Jugoinfo

Journal de Belgrade -marted� 10 ottobre (ore 10).


Nuove elezioni il 19 dicembre. Le istituzioni sono sempre paralizzate da
violenze e minacce.

In momenti storici come questo, gli avvenimenti si succedono d'ora in ora e la
verit� del mattino � gi� superata la sera. Sotto la pressione dell'opposizione
e delle violenze, con uno Stato e con Istituzioni completamente paralizzate, il
Parlamento serbo si va autodissolvendo. Le prossime elezioni avranno luogo il
19 dicembre, con un nuovo sistema elettorale -quello proporzionale- e con una
sola circoscrizione elettorale per l'intero Paese. Ci� dovrebbe tornar di
vantaggio ai radicali, al Dos ma, anche, ai socialisti di Milosevic. A tutt'ora
si ignora se anche il Presidente serbo Milutinovic rassegner� le dimissioni.
Dalle elezioni usciranno gli stessi risultati? Si avr� una situazione di doppio
potere?
In due mesi, i risultati probabilmente saranno gli stessi, dato che la gente
non avr� ancora compreso, per esperienza, che significa concretamente un
governo del Dos, dal punto di vista del lavoro e dei salari.
Certo, le violenze e le attivit� mafiose, promosse da Djindjic hanno scosso
anche una parte dei sostenitori di Kostunica; ma l'euforia della vittoria e le
persistenti illusioni ("Vivremo meglio", "guadagneremo 5000 dollari:

l'opposizione l'ha promesso"), aggiunte alla perdita di prestigio di Milosevic,
considerato finora l'uomo forte, ed all'indebolimento del suo Partito, son
tutti elementi, che prefigurano un risultato favorevole al Dos. I partiti di
Seaselj e di Draskovic -che hanno, intrambi, duramente criticato le violenze
mafiose- potrebbero riguadagnar terreno, ma la cosa � tutt'altro che certa.
Avremo, dunque, negli anni prossimi una situazione di doppio potere -con un
governo jugoslavo sottoposto all'autorit� di Milosevic, ed un governo serbo
sotto quella, invece, di Djindjic e dell'Occidente? Si tratterebbe, nel caso,
di una situazione storica assai originale, ma anche esplosiva.
Il Dos preme o per un suo governo minoritario; o per un governo tecnico di
"esperti" oppure, infine, per un'alleanza Dos-Snp montenegrino. Si dice perfino
che il SPS -sottoposto a terribili pressioni- potrebbe accettare l'ingresso del
Dos nel governo jugoslavo. In questo caso, si avrebbe un governo d'unione
nazionale Sps-Dos-radicali-Spo (Draskovic).
Come che sia, gli scontri dovrebbero proseguire: una partecipazione al potere
�, solo, una soluzione temporanea, essendo troppo forti gli appetiti che si
confrontano.

Come che sia, per i progressisti di tutto il mondo sar� importante seguire con
estrema attenzione la situazione e di badar bene a questi partiti jugoslavi,
cosiddetti "democratici", ma il cui programma � in realt� quello del Fmi. I
prossimi mesi avranno grande importanza, perch� la partita non � ancora tutta
giocata.
Come gi� abbiamo indicato, una buon parte degli elettori di Kostunica resta
contraria alla Nato. "Son contento -m'ha detto Darko, giurista- che Milosevic
abbia perso, perch� non ha portato la lotta fino in fondo in difesa dei serbi
in Croazia e in Bosnia. Milosevic ha trascurato tutti quei giovani, che furono
vittime di quelle guerre. Con il nuovo regime, tuttavia, ci troveremo di fronte
ad un problema ancor pi� grave: la Nato � in arrivo e noi non dovremo farla
passare."
Come spiegare la vittoria di Kostunica? Con un insieme di fattori, di cui la
pi� parte � stata gi� trattata negli articoli precedenti: 1) la vittoria della
Nato; 2) dieci anni di privazioni, in seguito allo strangolamento economico del
Paese; 3) il denaro della Cia, che � piovuto in grande abbondanza e che ha
provocato defezioni; 4) una intelligente campagna mediatica e psicologica a
proposito di Kostunica, presentato come l'uomo nuovo e credibile; 5) gli errori
del regime di Milosevic.
In primo luogo e fondamentalmente, c'� la vittoria della Nato, che � la
vittoria della violenza. Nella primavera del '99, nel momento pi� intenso dei
bombardamenti mirati su obiettivi civili (installazioni elettriche, serbatoi di
benzina, ponti, strade, ecc.), il generale statunitense Michael Short
dichiarava: "Sono convinto che se la gente non ha l'elettricit� per far
funzionare il frigorifero n� il gas per cucinare, se non pu� recarsi al lavoro
perch� i ponti sono distrutti e se non possono smettere di pensare alle bombe
che possono cadergli addosso in qualunque momento, verr� il momento in cui la
stessa gente dir� che con tutto ci� bisogna farla finita." Tutto ci�
significava il regime di Belgrado.
Ecco ci� che la Nato chiama delle elezioni democratiche. Ad esempio, la signora
Carla del Ponte -cos� detta imparziale magistrato internazionale, ma in realt�
semplice arma nelle mani di Washington, come un Tomahawk o un volgare agente
della Cia. Ebbene, questa signora ha dichiarato, in un comunicato del 6
ottobre: "E' giusto che esprima il mio turbamento per gli eventi drammatici,
che succedono a Belgrado. Auguro loro di aver pieno successo con la nuova
democrazia ." Curioso magistrato, sorprendente tribunale, che chiude gli occhi
di fronte al regno del terrore e della mafia in Kosovo ed ha il coraggio di
applaudire alla 'democrazia', pur continuando nel suo sporco lavoro di
demonizzazione dei Serbi!
Al momento non staremo a sviluppare gli altri fattori, che hanno contribuito
alla disfatta (che, per altro, abbiamo precedentemente trattato); su un quinto
fattore, per�, ci soffermeremo, perch� � tale da porci numerose domande.
Perch� non vi sono state contro-manifestazioni nelle strade?
Cosa pensano i lavoratori?
Perch� l'esercito non si � mosso?
Ieri, ho incontrato alcuni sindacalisti della provincia, che erano venuti per
parlare del mio libro "La Nato alla conquista del mondo" e per propormi una
conferenza per i loro iscritti e militanti. La loro organizzazione - di 35.000
membri- si presenta come indipendente ma, in realt�, � assai vicina al Partito
Socialista.
Naturalmente, ho colto l'occasione per interrogarli sull'attualit�, ricevendo
risposte vaghe, confuse, imbarazzate. Alla fine, uno di loro mi ha detto "Io ho
attaccato manifesti di Milosevic, per� ho votato Kostunica". Come si vede,
piena � la perdita di fiducia.
Domenica sono andato a Novi Sad, per osservare il secondo turno delle elezioni
in Voivodina. In un'intervista (che sar� pubblicata) Dusan Bajatovic,
segretario del Ps per la regione, mi ha detto: "Noi siamo un Partito molto
grande, con moltisimi quadri e dieci anni di potere. E' molto. C'� stata
rivalit� tra i quadri. Molti stavano nel nostro Partito non per motivi seri, ma
per interesse. E in un paese povero, essere iscritto al Partito suscita
appetiti. Il popolo ha visto gente arricchirsi dall'oggi al domani, senza
ragioni evidenti. Da dove veniva questo denaro? E la gente ne ha ricavato che
fosse la posizione di potere del Partito a produrre simili privilegi. Tuttavia,
la gran maggioranza dei membri del Partito � fatta di gente onesta e devota al
proprio Paese; anch'essi -ovviamente- davano giudizi severi su tale situazione.
Vi sono state anche accuse false contro dirigenti del partito e dello Stato, ma
in queste condizioni i membri del Partito non hanno potuto adeguatamente
ribattere a tali accuse".
Confessione interessante, anche se non chiarisce perch� tali arricchimenti e
privilegi non siano stati combattuti; forse perch� i beneficiari si trovavano
troppo in alto?
"Non c'� solo il Partito Socialista -mi spiega Branko, ingegnere. La Jul, che
si presenta con posizioni pi� marcate a sinistra rispetto al Partito
socialista, anch'essa ha perso la sua credibilit�: ne facevano parte troppo
ricchi signorotti; non si pu� avere una teoria di sinistra e una pratica di
destra."
Tuttavia, Branko aggiunge: "Non � che per questo bisogna gettarsi in braccio
alla destra. Dieci anni fa, gli Occidentali fecero le stesse promesse ai
Rumeni; ma io conosco bene la Romania, dove frequentemente mi conduce il mio
lavoro. Oggi, in Romania la situazione � talmente catastrofica, che vi pu�
capitare di incontrare -qui in Jugoslavia, a Pojurevac, ad es.- lavoratori
rumeni impiegati nelle campagne! E la Romania non patisce sanzioni."
Un altro intellettuale progressista, Darko, concorda ed aggiunge: "Milosevic
avrebbe dovuto fare come Castro, che si vede in continuazione andare a
discutere con la gente comune, con i contadini, allo scopo di capire come vanno
le cose, che cosa pensano, quali sono i loro problemi. Anche Cuba � attaccata,
ma si difende bene!"
Quando si cerca di valutare il peso rispettivo dei singoli fattori, bisogna
esser prudenti. I fatti su cui richiamiamo l'attenzione sono molti importanti e
vi torneremo sopra; non si tratta, per�, di fatti nuovi. Erano ben noti da
molto tempo e nessuno fa affidamento sull'onest� dell'opposizione, sulla sua
capacit� di combattere la corruzione. Bisogna sapere che, in queste elezioni,
il risultato del Ps � stato sostanzialmente stabile. L'autentico fatto nuovo �
che Dos ha vinto. Ne riparleremo.






