Informazione
Sala Bolognese, gennaio 2012
QUANDO MORI’ MIO PADRE. DISEGNI E TESTIMONIANZE DEI BAMBINI DAI CAMPI DI CONCENTRAMENTO DEL CONFINE ORIENTALE. (1942-1943)
Il Centro Isontino di Ricerca e Documentazione Storica e Sociale "Leopoldo Gasparini", in collaborazione con l’Assessorato alla Cultura del comune di Sala Bolognese e L'Associazione di Volontariato ALJ (Aiutiamo la Jugoslavia) ONLUS, presenta la mostra “QUANDO MORI’ MIO PADRE. DISEGNI E TESTIMONIANZE DI BAMBINI DAI CAMPI DI CONCENTRAMENTO DEL CONFINE ORIENTALE. (1942-1943)”.
L’inaugurazione avverrà il giorno sabato 21 gennaio 2012, alle ore 17, alla CASA DELLA CULTURA, PIAZZA MARCONI, 5 – SALA BOLOGNESE.
Saranno presenti i rappresentanti dell’Amministrazione Comunale e la prof.ssa Paola Ferroni, presidente dell’Associazione ALJ.
La mostra è strutturata su ventisei grandi pannelli a colori, che riproducono scritti e disegni di bambini sopravvissuti alla deportazione nei campi di concentramento del confine orientale; realizzata in forma bilingue, indaga in particolare l’odissea dei bambini sloveni deportati nei campi di Gonars, Visco, Arbe-Rab e Monigo (Treviso) tra il 1942 ed il 1943.
L’esposizione, curata da Metka Gombac, Boris M. Gombac e Dario Mattiussi, è corredata da un volume dallo stesso titolo, che ripercorre le vicende storiche che portarono alla deportazione dei civili sloveni nei campi di concentramento italiani, posti a ridosso del confine orientale, ed in particolare indaga l’odissea dei bambini sloveni deportati in questi campi tra il 1942 ed il 1943.
I saggi contenuti nel volume consentono l’approfondimento dei temi affrontati dalla mostra, realizzata grazie agli scritti e disegni di bambini sopravvissuti alla deportazione e messi per la prima volta a disposizione dall’Archivio di Stato della Repubblica di Slovenia e dal Museo Sloveno di Storia Contemporanea di Lubiana. Disegni e scritti vennero composti durante i corsi di terapia post traumatica avviati in strutture mediche partigiane dopo la liberazione dai campi, successiva all’8 settembre 1943.
Ai tentativi di terapia, attuati stimolando i bambini a far riemergere la memoria delle sofferenze patite per poterle elaborare, ed ai temi svolti nelle scuole elementari organizzate dalle forze partigiane, dobbiamo la conservazione di questi materiali che costituiscono oggi una delle testimonianze più preziose e drammatiche di una delle pagine più buie della nostra storia.
La deportazione dei civili sloveni ci colpisce forse ancora più da vicino poiché molti dei campi di concentramento - come Sdraussina, Fossalon, Gonars, Visco - che ospitarono donne, anziani e bambini deportati sia dalle zone d’occupazione militare sia dal nostro territorio, sono luoghi che conosciamo ed in cui tutti noi ci siamo trovati, probabilmente senza immaginare che fossero stati teatro di tante sofferenze.
Il Comune di Sala Bolognese con questa iniziativa affronta nuovamente il tema dei campi di concentramento italiani.
La mostra rimarrà aperta sino al 5 febbraio 2012, con questi orari: Mar e Giov 9-13 e 14.30-19 – Sab e Dom 10-12. L’ingresso è gratuito.
Visite guidate gratuite su prenotazione (tel. 051-6822535)
Palazzo del Monte di Pietà - Via Dante Alighieri, 29 - 34072 GRADISCA D'ISONZO (GO)
ONLUS Iscr. R.G. 569 - C.F. 91018340314
Tel/Fax 048199420 - www.istitutogasparini.it – email: segreteria@...
Ecco, alla mostra organizzata a Ljubljana sono stati invitati all'apertura quasi tutti i bambini sopravvissuti. Allora avevano una età dai sette ai dieci anni e oggi ne contano settanta in più. Gli organizzatori sono riusciti a creare un ambiente incredibile. I bambini di allora rivedevano i propri compiti dopo decine di anni e rivivevano l'ambiente e la situazione di allora. I sopravvissuti hanno rivisto per la prima volta i propri compiti di scuola di 70 anni prima. Non potevano credere che la storia si fosse ricordata di loro, dei loro patimenti e della loro gioventù provata dall'esperienza del lager. (Paola Ferroni)
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Maggiori informazioni su Pavelic, gli ustascia ed il revisionismo croato al nostro sito: https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/ustascia1941.htm )
By EFRAIM ZUROFF
01/04/2012 23:28
A service for Hitler is unthinkable.
So why is the world quiet in response to a service for Ante Pavelić?
Imagine for a minute that memorial masses were held in two major cities in Germany on the anniversary of the death of Adolf Hitler. Needless to say, such a ceremony would arouse fury, indignation, and widespread protests not only in Germany, but throughout the entire world. Last week, the local equivalent of such an event took place in Croatia, but instead of anger and demonstrations, not a single word of protest was heard from anywhere in the country.
I am referring to the December 28 memorial masses conducted in Zagreb and Split (and perhaps elsewhere as well) to mark the 51st anniversary of the death of Ante Pavelić, the head of state of the infamous Independent State of Croatia, created by the Nazis and their Italian allies in 1941. Following its establishment, rule was turned over to the local fascist movement, the Ustasha, headed by its Poglavnik (leader) Ante Pavelić.
During the entire course of its brief existence (1941- 1945), the Ustasha sought to rid the country (which consisted of the area of today’s Croatia plus most of Bosnia-Herzegovina) of all its minorities, as well as their local political opponents. In order to do so, they established a network of concentration camps all over the country, the largest and most notorious of which was Jasenovac, located on the banks of the Sava River, southeast of Zagreb. There, many tens of thousands of innocent civilians were murdered in a variety of brutal ways, which earned the camp the nickname of the “Auschwitz of the Balkans.”
To this day, there continue to be disputes regarding the total number of civilians murdered by the Ustasha, but the number is certainly no fewer than several hundred thousand, primarily Serbs, along with Jews, Roma and anti-fascist Croats. And while all those who participated in these atrocities bear criminal responsibility, the individual with the greatest culpability was undoubtedly Ante Pavelić, who headed the most lethal regime in Axis-dominated Europe.
THE MEMORIAL masses to honor Pavelić, who died in Spain in 1959 from wounds suffered in an assassination attempt two years earlier, mark a renewal of a tradition which began in the 1990s following the reestablishment of Croatian independence. In the wake of the conviction in Zagreb of Jasenovac commandant Dinko Sakic and in response to protests by the Wiesenthal Center, the mass was stopped and the priest responsible, Vjekoslav Lasic, left Croatia.
Unfortunately, however, Lasic returned to Zagreb a few years ago and renewed his neo-fascist activity with impunity. At the funeral of Sakic, who insisted on being buried in his Ustasha uniform although in prison for his World War II crimes, it was Lasic who administered final rites. According to the Dominican priest, although Dinko Sakic did not observe all the Ten Commandments (Thou shalt not murder?), he was a model for all Croatians, and every Croat should be proud of his name.
The question now is, how does such an event to honor the memory of one of the biggest mass murderers of World War II pass with nary a word of protest or condemnation? The obvious address for such indignation would be in Croatia itself, where many people fought with Tito’s partisans against the Ustasha, and a significant sector of the population have a strong anti-fascist tradition. But the same question applies outside the country as well.
Croatia is well on its way to membership in the European Union (slated for 2013), a membership which is ostensibly contingent on the acceptance of EU values and norms. Is a memorial mass for one of Europe’s worst war criminals compatible with EU membership?
The sad truth is that in this respect, the European Union has failed miserably in dealing with the resurgence of neo-fascism and the promotion of Holocaust distortion in its post-Communist members. Once admitted to the EU (and NATO), countries like Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Hungary and Romania have begun to take active steps to rewrite their World War II histories, minimizing or attempting to hide the highly-significant role played by their nationals in Holocaust crimes, with barely a word of protest or condemnation from Brussels.
Instead of actively combating the Prague Declaration of June 3, 2008, which promotes the canard of historical equivalency between Nazi and Communist crimes and undermines the justified status of the Holocaust as a unique case of genocide, the EU has failed to adequately respond to this dangerous challenge to the accepted Western narrative of World War II and its tragic consequences.
I wish I could conclude with the good news that Israel and the Jewish world have responded appropriately, but unfortunately that is not the case. These developments have been purposely ignored by the Israeli government, which under Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman refuses to respond to the assault on our past in those countries which have evinced no particular interest in championing the Palestinian cause.
Last week’s masses in honor of Ante Pavelić are a mockery of Christian values and an insult to all the victims of the Ustasha, their relatives, friends, and people of morality and conscience the world over. The time has come for effective protests from within Croatia, as well as from the European Union, the United States and Canada, Israel and the Jewish world. That is the minimum that we owe the victims of that notorious mass murderer.
The writer is the chief Nazi-hunter of the Simon Wiesenthal Center and director of its Israel Office. His most recent book is, Operation Last Chance; One Man’s Quest to Bring Nazi Criminals to Justice, (Palgrave/Macmillan).
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“La resistenza in Jugoslavia. 1941-1945”
Proiezione del filmato proveniente dagli archivi di Belgrado.
Presenta: Giandomenico Beltrame (vice pres. ANPI Venezia).
Commenta i filmati: Vladan Relic (ex presidente della comunità serbo-ortodossa di Trieste).
A cura dell’A.N.P.I. di Venezia.
Ingresso libero.
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FERMARE OGNI INGERENZA ESTERNA IN SIRIA
E RISTABILIRE I DIRITTI UMANI E LA LEGALITA’
Le sottoscritte organizzazioni non governative umanitarie e a difesa dei diritti umani chiedono con forza alle Nazioni Unite e alla comunità internazionale di agire immediatamente per fermare ogni tentativo di intervento militare straniero contro la Siria e di favorire una vera mediazione svolta in buona fede. Questa imperdonabile negligenza non può continuare.
Com’è noto, nei mesi scorsi c’è stata una crescente campagna mediatica internazionale sugli eventi in Siria, spesso basata su resoconti parziali e non verificabili, com’è già successo nel caso della Libia.
Quello che si sa è che sono in corso violenti scontri fra truppe governative e le truppe di insorti dell'autoproclamato Esercito di Liberazione della Siria, con basi in Turchia al confine con la Siria, e che questo crescendo di violenze ha già provocato enormi perdite anche di civili. I civili innocenti sono le prime vittime di ogni guerra. Entrambe le parti armate hanno dunque responsabilità.
Ma l'intervento militare esterno non è assolutamente il modo per proteggere i civili e i diritti umani.
AFFERMIAMO CON FORZA CHE:
1) Il cosiddetto “intervento militare umanitario” è la soluzione peggiore possibile e non può ritenersi legittimo in nessun modo; la protezione dei diritti umani non viene raggiunta dagli interventi armati;
2) al contrario le guerre portano, come inevitabili conseguenze, ad imponenti violazioni dei diritti umani (come si è visto nel caso della “guerra umanitaria” in Libia);
3) l'introduzione di armi dall’estero non fa che alimentare la “guerra civile” e pertanto dev'essere fermata;
4) non è tollerabile che si ripeta in Siria lo scenario libico, dove una “no-fly zone” si è trasformata in intervento militare diretto, con massacri di civili e violazioni dei diritti umani.
