, listen to the threats of American senator
Biden: " If Mr. Kostunica thinks he will be able to continue with one
aggressive nationalist Serbian politics, only under milder appearance,
then
we'll have to talk him out of it. In this case, we should concentrate
our
ex Yugoslavia politics on preparing more democratic and more prosperous
Slovenia, for the next NATO enlargement".
NATO, again? So there, and they kept telling us that Milosevic was the
only
problem over there! And what if the problem was the resistance of
Serbian
people in general, to economical imperialism and military interventions
of
the West? Kostunica - or some other soon - being put in charge to bring
those people up to date. The game is far from being finished in
Yugoslavia.
A lot will depend on the resistance capacity of workers. Some leftist
alternative is indispensable, and resistance is being prepared. We'll be
back there.
******************************************************
Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands
to
the distribution of information on international issues that in the
media
does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We
receive information from different sources, that does not necessary
reflect
our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail.
******************************************************
Wednesday, October 25, 2000
- Will Moldova be the next Kosovo
- It Turns Out Depleted Uranium Is Bad For NATO Troops In Kosovo [What
About Everyone Else?]
- Activists planned uprising that led to Milosevic's ouster
- "Democracy" will not be for all pockets
*****************************************************
TARGETS, a Dutch monthly publication on international affaires, will
organize a public meeting to discuss the current developments in
Yugoslavia and the role of the Western powers.
The meeting will be adressed by:
· Jürgen Elsässer, editor of the German monthly publication KONKRET and
· Nico Varkevisser, editor-in-chief of TARGETS
Date: Sunday, October 29
Place: Akhnaton, Nieuwezijds Kolk 25, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Time: 15.00h
Jürgen Elsässer will present his new book: 'Kriegsverbrechen'. Die
tötlichen Lügen der Nato und ihre Opfer im Kosovo-Konflikt. (including a
file on Srebrenica)
*************************************************************
Will Moldova be de next Kosovo
NEW ANTI-RUSSIAN NATO MACHINATIONS
by Denis Petrov
On October 2, the U.S. Embassy in Moscow saw fit to deny the existence
of a
secret plan cooked up by American spooks and the Organization for
Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to partition Moldova. Bearing in mind
events in the Balkans in recent years, this denial was enough to
convince
most Russian and Moldovan/Romanian patriots that the plan is already
operational.
The State Department was reacting to a September 23 article in the
influential Izvestiya daily, claiming that talks between Russia and
Moldova
on the fate of the breakaway “Dniester Moldovan Republic”
had
broken down because of a “secret plan” pushed by the West to
annex Moldova to Romania and the Dniester region to Ukraine.
(This self-styled Dniester Republic, sometimes referred to as
Transdnistria, is a predominately Slavic, Russian-speaking region. In
1940
it was fused with the former Romanian province of Bessarabia to form the
Soviet Moldovan Republic in one of Stalin’s notorious land grabs.)
According to Izvestiya, the plan would involve annexation of the
Dniester
region by a nationalist Ukraine. The paper strongly implied that the
West
was backing the resurgent Ukrainian nationalist movement in pro-NATO
Western Ukraine-as a prelude to further NATO expansion. As in Kosovo,
however, the NATO-crats plan on exploiting nationalism only tactically:
the
real aim is to force the unconditional removal of the Russian 14th army
from the Dniester region, making way for an eventual NATO military
presence. Meanwhile, a suitably tamed and re-united Romania -- one that
would be bound by OSCE guidelines on "human rights" not to enforce
recent
laws giving the Romanian language legal predominance -- would be
absorbed
by OSCE/EU structures. The price for eventual integration into the
European
Union would be the negation of a distinct Romanian identity.
Izvestiya further claimed that a delay in Russian-Moldovan talks was
forced
on the Russian delegation, led by former Prime Minister Yevgeniy
Primakov,
as a prelude to scuttling the Russian plan to transform Moldova into a
confederation that would leave the Moldovan state intact while granting
the
Dniester region autonomy. Under the American plan Russia would carry out
a
phased withdrawal of the 14th Army, which the OSCE would pay for.