La "lib�ration" des m�dias?

Interview d'un journaliste belgradois

Il est journaliste dans un grand quotidien de Belgrade. "Milan" - comme nous l'appellerons car r�v�ler son identit� le mettrait
en danger - "Milan" a v�cu de pr�s ce qu'on appelle la lib�ration des m�dias. Il n'est pas membre du SPS ("J'ai vot� Milosevic,
SPS, et aussi radical au niveau local"), mais n'appr�cie pas du tout la chasse aux sorci�res qui s'est d�clench�e. T�moignage.

MICHEL COLLON

Auparavant, y avait-il parmi vous des journalistes pas d'accord avec la ligne �ditoriale?
Milan. Bien sur, dans chaque m�dia, vous en aviez quelques uns. Certains �crivaient sur des sujets non sensibles. Mais d'autres
empochaient tout simplement leur salaire et ne venaient pas travailler! On leur disait: "Du moment que vous ne faites pas de
gr�ves, ni de troubles, pas de probl�mes." La Yougoslavie est probablement le seul pays au monde ou des choses pareilles se
passent. Faudra-t-il dire "se passaient"?

Une p�tition de journalistes a circul�, dit-on...
Milan. Oui, le vendredi, ces gens qui ne travaillaient pas ont fait une d�claration, accusant le r�dacteur en chef d'etre un
dictateur. Ils l'ont fait signer pour signature. On a dit que cela avait �t� sign� par de nombreux journalistes. Mais � moi et
� d'autres, on ne l'a jamais pr�sent�. Ils ont fait signer � des secr�taires et d'autres employ�s, disant apr�s que c'�taient
des journalistes. Ils ne l'ont pas remise au directeur, comme c'aurait �t� normal s'il y avait eu un probl�me � r�gler.

La meme chose, partout, au meme moment...
Et la r�action du directeur?
Milan. Il m'a dit: "C'est un plan, la meme chose se passe dans les autres journaux. Je pensais qu'il �tait parano! Mais
ensuite, mes coll�gues d'autres journaux m'ont dit que cela s'�tait pass� exactement de la meme facon chez eux.

Donc, c'�tait bien un plan soigneusement pr�par�?
Milan. C'est clair.

Beaucoup ont sign�?
Milan. Oui, mais il y a eu pression sur beaucoup de gens pour qu'ils signent: "Attention, les temps changent. Si vous ne signez
pas, quand nous arriverons au pouvoir, vous perdrez votre emploi."

"J'esp�re que je ne devrai pas employer ce que j'ai dans ma poche."
Et ensuite?
Milan. Chaque jour, nous avions r�union. Vendredi matin, on nous a dit: "On va �lire notre nouveau r�dacteur en chef, nous ne
voulons pas que des politiciens nous envoient quelqu'un de l'ext�rieur."Cinq minutes plus tard, quelqu'un arrivait. De
l'ext�rieur.
"Je suis votre nouveau r�dacteur en chef. "Ils" m'envoient. J'esp�re que je ne devrai pas employer ce que j'ai dans ma poche.
Et que vous serez assez intelligents pour que je ne doive pas changer vos articles. Personne ici n'a le droit de parler, vous
etes tous de vieux serpents. Vous devez vous laver vous- memes car vous avez �t� loyaux � ce gouvernement. Voil� ce que j'avais
� vous dire. Il n'y aura pas de questions."Et il est parti.
Les gens �taient estomaqu�s: "Pas de questions?!' Au pr�c�dent r�dacteur en chef, on puvait poser des questions.

Les journalistes sont-ils libres de couvrir des �v�nements comme le saccage des batiments SPS?
Milan. Non, ces articles volent � la poubelle. Mes coll�gues ont peur, ils n'osent pas discuter de tout ca. Nous vivons des
moments terribles.



JOURNAL DE BELGRADE - Mardi 10 octobre, 13 heures

Nouvelles �lections le 19 d�cembre
Les institutions sont toujours paralys�es
par les violences et les menaces

MICHEL COLLON

Dans de tels moments historiques, les �v�nements se bousculent d'heure en heure, et la v�rit� du matin est d�pass�e
l'apr�s-midi. Sous la pression de l'opposition et des violences qui se d�roulent ici, avec un Etat et des institutions
compl�tement paralys�s, le Parlement serbe vient de s'auto-dissoudre. Les prochaines �lections auront lieu le 19 d�cembre.
Avec un nouveau syst�me �lectoral: la proportionnelle, et une seule circonscription pour tout le pays. Ce qui devrait avantager
les radicaux de DOS, mais aussi les socialistes de Milosevic. On ne sait pas encore si le pr�sident serbe Milutinovic
d�missionnera �galement.

Les memes r�sultats? Une situation de double pouvoir?
Quels pourraient etre les r�sultats dans deux mois? Probablement les memes, les gens n'ayant pas encore eu l'exp�rience de ce
que signifierait concr�tement un gouvernement DOS pour leur emploi et leurs revenus. Certes, les violences et les activit�s
maffieuses d�velopp�es par Djindjic ont choqu� meme une partie des partisans de Kostunica. Mais l'euphorie de la victoire et la
persistance des illusions "On va vivre mieux, on gagnera 5.000 dollars comme l'opposition nous l'a promis", ces facteurs et
aussi la perte de prestige de l'homme fort Milosevic, ainsi que l'affaiblissement de son parti, tous ces �l�ments pr�figurent
un r�sultat favorable � DOS. Les partis de Seselj et de Draskovic - qui ont tous deux violemment critiqu� les violences
maffieuses - pourraient reprendre un peu du poil de la bete, mais ce n'est pas du tout certain.
Va-t-on alors se trouver, pendant les annees qui viennent, dans une situation de "double pouvoir" avec un gouvernement
yougoslave sous l'autorite de Milosevic et un gouvernement serbe sous l'autorite de Djindjic et de l'Occident? Ce serait une
situation historique assez originale et explosive. Mais ce n'est pas certain. DOS fait pression pour ses solutions: soit un
gouvernement minoritaire DOS, soit un gouvernement dit "technique" d'experts, soit une alliance DOS-SNP mont�negrin. On dit
aussi que le SPS - sous une pression terrible actuellement - pourrait accepter de faire entrer DOS dans le gouvernement
yougoslave; on aurait alors un gouvernement d'union nationale SPS-DOS-radicaux-SPO (Draskovic). Dans tous les cas, les
affrontements devraient se poursuivre. Un partage de pouvoir n'est jamais qu'une solution temporaire, et les app�tits en
pr�sence sont trop forts.