VI CHIEDIAMO CON FORZA DI FAVORIRE:
1) una mediazione neutrale tra le parti e un cessate il fuoco: ricordiamo che la proposta avanzata da alcuni paesi latinoamericani del gruppo Alba è gradita anche all’opposizione non armata
2) un’azione per fermare l’interferenza militare e politica straniera, volta a destabilizzare il paese;
3) il reintegro della Siria nel Blocco Regionale;
4) lo stop a tutte le sanzioni che attualmente minacciano il benessere dei civili;
5) una missione d’indagine internazionale parallela da parte di paesi neutrali per accertare la verità;
6) l'invio di osservatori internazionali che verifichino fatti e notizie che circolano attualmente privi di verifiche e di verificabilità.
PROMOSSO DA:
Associazione Peacelink, Italia ; U.S. Citizens for Peace & Justice – Rome
FIRMATARI
Associazione Nazionale Italia Cuba circolo di Roma, Rete No War Roma, Red. Contropiano; rete dei Comunisti; Associazione U.V.A; associazione Liberigoj; associazione Un Ponte per, Rete nazionale Disarmiamoli!, ...
80 UDRUŽENJA PROTIVI SE VOJNOJ INTERVENCIJI U SIRIJI I ŽELE KOLEKTIVNO POSREDOVATI NA OČUVANJU MIRA
”Hitni apel za prekid strane vojne intervencije u Siriji, za uspostavljanje ljudskih prava i za očuvanje legaliteta”Naši supotpisnici, humanitarne organizacije (ONG) za ljudska prava, potiču vas da mobilizirate Ujedinjene Nacije kao i međunarodnu zajednicu da smjesta donesu mjere kojima bi se odmah odbacio projekt svake vojne interverncije u Siriji, i tome nasuprot, da djelujete s dobrim namjerama, uvjereni u istinsko miroljubivo posredovanje.Posljednjih mjeseci primijetili smo stalni porast kampanje u štampi koja pristrano prikazuje samo jednu stranu i iznosi neistine o događajima u Siriji. Bili smo svedoci istih priprema za stranu vojnu intervenciju u Libiji. Poznato nam je da postoje žestoki sukobi između pripadnika vladinih snaga i naoružanih ustanika, koji su se samoprozvali :»Libijsko Sirijskom Armijom», čije se beze nalaze u Turskoj, blizu sirijske granice. Znamo također da ti sukobi izazivaju pogibije mnogih civila, koji su uvijek prve žrtve svakog konflikta. Jasno je da obje naoružane strane snose odgovornost.
Ali strano vojno uplitanje nije uputan način da se zaštite prava civila kao i ljudska prava.
and to restore human rights and respect for legality
We, the undersigned non-governmental, human rights, and humanitarian organizations, urge you to mobilize the United Nations and the international community to take immediate action to halt any foreign military intervention against Syria, and instead, to act in good faith for a true mediation. Time is of the essence. We ask to act in good faith in favor of a true and peaceful mediation.
Over the past few months we have observed a steadily increasing media campaign that presents a partial and unverified account of what is happening in Syria. The same thing occurred in the lead-up to foreign intervention in the case of Libya as well.
We know that there are violent clashes between government troops and the armed insurgents of the self-proclaimed “Syria Liberated Army” with bases in Turkey, near the Syrian border. And we know that such conflicts are provoking an enormous death toll among civilians as well. Innocent civilians are the first victims of every conflict. It therefore seems clear that in Syria both armed sides bear responsibilities.
But external military interference is absolutely not the way to protect civilians and human rights.
WE STRONGLY AFFIRM THAT:
1) the proposed so-called "humanitarian military intervention" in Syria is by far the worst option and can claim no legitimacy whatsoever; protection of human rights is not obtained through armed intervention;
2) indeed, recent history shows that the inevitable results of foreign armed intervention are massive human rights violations, as in Libya;
3) smuggling weapons into an area of conflict only fuels a "civil" war and must be stopped;
4) the Libyan scenario must not be allowed to take place in Syria, i.e. a “no-fly zone” which turns into direct military intervention followed by massacres and massive human rights violations.
WE THEREFORE URGE THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO FAVOR:
1) a ceasefire on both sides and neutral mediation between the parties: we remind that a proposal made by some Latin American countries from the Alba group seems to be welcomed also by the non-armed opposition
2) action to stop foreign military and political interference in Syria aimed at destabilizing the country (and possibly the entire region);
3) reinstatement of Syria into the Regional Block;
4) a halt to current sanctions which are harming civilians;
5) an international investigative mission by neutral countries and organizations to ascertain the truth about the conditions of life in Syria;
6) an investigation by neutral international observers into the accusations and news reports coming out of Syria and which at present it has not been possible to verify.
PROMOTED BY
Peacelink Association, Italy ; U.S. Citizens for Peace & Justice – Rome;
SIGNATORIES
Associazione nazionale Italia-Cuba circolo di Roma, Rete No War-Roma, Redazione Contropiano; Rete dei Comunisti; associazione U.V.A, associazione Liberigoj; associazione Un ponte per; Rete nazionale Disarmiamoli!,...
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Milosevic, Saddam, Gaddafi: Lynchjustiz und Geopolitik
von Hannes Hofbauer
Seit dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion und des Warschauer Paktes im Jahre 1991 wurden drei dem Westen missliebige Staats- und Regierungschefs von den Institutionen des weltumspannend agierenden Triumvirats USA-EU-Nato ermordet beziehungsweise starben sie unter deren Verantwortung. Diese Entwicklung ist beunruhigend. Am 11. Mai 2006 wurde der frühere jugoslawische Staatspräsident Slobodan Miloševic tot in seiner Zelle in Scheveningen aufgefunden, nachdem ihm vom Haager Tribunal die gewünschte medizinische Hilfe verweigert worden war. Am 30. Dezember 2006 starb der zuvor per Bombenkrieg und Militäreinmarsch gestürzte irakische Ministerpräsident Saddam Hussein in al-Kadhimiya nordöstlich von Bagdad unter dem Galgen. Und am 20. Oktober 2011 schlugen und schleiften libysche Rebellen Muammar al-Gaddafi zu Tode.
Was haben diese drei toten Staatschefs gemeinsam? Zuallererst und sichtbar die brutale Form ihrer Eliminierung. Kein seriöses Gericht hat je ihre Schuld untersucht, kein internationales Hearing ihre Verantwortung für etwaige Kriegsverbrechen festgestellt. Die Verurteilungen erfolgten durchwegs durch westliche Medien nach entsprechenden Instruktionen höchster politischer und militärischer Kreise aus dem Umfeld der Nato. Im Moment ihrer Eliminierung galten alle drei als das personifizierte Böse schlechthin; und als solche wurden – im Falle von Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein und dessen Söhnen – ihre verunstalteten Leichen der Öffentlichkeit präsentiert. Medienkonsumenten sollten sicher sein: Hier liegen Teufel, keine Menschen. Der politische Mord mit anschliessender Zurschaustellung des Feindes weist zivilisatorisch in ferne Vergangenheit.
Physisch eliminiert wurden Miloševic, Saddam Hussein und Gaddafi als Feinde, nicht als Verbrecher. Und sicherlich waren sie Verbrecher, verantwortlich für eine ganze Reihe von Untaten. Aber diese ihre Verbrechen, die von der Niederschlagung oppositioneller Kräfte bis zur Repression ethnischer Minderheiten reichten, bildeten nur den Vorwand für die militärischen Interventionen des Westens. Eine andere Interpretation verbietet sich angesichts der Tatsache, dass politische Unterdrückung auch sonstwo in vielfacher Form stattfindet und keine «internationale Gemeinschaft» daran denkt, deswegen militärisch zu intervenieren. Von Saudi-Arabien bis Spanien/Baskenland, von Nigeria bis Indonesien hätte die Nato alle Hände voll zu tun, ihre Armada für Menschenrechte in den Kampf zu schicken.
Nur in ganz bestimmten Fällen tritt die westliche Allianz militärisch auf, um – angeblich – Zivilisten zu schützen. Wann und wo tut sie das? Und welche Gründe stecken dahinter?
Die westlichen Alliierten haben Miloševic, Saddam Hussein und Gaddafi nicht wegen ihrer schlechten, sondern wegen ihrer guten Politik zu Tode gejagt. Alle drei waren Symbole unterschiedlicher Formen von «Entwicklungsdiktatur». Diese beinhaltete Sozialpolitik für die Masse des Volkes, Bemühungen um einen regionalen Ausgleich und Anstrengungen in Richtung einer wirtschaftlichen Modernisierung. Das unterschied sie von jenen, die sich in erster Linie als Vertreter ausländischer Investoren oder fremder geopolitischer Interessen sahen und sehen. In Jugoslawien, im Irak und in Libyen hatten ausländische Investoren nur beschränkten Zugang zu den nationalen Märkten, fremde Militärbasen waren unerwünscht. Das war einer der Hauptgründe, warum Miloševic, Saddam Hussein und Gaddafi der Troika aus Nato, USA und EU als verdächtig galten, warum sie schliesslich als Feinde betrachtet wurden.
Aber auch die geopolitische Lage ihrer Länder machte sie zum Objekt westlicher Begierde. Alle drei liegen an der Peripherie der westlichen Einflusszone, historisch wie aktuell. Während des kalten Krieges waren Jugoslawien, der Irak und Libyen Schlüsselstaaten zwischen den zwei Blöcken, die aus eigener politischer und wirtschaftlicher Stärke keinen Grund sahen, ihre Unabhängigkeit gegenüber westlichen Übernahmen wie östlichen Begehrlichkeiten preiszugeben. Moskau und Washington garantierten indirekt je die Hälfte dieser Eigenständigkeit, womit auch das nationale Selbstbewusstsein stieg. Nach dem Ende der Sowjetunion hing dieses in der Luft und führte ohne Rückendeckung aus Moskau direkt in die Katastrophe. Es scheint, als ob die Länder zwischen den Blöcken am allermeisten unter dem Vormarsch der neuen imperialen Strategie zu leiden hatten und haben. War es, weil sie potentiell dazu in der Lage gewesen wären, eine andere als die von EU, USA und Nato diktierte Integration in den Weltmarkt zu bewerkstelligen? Fühlte sich dadurch die imperiale Troika bedroht?
Jugoslawien, der Irak und Libyen konnten auf eine lange Geschichte der ökonomischen Partnerschaft mit dem RGW (Rat für gegenseitige Wirtschaftshilfe, der sowjetischen Entsprechung zur EU) verweisen. Bis in die späten 1980er Jahre florierte der Handel mit Investitionsgütern, Konsumgütern und Waffen. Abgewickelt wurde der Handel sowohl über harte Währungen als auch in Form von sogenannten Barter-Geschäften, also durch direkten Gütertausch, was in der Welt der Dollarhegemonie verpönt war. Dreieckshandel mit afrikanischen Staaten oder Indien war an der Tagesordnung. Anfang der 1990er Jahre nützten die USA und EU-Europa die Schwäche der postsowjetischen Führung, um via Uno just über diese drei ökonomisch relativ potenten und eigenständig agierenden Länder Wirtschaftsembargos zu verhängen. Im August 1990 traf ein solches den Irak, dessen Truppen zuvor in Kuwait einmarschiert waren. Zwei Jahre später, 1992, verhängte der UN-Sicherheitsrat Sanktionen gegen Jugoslawien (30. Mai) und Libyen (31. Mai). Im Fall Belgrads wurden diese mit der «falschen» Parteinahme im jugoslawischen Bürgerkrieg, im Fall Tripolis mit der angeblichen Verantwortung für die Sprengung einer PanAm-Maschine über Lockerbie begründet, die bereits Jahre zuvor stattgefunden hatte.