The Primakov plan, which appears to have suited both the Moldovans and
the
Russians -- at least for now -- was not enough to satisfy the NATOcrats:
Russia would still maintain ties with an autonomous Dniester Republic,
ties
which would probably include a guarantee of Dniester self-determination
should Moldova eventually rejoin Romania. Moreover, the region would
probably seek admittance to the Russian-Belarussian Union under such
circumstances, thereby maintaining Russian influence in the region. The
“secret plan” was devised to pre-empt such eventualities.
On the same day as the Izvestiya article, Kommersant, a
business-oriented
Russian daily, filled in the missing pieces to the diplomatic puzzle.
Kommersant pointed out that the U.S. Congress had recently allocated $45
million for funding "military assistance" to certain former Soviet
republics, including Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and
Moldova.
The aim appears to be to weaken Russian influence in those states by
undermining the Russian-brokered CIS, a commonwealth of former Soviet
republics, and strengthening a Western-influenced GUUAM
(Georgia-Ukraine-Uzbekistan-Azerbaijan-Moldova) counterpart.
The net effect of the NATO/OSCE/EU machinations would be to isolate
Russia
by creating a NATO-dominated buffer zone on the periphery of the former
Soviet empire. This buffer zone would also just so happen to include a
number of states acting as gas and oil transit lines, states whose
importance will only increase as Caspian sea deposits are developed.
It
is small wonder then that an increasing number of Russians view the West
with suspicion and downright hostility: The ultimate objective of
NATO’s version of the Anaconda plan would be to weaken, if not
dismember, Russia.
***************************************
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/arbuth/port.htm
It Turns Out Depleted Uranium Is Bad For NATO Troops In Kosovo [What
About
Everyone Else?]
by Felicity Arbuthnot [10-26-2000]
[Felicity Arbuthnot has written a great deal about the Gulf War and
depleted uranium, as well as about the attack on Yugoslavia. An
interview
with Ms. Arbuthnot follows.]
In a week which has seen the French government follow their Italian
counterparts in launching an enquiry into the effects of depleted
uranium
(DU) on their soldiers in Kosovo, the Portugese Defence Minister, Julio
Castro Caldas has informed NATO Headquarters that he is withdrawing
Portugese troops from Kosmet. They were not, he said, going to become
uranium meat.
DU, first used in the 1991 Gulf war, is both chemically toxic and
radioactive and is used as coating, ballast or core for weapons.
Two Italian K-FOR soldiers have been flown to Rome suffering from
cancers
and the Rome Military Attorney has joined his colleagues in Milan,
Turin
and Venice in investigating DU in Kosovo and the Balkans and effects on
Italian troops. Last month the Yugoslav Ambassador to the Czech
Republic,
Djoko Stojicic told media in Prague that K-FOR soldiers in
Kosovo-Metohia
had long been experiencing health problems associated with DU. Quoting
NATO
French Air Force Commander, General Joffret he said the West apparently
wanted to get rid of their nuclear waste, contaminating the region.
Belgium
and Dutch troops are instructed by their governments not to eat local
produce and that clothes must be destroyed on departure and vehicles
decontaminated. K-FOR contingents have drinking water flown in.
Portuguese Defense Minister Julio Castro Caldas said his decision
should
have been made earlier and that Portugese forces should not have
participated in last year's 72 day war in the Balkans. Former
UK Minister of Defence, now NATO Secretary General, George Robertson
was
well aware of the dangers posed by DU, he said.
Portugese soldiers were sent on missions in the area poisoned with
depleted uranium, Pereira wrote in the influential Lisbon journal
'Diario
de Noticias'. NATO confirmed that the area was contaminted by DU and the
UN
representative also confirmed and apologised. Pereira stated that there
was
opposition in the headquarters of other countries performing missions in
poisoned areas. If it is hard to persuade military circles in
Washington,
Paris, London or Berlin to send their troops to the critical areas in
Kosovo, does that mean that the Portugese are to represent uranium
meat?