La partie n'est pas jou�e, mais la marge d'action est �troite
Quoi qu'il en soit, pour les progressistes du monde entier, il sera important de suivre cette situation attentivement et
d'ouvrir les yeux sur ces partis yougoslaves dits "d�mocratiques"mais dont le programme est en r�alit� celui du FMI. Les mois
� venir seront d'une grande importance, et la situation n'est pas encore d�finitivement jou�e.
Comme nous l'avons indiqu�, une bonne partie des �lecteurs de Kostunica reste anti-Otan: "Je suis content que Milosevic est
parti, m'a dit Darko, juriste. Car il n'a pas men� le combat jusqu'au bout pour d�fendre les Serbes en Croatie, puis en Bosnie.
Et il a n�glig� tous ces jeunes qui furent victimes de ces guerres. Mais avec ce nouveau r�gime, nous allons avoir un probl�me
encore plus grave. C'est l'Otan qui arrive ici. Nous ne devrons pas les laisser faire."

Les cinq raisons de la d�faite
Comment expliquer la victoire de Kostunica? Par un ensemble de facteurs dont la plupart ont �t� d�velopp�s dans de pr�c�dents
articles. 1. La violence de l'Otan. 2. Dix ann�es de privations par l'�tranglement �conomique du pays. 3. L'argent de la CIA
qui a coul� � flots et qui a notamment provoqu� des d�fections. 4. Une campagne m�diatico-psychologique intelligente autour de
l'homme neuf et cr�dible Kostunica. 5. Les erreurs du r�gime Milosevic.

D'abord, fondamentalement, c'est une victoire de l'Otan, une victoire de la violence. Au printemps 99, au plus fort des
bombardements visant des objectifs civils (installations �lectriques, approvisionnement en essence, routes, ponts...), le
g�n�ral US Michael Short d�clarait: "Je suis persuad� que si les gens n'ont pas de courant pour faire marcher leur frigo, pas
de gaz pour la cuisine, s'ils ne peuvent pas aller au travail parce que les ponts sont cass�s et s'ils n'arretent pas de penser
aux bombes qui peuvent tomber � tout moment, le temps viendra ou ils vont se dire qu'il faut en finir avec tout ca'. Tout ca,
c'�tait le r�gime de Belgrade.
Voil� ce que l'Otan appelle des �lections d�mocratiques. Tout comme Madame Carla Del Ponte, soi-disant magistrate
internationale impartiale, en r�alit� simple arme de Washington au meme titre qu'un Tomahawk ou un vulgaire espion de la CIA.
Cette dame vient de d�clarer: "Il est appropri� de ma part d'exprimer mon ravissement devant les �v�nements dramatiques se
d�roulant � Belgrade, je leur souhaite plein succ�s avec leur toute nouvelle d�mocratie." (Communiqu� du 6 octobre) Curieuse
magistrate, curieux tribunal, qui ferment les yeux sur le r�gne de la terreur et de la maffia au Kosovo et osent applaudir "la
d�mocratie"tout en continuant � se livrer � leur sale travail de satanisation des Serbes!

Pour l'instant, nous ne d�veloppons pas ici les autres facteurs de la d�faite (trait�s pr�c�demment), mais nous en venons au
cinqui�me facteur, sur lequel on nous pose beaucoup de questions. "Pourquoi n'y a-t-il pas eu de contre-manifestants dans la
rue?" "Que pensent les travailleurs?" "Pourquoi l'arm�e n'a-t-elle pas boug�?

Pourquoi le r�gime a perdu son soutien

Hier, j'ai rencontr� des syndicalistes de province, venus me voir pour parler de mon livre "L'Otan � la conquete du monde"et
m'inviter � venir donner une conf�rence devant leurs militants et affili�s. Leur organisation - qui s'affiche 'ind�pendante'
mais �tait tr�s proche du parti socialiste -compte 35.000 membres. Je les ai �videmment interrog�s sur la situation actuelle.
Je sentais leurs r�ponses vraiment vagues et confuses. Malaise. Finalement, un des responsables m'a dit: "J'ai coll� les
affiches de Milosevic que j'ai recues, mais j'ai vot� Kostunica."
Nous voici en plein coeur de la perte de confiance.
Dimanche, je suis all� � Novi Sad observer le second tour des �lections r�gionales de Voivodine. Dans une interview (a
paraitre) le secr�taire du parti socialiste pour la r�gion Dusan Bajatovic m� dit: "Nous sommes un tr�s grand parti, avec un
tr�s grand nombre de cadres, et dix ans au pouvoir, c'est beaucoup. Ce qui a provoqu� une comp�tition entre cadres. Beaucoup de
gens n'etaient pas dans notre parti pour des raisons s�rieuses, mais par int�ret. Et dans un pays pauvre vu, etre au parti
excite les app�tits. Le peuple a vu des gens s'enrichir du jour au lendemain et sans raison valable. Il y a eu beaucoup de cas.
D'ou venait cet argent? Et les gens ont pens� que c'�tait la position au SPS qui provoquait ces privil�ges.
La grande majorit� des membres sont cependant honnetes et d�vou�s � leur pays, et eux aussi jugeaient s�v�rement ces cas. Il y
a eu aussi des accusations fausses contre les dirigeants du SPS et de l'Etat, mais dans ces conditions, les membres n'ont pas
pu r�pondre correctement � ces attaques."
Aveu int�ressant. Reste �videmment � savoir pourquoi ces enrichissements et ces privil�ges n'ont pas �t� combattus. Parce que
les b�n�ficiaires �taient trop haut plac�s?

"Il n'y a pas que le SPS, m'explique Branko, ing�nieur. Le parti YUL qui se r�clame de positions encore plus � gauche que le
SPS, a aussi perdu sa cr�dibilit�. Il comptait en son sein de nombreux patrons tr�s riches. On ne peut pas avoir une th�orie de
gauche et une pratique de droite." Mais il ajoute: "Ce n'est pas pour ca qu'il faut se jeter dans les bras de la droite. Il y a
dix ans, les memes promesses occidentales ont �t� faites aux Roumains. Mais je connais ce pays, car mon travail m'y am�ne
souvent. A pr�sent, la situation y est tellement catastrophique que vous pouvez meme voir des travailleurs roumains occup�s
dans les champs, ici, en Yougoslavie, � Pojurevac! Et eux n'ont pas de sanctions."
Un autre intellectuel progressiste, Darko, pense de meme et ajoute: "Milosevic aurait du faire comme Castro. CElui-la on le
voit toujours aller discuter avec les simples gens, avec les paysans, pour voir comment ca va, ce qu�ls pensent, leurs
probl�mes. Cuba aussi est attaqu�, mais il se d�fend bien."

Quand on essaie d'�valuer le poids respectif de ces divers �l�ments, il faut se montrer prudent. Les faits que nous venons
d'indiquer sont tr�s importants et nous y reviendrons. Mais ils ne sont pas nouveaux, les gens savaient ca depuis longtemps. Et
personne n'a confiance dans l'honnetet� de l'opposition sur le plan de la corruption. il faut savoir qu'� ces �lections en fait
le SPS a reproduit � peu pr�s ses scores �lectoraux pr�c�dents. Le facteur nouveau, c'est la r�ussite de DOS. Nous y
reviendrons.