Der Irak, Jugoslawien und Libyen waren die einzigen Staaten, die durch langjährige Wirtschaftsblockaden lahmgelegt wurden. Und es traf nicht nur sie selbst, sondern auch ihre traditionellen Handelspartner im Osten: Russland, Bulgarien, Rumänien … Dies ausgerechnet in einer Zeit, in der die zusammenbrechenden postkommunistischen Ökonomien sich neu orientieren mussten. Dringend hätten sie halbwegs kräftige Partner benötigt, die mit ihnen auf Nicht-Dollar-Basis Produkte handeln und tauschen hätten können. Die Embargos gegen den Irak, Jugoslawien und Libyen verhinderten dies. Anfangs empörten sich noch nicht gesäuberte Kader aus der sowjetischen Epoche über die erzwungenen Verluste: «In den ersten sechs Monaten seit Bestehen des Handelsembargos gegen den Irak hat die Sowjetunion vier Milliarden US-Dollar eingebüsst», gab Igor Mordvinov, Sprecher des Ministeriums für aussenwirtschaftliche Beziehungen, zu Protokoll. Heute wissen wir, dass die spätere Russische Föderation viel mehr verloren hat: die Möglichkeit einer alternativen ökonomischen Integration zum US-dominierten Weltmarkt.
Miloševic und Saddam Hussein waren bereits gestürzt, als Gaddafis Libyen eine kleine Chance sah, die grosse Zeitenwende zu überleben, ohne sich den Diktaten Washingtons und Brüssels völlig ausliefern zu müssen. Nachdem Tripolis 2004 Schmerzensgeld an die Nachfahren der Lockerbie-Opfer gezahlt hatte, ohne damit ein Schuldeingeständnis zu verbinden, hob der UN-Sicherheitsrat das Embargo auf. Bis dahin war Gaddafi der einzige unter den drei Parias, der die Wirtschaftssanktionen physisch überlebt hatte. Internationale Abkommen mit Grossbritannien, Frankreich und Italien wurden unterzeichnet. Aber Gaddafi erinnerte sich auch an die traditionell guten Beziehungen zu Moskau und begann, diese zu reaktivieren. Im Schatten der Westkontakte versuchten Moskau und Tripolis enge wirtschaftliche Bande zu knüpfen. 2007 besuchte Aussenminister Sergej Lawrow das Wüstenland, kurz darauf kam Wladimir Putin persönlich, um den Vertrag über den Bau einer 550 km langen Eisenbahnlinie zwischen Bengasi und Sirte perfekt zu machen. Noch interessanter waren Gespräche über die Konstruktion einer Erdgasleitung, die unter der technischen Leitung von Gazprom durch das Mittelmeer nach Europa führen sollte. Als dann noch der mächtigste Mann Russlands, Gazprom-Chef Alexej Miller, im April 2008 zu Gaddafi reiste, läuteten im Westen die Alarmglocken. Sein Angebot an Tripolis kam einer geopolitischen Bombe gleich. Gazprom würde Libyen zukünftig «das gesamte geförderte Erdgas sowie das verflüssigte Naturgas zu Weltmarktpreisen abkaufen», wie die Agentur Interfax am 9. Juli 2008 meldete. Der Westen fühlte sich bedroht. Wäre daraus ein Vertrag geworden, hätte Gazprom über die im November 2011 eröffnete Ostseeröhre «North Stream» sowie über die zu bauende «Mittelmeer-Pipeline» den westeuropäischen Gasmarkt weitgehend unter Kontrolle gebracht.
Heute wissen wir, dass es anders kam. Seit Wochen hetzen die Vorstandsvorsitzenden westlicher Öl-, Gas- und Wasserkonzerne nach Libyen, um unter den Bedingungen eines nicht existierenden Staates mit einer sogenannten «Übergangsregierung» – was die Sache äusserst preiswert macht – Nutzungs- und Förderverträge abzuschliessen. Nach acht Monaten Krieg kann sich die Koalition der Willigen, allen voran französische, britische und US-amerikanische Konzerne, billig bedienen. Der zu Redaktionsschluss im Amt befindliche Premier des Übergangsrates, Abdel Rahim el-Kib, wird seine administrativen Pflichten gegenüber den westlichen Investoren genauso widerspruchslos erfüllen, wie seine Kollegen Boris Tadic und Nuri al-Maliki dies in Belgrad und in Bagdad tun.
Hannes Hofbauer ist Chef des Promedia-Verlages in Wien und Autor zahlreicher Bücher. Im Herbst 2011 erschien aus seiner Feder «Verordnete Wahrheit, bestrafte Gesinnung. Rechtsprechung als politisches Instrument». Der obige Beitrag erschien zuerst in englischer Sprache auf www.strategic-culture.org.
Zeit-Fragen, 3.1.2012
Quelle: COMPACT 12/2011
=== * ===
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Andrea Lorenzo Capussela - 2 December 2011
Kosovo, autostrada ad ogni costo
Un progetto "patriottico"
Ombre sulla gara d'appalto
Il precedente albanese
Back in Kosovo
Riconoscenza, soldi, politica
BELGRADE -- U.S. Ambassador in Priština Christopher Dell has "strong personal interest" in Kosovo Albanian authorities taking over control of the administrative line.
This is according to a report on Thursday in Belgrade-based daily Blic.
The newspaper claims that tge U.S. diplomat has close business ties with a U.S. corporation that is taking part in the construction of a highway from the Albanian capital of Tirana, to Merdare on the administrative line between Kosovo and central Serbia.
According to the article, Dell is to receive a percentage from the construction of the highway which is being built by U.S. Bechtel Corporation and its Turkish partner ENKA.
The ambassador’s role is allegedly "to pour money into Kosovo’s budget and to make sure that the priority is to pay the U.S. company".
None of the sources could specify how big Dell the percentage received by Dell will be, but it is believed to be a significant amount of money.
The daily also says it learned "from a well-informed source in Priština" that the Bechtel Corporation owns 15 percent of the total value of the contract, which according to some exceeds EUR 620mn. Dell became involved when Americans realized that the Kosovo government did not have the necessary funds to make the payments.
The U.S. ambassador’s strong advocacy for the completion of Kosovo institution’s control - in the Serb north that rejects the authority of the government in Priština - is described as "a continuation of the U.S. policy in the field, but it also represents an opportunity to make profit".
According to the Blic’s source, the Kosovo budget does not have enough money and Dell believes that a way out is a sale of the telecommunications company.
According to some estimates, the so-called Telekomi Kosoves - which is in fact property owned by Serbia - could be sold for EUR 300-350mn.
A tender for the sale of the company is still open even though bids were supposed to be accepted only through June. If and when sold, it is estimated that some 75 percent of the money will be spent on payments for the highway construction. Croatia’s Telekom is among the bidders, and Croat Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor’s recent visit to Kosovo is believed to have been related to that.
“The money will be used to repay debts and it will go into the budget. But the most important thing is that there will be enough for the U.S. firm,” the daily’s source was quoted as saying.
Among other things, the highway represents an ideal link between the U.S. Camp Bondsteel and the Albanian coast, and the U.S. Fifth Fleet ships, according to the article.
Albania also signed the agreement with the U.S. company. However, certain countries have had negative experience with the Bechtel Corporation.
One of them is Romania, where a price estimate for a highways was EUR 2.2bn in 2004, to then reach EUR 7bn, with the deadine for completion moved to 2013.
The construction works started in Albania in 2006, and currently reached Prizren in Kosovo.
The newspaper also describes Christopher Dell as the diplomat exerting the most influence on the Kosovo Albanian government and its head Hashim Thaci. According to this, they did not have the support from EULEX to send Kosovo police to take over administrative line checkpoints in July, but Dell "knew about the operation".
Now, when Priština is announcing a new "takeover of borders", the U.S. ambassador is saying it is "a legitimate right of Kosovo to return its customs and police to the north".
The daily concluded that Dell also took part in the making of an "operational plan" for this to happen, that was announced on Wednesday by Thaci.
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GRTV 2011-11-27
http://rt.com/news/kosovo-serbs-barricades-kfor-267/
GRTV - by Sasha Knezev - 2011-11-29
http://rt.com/news/kosovo-clashes-violence-victims-421/
TV Most
LEPOSAVIĆ -- Na barikadi na putu prema administrativnom prelazu Jarinje, na teritoriji opštine Leposavić, 29. novembra 2011. je održana projekcija filma „Težina lanaca" režisera Borisa Malagurskog...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2AgGmQAjuQw
Global Research, November 30, 2011
http://rt.com/politics/churkin-kosovo-serbs-security-537/
Andrea Lorenzo Capussela - 2 December 2011
http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Regions-and-countries/Kosovo/Kosovo-the-unnecessary-highway-that-could-bankrupt-Europe-s-poorest-state-108430
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7119
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7151
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7157
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7175
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7196
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7199
or http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7219
THE BELGRADE FORUM FOR A WORLD OF EQUALS
Belgrade, December 16th, 2011.
WHAT, REALLY, IS VERY BAD IN KOSOVO?
WASHINGTON -- U.S. Ambassador in Belgrade Mary Warlick stated for Voice of America that progress has been made in the dialogue, but that Kosovo's participation in regional forums has not been resolved yet, as well as that it is very bad that there are barricades in Kosovo…
First of all, it is very bad to take way 15% of the Serbian state territory by force and hand it over to the former terrorist leader Hashim Tachi and co;
Second, it is very bad that the US government violated sovereignty and territorial integrity of FRY ( Serbia ), guarantied by UN SC resolution 1244 (1244) and Serbia ’s Constitution, by recognizing unilateral illegal secession of Prishtina and lobbying world-wide recognition of such an illegal act;
Third, it is very bad that the US established military base Bondstil in Kosovo, said to be the biggest US base in the world, immediately following the NATO aggression in 1999, without asking permission neither from Serbia to which the territory belongs, nor from UN SC which still has mandate over the Province;
Fourth, it is very bad that US government, having decisive role in KFOR and UNMIK, has done little if anything, to help uncover perpetrators of thousands of crimes against Serbs in Kosovo including abductions, disappearance and deaths of over 1.000 Serbs since KFOR/UNMIK took over full responsibility in the Province 1999;
Fifth, it is very bad, that the US obstructs return of contingents of Serbian Army and Police to Kosovo explicitly provided for by UN SC resolution 1244(1999);
Sixth, it is very bad that US government obstructs that investigation about human organs harvesting and trafficking, demanded by the Resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, as well as by the Government of Serbia, be conducted under UN SC and not EULEX mandate;
Seventh, it is very bad, that US Government, has done little if anything, to help free and safe return of about 230.000 of displaced Serbs and other non-Albanians to their native homes in Kosovo, as provided for in the UN SC resolution 1244 (1999);
Eighth, it is very bad that US State Secretary Hillary Clinton has just signed the document with Edita Tahiri about cultural monuments in Kosovo and Metohija, omitting to note that those monuments in over 90% of cases are monuments of Serbian culture, including Serbian medieval churches and monasteries some of which have been registered part of the world cultural heritage by UNESCO;
Ninth, it is very bad that illegal police and customs officers of illegal Prishtina entities have been transported by NATO military helicopters to the administrative line in Northern part of the Province, to establish state border within Serbia’s state territory, using military force against civilian peaceful protesters and violating the will of the Serbian majority to remain free within Serbia.
KFOR, EULEX and illegal so called "albanian Kosovo" institutions are blocking much needed humanitarian aid from Russia to Serb population in currently occupied southern Serbia's province of Kosovo and Metohija...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mkNZ9jty_lE
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 7, 2011
Russia sends humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs
MOSCOW: Russia is sending on Wednesday a second shipment of humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs, totaling 284 tons, the emergencies ministry said.
A 40-truck convoy will deliver blankets, power generators, furniture and food supplies, the ministry said in a statement on Tuesday.
The convoy will leave the city of Noginsk near Moscow at 5.45 a.m. Moscow time and is expected to arrive in the city of Mitrovica in northern Kosovo in two days.
In November, an emergencies ministry’s Il-76 cargo plane delivered the first shipment of humanitarian aid, weighing 36 tons, to the city of Nis in southern Serbia.
A Russian-Serbian center for emergency situations in the Balkans opened in Nis in October.
Kosovo, a landlocked region with a population of mainly ethnic Albanians, declared its independence from Serbia in February 2008. Ethnic Serbs account for up to 10 percent of Kosovo’s two-million population.
Both Serbia and Russia have refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence.