Earlier this year a seven page document warning of the hazards of DU
was
placed in the mail boxes of all personel working out of the UN building
in
Pristina and the Supreme Headquarters Allied
Command in Europe (SHAPE) issued warnings to United States Commands
urging
the widest possible dissemination to forces of other nations. A recent
meeting of the United Nations Environment
Programme attended by bodies including the International Atomic Energy
Authority and the Swedish Radiation Protection Institute resulted in
ongoing consultations as to how to proceed with a scientific field
assessment of DU sites, according to Director Klaus Toepfer. Previous
assessments had been hampered by NATO's refusal to provide maps of
affected
areas.
This Wednesday, Dr Asav Durakovic and Dr Hari Sharma, world renowned
radiation experts who tested sick Gulf war veterans for the presence of
DU
in their bodies and found up to one hundred
times the safe limit remaining eight years after the Gulf war, will
brief
the Justice and Human Rights Commission at the European Parliament.
If Balkans Syndrome is proven to affect K-FOR and reportedly other
people
working in the region, might not the native population of Kosovo also
suffer the cancers and birth deformities from DU
which as we know have devastated Iraq?
And how does this question figure in the calculations of NATO?
***
Interview with Felicity Arbuthnot
I spoke to Felicity Arbuthnot, author of the above article, in the wee
hours of this morning, October 25th. She told me the following story:
"In
June of 1999, on the day that they announced they were sending ground
troops into Kosovo, I rang the Ministry of Defense and I said, "Are we
now
going to see a wave of Balkans War Syndrome?" And they said, "Absolutely
not! The Minister himself has given strict instructions that no
personnel
must go near anything that might have been hit by depleted uranium
weapons
and if it is unavoidable they must wear full radiological protective
clothing."
Jared Israel: Doesn't that slightly contradict their other positions?
That
Gulf War Syndrome has nothing to do with depleted uranium?
Felicity Arbuthnot: Exactly. So I said, "What about refugees we're
encouraging to return not to mention the people who did not leave, the
Serbs and Roma and so on," and they said, "Oh, that has
nothing to do with us. That's UNHCR [the UN refugee organization]."
So I rang up UNHCR and put the same question to them: "What is going to
happen to these people?" And I said one of the things that the Ministry
person had told me was they had been told not to
disturb the soil lest dust should come up. I said, "How are they going
to
rebuild their homes if you don't disturb the soil?"
Israel: Especially since the homes that had been hit with shells
containing DU would be exactly the ones where you would have to tear
down,
consequently distrubing dangerous soil.
Arbuthnot: That's exactly right. Then UNHCR said to me, "What's DU?" So
I
sent them about three trees worth of material.
Israel: They didn't know what DU was?
Arbuthnot: I sent them piles and piles of stuff and they then said,
"You
know, this is really extremely alarming. Do you think we should pull our
personnel out?" And I said "Well, if you are encouraging the refugees to
go
back and you pull your personnel out and they get sick and I were they
I'd
be reaching for my lawyer." So they went very quiet. And you know, in
the
article I speak of this report which mysteriously appeared in the pigeon
holes of all the personnel that work out of the UN headquarters in
Pristina
warning of the dangers of DU. And you know there are hundreds and
hundreds
of people working out of there. And then, there are the people who live
there as well as those who have been driven out since NATO arrived and
who
should like to come back, aren't there?
www.tenc.net Emperor's Clothes]
******************************************
Activists planned uprising that led to Milosevic's ouster
Special coverage of the unrest in Yugoslavia
By DANICA KIRKA, Associated Press
CACAK, Yugoslavia (October 20, 2000 3:27 p.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - The farmhands and factory workers who
surged
through the doors of Yugoslavia's parliament seemed to be acting on
impulse, seizing the moment to oust Slobodan Milosevic.
Truth is, every step was planned.