Qui viendra � Belgrade apr�s V�drine: Fischer, Kouchner et puis Albright?
Arrogant d�fil� des vainqueurs � Belgrade

MICHEL COLLON

Hubert V�drine, ministre francais des Affaires �trang�res, est venu � Belgrade. Le premier dirigeant occidental � venir
savourer la victoire du FMI et de l'Otan. Pourtant, V�drine, a �t� condamn� par un tribunal yougoslave pour sa participation
aux crimes des guerre commis par l'Otan dans ce pays.
De nombreux juristes internationaux et aussi l'organisation Amnesty International ont confirm� que l'Otan �tait bien coupable.
Monsieur le pr�sident Kostunica est toujours consid�r� comme tr�s soucieux de la l�galit�. Fera-t-il appliquer ce jugement?
Quoi qu'il en soit, le d�fil� des vainqueurs - arrogants et impudiques - a commenc� � Belgrade. La rumeur a circul� que Bernard
Kouchner souhaitait venir. Balon d'essai? C'�tait trop gros sans doute, car cet homme est tellement d�test� par tous les Serbes
qu'il aurait fallu une arm�e pour le prot�ger.
Par contre, Joshka Fischer est annonc� pour bientot. Mais il esp�re rencontrer un autre ministre des Affaires �trang�res, aux
ordres de l'Ouest.
Verra-t-on un jour Madeleine Albright venir c�l�brer son triomphe et se faire baiser la main � nouveau? Ce serait sans doute
trop maladroit de le faire en public. Le baise-main risque de rester platonique. Mais c'est bien elle qui a gagn�.
Pour l'instant du moins.

END OF JOURNAL FROM BELGRADE IN FRENCH 5 - 12 OCTOBER

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JOURNAL FROM BELGRADE 14th OF OCTOBER ENGLISH

Journal from Belgrade - Saturday 14 October
"Who's is fucking with us, who's the liar?"
MICHEL COLLON

* Kostunica, Djindjic, Persici, V. Ilic
* SPS new strategy
* CIA's visit to Belgrade
* Feelings of ordinary people: "Who's fucking with us here, who is the liar?"
*
Kostunica seems now to be taking a firmer attitude, and trying to get a tighter grip on the rest of his DOS allies... He's also
accusing Djindjic & Co. for undermining his authority (in connection with illegal take-over of enterprises and institutions)
There's rumor that fights in DOS are well on the way, that Kostunica asked from Vuk Obradovic (to whom he trust the most, as
well as to Perisic) to stop the illegal take-over, and Obradovic refused, saying that this is necessary. About all this
Obradovic supposedly informed the rest of leaders in a DOS meeting where Kostunica wasn't present...
Velja Ilic (this guy from Cacak) was supposedly angry at Kostunica, saying " Has he no shame?! We did all the work, managed his
campaign, put him on presidential seat, and now he still wants to deal with them (SPS I suppose) in gloves!"
Perisic and Djindjic are making a pressure on Kostunica to oust general Pavkovic, and Djindjic even asked Djukanovic to make a
pressure on Kostunica to change all the generals (because Kostunica wouldn't listen to him, Djindjic)
Tonight SPS and DOS will have a meeting at 22h to continue the discussion about transitional government. But it has been
arranged that SPS, DOS, SPO and SRS will be in it. At midnight they will meet Milutinovic.
The session of Republic Skupstina is possibly at Saturday or Sunday....The problem is, radicals are still more-less refusing to
cooperate...
G17 is understandably very much against this kind of transitional government, they want expert government (and they will be
the EXPERTS I suppose!)

SPS new strategy
On SPS side, the 'Operation Renewal' tries to start. A new leadership was formed, combining the 'old' Milutinovic who whas
president of Serbia, and the 'young' Zoran Andjelkovic. I met this man personally when I made a report in Kosovo, last
February. As an animator for the Center of Peace and Tolerance, he was taking care of the interests of the Serbs victims of
present ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. He wrote a very well documented book about that, called "Days of Terror".
He is giving the impression of someone very concerned with human approach and contacts with the ordinary people. Something the
SPS undoubtedly lacked very much the last years, provoking his decline as it is explained in my interview with Jivadin
Jovanovic.
The discussion continues about the future role of Milosevic in the party.

CIA's visit to Belgrade
To my paper "Qui viendra � Belgrade?" writen last Tuesday about the visit of Hubert V�drine (and others) in Belgrade, you may
add the "key man". US ambassador in Budapest visited also Belgrade. Key man because he organised the all CIA-coup from Hungary.
Now coming to visit his subordinates.

Feelings of ordinary people
Ordinary people mostly feel like this: "I support Kostunica, he's honest, and the rest of DOS are all thieves and bastards,
especially Djindjic."
After the first wave of euphoria passed, people where actually shocked to see how DOS leaders (excluding Kostunica!) are not
exactly doing it by the book, and are using force instead of law...
So now DOS supporters are asking "Is this what we fought for? And what's the difference between former thieves (SPS, JUL) and
present thieves?"
People are also confused because they hear very conflicting statements of Kostunica, G17 plus and Djindjic on one side, then of
Djukanovic and Montenegrin socialists on the other, not to mention statements of NATO and EU officials which are getting to be
more careful and restricted...
In the meanwhile, people see sanctions are not all lifted (just flights and oil, but the oil never came from the West, and
JAT, the Yugoslavian airlines, already had many flights from Belgrade, so it does not make a big difference)
G17 is promising entrance in IMF, and entrance in EU eventually (which is such a blatant, monstrous lie, and most of the Serbs
know it!) Djindjic is promising the return of army and police to Kosovo, Kouchner is refusing, prices of things in the stores
have gone sky-high in the last couple of days....
So people see all that, and ask "who the hell is fucking with us here? who's the liar?"


Eternal fire
Djindjic denies to use paramilitary forces. But...

Yugoslav capital Belgrade hadn't been visited by such an astounding number of Western officials in a long time. Ministers,
politicians, diplomats, special representatives of the West are standing in a line for 7 days already, to congratulate newly
elected Yugoslav president Vojislav Kostunica on his "democratic victory" and give him a friendly pat on a shoulder.

"Democratic opposition of Serbia" (DOS) rallied people of Serbia to Belgrade on October 5th, for mass protest against ex
Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic. Escalation of this "peaceful protest" into street violence and take-over of power on the
streets was well-planed and well-coordinated, according to the latter admission of DOS leaders themselves. There was no
spontaneity about it. Desperately trying to avoid thus imposed "Bucharest scenario", Yugoslav army and police didn't react to
stop the masses.

Many euphemisms have been said since, to describe this counter-revolution. "Democratic revolution" says Zoran Djindjic, DOS
manager, trying to gild the lily.
"Velvet revolution", say people on the street, making a parallel with Prague. Perhaps they have already forgotten that their
"velvet" in Belgrade got soaked with some blood, and scorched with some flames too.

"What happened on October 5th was just a show for CNN, this was nothing. Real power-fight is yet to come. A counter-revolution
must be followed through to the end", says Srdjan Lukic (25), DOS supporter. True. And in Serbia these days, real
counter-revolution is going on indeed. Behind the scenes, behind closed doors, and far away from cameras and spot-lights.

Even with Slobodan Milosevic out of the way, DOS leaders are aware that they must keep their street-gained advantage, if they
want to win crucial state-power, Federal and Republical Parliament.
In Federal parliament, majority is held by left coalition; battle for Republical parliament is in full swing, where majority is
held by socialists and radicals.

In the meanwhile, "non-institutional" pressure is well on the way. "Groups of citizens" are entering state enterprises,
factories, institutions, even universities, demanding leadership to leave. Peacefully or by force.
DOS immediately denied accusations of Serbian government that it established "crisis headquarters" and temporary leaderships in
enterprises and institutions in the country, saying that employees themselves are toppling their leadership.
Still, letters of resignation are showering from ministers, directors, hospital wardens, university deans...some admit they
were pressured into it. Empty places are being filled by DOS members or sympathizers. DOS has put its hands also on Service of
payment, dealing with financial transactions.

All state-media are already controlled by Serbian "democrats", and one-sidedness in media-reports is horrifying.
"Crisis headquarters DOS will form in media are just temporary. This is just necessary until new government is constituted"
says Vladeta Jankovic, one of DOS leaders, in his statement for Tanjug state agency.

Blaming uncontrolled violence of the last days on "those who wouldn't accept obvious election-defeat", and underlining that
"justified people's revolt couldn't be controlled" Jankovic repeated once again there will be no revanchism, as president
Kostunica has promised.
But president Kostunica is a legalist, and a man of principles. Most of the people who are his present allies, however, are
not.