Itar-Tass - December 13, 2011
Russian humanitarian convoy banned from entering Kosovo
The European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, or EULEX Kosovo, prevented a convoy of Russian humanitarian supplies from entering northern Kosovo via the Jarinje checkpoint on the Serbian border.
The convoy consists of 25 trucks, carrying food, blankets, cutlery, and portable electric generators.
After the first two trucks went through the necessary customs formalities, the procedure was interrupted, without any explanation provided so far.
http://rt.com/news/russia-aid-serbia-kosovo-733/
RT - December 13, 2011
Russian humanitarian convoy blocked at Kosovo border
A Russian truck convoy carrying humanitarian aid for Kosovo’s Serbian population is now heading back to Russia after daylong negotiations between Russia and EULEX proved fruitless.
The Russian convoy consisting of 25 trucks with humanitarian aid including power-plants, blankets, food supplies, furniture and other necessities had been heading for Mitrovica, the largest city in Kosovo’s Serb-dominated north. Two trucks were able to enter Kosovo through the Jarinje border checkpoint but the rest were not allowed through by the EULEX police in charge of the post.
EULEX said it wanted to escort the convoy on its way to Mitrovica, but Russia said the region was safe and there was no reason for EULEX to accompany its trucks. Kosovo Serbs did not want to let EULEX police through as they saw it as an opportunity for Kosovo customs officials to sneak into their region. EULEX also said Russia could use another checkpoint at Merdare. However, Russia refused this offer because the checkpoint is under Kosovo control, a country Russia does not recognize.
The Russian ambassador to Serbia, as well as Russian Emergency Ministry officials and diplomats arrived at the scene to negotiate with EULEX. The talks took place in a roadside café and in a nearby meadow. However, at the end the day, they were to no avail and the remaining 23 trucks are now heading back to Russia according to the latest reports for RT’s Igor Ogorodnev.
In November 20,000 Kosovo Serbs signed a petition asking for Russian citizenship. The Russian Foreign Ministry rejected their demand but said Russia would help the Serbian population of Northern Kosovo with humanitarian aid.
Northern Kosovo has seen a surge in violence this year after the government of Kosovo tried to enforce its trade embargo with Serbia. Some Kosovo Serbs launched an attack on customs checkpoints set up by the Kosovo administration, resulting in NATO and EULEX becoming involved. Since the summer the local Serbian population has set up barricades to prevent international peacekeepers from using the main roads in the region.
---
http://www.itar-tass.com/en/c32/296539.html
Itar-Tass - December 13, 2011
Kosovo Albanian authorities try to use Russian convoy for seizing control over checkpoint
JARINJE: A Russian convoy carrying humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs has been staying at the entry to Kosovo since 2:00 p.m. Moscow time on Tuesday.
EULEX officers refuse to let the trucks cross the Jarinje checkpoint on the administrative border of central Serbia and Kosovo. The first two trucks were cleared by the customs and the procedure stopped by the order of the mission administration without any explanations.
EULEX insists that the convoy must be accompanied for security reasons, Russian Ambassador to Serbia Alexander Konuzin said. In his words, the Russian side has repeatedly declined the accompanying of the convoy as there are no threats to the convoy in northern areas of Kosovo.
Meanwhile, Kosovo Serbs refuse to let EULEX vehicles into the areas they control. A source in Kosovska Mitrovica told Itar-Tass that eleven EULEX vehicles are staying at the entry to the city. Kosovo Albanian border guards, customs officers and journalists are members of the so-called accompanying group. “It seems the Albanian side has decided to use the occasion for taking control over the Jarinje checkpoint, whose approaches are blocked by Kosovo Serbs,” the source said.
The Russian ambassador called the Serbian foreign minister to discuss the problem. The Russian Foreign and Emergency Situations Ministries were informed about the situation.
Russian diplomats, representatives of the Emergency Situations Ministry and the media insist on the free movement of the Russian convoy to the territory of Kosovo.
The convoy crossed the Romanian border on Saturday and headed for Kosovo for transferring the humanitarian cargo to the Serbian organization of the Red Cross in Kosovska Mitrovica.
Twenty-five trucks departed from Noginsk on December 7 to bring power plants, blankets, food, dishes and folding furniture to Serbia. The total weight of the humanitarian cargo is 284 tonnes. The convoy was supposed to cross the territory of Russia, Ukraine, Romania and Serbia.
Emergency Situations Minister Sergei Shoigu said on Friday that the ministry was sending another humanitarian convoy to Kosovo Serbs.
“A convoy carrying humanitarian cargo will depart from the Russian Emergency Situations Ministry’s 179th rescue center in Noginsk, Moscow region, to Serbia at 5:30 a.m. Moscow time on December 10,” he said.
The trucks will deliver diesel power plants, furnaces, folding furniture, household heaters, blankets, bed linen and food with the total weight of 160 tonnes, the minister said.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=12&dd=13&nav_id=77768
Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency - December 13, 2011
Ambassador: EULEX blocking humanitarian aid
JARINJE: Russian Ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Konuzin says that the EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, is blocking a convoy of humanitarian aid.
The 27 trucks carrying the aid to Serbs in the north, sent by Russia, are blocked at the Jarinje administrative checkpoint since Tuesday morning.
The convoy of trucks sent by the Russian Ministry for Emergency Situations and meant to be delivered to Serbs in Kosovo arrived at the gates at Jarinje this morning, the ambassador told reporters at the spot, adding that the convoy had been told it would be allowed to cross the administrative line between central Serbia and the Kosovo province.
He said that the formalities concerning the procedures for trucks to enter the southern Serbian province had to be observed and were underway.
Two trucks have already been allowed to enter and are already in the province, and a third truck was currently undergoing the same procedure, said Konuzin.
“EULEX then issued an order to halt the formal procedure, blocking the convoy movement," he said. "We received no information as to the reason for stopping the control procedure. Then we were given the ultimatum to either continue to move on accompanied by EULEX or to go to the Merdare checkpoint,” he said.
Konuzin said EULEX had then been said it was not required to escort the convoy and that the convoy would not go on to Merdare because the crossing was controlled by authorities from Priština that neither Russia nor the Serbian authorities considered legitimate.
For now, the movement of the convoy remains blocked, Konuzin said, adding that he was in contact with Serbian and Russian authorities trying to find a solution.
“The most important thing is for the Russian humanitarian aid to reach those for whom it is meant - Kosovo Serbs,” the Russian diplomat said.
Speaking in Kragujevac, central Serbia on Tuesday afternoon, Serbian President Boris Tadić "thanked Russia for sending the humanitarian aid", and added that "no convoy carrying aid to Serbs in Kosovo should be stopped as they are today the most vulnerable ethnic group in Europe”.
Russian trucks through, EULEX turned back
Earlier in the day, Serbs in northern Kosovo removed a barricade this morning to let through a convoy of 25 trucks carrying Russian humanitarian aid enter northern Kosovo.
The barricade was located in front of the Jarinje administrative line checkpoint, in the area that's part of central Serbia.
The vehicles then reached Jarinje, which is controlled by EULEX officials. Journalists also saw police officers of the Kosovo Albanian authorities from Priština there, but they did not check the trucks and cars.
Russian Ambassador in Belgrade Aleksandr Konuzin traveled in the convoy. At the barricade, he exited his car to shake hands with the Serbs guarding the roadblock and took pictures with them.
But when a convoy of 11 vehicles belonging to the EU mission in the province, EULEX, headed for Jarinje from the southern, ethnic Albanian, part of Kosovska Mitrovica, Serbs turned them back twice from two locations.
Initially, it was said that EULEX was sending vehicles to escort the Russian convoy, but when Konuzin said that such escort was not needed, Serbs stopped the EULEX vehicles in Zvečan.
That convoy went back via the ethnic Albanian village of Čabra and via Jagnjenica, but soon after they made another attempt to reach Jarinje. The locals then stopped them in the village of Žerovnica near the town of Zvečan.
Kosovska Mitrovica Mayor Krstimir Pantić told reporters that the Serbs blocked EULEX because the mission was "transporting Kosovo border police and customs" to Jarinje, as well as Albanian-language media crews from Priština, whose goal was to report that "the road toward Jarinje is passable, and that a Russian humanitarian envoy was the first to cross a customs post that Serbs are boycotting".
Pantić described this as "yet another unnecessary provocation" on the part of EULEX:
"This new provocation by EULEX was meant to cause the Serbs to react inappropriately and be blamed for that. It was unnecessary for EULEX to head toward the north when nobody asked them to do that."
Ambassador Konuzin was expected to address the citizens at another barricade, in Leposavić, and then in Kosovska Mitrovica, where the aid shipment is to be handed over to the Red Cross.
The shipment consists of food, tents, blankets, and other goods, and will be distributed to Serb families most in need of such assistance.
It was announced that the ceremony in northern Kosovska Mitrovica would be attended by officials of the Ministry for Kosovo, the Red Cross, and local self-administration.
...
The presence of the Kosovo police was noticeably reinforced along the main road from Kosovska Mitrovica to Jarinje, said Tanjug's reporters in the province.
Itar-Tass - December 14, 2011
Political blackmail in Kosovo - Ambassador
A convoy of trucks carrying humanitarian aid from the Russian Emergency Situations Ministry has become an object of political blackmail. This was announced on Tuesday by the Russian Ambassador to Serbia Alexander Konuzin.
"The Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) has once again gone beyond its mandate and has taken the side of the Kosovo Albanian authorities," said Konuzin.
According to him, after the first two trucks successfully passed the necessary customs formalities on the border between central Serbia and Kosovo, the procedure was abruptly stopped without explanation by orders from the mission’s leadership.
According to the Ambassador, the basis of the actions was "politically motivated."
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=12&dd=14&nav_id=77783
B92/Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency - December 14, 2011
Humanitarian aid still at administrative crossing
JARINJE: A Russian convoy of 24 trucks carrying humanitarian aid to Serbs in Kosovo still has not crossed the Jarinje administrative checkpoint.
EULEX wants the Russian convoy to go to the Priština-controlled Merdare checkpoint.
Russia’s Ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Konuzin said that it was “EULEX’s blackmail he cannot accept”.
Two trucks crossed the administrative line on Tuesday but the other trucks were not allowed to go through and the reason why the convoy has not been allowed to cross is still unknown.
The Russian ambassador was told by EULEX that the trucks could not proceed without EULEX’s escort and that they could cross at the Merdare crossing. Konuzin refused to accept both conditions.
Ambassador Konuzin today conferred via video link with Russian Emergency Situations Minister Sergei Shoigu, who said the humanitarian convoy was blocked without any official explanation.
"The problem of the passage of the Russian humanitarian aid convoy for Serbs in Kosovo has not been solved. We do not know when it will be solved, because we have not received any official response. We are acting strictly in line with UN resolution (1244) and are sending only humanitarian cargo, which can be checked," Shoigu told Russia 24 TV outlet.
At the same time, Russian envoy to NATO Dmitry Rogozin reacted to describe the case as "humanitarian crime", and add that Moscow cannot negotiate about it with the unrecognized state in Kosovo.
"We do not recognize those authorities as authorities of an independent state. We will continue negotiations exclusively with international representatives of NATO and the EU. The recognition of Kosovo is a matter for their conscience, as well as the recognition of gangsters of the former Kosovo army (KLA), who have now formed their own police units," said the ambassador.
The blocking of the convoy of Russian trucks at the administrative line checkpoint of Jarinje will be one of the topics discussed at the EU-Russia summit, Rogozin announced.
A spokesperson for the EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, said in Priština that the convoy "had two choices to enter Kosovo", and listed them as either accepting EULEX police escort, "because that is usual practice", or going to the Merdare checkpoint.
Irina Gudeljevic also noted that if the convoy accepted EULEX police escort, "that means that EULEX vehicles must be let trough the barricades".
The citizens in the north of the province, however, are not allowing EULEX through their barricades, because the EU mission has been transporting Kosovo Albanian institutions' customs and police workers to the checkpoints in the north.