Activists from this central Yugoslav city had been planning the uprising
long before they drove to the Yugoslav capital on Oct. 5. They brought a
list of targets, 10 days worth of food, a front-end loader and trucks
full
of rocks - ready to do battle with the Milosevic regime.
"People were ready for this," said Dragan Kovacevic, a local coordinator
for pro-democracy forces. "We had had enough of these piecemeal acts. We
needed concrete action."
The Cacak activists had also infiltrated the ranks of Milosevic's feared
police and said they knew in advance how they were likely to react.
The groundwork for the tumultuous events that toppled Milosevic had been
laid as much as four years earlier, when the opposition won elections in
Cacak and Velimir Ilic became mayor.
The job came with a television and radio station, one of many local
media
outlets that dotted the Yugoslav countryside. Considered too small to
worry
about, Milosevic loyalists didn't bother to shut them down when they
muzzled the Belgrade media.
Tensions had been building since the Sept. 24 elections, which the
opposition claimed Vojislav Kostunica had won. A showdown loomed.
Then, Knez, Bozo, Janjo, Vaske and other activists, who spoke on
condition
they only be identified by their first names, heard radio reports that
miners in the nearby town of Kolubara were on strike to pressure
Milosevic
to step down.
Urged on by their mayor, the men, who had lost much of their youth
fighting
wars that kept Milosevic in power, headed to the mine. They joined
thousands of others who had already swept past police blockades.
The events at the Kolubara mine provided a dress rehearsal for the next
day. That's when Kovacevic unleashed the next phase of the plan.
Thousands gathered at 7:30 a.m., along with 230 trucks loaded with
rocks,
farming tools and other equipment, "ready for God knows what," Kovacevic
recalled.
The mood was somber. Most of the crowd knew only that they were going to
"liberate" Belgrade. Details weren't revealed until the convoy was under
way, passed from car to car as it snaked along the 60 miles of twisting
highway.
The first target was the parliament building. Then the state television
station. Finally, the presidential palace.
"Every time I fought, I fought for my countrymen," Knez said. "This was
the
same."
On the road to Belgrade, others joined in, heeding a call by Kostunica's
forces to converge on the capital. The Milosevic regime knew people
would
be coming and had erected roadblocks.
Ilic led the Cacak group, just behind a truck carrying the front-end
loader.
After a brief effort at negotiation, they smashed through two police
barricades, crushing trucks blocking the road, using crowbars, hammers
and
stones.
Some police officers stepped aside after subtle persuasion: Those in the
convoy reminded their neighbors they knew where they lived.
By the time the Cacak convoy arrived in Belgrade, it stretched for 10
miles. People in the capital watched in disbelief as it rolled in.
Participants stopped to smoke and regroup before taking on the
parliament,
the symbolic seat of power.
They stormed its steps, then stopped. Thousands joined the Cacak group.
After nearly two hours, someone in the crowd hit a police officer with a
bottle. Tear gas flew.
The crowd surged into the building. At about this time, the crowd split
in
two, with half staying behind to secure the parliament and the others
moving to the television station, according to plan.
Ilic said the opposition had recruited some of the elite police units
safeguarding the regime's most important asset - its propaganda voice.
"This Belgrade unit, that Milosevic counted most on for special actions,
was completely on our side," Ilic said. "We had an agreement with them
to
do this together, and they supported us fully."
Just in case the police unit changed its mind, the pro-democracy forces
sent along another front-end loader. With little resistance from police,
the station fell quickly. Ringleaders opted not to march to the third
target - Milosevic's palace. They feared their ranks were too depleted.
Back in Cacak, another element of the plan snapped into shape:
Pro-democracy operatives reminded the local police they knew where they
lived and the officers quickly surrendered.
The Kostunica camp seized a transmitter belonging to the
Milosevic-controlled state television network and broadcast news of the
events in the capital to as much as two-thirds of the country.
Soon, everyone learned about front-end loader revolution.