Even in "democracy", headquarters of Serbian socialist party (SPS) and Yugoslav Left (JUL) are being demolished, and their
functionaries threatened on daily basis.
"I am not and never was a member of any party, but I got beaten also, as an executive of state-enterprise. They must have
thought I am SPS too" states Ivica Indjic, director of supplies. "Maybe I should put letter "Dj" at the beginning of my last
name from now on" says Indjic with a bitter smile.

Maybe there's no need. As Beta agency reports, Zoran Djindjic denied on Tuesday the rumors that paramilitary forces, whose core
is made by members of his Democratic party, are operating in the country.

Nevertheless, in a vacuum until legal government is formed, it seems DOS is using "iron broom" to clean SPS and JUL out of
their positions, and out of its way.

And while NATO functionaries keep flocking to Belgrade to admire their own success perhaps, the "Eternal fire" on the obelisk
to victims of NATO bombing last year has been put out. As daily Novosti writes, "it has been done by someone, during the
establishing of democracy in the country". Perhaps not to bother high guests.

Velimir Ilic, mayor of Cacak,
explains the strategy for the insurrection
" Our preparation was very conspiracy. Even some people of DOS had no ideas what we were preparing"

Velimir Ilic, president of Cacak, interwiev VREME (12.
october), page 12 and 13
His people from Cacak come firs in front of Federal
parlament. They come in a line long 25 km aand they
brought with them: 200 tracks, 40 buses, cister with
woter, train with cars, buger etc.
Ilic explained that DOS was preparing all this for a
long time. Especialy with the inspektors and offisers
from the polie..

Did you had problems to convince them?
Ilic: No. Preparaation was very conspirativ. Even the
people from police never new for eachother until the
end. I wanted to hide them from problems. Among us we
had policemans in civilian, even from the most elite
forces from Belgrade. They helped us to get
informations what the police thinks, wheree are they
going and what can we expect on the road. We had with
us paraashouters, policemans with war expirianc,
bodybilders, trucckdrivers...
To Belgrade we went with 20-30 truck full with rocks
and 30 people who wore trowing roks on the police.
They run away. We had simple organization. We stole
motorolas (toky waky) from policemanss and we start
to talk andd confuse them. listening to the orders.
The police was specialy shoked when they saw
policemans with us. Those uniforms we bought long time
ago.
Ofcoursee, we had policemans in Belgrade who wworre
prepareed to give us informations. They give us
advices to bring a lot of mehanization. Even some
people from DOS had no idea what we worre planing to
do.
So many people in front of the federal parlament
helped us a lot, but without ooure conections in
police we wouldnt csucsided. They told us that they
have no orders to fire and that we have to stay until
15.30 because then they will let us in the Parlament
if we have enough people.
How long you worre planing all this?
Ilic: I was thinking a lot. Specialy last year wille a
was in the forest during the NATO bombing (hidding
from thee police). When I saw that police cant finde
me for 43 days I reaalised that they arre not well
orgaanized. Had of the police is stupid. Then I
reaalised why ourre demonstrations never sucsided - we
never atacked them!

Next page, VREME:
Police raddioconection was destroyed in wednesday
(untill friday morning)and they couldnt ask for
help.Days before that, during the blocade of towns,
demonstrators made atackes everywheree around the
city. Thee police had to go there and than they madee
barikades and stoped the conection between polise so
they couldt help eachother.
"Facts are: SDB (special police) withh their sourses
could stop and prevent everything that happend, but
they obviesly didnt want to do that".

===

Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"

> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra

I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")

Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...

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3. INTERVIW JIVADIN JOVANVIC
Interview exclusive de Jivadin Jovanovic, ministre yougoslave des Affaires �trang�res
"Pour chaque dollar que l'Ouest 'donnera' � la Yougoslavie, elle devra en rendre dix!"
La semaine derni�re, Solidaire donnait la parole � deux activistes d'Otpor, mouvement �tudiant anti-Milosevic. Aujourd'hui, �
Jivadin Jovanovic, ministre des Affaires �trang�res de Yougoslavie, et aussi un des dirigeants les plus importants du SPS de
Milosevic. Qui, en maintenant ses scores pr�c�dents, reste en fait le plus important parti. En ces jours troubl�s, des
centaines de journalistes internationaux cherchaient � interviewer un dirigeant socialiste. C'est l'envoy� sp�cial de Solidaire
qui a recueilli ces confidences....
MICHEL COLLON
Mercredi 11 octobre, 11 heures 30. Je p�n�tre dans le grand bureau ovale du ministre Jivadin Jovanovic. C'est probablement une
des derni�res fois qu'il s'y trouve... "Fin de r�gne" diront certains. "Eclipse avant un possible retour" r�pondront ceux qui
soulignent qu'avec 40% des voix (un score inchang�), le SPS (le parti socialiste de Milosevic) reste le parti le plus important
du pays et qu'elle est bien fragile la pr�sente coalition DOS: 18 partis dont les programmes se contredisent et dont les
promesses �lectorales seront impossibles � tenir. Tr�s jovial, riant souvent, Jovanovic pose aussi de nombreuses questions.
Trois heures d'entretien passionnant.

Comment allez-vous?
Jivadin Jovanovic. Je survis! Malgr� la visite tr�s d�plaisante, ce matin, d'une tro�ka de DOS, venue essayer de me forcer �
d�missionner. Se r�clamant "du pr�sident Kostunica", ils vont partout faire pression pour obliger tous ceux qui ont des mandats
l�gaux � partir. Je leur ai r�pondu que Monsieur Kostunica venait de jurer fid�lit� � la Constitution et que, d'apr�s celle-ci,
ce n'est pas le pr�sident mais le Premier ministre qui nomme les ministres. En public, ils r�clament le respect de la loi et un
fonctionnement normal des institutions mais, en r�alit�, ils font tout pour les d�truire! Ils recherchent le chaos.

DOS affirme que ce sont "les travailleurs qui prennent les usines en mains."
J. Jovanovic. Mais lorsque ce pays pratiquait "l'autogestion des entreprises par les travailleurs", la droite disait que
c'�tait une forme de dictature communiste. En r�alit�, aujourd'hui, c'est Zoran Djindjic , le chef du quartier-g�n�ral de DOS
et son vrai ma�tre (ndlr - un politicien de droite tr�s impopulaire pour avoir soutenu l'Otan), qui se d�p�che de s'emparer de
tout. Ils se ruent comme des hy�nes affam�es. Ces politiciens ne sont pas le peuple. Ils veulent arracher tout le pouvoir tout
de suite pour commencer � vendre le pays.

On a pu voir, � la t�l�vision, le directeur des douanes chass� de son bureau et remplac�, sous la menace des armes du
"Capitaine Dragan", chef d'une milice serbe active durant la guerre en Croatie. Une sc�ne qui a choqu� l'opinion...
J. Jovanovic. L'homme que Djindjic a plac� � la t�te des douanes avait �t� responsable des douanes auparavant. Il avait �t�
d�mis � cause de son casier judiciaire. Maintenant, il revient avec des armes pour s'emparer de ce poste! C'est cela un
"mouvement spontan� des masses"? Cela a tellement indign� la population que DOS a reconnu il s'agissait effectivement d'une
action ill�gale et qu'ils nommeront un nouveau directeur. Sur base de quelle loi? Ils n'en ont pas le pouvoir puisque c'est
toujours le gouvernement actuel qui est comp�tent.
Peu � peu, les gens vont comprendre. M�me dans DOS, il y a des gens honn�tes qui d�sapprouvent. Mais ils sont perdus, sans
influence. Le pr�sident Kostunica devrait se pr�occuper de cela, lui dont la r�putation est impeccable. Au parlement, il a jur�
fid�lit� � la Constitution. Eux la bafouent.

Mais pour l'instant, la majorit� de la population se r�jouit du "changement"...
J. Jovanovic. Quand les gens seront sans travail, quand ils verront les march�s pleins de produits occidentaux, mais qu'il
leur sera impossible de les acheter, quand ils subiront un syst�me o� on pourra arbitrairement les priver de leur emploi, quand
ils devront d�bourser des sommes �normes pour l'enseignement et les soins de sant� alors, ils comprendront.
Je reconnais que nos magasins ne sont pas tr�s impressionnants. Peu de produits allemands, fran�ais ou anglais. Mais la
plupart des gens peuvent s'acheter de tout, m�me des appareils m�nagers modernes. Il y aura un r�veil brutal. Les gens ne
peuvent pas r�ver tr�s longtemps de solutions-miracles.

L'Ouest promet d'aider financi�rement la Yougoslavie...
J. Jovanovic. Un peu d'argent viendra de l'Europe, et DOS le pr�sentera comme une "aide des pays amis". En r�alit�, ce ne sera
qu'un acompte avant d'acheter notre pays. Pour chaque dollar re�u, notre pays devra en rendre dix!

En fait, des dollars sont d�j� venus en Yougoslavie...
J. Jovanovic. Oui, les Etats-Unis ont publiquement reconnu avoir vers� 77,2 millions de dollars (environ 3,5 milliards FB)
pour aider l'opposition � renverser le gouvernement yougoslave. Et le 25 septembre, le Congr�s votait un nouveau cr�dit de 105
millions de dollars (4,7 milliards FB).

Avez-vous protest� � l'ONU contre cette ing�rence dans les �lections?
J. Jovanovic. Bien s�r. Cette d�stabilisation de notre pays a �t� organis�e � partir de Budapest, avec des agences am�ricaines
implant�es �galement � Sofia, Skopje et ailleurs et compos�es d'agents de la CIA. La Convention de Vienne interdit d'�tablir
dans des pays des centres hostiles � un autre pays. Voyez aujourd'hui, l'ambassadeur am�ricain � Budapest, Montgomery, se
rendre en Yougoslavie pour rendre visite � ses subordonn�s du DOS!
Mais les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne, qui contr�lent l'ONU, ont ni� ces �vidences. D'autres pays nous comprenaient, mais
nous n'avons m�me pas obtenu un d�bat.

Les Etats-Unis ont d�pens� des sommes consid�rables pour la campagne �lectorale de DOS...
J. Jovanovic. Oui. Et comment r�agiraient-ils si on faisait cela chez eux? Ils me rappellent une blague d'ici: en pleine
p�riode de je�ne religieux, un villageois voit le pr�tre manger un grand r�ti. "Mais vous nous avez dit que le je�ne �tait un
commandement de Dieu!" Et l'autre r�pond: "Vous �tes suppos� ob�ir � ce que je dis, et pas suppos� vous comporter comme moi!"

Bref, "faites ce que je dis, et pas ce que je fais..."
J. Jovanovic. (Riant) Oui, les Etats-Unis, c'est exactement �a! Ce qu'ils se permettent est interdit aux autres. Quand ils
parlent de "d�mocratie", c'est seulement un slogan qu'ils avancent pour dominer le monde. Autre exemple: ils veulent imposer un
Tribunal p�nal international pour nous juger. Mais eux-m�mes refusent un tribunal universel qui pourrait juger tous les crimes
de guerre commis par n'importe quel Etat. Ils savent trop bien qu'ils devraient �tre condamn�s pour ce qu'ils ont fait �
Panama, Ha�ti et ailleurs!
A l'Assembl�e g�n�rale des Nations-Unies, en 1995, ils ont vot� contre une r�solution qui interdisait l'ing�rence dans les
affaires int�rieures, particuli�rement �lectorales, d'un pays. Cette r�solution a �t� vot�e malgr� eux, ils devraient donc
suivre les r�gles de la majorit� d�mocratique! "Deux poids, deux mesures", c'est la cl� de la "d�mocratie" am�ricaine.

La Yougoslavie est-elle vis�e pour elle-m�me ou cela annonce-t-il d'autres offensives des Etats-Unis et de l'Otan?
J. Jovanovic. Ce n'�tait pas seulement le probl�me d'un pays dans une r�gion strat�gique. Ils viennent de mettre le paquet car
si la r�sistance yougoslave avait dur� encore longtemps, elle serait devenue un exemple dangereux. Nous �tions en train
d'acqu�rir un soutien croissant dans le tiers monde.

Le pas suivant, c'est la Russie?
J. Jovanovic. Si tant d'�nergie a �t� concentr�e contre la Yougoslavie, ce n'�tait pas seulement pour assouvir les int�r�ts
imm�diats des Etats-Unis et de l'Otan dans notre pays. Pour comprendre, il faut prendre en consid�ration leurs aspirations
globales. A part certaines r�gions qui sont d'une importance vitale en elles-m�mes, � cause de leurs richesses tr�s
importantes, ce que l'Otan et les Etats-Unis font est toujours fonction de leurs int�r�ts globaux...
Premi�rement, ils veulent tuer la volont� d'ind�pendance et de r�sistance � la domination dans le monde entier. Deuxi�mement,
faire passer le message "Aucun pays ne doit invoquer des principes; il doit seulement respecter la fa�on de voir des
Etats-Unis". Troisi�mement, l'Otan s'est ainsi rapproch� des fronti�res de la Russie et de la Chine. Washington travaille � les
faire �clater en y semant les graines du s�paratisme, en manipulant l'int�grisme islamiste. D'un c�t�, ils trompent les
musulmans en leur faisant croire qu'ils sont leurs amis...

Tout en les massacrant en Irak et en Palestine...
J. Jovanovic. Exactement! Et de l'autre c�t�, ils cherchent � contr�ler les ressources mini�res et �nerg�tiques ainsi que tous
les nouveaux march�s qui s'ouvrent � l'est de notre pays: Caucase, Moyen-Orient... Ayant �tabli leur contr�le sur l'Europe
occidentale, les Etats-Unis souhaitent � pr�sent contr�ler tous les gouvernements d'Eurasie. Voil� le facteur global d�cisif.
En r�sistant dix ans, nous avons donn� du temps aux autres pays. Il y a eu des prises de conscience, mais insuffisantes. Sans
doute (avec une nuance de m�lancolie dans la voix), le fardeau � porter �tait-il trop lourd pour la Yougoslavie. Nous avons
re�u certains soutiens, mais pas assez, notamment de pays sur lesquels nous comptions...

Vous songez � la Russie?
J. Jovanovic. (Il ne r�pond pas, mais fait oui de la t�te). Rien n'est �ternel. Y compris la situation pr�sente en
Yougoslavie. Je suis certain que, tout comme certaines personnes qui ont vot� pour DOS vont le regretter, certains pays
europ�ens regretteront de n'avoir pas soutenu davantage la Yougoslavie et d'avoir compris trop tard.
(Riant � nouveau). Une vieille chanson serbe dit: "L'ours a dans� sur le seuil de la maison de votre oncle. Et maintenant, il
vient chez vous!" Autrement dit: vous n'avez pas boug�, mais vous le regretterez. Tous ont sous-estim� ces �v�nements et n'ont
pas vu le risque qu'ils prenaient en ne r�agissant pas.

Et de votre c�t�, pensez-vous avez avoir commis des erreurs?
J. Jovanovic. Oui. Je ne veux pas fuir nos responsabilit�s. Nous n'avons pas �valu� de fa�on r�aliste la situation interne et
internationale. Nous n'avons pas mesur� tous les facteurs n�gatifs.