Serbs are a majority population north of the Ibar River and they reject the authority of the government in Priština, and the ethnic Albanian unilateral declaration of independence made in early 2008.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/12/14/62216503.html
Voice of Russia - December 14, 2011
Russian humanitarian convoy blocked on Kosovo border
A Russian convoy which is to deliver 285 tons of humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs remains blocked on the demarcation line between Serbia and the Kosovo province. On Tuesday afternoon, the representatives of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, (EULEX) halted a convoy with Russian humanitarian aid for Kosovo Serbs.
The border guards let two trucks enter Kosovo but after that EULEX ordered them to halt the third truck for custom formalities. These formalities, in particular, implied that the Russian trucks should be convoyed by EULEX representatives to enter the territory of Kosovo.
In response Serbs blocked 11 cars with EULEX representatives who were on the way to Jarinje. According to Alexander Konuzin, Russia’s ambassador in Serbia, who is heading the convoy, Pristina laid it down as a condition either the trucks go to Kosovo’s Mitrovica convoyed by EULEX or they turn back and go to the administrative center of Merdare, where is Kosovo custom checkpoint is located.
Konuzin told EULEX representatives that he had not asked them to convoy the trucks with humanitarian aid. He also said that the Russian convoy would not go to Merdare because this checkpoint is controlled by Pristina authorities, which neither Serbia nor Russia recognize as a legitimate government.
It should be noted here that if the Russian convoy passes through customs in Merdare it can be taken as an indirect recognition of Kosovo’s independence by Russia.
Meanwhile, Peter Feith, the representative in Pristina of the US and the 22 EU countries that recognize Kosovo, said he did not understand why the Russian ambassador should go to the north of Kosovo if there is a Russian representative in Pristina. Feith recommended the Russian embassy to follow the rules and to agree on cargo delivery with Pristina authorities.
But he forgot to mention an important detail: the Russian office in Pristina is part of the Russian embassy in Belgrade and Alexander Konuzin is the ambassador on the entire territory of Serbia including Kosovo, which Moscow regards as an integral part of Serbia.
By the way, Peter Feith says he does not see any humanitarian crisis in Kosovo. At the same time, according to the Serbian Red Cross’ report, about 30,000 people in Kosovo, which is one fifth of the regional population really need such an aid, Vesna Milenovic, the secretary general of this organization, said in an interview with the Voice of Russia:
"We see no reasons not to let the humanitarian convoy enter Kosovo. We received humanitarian aid from Russia several times and it was always at the right time," Milenovic continued. According to her, "the current aid was put together considering the current needs of the population. It contains flour, sugar, canned meat products and hygiene products, and all this is really needed. It is winter now and people’s humanitarian needs are growing. That is why they also need electric heaters as well as portable power generators, which will be installed in the organizations where they are especially needed."
And here is a statement from Mileta Babovic, General Secretary of the Association of Serbia’s economic executives, which also collects humanitarian aid for Kosovo Serbs:
"This humanitarian aid is very important now - it is not clear how the situation in the region will develop. The talks between Belgrade and Pristina are likely to last long. Meanwhile our citizens in Kosovo still live in conditions of total instability when one day you have a land plot and a house and next day Albanians come and take it away from you."
Russia’s Emergency Ministry and Russia’s envoy inn NATO Dmitry Rogozin have already called the actions of the EU representatives who halted Russia’s convoy on the border with to Kosovo as a “humanitarian crime”.
On Wednesday the Russian leadership plans to raise this issue at the EU-Russia summit in Brussels.
http://www.aco.nato.int/statement-by-the-north-atlantic-council-on-present-situation-in-kosovo.aspx
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - December 1, 2011
Statement by the North Atlantic Council on present situation in Kosovo
Today, we discussed the situation in Kosovo with our partners in KFOR.
NATO Allies and KFOR partners are deeply concerned about the recent developments in the northern part of Kosovo, which we continue to monitor carefully. The use of violence against KFOR is unacceptable and we deplore it. NATO and our KFOR partners welcome President Tadic's statement of 29 November, which must be followed by concrete actions. We urge all parties to exercise restraint and cooperate fully with all international actors on the ground to ensure freedom of movement without delay.
NATO Allies and KFOR partners fully support Commander KFOR...NATO and our KFOR partners commend KFOR's coordination with EULEX in this regard.
NATO Allies and KFOR partners call on Belgrade and Pristina to continue their constructive participation to the EU-facilitated dialogue.
B92/Politika/Danas - December 1, 2011
N. Kosovo Serbs build three new barricades
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA: Even though President Boris Tadić called for removal of barricades, northern Kosovo Serbs have built three new barricades in the village of Jagnjenica.
A barricade in the village of Dudin Krš has been reinforced.
Daily Politika writes that the local Serbs are keeping watch at all 19 barricades in northern Kosovo.
...
Northern Kosovo Serbs “disappointed” in Tadić
They told Politika that they would call an emergency joint session of four northern Kosovo Serb municipalities on Thursday in order to discuss the president’s request.
Daily Danas, on the other hand, writes that the northern Kosovo Serbs are ready for alternative resistance measures if the government decided to implement some temporary measures against them. The daily has learned that criminal charges against Belgrade team chief Borislav Stefanović will be filed by the local Serb representatives as soon as details about today’s talks with Priština in Brussels are made public.
The daily also added that the northern Kosovo Serb representatives will most likely request a parliament session so the MPs could discuss a change of the state policy which was announced by Tadić.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=12&dd=02&nav_id=77594
Tanjug News Agency - December 2, 2011
Holocaust memorial desecrated in Kosovo
PRIŠTINA: Kosovo police are investigating who sprayed swastikas on dozens of tombstones in a Jewish cemetery in Priština.
“Jews out” was spray-painted on a memorial for Jewish families who perished during World War II.
Police Spokesman Brahim Sadrija said Thursday that police had sealed off the cemetery in Priština and were looking for clues. The vandalism is believed to have happened Tuesday, AP has reported.
”Kosovo police went to the scene and have taken the necessary steps. An expert from Priština’s Monument Directorate has also been contacted. The investigators are conducting an investigation in order to find out who the perpetrator of this act is,” Sadrija told Radio Free Europe.
He said he could not disclose more details pending the ongoing investigation.
Kosovo Albanian President Atifete Jahjaga and PM Hashim Thaci have condemned the act. :)
The U.S. Embassy in Priština was the first to condemn the incident and called on the Kosovo authorities to thoroughly investigate the case and bring the persons responsible for it to justice.
Kosovo's Jewish community left for Israel and Serbia during and after the 1998-99 Kosovo war.
Austrian Independent - December 2, 2011
Injured soldiers return home from Kosovo
The seven Austrian soldiers who were injured in conflict in Kosovo have returned home and are on the mend. According to "Österreich" two of the men have already left the hospital and the others are making a speedy recovery.
"Two soldiers are receiving care at home," said Major Gerhard Oberreiter from the military base in Upper Austria. "The other five are being cared for in hospitals in the area with many of them in the west," in Innviertel.
It seems the men have even got their sense of humour back. "When I was flown back on Wednesday, I felt like I had been in a pub brawl," said 24-year-old Manuel Sperl. Corporal Sperl from Ried im Innkreis, was the most seriously injured of the soldiers and was flown back to Austria on Wednesday. The soldier suffered a lung contusion after he and his troops came under attack from Serbians during a demonstration on Monday.
According to doctors at the AKH hospital in Linz, the 24-year-old has made an incredible recovery having been on a drip for just a day. His family have also been able to breathe a sigh of relief after waiting for hours at the airport on Wednesday for the much loved brother and uncle.
Mayor of Ried in Austria, Albert Ortig, is keen for the community to show their appreciation to the heroes. "They are our barracks, they are our soldiers. We are all closely connected to them," said Ortig. "As a town we will thank the soldiers and their families after Christmas and show our appreciation - it is the least we can do," he said.
People's Daily - December 2, 2011
China calls for cool heads in Kosovo
Li Baodong, the Chinese ambassador to the United Nations, said in his speech to the U.N. Security Council on Nov. 29 that China is concerned over the continued tension in northern Kosovo.
Li stressed that all parties should fully understand the situation in the region, including its sensitivity and complexity. Li said all involved should handle the differences through dialogue and negotiations while avoiding actions that may escalate tensions.
The situation in Kosovo is crucial to the peace and stability of the Balkan region and the rest of Europe as well, Li said. Serbia's sovereignty and territorial integrity should be respected and the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 is an important legal basis to solve issues pertaining to Kosovo.
Furthermore, the issue should be resolved within the framework of the U.N. Security Council resolutions, and through dialogue, consultation, negotiation and other peaceful means.
Tanjug News Agency - December 2, 2011
KFOR fortifies position, Serbs stand watch
JAGNJENICA: KFOR troops fortified their camp in Jagnjenica on Friday with large sacks filled with rocks and sand, said reports from northern Kosovo.
Inside the camp, which stretches to the nearby ethnic Albanian village of Čabra, is a host of army trucks, armored transporters and jeeps, Tanjug is reporting.
From a forest-covered hill above the camp, KFOR troops are videotaping the people gathered at the barricades in Jagnjenica.
Troops are also posted on top of their vehicles, which they used to block the road leading to Zvećan on Monday, after KFOR had broken through the barricade set up by local Serbs.
The trucks and buses removed and damaged in this operation can still be seen in Jagnjenica, and inside the circle KFOR has surrounded by barbed wire are several cars left over from KFOR's last operation.
In the neighboring village of Zupče, one lane is open for traffic, so passenger cars were are to travel on the road from Kosovska Mitrovica to Ribariće on Friday.
Protesting Serbs are also standing watch on Friday at other barricades, while the two official administrative crossings in northern Kosovo - Jarinje and Brnjak - remain closed, so the only way between northern Kosovo and central Serbia remain by bypass forest roads.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/12/02/61409376.html
Interfax - December 2, 2011
Russia to send observers to Kosovo to protect Serbs
“Russia should expand its presence in the Balkans,” he says. “It should send its observers there. The presence of foreign observers will most probably make Kosovo’s authorities think twice before persecuting Serbs.”
“Openness and transparency are very serious matters,” the Russian MP continues. “If an international tribunal on Serbia already exists, an international tribunal on Kosovo will appear sooner or later.”
Mr. Torshin believes that “what is happening in Kosovo looks very much like genocide of the Serbian people”.
Tanjug News Agency - December 3, 2011
KFOR commander: We won't tolerate violence
PRIŠTINA: KFOR Commander Erhard Drews has stated that troops under his command will in the future respond in kind to violence against them.
Drews said that he would not tolerate the use of force against KFOR troops, Radio Television of Kosovo has reported.
He said that KFOR would respond with the same means to those who used force in a case of escalation of violence such as the one at the village in Jagnjenica last Monday.
The KFOR commander said he expected concrete results when it came to Serbian President Boris Tadić’s call to northern Kosovo Serbs to remove the barricades.
Tanjug News Agency - December 3, 2011
PUPS warns of possible displacement of Kosovo Serbs
BELGRADE: The Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) deputy leader Milan Krkobabić has warned of possible displacement of Serbs from Kosovo.
He has called on Serbian officials to make sure that a new displacement of Kosovo Serbs does not happen.
During a visit to a refugee settlement in the Belgrade neighborhood of Krnjača, Krkobabić commented on the political situation in Kosovo and stressed that those leading the negotiations should visit the camp.
“It would be good if those people who are today leading the negotiations with Priština came here instead of going to cafes and spent a day or two, to hear and see things that are happening to you and then decide about the fate of those people at the barricades,” he stressed.
Tanjug News Agency - December 1, 2011
NUNS condemns KFOR attack on journalists
BELGRADE: The Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (NUNS) has condemned KFOR's attack on a group of journalists at a barricade in the village of Jagnjenica.
Pointing out that violence against journalists cannot be justified, NUNS has stated that it strongly condemns the KFOR’s attack on a group of reporters that took place on Tuesday.
“NUNS will inform international journalists and media associations about this shocking attack of KFOR members on the journalists,” it is said in the announcement.
According to media reports, KFOR troops attacked journalists reporting for Belgrade-based Press and Kurir dailies, and cameramen of several Belgrade-based TV outlets.
The incident happened around 16:00 CET on Tuesday.
It took place at the new barricade in the village of Jagnjenica when KFOR troops without any reason or warning fired rubber bullets at the reporters and crews, the association stressed in its statement.
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 8, 2011
Kosovo Serbs continue petitioning for Russian citizenship
Kosovo Serbs, who earlier addressed Moscow with a request to grant them Russian citizenship, may continue to file their petition. This was announced on Thursday to RIA Novosti news agency by a representative of the "Old Serbia" movement, publicist Rajko Dzhurdzhevich.
In early November, Kosovo Serbs handed over to the Russian embassy in Belgrade 21 thousand signatures of those seeking Russian citizenship, because they believed that Serbia was not giving them adequate support.
Earlier on Thursday at a briefing in Moscow Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman Alexander Lukashevich said that that such a request “cannot be fulfilled in accordance with the Russian Citizenship Law.”
Dwelling on the deplorable situation in the province, Dzhurdzhevich pointed to the unequal position of Kosovo Serbs in their standoff with the international military forces, and likened Serbian enclaves to "concentration camps, since people there live behind barbed wire."
Tanjug News Agency - December 13, 2011
"Plans being made to conquer north militarily"
BELGRADE: Interior Minister and Deputy PM Ivica Dačić says a local Serb businessman who was described as a criminal by KFOR "is not Kosovo's biggest problem".
The EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, sent no proof of Zvonko Veselinović's involvement in the unrest in the north, Dačić told reporters on Tuesday, speaking at the Belgrade Aeroklub venue.
"Do you really think that the problem in Kosovo is Zvonko Veselinović? I cannot believe that you're considering the problem in such simplified terms. Being suspected of causing incidents is one thing, while what Serbs in Kosovo are demanding is another," he responded to questions from journalists.
Dačić also revealed that the Interior Ministry (MUP) had "certain information" about other activities of persons named by KFOR commander Erhard Drews as organizers of violence, but that no investigation was launched.
Asked whether "the Serbian police would arrest Veselinović if it had an opportunity", Dačić responded by saying this was "a hypothetical question", and added that "even if this were to happen, any extradition to Priština would be out of the question", since Serbia considers Kosovo a part of its territory.
The minister further stressed that Serbs had the right to put forward their political demands just as ethnic Albanians had done, and that he had been listening for two years "to the international community" saying that the center of crime was in northern Kosovo, but that this was "not true".
"That's a lie! The hotbed of crime is in Priština and in Albania. The Albanian mafia is the strongest in the world. Those are not my words, those are the words of Russian, German, and American services. Yet, here we are, discussing Zvonko Veselinović. I cannot believe we've reached this level," Dačić said.
He also sent a message to NATO's troops in the province, KFOR, that they "would do better to find a way to cooperate with Serbs in the north, and prevent unilateral actions in Kosovo".
"Does anyone really think we don't know what they're up to there? Does a part of the international community really think we don't know about the plans being made to militarily conquer northern Kosovo?" the minister asked, but would not provide any more details related to this assertion.
Northern Kosovo is inhabited by a Serb majority that does not recognize the Kosovo Albanian unilateral declaration of independence made in early 2008, or the authority of the Priština-based institutions.
In a bid to prevent Priština's customs and police from taking over administrative line checkpoints between northern Kosovo and central Serbia, local Serbs last summer put up barricades, blocking several roads in that part of Kosovo.
Itar-Tass - December 13, 2011
Kosovo - main drug transit center in Europe - Russia's anti-drug chief
Kosovo has turned into the main drug trafficking transit center in Europe, Russia`s anti-drug chief Viktor Ivanov said Tuesday.
He is now in Ljubljana where he is taking part in a ministerial conference of the Council of Europe Pompidou Group on combating drug abuse and illicit trafficking in Drugs.
Annually about 50 tons of heroin are transferred via Kosovo, he said.
B92/Beta News Agency - December 19, 2011
German chancellor arrives in Kosovo
BERLIN, PRIŠTINA: German Chancellor Angela Merkel has arrived in Priština and has already met with Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci.
The main goal of her visit is to pay a visit to German troops stationed in Kosovo, German government’s spokesman said earlier.
According to German media, Merkel will also meet with KFOR Commander Erhard Drews during her one-day visit to Kosovo.
The German chancellor was welcomed by Thaci and most of his deputies and ministers at Priština airport. She and Thaci will hold a press conference after the meeting.
The German media say that Merkel told Serbia loud and clear that the reason Germany did not support Serbia’s EU candidate status was wounding of two German troops in northern Kosovo.
Serbian government representatives, however, do not believe that her visit could strengthen Priština’s position.
»Ständig politischer Gewalt ausgesetzt«
Solidaritätsfahrten nach Mitrovica: Serben im Kosovo fühlen sich von Regierung in Belgrad im Stich gelassen. Ein Gespräch mit Benjamin Schett
Interview: Rüdiger Göbel
Benjamin Schett studiert in Wien Osteuropäische Geschichte und beteiligt sich an Solidaritätsaktionen für die Serben im Kosovo
Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel hat am vergangenen Freitag mit Blick auf die Auseinandersetzungen im Kosovo konstatiert, Serbien sei nicht reif für EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen. Das Land werde den Anforderungen des Prozesses »nicht gerecht«. Sie sehe bei Serbien keinen Kandidatenstatus. Wie ist die Nachricht bei der serbischen Bevölkerung angekommen?
Daß die Kritik aus Deutschland kommt, macht die Sache nicht gerade besser: Von einem Land, das Serbien im 20. Jahrhundert dreimal angegriffen hat und eine Tradition der Zusammenarbeit mit Rechtsaußenkräften in Kroatien pflegt, will man sich ganz sicher nicht belehren lassen.
Von Belgrad aus starten Busse mit Unterstützern zu den protestierenden Serben im Norden des Kosovo, die sich der von Pristina 2008 proklamierten Sezession verweigern. Was ist das Ziel dieser
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Che senso ha “venerare” Vaclav Havel?
On the death of Václav Havel
By Peter Schwarz
21 December 2011
The death of Václav Havel on Sunday has triggered a flood of positive obituaries. Throughout the international media, this former opponent of the Stalinist regime who became Czech president is being celebrated as “a statesman of historic significance,” “a great European” and “a fighter for human rights and democracy.”
Many in the Czech Republic and Eastern Europe would see this somewhat differently. Havel was the kind of democrat who above all saw Stalinism as an obstacle to their own social advance, because they were denied the social status, wealth and prominence enjoyed by sections of the upper middle class in the West. He was largely oblivious to the fate of working people.
Václav Havel was born on 5 October 1936 in an influential upper-class family in Prague. In the interwar period, his grandfather, father and uncle were involved in the construction of several buildings in Prague and the founding of the famous Barrandov Film Studios, acquiring a considerable fortune. After the Communist Party took power in 1948, they were dispossessed.
The Stalinist regime prevented Václav from attending high school because he came from a bourgeois family. He continued his education at night school, worked in a chemistry lab and as a taxi driver, beginning a business degree, which he later broke off. He entered the theatre as a stage technician and he began to present his own plays in the 1960s.
Havel’s plays were in the tradition of the theatre of the absurd, which shares much with existential philosophy. They criticized the absurd aspects of the Stalinist power structures, and contributed to the cultural atmosphere of the 1968 Prague Spring.
After the Prague Spring suppression by troops of the Warsaw Pact, Havel’s plays were banned in Czechoslovakia. He spent five years in prison for his opposition to the regime.
In 1977, Havel was among the initiators of Charter 77, which condemned the restriction and suppression of civil rights and the subordination of state institutions to the Communist Party. The only demand made by Charter 77 was compliance with treaties the Czechoslovak regime had signed, especially the Final Act of the CSCE Conference in Helsinki. The Charter has been published by leading Western newspapers and is considered the founding document of the civil rights movement in Czechoslovakia.
Havel always stressed he was not a dissident, because he had not “deviated” from Stalinism but had always been its opponent. He not only rejected Stalinism but any form of socialist perspective, and even the Enlightenment’s belief in progress.
The core theme of his plays and writings was the alienation of man from his “Lebenswelt” or the “natural world”—a term he borrowed, via the Czech philosopher Vaclav Belohradsky, from the phenomenology of German philosopher Edmund Husserl. He looked for the cause of this alienation in science, which in enlightened society had taken on the status of the highest authority, something previously reserved for a higher unknown (God).
“The natural world, in virtue of its very being, bears within it the presupposition of the absolute which grounds, delimits, animates and directs it, without which it would be unthinkable, absurd, and superfluous, and which we can only quietly respect,” Havel wrote in a 1984 essay Politics and Conscience. “Any attempt to spurn it, master it, or replace it with something else, appears, within the framework of the natural world, as in expression of hubris for which humans must pay a heavy price, as did Don Juan and Faust.”
Havel considered the most extreme form of alienation from the living world to be the Stalinist dictatorships. Rulers and leaders who were once personalities in their own right, “have been replaced in modern times by the manager, the bureaucrat, the professional apparatchik - a professional ruler, manipulator, and expert in the techniques of management, manipulation, and obfuscation, filling a depersonalized intersection of functional relations, a cog in the machinery of state caught up in a predetermined role.”
Finally, Havel writes in the same essay, this alienation is inherent to the whole of modern civilization: “To be sure, this process by which power becomes anonymous and depersonalized, and reduced to a mere technology of rule and manipulation, has a thousand masks, variants, and expressions. In one case it is covert and inconspicuous, while in another case it is entirely overt; in one case it sneaks up on us along subtle and devious paths, in another case it is brutally direct. Essentially, though, it is the same universal trend. It is the essential trait of all modern civilization ...”
Again and again he comes back to this point: “No error could be greater than the one looming largest: that of a failure to understand the totalitarian systems for what they ultimately are—a convex mirror of all modern civilization and a harsh, perhaps final call for a global recasting of how that civilization understands itself.”
From this, Havel concludes there is “one fundamental task from which all else should follow.” He explains, “That task is one of resisting vigilantly, thoughtfully, and attentively but, at the same time with total dedication, at every step and everywhere, the irrational momentum of anonymous, impersonal, and inhuman power—the power of ideologies, systems, apparatus, bureaucracy, artificial languages, and political slogans. We must resist its complex and wholly alienating pressure, whether it takes the form of consumption, advertising, repression, technology, or cliché—all of which are the blood brothers of fanaticism and the wellspring of totalitarian thought. We must draw our standards from our natural world, heedless of ridicule, and reaffirm its denied validity. We must honour with the humility of the wise the limits of that natural world and the mystery which lies beyond them, admitting that there is something in the order of being which evidently exceeds all our competence.”
This backward-looking, irrational, and, in the literal sense of the word, reactionary ideology made Havel the ideal instrument for the restoration of capitalism in Eastern Europe in 1989. He was one of the spokesmen of the so-called “velvet revolution” in Prague, in the course of which the Stalinist rulers negotiated the gradual peaceful transition of power with Havel’s Civic Forum.
This had less to do with the introduction of democracy, as with the dividing up of state property under a new class of capitalist owners, recruited from both the old Stalinist bureaucracy and the emerging “democrats.” The two camps agreed upon the political and legal mechanisms by which the former state-owned property was transferred into private ownership.
The intervention of broader social layers was not desirable, since the social gains of the working class were bound up with state-owned property and fell victim to the restoration of capitalism.
On December 29, 1989, as a representative of the Civic Forum, Havel was elected president by the Stalinist-dominated Federal Assembly. Six months later, he was confirmed in office by the now newly-elected parliament. His chief of staff was Karel Schwarzenberg, the scion of a centuries-old millionaire aristocratic family from Bohemia, and currently the Czech foreign minister.
Havel presided over the destruction of the education, health and pension systems, and the introduction of the “Wild West” capitalism that continues to shape the Czech Republic, Eastern Europe and Russia to this day. For workers and pensioners the political changes of 1989 have produced a social catastrophe. Havel, however, benefited from them; the return of the family assets expropriated in 1948 made him and his brother Ivan millionaires.
The wave of privatizations sparked violent clashes over the spoils between different wings of the ruling class, eventually leading to the division of the country. In 1992, Havel temporarily lost his office as a result, but after the secession of Slovakia Havel was elected President of the Czech Republic, a post he held for ten years.
Havel tried to stand above the party bickering through his eccentric political style, combining feudal pomp with elements of his theatre of the absurd. He celebrated the presidency at the medieval Prague Castle with fanfares, pomp, and other rituals, and asked his friend, director Milos Forman, to send a costume designer from Hollywood to outfit the grey-clad palace guard in new colourful uniforms.
The musician Frank Zappa and the Rolling Stones were also regular guests at Prague Castle. Their rock music was popular in Prague opposition circles in the 1960s.The Rolling Stones returned the favour, donating a new lighting system for the presidential palace.
Despite his eccentricities, Havel pursued an extremely right-wing political course. He integrated the Czech Republic as quickly as possible into the largest military alliance in the world and supported the wars in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq.
Havel refused to hold a referendum on the controversial issue of NATO membership, on the grounds that this would challenge the mandate of the democratically-elected representatives of the state and express mistrust towards the state. One of his last official acts was in 2003, with the Czech Republic’s inclusion in the “coalition of the willing,” although the government and the majority of Czech citizens opposed the Iraq war.
Havel’s anti-communism, his arrogance towards working people and his unconditional support for the wars of NATO and the US made him the darling of international politics and the media. His chest was not big enough for all the medals and decorations showered upon him. He was awarded the 1989 Peace Prize of the German Book Trade, in 1991 the Charlemagne Prize, and in 2003, from the hands of George W. Bush, the Presidential Medal of Freedom. He was also nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize several times.
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Oggetto: [Clarity] Must We Adore Vaclav Havel
Data: 19 dicembre 2011 01.03.07 GMT+01.00
Here is what I wrote about him about 15 years ago which might give readers a more substantive picture:
From Michael Parenti's Blackshirts and Reds (1997) pp. 97-99:
Must We Adore Vaclav Havel?
No figure among the capitalist restorationists in the East has won more adulation from U.S. officials, media pundits, and academics than Vaclav Havel, a playwright who became the first president of post-Communist Czechoslovakia and later president of the Czech Republic. The many left-leaning people who also admire Havel seem to have overlooked some things about him: his reactionary religious obscurantism, his undemocratic suppression of leftist opponents, and his profound dedication to economic inequality and unrestrained free-market capitalism.
Raised by governesses and chauffeurs in a wealthy and fervently anticommunist family, Havel denounced democracy's "cult of objectivity and statistical average" and the idea that rational, collective social efforts should be applied to solving the environmental crisis. He called for a new breed of political leader who would rely less on "rational, cognitive thinking," show "humility in the face of the mysterious order of the Being," and "trust in his own subjectivity as his principal link with the subjectivity of the world." Apparently, this new breed of leader would be a superior elitist cogitator, not unlike Plato's philosopher, endowed with a "sense of transcendental responsibility" and "archetypal wisdom." Havel never explained how this transcendent archetypal wisdom would translate into actual policy decisions, and for whose benefit at whose expense.
Havel called for efforts to preserve the Christian family in the Christian nation. Presenting himself as a man of peace and stating that he would never sell arms to oppressive regimes, he sold weapons to the Philippines and the fascist regime in Thailand. In June 1994, General Pinochet, the man who butchered Chilean democracy, was reported to be arms shopping in Czechoslovakia - with no audible objections from Havel.
Havel joined wholeheartedly in George Bush's Gulf War, an enterprise that killed over 100,000 Iraqi civilians. In 1991, along with other [e]astern European pro-capitalist leaders, Havel voted with the United States to condemn human rights violations in Cuba. But he has never uttered a word of condemnation of rights violations in El Salvador, Columbia, Indonesia, or any other U.S. client state.
In 1992, while president of Czechoslovakia, Havel, the great democrat, demanded that parliament be suspended and he be allowed to rule by edict, the better to ram through free-market "reforms." That same year, he signed a law that made the advocacy of communism a felony with a penalty of up to eight years imprisonment. He claimed the Czech constitution required him to sign it. In fact, as he knew, the law violated the Charter of Human Rights which is incorporated into the Czech constitution. In any case, it did not require his signature to become law. in 1995, he supported and signed another undemocratic law barring communists and former communists from employment in public agencies.
The propagation of anticommunism has remained a top priority for Havel. He led "a frantic international campaign" to keep in operation two U.S.-financed, cold war radio stations, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, so they could continue saturating Eastern Europe with their anticommunist propaganda.
Under Havel's government, a law was passed making it a crime to propagate national, religious, and CLASS hatred. In effect, criticisms of big moneyed interests were now illegal, being unjustifiably lumped with ethnic and religious bigotry. Havel's government warned labor unions not to involve themselves in politics. Some militant unions had their property taken from them and handed over to compliant company unions.
In 1995, Havel announced that the 'revolution' against communism would not be complete until everything was privatized. Havel's government liquidated the properties of the Socialist Union of Youth - which included camp sites, recreation halls, and cultural and scientific facilities for children - putting the properties under the management of five joint stock companies, at the expense of the youth who were left to roam the streets.
Under Czech privatization and "restitution" programs, factories, shops, estates, homes, and much of the public land was sold at bargain prices to foreign and domestic capitalists. In the Czech and Slovak republics, former aristocrats or their heirs were being given back all lands their families had held before 1918 under the Austro-Hungarian empire, dispossessing the previous occupants and sending many of them into destitution. Havel himself took personal ownership of public properties that had belonged to his family forty years before. While presenting himself as a man dedicated to doing good for others, he did well for himself. For these reasons some of us do not have warm fuzzy feelings toward Vaclav Havel.
--- Michael Parenti
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http://www.vancouversun.com/news/Archived+story+Bombs+combat+evil+Czech+president+Vaclav+Havel+says/5879053/story.html
Ottawa Citizen - December 18, 2011
Archived story: Bombs 'combat evil,' Czech president Vaclav Havel says
This article was originally published in The Ottawa Citizen, April 17, 1999.
PRAGUE: Czech President Vaclav Havel says the NATO bombing campaign is totally justified in the face of evil and that the rights of people must take precedence over the sovereignty of the state of Yugoslavia.
In an exclusive interview with the Citizen, the president of one of NATO's three new member countries said he will address the Canadian Parliament on the theme of human rights versus state rights during his visit to Ottawa in late April.
His unambiguous support for NATO is controversial in the Czech Republic, where the government has been deeply divided over the bombings and the country's ambassador to NATO was threatened with recall for being candid about the internal conflict at NATO headquarters in Brussels.
...Mr. Havel said he not only supports the NATO action but was labelled "a warmonger" for calling long ago for military force against Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
"My opinion is that evil must be combatted and that force can be used in combatting evil if it becomes truly necessary,'' he said. In his view, force is the only way to get Mr. Milosevic to engage in genuine political negotiations. Diplomatic efforts had been exhausted, genocidal attacks intensified and NATO had no choice.
...
The NATO air strikes, which began only days after the alliance memberships of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland were formalized, created such havoc in the government here that Mr. Havel worried aloud that the 19-member military alliance might hesitate about enlarging any farther to include other Central and East European countries formerly in the Soviet sphere.
The interview was held at Mr. Havel's huge office, adorned with personally chosen contemporary art, at the Prague Castle.
...Mr. Havel understood the interview questions in English but answered through an interpreter...
Mr. Havel's personal stature suffered a blow a few years ago when he married glamourous actress Dagmar Veskrnova, the woman who nursed him through his brush with cancer and took on the role of first lady with gusto. The marriage came a little less than a year after the death of his first wife, Olga.
Ms. Veskrnova is to accompany Mr. Havel on his 12-day North American trip, which begins next week at NATO's 50th-anniversary events in Washington and ends with a three-day swing to Canada, April 28-30, where he will receive an honorary degree at the University of Manitoba in Winnipeg before flying to Ottawa to address a joint session of the House of Commons and the Senate.
In the interview, Mr. Havel said the character of the NATO events in Washington next week will be changed as a result of the war.
"I doubt if the celebratory elements will be stressed,'' he said, noting the gathering, planned before the bombing campaign, was intended to adopt a new strategy for the 21st century.
He was unperturbed about NATO violating the principle of state sovereignty by intervening in an internal conflict or about the absence of United Nations Security Council authorization for the attacks.
For one thing, he said, NATO was following its own model from when it bombed Serb targets during the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina...
For another, he said, NATO's action conforms to the spirit of previous UN Security Council resolutions.
"Of course it would be better if there were a direct mandate from the Security Council,'' he said.
"But there are certain situations where the concern for the fate of human beings simply leads democratic states to taking actions, even without such a legal background, because in some cases the rights of man have to take precedence over the sovereignty of the state.''
"...The establishment of the Kosovo Liberation Army -- which is not made up of saints either - was a reaction to the oppression on the part of Milosevic's regime and especially the fact that Kosovo was deprived of its autonomy 10 years ago.''
Mr. Havel said he does not know how the situation will be resolved but he knows how it should be settled. ``The key is obtaining Yugoslavia's consent for the presence of peacekeeping forces on that territory,'' he said.
...
"This kind of ceasefire could pave the way for political negotiations on the future state of Kosovo, which obviously will be complex and it's difficult to predict a result,'' he said. "But without the presence of peacekeeping forces on the territory, I do not think the conflict can be stopped.''
He hopes it ends as soon as possible. "It now largely depends on President Milosevic.''
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Peter Handke: Die Geschichte des Dragoljub Milanović (Die Presse)
Die Geschichte des Dragoljub Milanovic
€ 9,– / Sfr 13,50, WG 1112
[978-3-902144-93-2]
Erstverkaufstag: 25. 8. 2011
In der Nacht des 23. April 1999 um 2:04 Uhr
Rolf Becker
Zur genannten Zeit zerstörten Bomben der NATO den Belgrader Rundfunk- und Fernsehsender RTS (Radio-Televizija Srbije) – punktgenau abgeworfen wie auf Brücken (Varvarin), Wasser- und Elektrizitätswerke, Automobil- und Chemiefabriken (Kragujevac, Novi Sad, Pancevo), Krankenhäuser, Schulen und Hochschulen, Wohnviertel, sogar auf den belebten Marktplatz von Nis – die Liste ließe sich fortsetzen. Sie zerfetzten 16 der zu dieser späten Stunde noch Beschäftigten und verletzten, zum Teil schwer, eine mindestens gleiche Anzahl. Zur Rechenschaft gezogen für diesen »speziellen Krieg – der nicht ›Krieg‹ heißen durfte, obwohl die Sieger sich ›Sieger‹ nannten«, wurden weder Täter noch Staaten der vereinigten Aggressoren, sondern einzig und allein der damalige Direktor des Senders. »Die Geschichte des Dragoljub Milanovic« – Peter Handke hat sie in den ersten Monaten dieses Jahres aufgeschrieben, vor wenigen Wochen wurde sie veröffentlicht.
Nur 32 kleinformatige, dabei großzügig gesetzte Druckseiten. Aber was für eine Geschichte. Vor wenigen Wochen erreichte mich der Anruf serbischer Freunde, Peter Handke zu fragen, ob er bereit sei und Zeit habe, die von mehr als 700 allein in Deutschland unterzeichnete Petition zur Freilassung von Dragoljub Milanovic der Regierung in Belgrad zu übergeben – anders sei die Aufmerksamkeit der Medien dafür kaum zu gewinnen. Seine Antwort liegt jetzt vor, schwarz auf weiß, statt des vermutlich vergeblichen Bittganges zu den neuen, den Siegermächten hörigen Herren; veröffentlicht zunächst in deutscher, vielleicht auch bald in serbischer Sprache, wünschenswert in allen NATO-Sprachen. Anmerkung Handkes zur Petition: »... die aber keiner der ›führenden westlichen Intellektuellen‹ unterschrieben hat – außer Harold Pinter (aus dem Jenseits).«
Nein – kein politisches Pamphlet, keine Kampfschrift, kein moralischer Appell, auch wenn diese Geschichte Peter Handkes seitens einiger auf vermeintlich politische Korrektheit bedachter Wächter in den Feuilleton-Redaktionen als Rückfall des Autors in seine Rolle als »echtester Erbwalter alter jugoslawischer Kultur und Tradition« (Welt online) gewertet wird. Auffallend aber zugleich, daß die Summe der Tatsachen, die in den zehn seit dem Überfall vergangenen Jahren ans Licht gekommen sind, sogar Blätter wie die FAZ zu ein wenig differenzierterer Stellungnahme veranlaßt: »Man mag zu Peter Handke stehen, wie man will, speziell aufgrund seiner umstrittenen Haltung zu Serbien: Er ist nun einmal das ›Nein‹, das hinschaut, das sich mit einfachen Wahrheiten nicht zufriedengibt. Das zeichnet ihn aus.« Und über Dragoljub Milanovic sogar: »Er wurde verurteilt und ins Gefängnis gesteckt für eine Tat, die andere begangen haben: nämlich wir. Seit neun Jahren ist er Häftling in einem Gefängnis seines eigenen Landes, wegen der nächtlichen Bombardierung seiner Fernsehanstalt durch die NATO.« Das Eingeständnis wird allerdings wenige Zeilen später relativiert durch Gemeinplätze wie: »Der bedrängte Staat funkt Durchhalteparolen, der andere will Aufgabe: Konflikt programmiert« mit der entsprechenden Folgerung: »Wenn man sich just an der Stelle aufhält, an der das Skalpell angesetzt wird, dann fließt Blut.« 16 Tote, 16 Verletzte, drei davon schwer – so einfach ist das aus der Sicht mancher Redaktionsstuben.
Bei allem, was Peter Handke infrage stellt, wird ihm die Version der Siegermächte und der von ihnen geschaffenen Einrichtungen wie dem Haager Tribunal entgegengehalten. So stellt sich für das österreichische Fernsehen »die Frage, ob das serbische Fernsehen tatsächlich nur Kriegspropaganda betrieben hat oder, wie Handke meint – und er bezieht sich auf seine subjektive Wahrnehmung der gesendeten Bilder 1999 – eben nicht. Denn daß den Bildern von den angerichteten Schäden und den Opfern des NATO-Einsatzes Bilder mit blühenden Landschaften eines unzerstörten Landes entgegengestellt wurden, das will der Erzähler nicht als Propaganda sehen« (ORF). Fazit: Bestätigung der NATO-Version – der Sender mußte ausgeschaltet werden, punktgenau. Handkes Zweifel, Einwände und Belege werden wie bei seinem in diesem Sommer bei den Salzburger Festspielen uraufgeführtem Stück »Immer noch Sturm« vom ORF »seiner träumerischen Auseinandersetzung mit der eigenen Kärntner-slowenischen Familiengeschichte« zugeordnet. Anders die Neue Zürcher Zeitung: »Es stimmt schon: Die Sieger dieses Krieges maßen sich mit andern Ellen als die Verlierer, und in Bezug auf die Bombardierung hängt über dem Haager Kriegsverbrechertribunal der Verdacht der Siegerjustiz.« Nachsatz allerdings, um die NATO-Mächte, darunter schließlich auch die benachbarte BRD, nicht als Aggressor zu bestätigen: »Aber exkulpiert dies automatisch die Verlierer? ... Handkes Wut ist dort produktiv, wo sie westliche Heuchelei demaskiert. Doch sie vernebelt ihm den Blick, wenn es um die serbischen Zustände jener Jahre geht.«
Wie umgehen mit einem Autor, der sich von seinem Bemühen um geschichtliche Wahrheit nicht abbringen läßt und sich samt seinen Lesern dem Mainstream verweigert? Die Autorin der bereits zitierten Online-Ausgabe des Springer-Verlages scheint zu glauben, Peter Handke (ausgerechnet ihn!) auch ästhetisch abwerten zu können: »Halb Literatur, halb literarisch entgleisende Realfiktion. Und stellenweise auch Kitsch, wenn er Milanovic beschreibt: ›Die Hände des seit fast zehn Jahren Eingesperrten lagen während des ganzen Gesprächs bewegungslos auf dem Besucherzellentisch, eine still über der anderen, bis am Ende der Stunden für einen Augenblick sich noch eine dritte Hand darüberlegte.‹« Als wäre der Eindruck, den Handke beschreibt, falsch, wenn Milanovic im Laufe des mehrstündigen Gespräches tatsächlich mal seine Hände bewegt hätte; falsch wie all das, was er zur Zerschlagung Jugoslawiens und zum Bombenterror gegen die serbische Bevölkerung geäußert hat: »Handke taugt nicht zum politischen Agitator, zu sehr läßt er Wut, Trauer, Trotz und Sarkasmus ineinander fließen. Wie bei jedem, der aus der Emotion heraus Politik betreibt, entstehen Fehler, Ungenauigkeiten. Handke interessiert sich nicht für das präzise Geschehen. Er fügt an: ›wenn ich mich recht erinnere‹ und: ›oder so ähnlich‹. Die literarische Form ermöglicht die Rettung ins Ungefähre.« Bild lesen statt Handke, denn: »Als literarisches Werk bietet das Buch, bis auf ein paar Seiten, wenig Genuß.«
Ein vergleichbar erhellender Rundumschlag findet sich im Berliner Tagesspiegel: »Liebe Literaturpreisjurys, vergeßt Peter Handke! Es bringt euch nur Ärger und Peinlichkeiten, wenn ihr versucht, den österreichischen Autor auszuzeichnen. Eigentlich ist das ja seit dem Eklat um den Heinrich-Heine-Preis der Stadt Düsseldorf vor fünf Jahren klar. Damals sperrten sich die Stadtoberen gegen die Entscheidung der unabhängigen Jury. Jetzt gibt es eine verkleinerte Neuauflage dieser Posse. Es ist ein Skandälchen mit Ansage: Peter Handke bekommt den Candide-Preis, aber nicht das Preisgeld von 15 000 Euro. Denn dem Sponsor – ein Buchbindemaschinenhersteller – paßt die Wahl der fünfköpfigen Jury nicht. Er weigert sich, die Summe zur Verfügung zu stellen … Grund für den Konflikt ist wie schon 2006 Handkes Engagement für Serbien. Sein Werk hat der 1942 in Kärnten geborene Schriftsteller dadurch tief beschädigt.«
»Es ist hier eine Geschichte zu erzählen« – so beginnt Peter Handke, und er löst ein, was er wie einen Auftrag ankündigt, nicht mehr und nicht weniger. Was den Zorn der Herren des Mainstreams auslöst, ist der Wahrheitsgehalt dieser Geschichte, ist das Fragen und Hinterfragen, auch Provozieren ihres Autors, der seine Wahrnehmungen und Erfahrungen gegen das von Politik und Medien verbreitete Bild verteidigt, gegen »die von vornherein festgestandenhabenden Sieger, beziehungsweise Gewinner ... Eine Geschichte demnach, erzählt allein den toten Fischen in der toten Donau, den leeren Maiskolben auf den leeren Feldern der Vojvodina, einem vertrockneten Blumenstrauß in einer verrosteten Konservendose auf dem Friedhof von, sagen wir, Porodin, und zuletzt dem Schädel, oder was von ihm übrig ist, im Grab von Ivo Andric.«
Resignation? Keineswegs, sonst würde Peter Handke die Geschichte nicht publizieren. Bitter gelegentlich, zynisch sogar angesichts der Kräfteverhältnisse, die es trotzdem zu verändern gilt. Provokation zum Nachdenken, Überprüfen und entsprechenden Eingreifen, zu dem er, der Einzelne, schreibend seinen Beitrag leistet: »...was für eine Art von Krieg. Devise: Ein Hirngespinst, wenn es amtlich wird und Arm der Macht, findet immer einen Gesetzesparagraphen, welcher es auf die Sprünge bringt – es realisiert; mit anderen Worten: in den Schein eines Rechts setzt.«
Über diesen Krieg »gegen den Staat, welcher damals noch ›Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien‹ hieß« hat er in zahlreichen Romanen, Theaterstücken, Berichten geschrieben. Hier beschränkt er sich – scheinbar – auf das Beispiel eines Senders: »Dem Tony und dem Bill genügte es, daß das serbische Fernsehen dokumentarische Bilder, unterlegt mit einem Berichtston, von den ›Luftschlägen‹ sendete, samt all den zivilen Kollateralopfern – es gab fast nur solche, zu guter Letzt an die 2.000 (zweitausend) –, und das völkerrechtlich geschützte Zivilobjekt RTS gab ein berechtigtes ›Ziel‹ ab; es brauchte nicht einmal der übliche Kollateralirrtum fingiert zu werden.« Den im Mainstream dahintreibenden Medien stellt er nicht mehr – und nicht weniger! – als seine eigene Wahrnehmung entgegen: Ich bezeuge, daß nicht ein einziges der damals gezeigten Bilder und/oder Tonbilder, auf eine beinah unfaßbare Weise bei allen den zentralen Zerstörungen und tangentialen Menschenzerfetzungen, etwas wie Tendenz oder Propaganda, geschweige denn Haß oder Rachsucht ausstrahlte.«
Handke wird zum Zeugen für Dragoljub Milanovic, »Häftling in einem Gefängnis seines eigenen Landes«, der »nicht imstande gewesen war, sich ›vorzustellen, daß in unserem Land absichtlich ein ziviles Ziel bombardiert würde ... am Eingang des dritten Jahrtausends‹,« und noch weniger, »daß danach die Repression solange weitergehen würde, ›bis wir zugeben, die Schuld an dem Angriff selber zu tragen‹.« Wie der ehemalige Bürgermeister von Varvarin, der vor Gericht gestellt werden soll, »weil er an dem bewußten Himmelfahrtstag, als zwei Bomben auf die kleine Brücke über die Morava – dort im Süden noch ein Flüßchen – abgefeuert worden sind, das Sperren der Brücke verabsäumt hatte; denn er hätte wissen müssen, daß von März bis Juni 1999 ausnahmslos jede, selbst die unbedeutendste öffentliche Einrichtung als Kriegsziel in Frage kam; daß durch die Bomben auf die Brücke von Varvarin die eigene Tochter des Bürgermeisters, des predsednik opštine, getötet worden ist, tut der Strafbarkeit keinen Abbruch.«
Mit Georg Büchner’schen Purzelbäumen hebt Handke gegen Ende seiner Geschichte Widersprüche, die unlösbar scheinen, auf. Wie jener die fürstlichen Popanze der Reiche von Pippi und Popo läßt er die Tonys und Bills der Imperien unserer Tage schlichtweg ungeschehen machen, was sie gestern angerichtet haben.
Handke lesen. Und sei es nur diese kleine Geschichte, in einer künftigen Gesellschaft der Weltliteratur zuzuordnen: »So höre, Schuhband, zerschlissenes. Hör zu, verrosteter Nußknacker. Hör zu, krumme Nähnadel. Höre, verstaubtes Stofftier. Höre, mein abgewetzter Fußabstreifer. Höre zu, Spiegelbild.«
Peter Handke: »Die Geschichte des Dragoljub Milanovic«, Jung und Jung Verlag, 37 Seiten, 9 €
Ossietzky, Ausgabe 24/2011
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