The propaganda »Srebrenica«
is NATO’s Auschwitz fake

Alexander Dorin, Zoran Jovanović

Srebrenica

what really happened

• Foreword
  Zum Geleit
  Predgovor
• A master race’s joke in Nazi manner
  Ein Herrenwitz nach Nazi-Art
  Gospodski vic u nacističkom žargonu
• Pre-history of and background to a historical lie
  Vorgeschichte und Hintergründe einer Geschichtslüge
  Predistorija i pozadina jedne istorijske laži
• Pictorial Documentation
  Bilddokumentation
  Dokumentacija slika
• Murdered Serbian civilians and soldiers
  Ermordete serbische Zivilisten und Soldaten
  Ubijeni srpski civili i vojnici
• Witness report by Janja Simić
• Zeugenaussage von Janja Simić
• Izjava svedoka: Janja Simić
• Destroyed houses of Serbs in the area of Srebrenica
  Zerstörte Häuser von Serben in der Umgebung von Srebrenica
  Uništene srpske kuće u okolini Srebrenice
• Witness report by Milorad Marjanović
• Zeugenaussage von Milorad Marjanović
• Izjava svedoka: Milorad Marjanović
• The perpetrators: Muslim death squadrons
  Die Täter: moslemische Todesschwadronen
  Počinioci: Muslimanske eskadrone
• Witness report by Tatomir Gvozdenović
• Zeugenaussage von Tatomir Gvozdenović
• Izjava svedoka: Tatomir Gvozdenović
• Funerals of Serbian Victims of Massacre
  Beerdigungen von serbischen Massakeropfern
  Sahrane srpskih žrtava masacra
• Witness report by Milka Božić
• Zeugenaussage von Milka Božić
• Izjava svedoka: Milka Božić
• Serbian Cemeteries
  Serbische Friedhöfe
  Srpska groblja
• Witness report by Rajko Jovanović
• Zeugenaussage von Rajko Jovanović
• Izjava svedoka: Rajko Jovanović
• Memorial Sites for the Serbian Victims
  Gedenkstätten für die serbischen Opfer
  Spomenobeležja srpskih žrtava rata
• Witness report by »Drago« Zikić
• Zeugenaussage von »Drago« Zikić
• Izjava svedoka: »Draga« Zikić
• Muslim combatants on the retreat from Srebrenica
  Moslemische Kombattanten beim Rückzug aus Srebrenica
  Muslimanski borci pri povlačenjuiz Srebrenice
• Epilogue: The latest from the Srebrenica lobby’s lie factory
  Epilog: Das Neueste aus der Lügen-Werkstatt der Srebrenica-Lobby
  Epilog: Najnovije iz radionice laži srebreničkog lobija
• List of the names of Serbs killed during the massacres in the area of Srebrenica between 1992 and 1995
  Namensliste der bei den Massakern 1992–1995 in der Umgebung von Srebrenica ermordeten Serben
  Imena ubijenih Srba u masakrima muslimanskih trupa izvršenim na području Srebrenica u vremenu između 1992. i 1995. godine
• Documentary Appendix
  Dokumentarischer Anhang
  Dokumentarni apendiks
• Dossier Srebrenica – Documentary (DVD) by Dalibor Josipović and Milan Knežević
  Dossier Srebrenica – Dokumentarfilm (DVD) von Dalibor Josipović und Milan Knežević
  Dosije Srebrenica – Dokumentarni (DVD) od Dalibora Josipovića i Milana Kneževića