****************************************************
Hungary active in Yugoslav affairs
http://www.centraleurope.com/hungarytoday/news.php3?id=211147
Hungary Lobbying For Amnesty For Yugoslav War "Deserters"
BUDAPEST, Oct 19, 2000 -- (BBC Monitoring) It has been promised to the
Hungarian foreign affairs state secretary [Ivan Baba] in Yugoslavia that
those who have been convicted at home on charges of desertion from the
army
after fleeing from Vojvodina to Hungary will be given amnesty.
[Reporter] The administrative state secretary of the Hungarian Foreign
Ministry has conveyed the Hungarian government's message to the
democratic
forces of Yugoslavia. At a press briefing on his return to Budapest,
Ivan
Baba summed up the key point of this message in the following way:
[Baba] We definitely and unambiguously continue to be interested in the
strengthening of democratic forces and European democratic values in
Yugoslavia and in Yugoslavia becoming a democratic constitutional state
in
the European sense.
[Reporter] The state secretary forwarded an invitation to President
Vojislav Kostunica to take part as a special guest in the summit of the
Central European Initiative in Budapest in November. The Hungarian state
secretary's Yugoslav partners promised that they would help the
restoration
of the
navigability of the Danube as soon as possible, agree to the abolition
of
border crossing duties and deal with the question of amnesty for
Hungarian
and non-Hungarian Yugoslav citizens who had been convicted at home on
charges of desertion for fleeing from Vojvodina to Hungary. According to
Ivan Baba, their number is several thousands.
Ivan Baba repeated to his Serb negotiating partners in Vojvodina that
the
Hungarian government was interested in cross-border cooperation and
supported the autonomy demands of Vojvodina Hungarian organizations.
In Szabadka [Subotica, northern part of Vojvodina], Ivan Baba met Jozsef
Kasza [chairman of the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians, SVM], who was
recently elected, for the fifth time, as the mayor of Szabadka. Kasza,
as
other leaders in Yugoslavia, asked for Hungarian fuel and energy aid
before
the winter, which is expected to be hard.
Asked by "Chronicle" [this program], Ivan Baba said that the Yugoslav
side
noted Hungary's request for a Hungarian consulate to be opened in
Szabadka
and a Hungarian trade mission - with diplomatic or non-diplomatic status
-
to be opened in the smaller member republic, Montenegro.
Source: Hungarian Radio, Budapest, in Hungarian 1600 GMT 18 Oct 00
Miroslav Antic
http://www.antic.org/SNN/
*************************************************
"Democracy" will not be for all pockets
IN BELGRADE, OIL JUMPED FROM 15 TO 51 DINARS
"Democracy" will not be for all pockets
In Belgrade, the price of one liter of oil had jumped from 15 to
51dinars,
price of bread from 6 to 14 and of sugar from 6 to 45. "Democratic
prices",
mock the consumers, already disappointed. In
Kragujevac, trade unionists of Zastava are beaten and persecuted. At the
same time, financed western press celebrates "good affairs in sight".
And
finally, one US senator already threatens Kostunica to expand NATO to
Slovenia. What are the connections between these four facts?
Michel Collon
Our Western media do not speak about Yugoslavia anymore. Still,
important
things are happening there. And revealing... Before, government gave
subsidizes for the production of basic food products. So farmers and
merchants still had enough gain, but consumers could buy in spite of
embargo. Nobody was dying of hunger. But the DOS opposition had
announced,
in its "G 17 plus" program, that
"the new government will immediately suspend all the subsidization, with
no
regret or hesitation, because it will be difficult to apply this measure
latter". Indeed, it didn't take them long at all!
Los Angeles Times of 15th writes: "When Kostunica supporters forced out
most managers in state-owned shops and factories and put their own
people
in charge, that system of controls collapsed and prices immediately shot
up. New directors are moving quickly to make their plants more
profitable. "
Problem: consumers are dissatisfied and elections are in two months. So,
director of G 17, Mladjan Dinkic, is accusing...Serbian government,
still
run by SPS socialists, of "wanting to create chaos". But argument is not
holding water: this government is not functioning precisely because of
the
chaos created by DOS, its street-violence and "crisis comittees" which
forcibly took over the control of all institutions.