Par exemple?
J. Jovanovic. Sur le plan int�rieur, nous n'avons pas estim� de fa�on r�aliste les sentiments de la population. Nous aurions
d� mieux ressentir l'effet des privations qu'ils subissaient apr�s dix ann�es de sanctions. Les gens ont r�sist� � l'agression,
ils ont r�sist� aux sanctions, mais leurs conditions de vie s'�taient vraiment trop d�grad�es. Et avec la guerre en plus!
Deuxi�mement, apr�s l'agression, nous avons mis tout le paquet sur la reconstruction du pays. Ecoles, h�pitaux, routes,
ponts... Cela a demand� beaucoup de capitaux et nous avons pr�lev� une cotisation sur les salaires et les pensions. Cette
reconstruction �tait importante pour l'avenir du pays, mais elle n'a pas directement am�lior� la qualit� de vie. Nous aurions
d� �tre plus r�alistes quant aux investissements et adopter davantage de mesures pour am�liorer les conditions de vie des gens.
Troisi�mement, nous n'avons pas bien r�ussi � contr�ler le commerce. Nous avons laiss� trop d'espace � des gens cupides qui
stockaient des marchandises, comme l'huile et le sucre, afin de faire monter les prix avant de r�approvisionner le march�. Des
gens ont profit� de la situation pour stocker et sp�culer. Ils vendaient parfois au double ou au triple de leur prix d'achat!
Imaginez les fortunes qu'ils ont accumul�es!
Dans ma r�gion, il existe une usine de ciment, Paracim. Une mati�re tr�s importante puisque les gens avaient beaucoup �
reconstruire apr�s les bombardements. Lors d'une r�union �lectorale, une femme s'est approch�e de moi: "Monsieur le ministre,
pourquoi permettez-vous que le sac de ciment co�te 3,5 DM � la sortie de l'usine et 13 DM en ville?" Le directeur de l'usine
�tant justement � c�t� de moi, je me suis tourn� vers lui. "Je ne suis responsable que de la production, a-t-il r�pondu. Je ne
contr�le pas le commerce." J'ai parl� de cette situation � mes coll�gues des d�partements �conomiques. Mais trop tard.

Beaucoup ont reproch� � votre gouvernement et � votre parti le fait que pendant que la grande masse vivait dans d'extr�mes
difficult�s, de grosses fortunes se sont aussi cr��es. Certains vivaient dans le luxe et les privil�ges.
J. Jovanovic. Des gens ont profit� de leur position pour s'enrichir ill�galement et immoralement. Nous en subissons les
cons�quences. Mais ils repr�sentent une minorit�. La grande majorit� de nos socialistes sont des gens honn�tes qui se battent
pour la justice sociale, l'�ducation et la sant� pour tous.

Pourquoi vous n'avez pas lutt� plus �nergiquement contre ce ph�nom�ne? Car ce que vous d�crivez ne date pas des derniers
mois...
J. Jovanovic. Le rapport de forces au sein de mon parti n'�tait pas favorable � cette lutte. Mais maintenant, nous allons
devoir nous d�barrasser de ces profiteurs. Efficacement et sans piti�.

A tous les niveaux?
J. Jovanovic. A tous les niveaux.

Beaucoup pensent que Milosevic aurait mieux fait de reconna�tre tout de suite la victoire de Kostunica.
J. Jovanovic. Je ne sais pas si Kostunica a eu 51%, 50% des voix ou un peu moins, et � pr�sent, je m'en fiche. De toute fa�on,
il est clair qu'il avait 10% d'avance sur Milosevic et qu'il allait gagner. D'autre part, il y a des formes l�gales �
respecter. On devait v�rifier s'il avait bien 50% ou s'il fallait un second tour.

En fait, la victoire de DOS est le r�sultat d'un ensemble de facteurs?
J. Jovanovic. Absolument. Le principal - que je nous reproche et que je me reproche � moi-m�me - �tant d'avoir mal estim� la
situation r�elle. M�me si, dans ma circonscription de Pomoravije, j'ai obtenu de tr�s bons r�sultats, gagnant trois districts
sur six. Peut-�tre m�me quatre apr�s v�rification.

En fait, le SPS maintient son nombre de voix...
J. Jovanovic. Oui, mais ce qui est nouveau, c'est que Washington a r�ussi � rendre cr�dible l'opposition DOS. Face � cette
grande campagne internationale, financ�e � coups de millions de dollars, nous pouvons �tre satisfaits d'avoir r�ussi �
conserver la force du SPS. Dommage que nous n'ayons pas r�ussi � accro�tre notre base. Ce sera notre t�che future.

===

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> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra

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>
> http://www.antiwar.com/szamuely/pf/p-sz101300.html
>
> ---------------------------------------------------------------
>
> Decline of The West
> by George Szamuely
> Antiwar.com
>
> October 13, 2000
>
> Kostunica's Coup Unravels
>
> Last week’s coup d’etat in Yugoslavia is unraveling rapidly. President
> Vojislav Kostunica is emerging as a new type of President. He waves to
> the cameras; he gives interviews to the media; he meets foreign
> dignitaries. Yet he is in charge of nothing. He has no political party
> and no political base. He does not control the Federal Parliament. He
> does not control the Serbian Parliament. He does not control
> Montenegro. He does not control any Ministry. He does not control the
> police. Above all, he does not control Yugoslavia’s armed forces. And,
> as he reveals in an interview with the New York Times (October 12), he
> does not even control his own coalition. Kostunica won 50 percent of
> the vote – if that – in an election with a 60 percent turnout. The
> Yugoslav Presidency is essentially a powerless institution, important
> only because Slobodan Milosevic occupied it. The Yugoslav President,
> for example, is not the Commander in Chief of the armed forces. The
> Supreme Defense Council commands the armed forces. This body comprises
> the President of Yugoslavia, the President of Serbia, the President of
> Montenegro, the Yugoslav Defense Minister and the Yugoslav Army Chief
> of Staff. Since Montenegro President Milo Djukanovic is likely to
> continue boycotting the Supreme Defense Council, Kostunica is
> outnumbered 3 to 1 by Milosevic loyalists.
>
> The United States and the European Union poured hundreds of millions
> of dollars into Yugoslavia over the years trying to oust Slobodan
> Milosevic. They ended up with no popular, national hero in the Lech
> Walesa or Vaclav Havel mould; rather a not terribly bright, pedantic
> protégé, one who can only achieve power by thuggery, media attention,
> and large infusions of foreign cash. As ever, the NATO project is
> failing. Since last week throughout the country drunken mobs have been
> storming the offices of factories, coalmines, banks and universities
> and forcing people to resign. Armed gangs seized the National Bank as
> well as the Customs’ office. The managers of Yugoslavia’s largest gold
> mine and smelter were kicked out, as were the managers at Zastava, the
> country’s giant carmaker. The Director of the Kolubara coalmining
> complex was thrown out, as was the Director of Yugoslav Coal
> Production.
>
> This lawlessness has not escaped the attention of the Yugoslav
> military. Last Sunday Kostunica met the Yugoslav Army General Staff.
> At the meeting, according to the Serbian Ministry of Information,
> "concern was expressed over certain events in the country, in
> post-election period, that are not in accordance with the Constitution
> and the laws, and the position and role of the Yugoslav Army in
> resolving problems had also been considered." Sounds like a clear
> warning to Kostunica not to engage in mob rule. Zoran Djindjic,
> unquestionably the real leader of the Democratic Opposition, evidently
> decided that the time had come to try to use the same bullying tactics
> with the army. Djindjic began telling reporters about the need to
> replace Army Chief of Staff General Nebojsa Pavkovic with Momcilo
> Perisic, a former general sacked by Milosevic in 1998. "We can expect
> not only the resignation of the present chief of general staff Nebojsa
> Pavkovic, but also a wind of fresh air throughout the top ranks,"
> Djindjic said. On Wednesday Kostunica went to army headquarters – a
> highly revealing act leaving no one in any doubt as to who really
> wields power in Yugoslavia. Following the meeting, the army issued an
> ominous statement: "The army leadership drew the President’s attention
> to possible negative consequences which might result from increasingly
> violent attacks on and efforts to discredit individual Army officers
> and the Army as an institution of vital importance to national
> security and defense." Kostunica made it clear that Pavkovic was
> staying on, that he had never had the slightest intention of replacing
> him and that Djindjic does not speak for him. Like Al Gore, Kostunica
> is "his own man."
>
> On Monday, the Democratic Opposition was boasting that it had bullied
> the Serbian President Milan Milutinovic into holding elections for the
> Serbian Parliament in December and into ceding power to a transitional
> Government in the interim. Now, it looks as if there will be no
> elections until September of next year, when Parliament’s term is due
> to end. Members of Milosevic’s Socialist Party and those of Vojislav
> Seselj’s Radical Party walked out of talks earlier this week on
> forming a new government in Serbia. They vowed not to come back until
> the "end of riots, violence and lawlessness against the citizens of
> Serbia." The Radicals complained of people were being "lynched by mobs
> belonging to the illegal regime of the Democratic Opposition."
>
> The response of the Democratic Opposition was to threaten more
> violence. Djindjic issued an ultimatum. Either the Serbian Government
> sets a date for new elections by Friday or the Opposition will call
> its followers out into the streets. One senior Democratic Opposition
> official, Cedomir Jovanovic, warned the Socialists, that they will
> face "non-constitutional" pressure. Jovanovic said that the DOS would
> ask for the help of people in the streets to force the Serbian
> Government into holding early elections and to cede power to a
> "transitional government." The "people’s patience is exhausted," said
> Velimir Ilic, the Mayor of Cacak. "Serbs are so eager to see changes,
> and I do not know who…will protect Socialists if they continue to drag
> their feet."
>
> Meanwhile, the Democratic Opposition is trying to bring the Serbian
> police under its control. Serbia’s Interior Minister resigned this
> week citing a conflict of interest on account of having been elected
> to the Federal Parliament. The media reported this as a major triumph
> for Kostunica. No sooner had they done so, than Serbian Prime Minister
> Mirko Marjanovic announced that he was taking over the Interior
> Ministry himself and thereby assuming control of the police.
>
> Kostunica wants to ignore elected bodies and to set up so-called
> "crisis committees" to run the country. But no one is buying into the
> idea. According to Branislav Ivkovic, a senior figure in Milosevic’s
> Party, the "government [of Serbia] will…ignore all the decisions of
> the so-called ‘crisis committees’." In addition, all managers of state
> companies dismissed by the Democratic Opposition will be reinstated.
> The Serbian Government, he explains, "was elected on a four-year
> mandate, and it is the only one which can make legal decisions."
>
> This week Zoran Djindjic announced that the new Federal Prime Minister
> would be G17 Plus Chief Executive Miroljub Labus. Djindjic has long
> been an advocate of putting Yugoslavia into the receivership of the
> IMF. G17 Plus drew up the Democratic Opposition’s economic program,
> with all its promises to abide by IMF demands. Apparently this was all
> news to Kostunica. He announced that he had promised the job of Prime
> Minister to a member of Montenegro’s Socialist People’s Party, which
> is aligned with Milosevic. The Socialist People’s Party has, however,
> rejected the notion of establishing a "government of experts" in the
> interim. Kostunica intends to travel to Montenegro on Friday to meet
> local party leaders as well as Milo Djukanovic. Note that once again
> it is Kostunica who has to do the traveling and the paying of
> respects, not the politicians of Montenegro.
>
> Kostunica continues on his clueless and sycophantic way. "The United
> States has done too much meddling in our internal affairs," he says in
> the Times interview as if he were still running for office, "Now it’s
> meddling less than usual, so this will have a positive influence."
> "Less than usual"? The United States manipulated an election, and
> engineered his seizure of power. What does he mean by "usual"? On
> improving relations with the United States, the Times says: "If
> re-establishing diplomatic relations is in his competence as Federal
> President, he said, he will do it quickly." An extraordinary
> statement, first, in its revelation about Kostunica’s lack of
> knowledge as to what falls within his competence. Second, in its
> revelation as to the kind of "nationalism" espoused by this supposed
> "Serbian nationalist." He literally pants to win the approval of the
> very power that was bombing his country to smithereens last year.
> Third, if even diplomatic relations do not fall within his competence,
> what does?
>
> What happened in Yugoslavia was the overthrow of a legitimate
> Government by a combination of brute force and US threats and dollars.
> The people who have been hoisted into power are no democrats, but the
> servants of foreign interests. They have no power, and their attempts
> at circumventing democratic institutions are meeting ferocious
> resistance in the country. The media hacks, robbed of their "fall of
> the Berlin Wall" and "people power" story are unable to understand any
> of this. Convinced that the Democratic Opposition leaders are the
> "good guys," and that the United States is self-evidently on the side
> of democracy and freedom, they have only one explanation as to why
> events are not following the approved script: the old standby,
> "Milosevic is causing mischief." But this is an old story now, and an
> increasingly unconvincing one. By stepping down last week and not
> resorting to violence, Milosevic may well have outmaneuvered the
> Americans once again. The fight for Yugoslav sovereignty will
> continue.
>
> Please Support Antiwar.com
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Insitute for War and Peace Reporting
http://www.iwpr.net


THE CACAK PLOT

Veterans of the Belgrade demonstrations which toppled Milosevic claim
the
protests were planned with military precision

By Milenko Vasovic in Belgrade

The opening blows of the Yugoslav Revolution were highly coordinated
operations backed by a core of armed and committed soldiers, war
veterans
and police officers, claims one of the organisers of the uprising.

The mayor of Cacak, Velimir Ilic, a key figure in the overthrow of
Slobodan
Milosevic, told the Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti that the seizure of the
federal parliament and state broadcaster, RTS, had been "carefully
prepared"
over a long period of time.

"For months we were laying down our plans," he said." Each demonstrator
was
allocated a specific task. We knew which group was in charge for each
part
of the city and what they had to do."

Ilic said utmost secrecy surrounded the preparations. He had recruited
army
personnel, retired and serving special police officers, as well as
veterans
from the Bosnian war. Leaders from the Democratic Opposition of Serbia,
DOS,
the coalition behind Yugoslavia's new president, Vojislav Kostunica,
were
left in the dark about the plans, the mayor said.

"Not even the policemen and special forces who took part in this action
knew
of each others existence until the very end," Ilic said.

"It's either victory or death!" Ilic told around 10,000 people who
gathered
in Cacak, before setting out in a 20-mile long convoy of buses and
vehicles
for the showdown in the capital on October 5.

People from Uzice, Nis, Gornji Milanovac, Smederevo joined the column as
it
approached Belgrade. As they converged on the city centre, their number
was
swollen by hundreds of thousands of local protesters.

The throngs of demonstrators waged a psychological war against the
police
trying to protect key buildings. One young man walked up to an officer
outside the parliament building and opened his jacket to reveal an
automatic
rifle. "I have nothing to lose," he yelled. "You have to decide for
yourself." The policeman was speechless.

Among the thousands of demonstrators who descended on the federal
parliament
and RTS building were groups armed with guns and petrol bombs and gangs
of
youths. Prominent among the latter were Red Star Belgrade football fans
keen
to take revenge for police beatings.

Ilic claims he had at his disposal ten officers from the elite 63rd
Parachute Brigade, several former state security secret agents and about
half a dozen members of elite police units. Team leaders were provided
with
walkie-talkies - some were unfortunately attacked by demonstrators who
mistook them for plainclothes policemen.

The parliament building was finally breached when the protesters
succeeded
in tricking police outside into posing for souvenir photographs,
allowing
another group to slip by the cordon and storm the entrance.

Next to fall to the protesters was the RTS building. Petrol bombs set it
ablaze forcing police inside to surrender. In the final push, a
bulldozer
was driven through the front door.

Vladan Dugonjic, a mechanical engineer from Sabac, was one of the first
to
get inside the RTS studios. Sabac, who took part in the March 1991
clashes
with police, said he had waited ten years to realise his dream - the end
of
communism in Serbia. Despite the clouds of tear gas, he said, he managed
to
get into the building and snatch a microphone away from Spomenka Jovic,
a
pro-regime journalist.

"I fell down many times, I rushed through the flames," he said. "My
sleeve
caught fire, but I was determined to get into RTS, even if that meant
losing
my sight. That building generated so much evil."

Rumours around Belgrade say another veteran of the wars in former
Yugoslavia, Dragan Vasiljevic, alias Captain Dragan, took part in the
capture of the hated state broadcaster.

Vasiljevic led a unit of Serbian volunteers during the Krajina conflict.
People under his command, it is said, captured vital RTS transmitters,
enabling the opposition to begin broadcasting over the network.

Some claim many of the protesters were paid for a 'good day's work'. One
of
Ilic's security men, Ivan Stragarevic, vehemently denies this: "We
joined
with all our heart, we didn't do it for money."

Many of the Cacak protesters had left their hometown as if going to war,
saying final farewells to their families. "We dared not return home
without
completing the job, because the police would have beaten us and put us
into
jail on the way back," said one protester.

Milenko Vasovic is a regular IWPR contributor.