Srebrenica is a small town in the East of the former Yugoslavian republic (and today the state, founded with a baptism of fire by NATO) of Bosnia-Herzegovina, an enclave in the Serbian area of settlement inhabited mostly by Muslims until the mid-1990s.
    But Srebrenica was more: in the constituent republic which was soon to be occupied by UN and NATO troops and torn by civil war, it was a (pseudo-)demilitarised "safe area", installed by the occupying powers, in addition to Žepa, Goražde, Sarajevo, Tuzla and Bihać. All of these "safe areas" were located in areas inhabited mostly by Serbs but were under UN or (which is the same thing) NATO control. Under the protection of the foreign occupying forces, the Muslims, who were anything but "demilitarised", being equipped with modern weapons (who were also described in the witness statements from surviving Serbs as "Ustaša" or "Turks"), launched attacks on the surrounding Serbian villages, whose inhabitants they manhandled bestially, tortured and slaughtered. This happened in the area around Srebrenica from 1992 until the summer of 1995, when Serb forces took the town without a fight (!), and this documentation is about the crimes committed against Serbian civilians that have remained unpunished to this day: Srebrenica – what really happened.
    But Srebrenica is even more: it is, when Western politicians and their aligned, US-controlled media mention its name, a topos charged with powerful emotions, a gruesome, bloodthirsty metaphor, in which racism, fascism, genocide, chauvinism, imperial nationalism, ethnic cleansing, mass rape – in short, all of the tried and tested labels for politically correct baiting of the last two decades – are not only uttered, but shouted deafeningly into one’s ears. And let it be noted: the Serb is always the murderer, just like in World War I, just like in Hitler’s invasion of Yugoslavia, and now for the third and presumably last time. The US Empire and its vassals have achieved the perversion of facts that allows the Serbs, instead of being, as they were, the victims of a genocide perpetrated by the Catholic Church and the Nazis, to be portrayed as a fascist people of perpetrators. Clinton, former German SPD Chancellor Schröder and former Green Foreign Minister Fischer are the political executors of Hitler’s legacy.
    "Srebrenica" in its official version is a propaganda lie that will not become the truth however loudly and frequently it is repeated. What the Sender Gleiwitz was to the Nazis, the little town of Srebrenica is to NATO.
    In proportion to the size of this lie is the scale of the crime itself, which was only made possible by the lie in the first place; it can only be compared with the allegedly murdered incubator babies and the alleged weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. As was taking place at the same time in Iraq, tens of thousands of people fell victim to the economic sanctions that had been imposed on Serbia since 1992. In spring 1999, the remains of Yugoslavia was bombed for eleven weeks by NATO, and then the historical and religious core of Serbia, the Amselfeld ("Kosovo"), was amputated, occupied and, in violation of the relevant UN stipulations, which guaranteed the territorial integrity of the rump of Yugoslavia, "released into independence". Now, 15 years later, this lie is being warmed up again, because now it is time to pass judgements on both the political and military leadership of the Serbs and ordinary combatants in show trials conducted by the victors and bury them alive for decades in prisons – provided, of course, that they have not already died there under dubious circumstances. And the world will discover, apart from the bawling in the obligatory five-minute hate broadcast, nothing of importance, least of all on the internet. It is ghostly: Radovan Karadžić or Vojislav Šešelji, whose adherents number millions, mutate into media monsters, stereotypes of terror. The ruling class has undoubtedly learned since the Nazis’ debacle in the Reichstag fire trial of Georgi Dimitroff et al: the lying runs like clockwork, and technology makes it possible worldwide. The propaganda "Srebrenica" is NATO’s Auschwitz fake.
    Srebrenica, as it really was: one of hundreds of war zones in Bosnia-Herzegovina, torn apart by the civil war between catholic Croats, orthodox Serbs and Muslims forcibly converted under Turkish rule. Just like the Nazis, the US imperialists subjugated the country by using the Islamic-Catholic axis, and the lie ruled right from the start: the Bosnian Serbs are supposed to have killed more than 250,000, while it has been proved that a total of between 30,000 and 60,000 people of all the parties to the civil war died; the evil, evil Serbs are supposed to have "systematically mass-raped" 60,000 women, no, 40,000, no, 20,000, until finally 119 documented cases remained (without the Serbian rape victims, of course) etc., etc. The propaganda "Srebrenica" is to a certain degree the generic term of this orgy of lies that has been raining down on our heads for years. There was fighting in the real Srebrenica too – of course, one almost is willing to say – resulting in about 2000 Muslims dying in battle. There are serious studies that exist on this matter, none more exemplary than that presented by the co-author of this documentation, Alexander Dorin (‘Srebrenica – Die Geschichte eines salonfähigen Rassismus’, Berlin 2010), the Bulgarian Germinal Civikov and several others. Admittedly, their voices are faint, which is inevitable under a worldwide regime of censorship.
    But before the propaganda "Srebrenica" there were real crimes committed in the same region, which have been suppressed, kept silent, covered up, swept under the carpet: because they were committed against Serbs. And these are what this documentation is about. Alexander Dorin has spared neither effort, time nor money in his years of painstaking research in order to bring these denied facts to light, and without a stroke of luck – in the form of a meeting with the co-author Zoran Jovanović – he still would not have succeeded. What they have brought to light is horrendous but none the less true for that. (Will some state censorship authority spring into action this time too, acting on behalf of "youth protection", "misogyny", "racism" or whatever? We’ll see…)
    In any case, it has become possible for the unbiased observer to hear the proverbial "other side", whose voice would otherwise have been silenced for all time – a sufficient, indeed urgent, reason for this publication.

Peter Priskil

Intervista a Krsljanin: ‘La Serbia è un paese occupato’

Interview with Krsljanin: ‘Serbia is an occupied country’

On Oct. 5, 2000, a coup engineered by U.S. imperialist agencies and supported by Western European imperialist governments overthrew the Socialist Party government in Yugoslavia led by Slobodan Milosevic. At the time — only 16 months after a vicious 79-day U.S.-led NATO air war against the people of Yugoslavia — there was much confusion even among progressive and anti-war forces in the imperialist countries due to the overwhelming anti-Milosevic propaganda in the corporate media. The following interview by Cathrin Schütz with former Milosevic aide Vladimir Krsljanin throws light on those events and the developments in Serbia in the last 10 years.

Ten years ago, on Oct. 5, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic was overthrown. What is hidden behind this “democratic revolution for freedom” celebrated by the Western media and politicians?

For 10 years Serbia had successfully resisted the war against Yugoslavia, which began in the early 1990s. After NATO’s war of aggression against our country ended in 1999 without a clear victory, London and Washington carried out a vast special operation to overthrow Milosevic; it was the mother of all subsequent “color revolutions.”

Through a presidential decree, Bill Clinton gave the CIA carte blanche to carry out a coup in Yugoslavia. Enormous sums were invested in political parties, NGOs [non-governmental organizations] and media. The fragmented opposition [to Milosevic and the Socialist Party of Serbia] was unified under foreign guidance. A coalition of 18 parties under the umbrella called the “Democratic opposition,” or DOS, formed with one goal: overthrow Milosevic.

William Montgomery, the person later named as U.S. ambassador to Belgrade, set up a specially equipped office in Budapest [in neighboring Hungary]. Opposition activists attended courses that were run by CIA agents. The so-called student group known as “Otpor” (Resistance) used the slogan “Gotov je” (He is finished) to conduct the election — this was all a project of Western intelligence agencies.

How did the overthrow take place?

In the Yugoslav presidential election on Sept. 24 the incumbent Milosevic obtained 15 percent fewer votes than Western-backed candidate Vojislav Kostunica. However, since neither of these two leading candidates won an absolute majority, it should have come to a run-off ballot. The DOS parties claimed that Milosevic had falsified the elections and Kostunica was victorious in the first round of voting. Otpor led violent street protests.

DOS wanted to prevent the runoff, although they would have won for sure. Milosevic refused to accept a resignation without a second round of voting.

At the height of the dispute, the Supreme Court issued a strange decision: Because of rumors of irregularities in the first ballot, all votes from the southern Serbian province of Kosovo were simply canceled. Of course, the vote in those districts would have to be repeated.

With Kosovo’s votes cancelled, Kostunica’s vote share increased to more than 50 percent. Milosevic acknowledged the decision and on Oct. 5 congratulated Kostunica’s victory. This step, which had barely been reported, was buried in what was a media-constructed “popular uprising.” As Otpor set the Parliament on fire, the Kostunica forces immediately and completely seized the government apparatus. With this coup they avoided a controlled handover of power.

It was thus not simply an electoral victory for the opposition?

The years-long image of Milosevic as a “dictator” in the Western media would have appeared absurd if he were simply removed by a Democratic vote. The West didn’t want to risk this loss of credibility. Mainly though, the “revolution” needed to be carried out violently to shorten the time until the new regime could allow far-reaching Western interventions in the state and economy, thus making the transformation irreversible.

After Oct. 5, government offices and businesses were occupied by so-called crisis units, and those previously in charge were dismissed. After a few months 40,000 officials had been illegally removed from office. Today’s economy minister, Mladjan Dinkic, began his illustrious career by using machine guns to take over the National Bank.

Dinkic’s party, G17 Plus, was originally set up as an NGO by the West. Despite its marginal election results, for the last 10 years it has controlled public finances under successive governments. Dinkic’s first act as a national bank director was to dissolve the four largest Serbian banks at the behest of the International Monetary Fund — with the result that the Serbian banking system is now in foreign hands, and every year 6 billion euros flow out of the country. I remember Milosevic’s words before the election: “They are not targeting Serbia to grab Milosevic, but Milosevic to grab Serbia.”

But beyond the Western propaganda, there was in reality a great discontent among the population [in 2000]. ... Under the guidance of and in close collaboration with their foreign sponsors, the opposition understood how to blame on Milosevic the suffering caused by Western sanctions and NATO’s war and how to make big promises should they win the elections.

The bombs had destroyed the economy and infrastructure, which aggravated the social discontent. When the government used up the remaining government funds for repairing the main road and rail links, the voters felt even more pain and were susceptible to opposition propaganda that claimed voting out Milosevic would stop the foreign pressure and increase the standard of living. It is in this sense that one should understand White House spokesperson Ari Fleischer’s comments that the war was part of the “regime change” strategy of NATO and the United States, because it weakened Milosevic and led to his fall.

Why did the leading Western countries carry out such an aggressive intervention policy in Yugoslavia and Serbia?

Since the early 1990s there have been not many different wars in Yugoslavia — in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo — it was all one war: that of the West against Yugoslavia. In this statement I fully agree with Milosevic. Former U.S. President George Bush Sr., while speaking during the celebration of German reunification, discussed the elimination of the consequences of the Versailles Treaty in Europe. A key point regarding Versailles at the beginning of the 20th century was to weaken Germany in favor of the Eastern European countries, which Germany had considered as satellites within the “Central Europe” doctrine.

Thus, those in Versailles for the first time recognized Yugoslavia as a state. Until Yugoslavia’s breakup, Catholic and Muslim groups in Yugoslavia were used by Western powers to counteract Russian influence, which was based on historical closeness with Serbs. In the 1990s, however, a resurgent Germany’s role was to serve as a NATO member to weaken Russia and Eastern Europe, which was to be transformed into a “Euro-Atlantic region” — but of course only as a colony. In line with the long-cherished desire of the British, Serbia especially should be weakened as a potential ally of Russia.

With Milosevic it could never happen. Kosovo is now home to Camp Bondsteel, the largest U.S. military base in Europe, in the area of the proposed major oil and gas pipelines from the Caspian Sea.

Did Milosevic’s fall pay off for Serbia’s population?

Immediately after Oct. 5, 2000, the Milosevic-SPS dominated Serbian Parliament was rendered powerless through the formation of a transitional government. Early parliamentary elections were held. DOS won a two-thirds majority and named Zoran Djindjic, the number one favorite of the West, as prime minister, the most powerful office of Yugoslav politics. Thus, the coup was completed.

Serbia is now an occupied country. Foreign “advisers” are sitting in government, army, police and secret service. The economy is flattened; the banking system in foreign hands. Privatization and sale of large companies bring poverty and hunger to Serbia. The army consists of only four brigades; the media have been silenced, the politicians corrupted. Montenegro has separated and Kosovo has declared its independence.

And while before Oct. 5, 2000, the Belgrade District Court tried in absentia and convicted the NATO leaders of war crimes, sentencing them to 20 years in prison, the sentence was repealed shortly after the coup. The head of the government TV station was found responsible for the death of his staff — those who died from NATO bombs. Afterwards Milosevic and several high-ranking state officials and generals were delivered to the NATO Inquisition in The Hague, in violation of the Constitution.

Thus nothing has improved. On the contrary, our remote-controlled president and the choir of the bought politicians and “experts” talk about great victories on the road to joining the European Union. But it seems obvious that this way is not the right way.

Published Oct. 6 in the German daily newspaper Junge Welt. Translated by Workers World managing editor John Catalinotto.