"We will be able to export to Yugoslavia"
Therefore we see already that the "prosperity" announced in election
promises will not benefit to all the pockets. But who will? Answer of
Italian financial supplement of International Herald Tribune of 10th
(Italy is Yugoslav economic partner No. 2) "Perspectives seem good and
Italian export goods - shoes, textile, food products - will be the first
to
profit the occasion. But privatization in Yugoslavia might also attract
the
interest of foreign investors. Lot of public sectors - counting in
energy
and airports - can be licenses soon and their re-structuring might give
the
space to new foreign capital.
What does it mean to "give space"? At the spot, at the moment of putsch,
a
friend of mine, Radmila, warned me: "Actually, our electricity worked
really well. Foreign companies would want to put its hands on it. But to
invest, they demand significant profits, which means huge tariffs
growths.
People do not understand that this G17 program will ruin them!"
About the export of Italian shoes...Having forgotten my moccasin's back
home, I had to buy a new pair in Belgrade: 1 100 dinars. Tree times
less
than the Italians, which I usually buy. Maybe somewhat less "chick", but
comfortable and solid. What will happen, with new regime? With their
financial power, western multinationals will take the control over
Yugoslav
factories, closing a big part of them, and western products will flood
over
the local market. Europe would be able to get rid of its food-stocks, at
unbeatable prices, because of European Union subsidization (so there! in
this case, it's good to subsidize, isn't it?). "Crazy cows" and other
genetically trafficked food-products can feed the Serbs then, they're
too
numerous anyway, right? But West will throw in some help, they
say..."Help"? Germany wants absolutely to re-open the Danube, so it will
open funds. Gifts? No, loans. To keep Yugoslavia "cooperative" in
extortion
of payment like numerous other countries forced by spiral of debts to
always the biggest concessions.(???) In short, Yugoslavia will pay for
the
bombing damages!
Scandalous. And what will this cleaned Danube serve for? First of all,
to
flood the country with German merchandise, which will eliminate local
products from the market.
In short, instead of promised prosperity, one New York Times editorial
of
15th predicts that "at worst Yugoslavia's economy could follow Russia's
path, to corruption and decline".
Why are syndicate activists beaten?
In Kragujevac, car factory Zastava trade unionists have been
sequestered
and beaten by ex-opposition gangs, people responsible for truck
department
were forced to resign. Progressive Italian daily Manifesto (which rather
supported Kostunica) is appalled:
" Syndicate members have been independent, as much from Milosevic as
from
opposition. They relayed humanitarian operations of Italian syndicates.
But
opposition syndicate activists (formed in Rumania by US experts) are
pressuring the workers, threatening them with massive layoffs. "We
fought
for the workers, without engaging ourselves in politics. This is our
crime!" concluded one of them".
All those facts are linked together. To push through this IMF policy -
high
prices , closing ups, layoffs and gifts to multinationals, every
possibility of syndicate or leftist resistance - must be eliminated. In
Belgrade, one office of New Communist Party has been burned down by
rightist militia.
And if all this is not enough, listen to the threats of American senator
Biden: " If Mr. Kostunica thinks he will be able to continue with one
aggressive nationalist Serbian politics, only under milder appearance,
then
we'll have to talk him out of it. In this case, we should concentrate
our
ex Yugoslavia politics on preparing more democratic and more prosperous
Slovenia, for the next NATO enlargement".
NATO, again? So there, and they kept telling us that Milosevic was the
only
problem over there! And what if the problem was the resistance of
Serbian
people in general, to economical imperialism and military interventions
of
the West? Kostunica - or some other soon - being put in charge to bring
those people up to date. The game is far from being finished in
Yugoslavia.
A lot will depend on the resistance capacity of workers. Some leftist
alternative is indispensable, and resistance is being prepared. We'll be
back there.
******************************************************
Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands
