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Slobodan Milosevic's Cross-Examination of
Croatian President Stjepan Mesic: PART X
Because the transcript of the cross-examination
is 150 pages long we have broken it into 12
easy to read segments. If you wish to read the whole thing
at once go to: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic.htm
=================================
Page 10713
1 re-examine.
2 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well, Mr. May.
3 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
4 Q. In your interview to the president of the Association of Writers
5 of Croatia, her name is Marica Mikuljan, this is Nova Matica [phoen]
6 number 7, dated 1992, in response to her question how come you wrote
a
7 book, you said, inter alia: My original idea was to call the book
"How I
8 toppled Yugoslavia." Mr. Genscher suggested that perhaps in Europe,
such
9 a title would not be well received. Genscher added that we all
10 contributed to the break-up of Yugoslavia, and that seemed
acceptable to
11 me, hence the title of my book. That's what you said. And then in
12 response to her next question, what was your prognosis for the
Balkans
13 after the drama was over, you say, inter alia, in your response:
Let me
14 conclude. It is logical that if the opponent was declared to be the
devil
15 a priori, then his demonic family should be destroyed too, his
demonic
16 country and his entire demonic history. Now, this brings us to the
17 following question: Who declared the Serbs in advance a priori to
be the
18 devil, the demon? Did you do that on your own or was it the
leadership
19 that you were a part of, or was this done in conquered [As
interpreted]
20 with Genscher and what is your role in this kind of a priori
21 qualification?
22 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness deal with several questions which were
23 bound up there. The first was the quotation attributed to you about
the
24 possible title of a book "How I toppled Yugoslavia." Perhaps you
can deal
25 with that. And then there was a question about your prognosis for
the
Page 10714
1 Balkans. That was the second one.
2 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] It is correct that the title of the
3 first edition of my book was "How we toppled Yugoslavia." The second
4 edition was entitled "How Yugoslavia was toppled." I said this in
order
5 to make things quite objective, namely, Croatia, Slovenia, and other
6 republics sought a confederal model. Serbia asked for a so-called
firm
7 federation. The status quo could not remain forever. That meant that
we
8 had to become independent. As the Socialist Federal Republic of
9 Yugoslavia disappeared, we all took part in the process, all of us
who
10 wanted changes and a confederacy that would have a time limit of
three to
11 five years and also those who were toppling the Federation in order
to
12 establish a different kind of federation that Croatia, Slovenia,
13 Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia could not accept. That is why in
the
14 second title I tried to make it sound more objective, and the
contents
15 show what this book is really about.
16 As for the other part, that is not a proper quotation. I never
17 said any such thing. Who did this and who in this way deceived the
18 accused, I really have no idea.
19 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
20 Q. Very well. Now that you have been saying that I created the
21 so-called Serbian bloc in the Presidency, I assume that before that
you
22 should bear in mind that all divisions in the Presidency were
created on
23 the basis of political divisions regarding ideas as to what the
destiny of
24 Yugoslavia would be, not on the basis of somebody's influence. Is
that
25 right or is that not right, Mr. Mesic?
Page 10715
1 A. Well, it is clear that the leadership in Kosovo was toppled and
2 that autonomy was destroyed, that the leadership in Vojvodina was
toppled
3 and that autonomy was destroyed there. And also that the leadership
in
4 Montenegro was toppled. These three representatives, along with
Borislav
5 Jovic, who represented Serbia proper, were the Serbian bloc. It can
be
6 seen by how they voted. And also when Borislav Jovic resigned,
others
7 also resigned. But Milosevic comes forth immediately. There is no
more
8 Yugoslavia, he says. We are not going to carry out the constitution.
9 There are no valid decisions reached by the Presidency for us. And
he, as
10 the president of Serbia, who had to come to a session of the
Presidency
11 because according to the constitution he would have to stand in for
the
12 member of the Presidency from that republic if he were leave, he
said that
13 he would not do that. Now, I am really interested in hearing who
was it
14 that was toppling Yugoslavia? We wanted a different concept, and
that was
15 legal and legitimate. We thought that this kind of Yugoslavia was
16 untenable. Let us work in favour of a model that was tenable. And
if it
17 cannot be sustained, then we are going to part our ways in peace,
18 cooperate mutually as the Czechs and the Slovaks do, for example.
19 Q. Mr. Mesic, what you said just now is what you said yesterday
too,
20 and then you played a video cassette that speaks to the contrary.
Because
21 I never said there that there is no Yugoslavia. On the contrary, I
spoke
22 in favour of Yugoslavia. And as for this resignation, as I
explained at
23 that time, that's what you broadcast, it was a reaction to the fact
that
24 the Presidency did not want to pass its own decisions, and that is
why the
25 assembly of Serbia refused Jovic's resignation and returned him to
his
Page 10716
1 position two days later. And when I said I would not go there
instead of
2 him meant that I thought that he should go back there and work there
and
3 that his resignation was a reaction to the fact that the Presidency
4 refused to carry out its own decisions?
5 JUDGE MAY: What is the question for the witness?
6 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
7 Q. The film that you showed, where did you see that? And you showed
8 me on television. Where did you hear me say that Yugoslavia did not
exist
9 any more and all the rest that you said, and that the Presidency was
not
10 going to function and Borislav Jovic, the bit about Borislav Jovic?
The
11 events showed you otherwise.
12 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness answer this.
13 Can you help us with this, Mr. Mesic, or not?
14 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] First of all, I didn't show any
15 excerpts. That has nothing to do with me. It is the Prosecution and
16 indictment that calls for that. As far as I'm concerned, I don't
much
17 like watching television images of Slobodan Milosevic. That is far
from
18 my thoughts. As for the tape itself, we were able to see the tape.
19 Borislav Jovic and Mr. Bucin tendered their resignations and
straight away
20 we see the advent of Slobodan Milosevic, who says that he's not
going to
21 use his right to represent Borislav Jovic in the Presidency until
that man
22 had not attended the assembly meeting and until his resignation was
23 refused. So once again the accused doesn't seem to handle
arithmetic too
24 well, and now I can see that he doesn't handle time too well
either.
25 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
Page 10717
1 Q. Mr. Mesic, the aim assembly was scheduled. You know that Jovic
2 returned to work in the Presidency following a decision of the
Assembly of
3 his republic and that what you're saying is nonsense.
4 JUDGE MAY: No, we're not going on in this way. Let's move on to
5 another topic. You haven't asked questions about any of the
documents
6 that were produced. If you want to do that, Mr. Milosevic, you
should do
7 so in the 40 or 50 minutes that remain for you.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I shall do my best, Mr. May, to deal
9 with that too, but as I was informed only the day before yesterday
that
10 the witness would be available two and a half times less than was
11 originally planned, I'm trying to make a selection of the more
important
12 issues.
13 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
14 Q. Is it true, Mr. Mesic, that the political position of Serbia
15 Montenegro was to stand up against Yugoslavia's breakdown? And is
it also
16 true that there was no firm federation as you termed it that was
proposed
17 by the representatives of Serbia and Montenegro but quite the
contrary,
18 that it was a democratic federation that they put forth, a
democratic one,
19 a free one, and I'm sure you will recall that, for example, Serbia,
at a
20 meeting of the presidents of all the republics, which was held in
21 Sarajevo, supported the proposal by Izetbegovic and Gligorov,
offering a
22 loose type of federation, the loosest possible type, but
nonetheless a
23 state of sorts and not some kind of what you would call alliance,
24 confederal alliance for a period of five years. So Serbia lent its
25 support to that particular plan, which meant that all the republics
would
Page 10718
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10719
1 gain autonomy, but nonetheless would keep them within the realms of
a
2 state. What we wanted to do was to preserve Yugoslavia, and that is
what
3 neither you or anybody else can challenge. Isn't that right, Mr.
Mesic?
4 A. I think the accused has stated precisely what should have been
5 stated. They were against Yugoslavia, opposed to it. They were
offering
6 something that Croatian and Slovenia found unacceptable. Therefore,
he
7 was opposed to Yugoslavia, the kind of Yugoslavia that existed at
that
8 time, and that's precisely what I'm claiming. He was against
Yugoslavia.
9 He was opposed to Yugoslavia, and that is why he used the military
option
10 and worked towards the breakdown of Yugoslavia, with a military
option.
11 Q. How were you able to conclude that we were opposed to Yugoslavia
12 when the entire public knew full well that we were striving only
for the
13 preservation of Yugoslavia, and what we said was that that was the
best
14 solution for all the South Slav peoples and nobody would have a
better
15 life in any other way, and as to freedoms, rights, the independence
and
16 autonomy of the republics, they were never brought into question at
all?
17 A. Had we accepted the proposals made by the accused, then I
suppose
18 we had the nice kind of time that the Albanians have had in Kosovo
and we
19 didn't want to taste the beauties of that.
20 Q. Ah, I see. In Croatia you were under some kind of pressure, as
21 far as I understand it, pressure from Serbia, while Yugoslavia was
living.
22 I never noted any pressures of that kind. I don't know where you
saw them
23 prevalent. Perhaps you could tell me.
24 A. I think that this question is nonsense, nonsensical.
25 Q. Except in tourism, perhaps, because there were a lot of tourists
Page 10720
1 from Serbia coming to the Adriatic Coast.
2 Is it true, Mr. Mesic, that the first division in the Presidency,
3 the first rift, was caused after your statement that you wanted to
be the
4 last president of Yugoslavia?
5 A. The accused has a terribly rich imagination and he seems to be
6 very adept at distorting things. He knows full well what I said on
the
7 occasion at that time.
8 Q. Well, what did you say?
9 A. I came to Belgrade as somebody who had been elected to the
10 Presidency, and my statement, the statement I made, that Yugoslavia
in
11 that model, as it stood, could not survive. Everything that
happened
12 later on bore out the fact that I was quite right and that we had
to find
13 a political solution, because unless we found a political solution,
I
14 would be the last president. Not that I wanted to be the last
president,
15 but that I would be the last president, and that is in fact what I
was. I
16 was the last president of Yugoslavia, through the will of those
people who
17 opted for war, who selected the war option, through the will of
those who
18 refused to accept a political solution but who gave arms and
weapons into
19 the hands of those who were not to blame. They were to blame
because they
20 accepted to bear arms. But the person most to blame was the person
who
21 supplied them with arms, who put those arms and weapons in their
hands.
22 Q. So it is not being challenged that when you took up the position
23 of president, or rather, a member of the Presidency, as a member
from
24 Croatia, that you said that Yugoslavia could not survive, and it is
not
25 clear to you; you refuse to accept the fact that this was the cause
of the
Page 10721
1 rift in the Presidency, statements of this kind on your part, and
the fact
2 that these assertions of yours could not be tenable in view of the
office
3 you held.
4 JUDGE MAY: What you must not do is to misrepresent the evidence.
5 Now, the witness has answered the question. He's told you what he
said.
6 He's told you he blames your government for what happened. Now, I
7 don't think we're going to get much further on that simply arguing
about
8 it.
9 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, you know very well, as a
10 lawyer, that every state has a constitution, and that until that
11 constitution is changed, even if it is a bad constitution, that it
is in
12 force and holds true nonetheless. And when I say that the
statements made
13 by Mr. Mesic, who, according to that very constitution, was elected
to
14 perform the function at the Yugoslav level, that is to say, the top
15 Yugoslav level, that this was untenable with that constitution and
with
16 the relationship that he had towards Yugoslavia. So what I am
saying is
17 that it was he himself and no Milosevic who was the cause of the
rift that
18 took place in the Presidency.
19 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
20 Q. Do you recall, for example, that --
21 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, you have made that point several
22 times. We have heard you. We understand your case. We will deal
with it
23 in due course. We will have to make our own minds up about it. Now,
24 time is limited, and you have to concentrate on asking this witness
25 questions, if you've got any, beyond making statements. I suggest
you
Page 10722
1 move on to another topic, we having heard both sides on this
particular
2 issue about the early days of the Presidency.
3 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
4 Q. Please, your thesis is that I forced Montenegro not to accept
5 Carrington's plan; right? Is it clear to you that that is just not
true?
6 JUDGE MAY: Let him answer.
7 A. I never claimed that anywhere. I never said that the accused had
8 forced Montenegro not to accept Carrington's plan. All I'm saying is
that
9 the accused, with the policy he waged, broke down the autonomous
Vojvodina
10 and Kosovo and toppled the leadership, which was a legally elected
one, in
11 Montenegro, and that he implemented an anti-bureaucratic
revolution, as
12 it's called, by which in fact he destroyed Yugoslavia. Because if
you
13 destroy the constituent elements of a federation, those component
14 parts - and they were the two provinces - then Yugoslavia can no
longer
15 exist either. And that fate, the fate of Kosovo, is something that
we did
16 not wish to repeat for ourselves.
17 Let me be quite clear to the very end now. Why didn't the accused
18 fuss over the fact that the Serbs were fleeing from Croatia?
Because he
19 needed that critical mass of people to populate Kosovo once he had
20 expelled the Albanians from Kosovo. That is the plan the accused
had, to
21 throw out the Albanians and to bring in the Serbs from Croatia to
populate
22 the area. That was what he had in his mind: to destabilise Albanian
and
23 to destabilise Macedonia as well, because that mass of Albanians
coming in
24 would, of course, destabilise those two weak countries. That was
his
25 plan, and he counted upon the fact that he would be the factor and
element
Page 10723
1 which the international community would seek to calm the region, but
the
2 NATO pact stepped in to stop those awful plans of his.
3 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
4 Q. Mr. Mesic, your imagination is commendable, but unfortunately --
5 A. Thank you for saying that.
6 Q. -- But unfortunately, there are many defects in it. First of all,
7 as regards Montenegro, do you recall that in Montenegro a referendum
was
8 held; that is to say, it was not an anti-bureaucratic revolution
which
9 engulfed the people and subjugated the people, but there was a
referendum
10 at which the citizens of Montenegro stated their views and opted
for
11 Yugoslavia? It was not under pressure of any kind. Is that --
12 JUDGE MAY: Yes.
13 A. I have already answered that. Everything that was done in that
14 particular region was done through the will -- and that is to say
not only
15 the will of Milosevic but on the will of his regime, the toppling
of those
16 leaderships. That was what he wanted to do. He held speeches in
front of
17 millions. He mobilised the populace. He convinced them that all the
18 Serbs would live in one single state, and obviously when you seize
other
19 people's territories.
20 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
21 Q. Show me that speech of mine. Show me one speech in which I said
a
22 single word against Croatia or Yugoslavia. Do you have one single
example
23 to show us of that kind?
24 A. Of course. If you claim that the Serbs in Croatia have the right
25 to self-determination, they then decide, not the Serbs in Croatia
but the
* Continued at: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic-11.htm
***** Urgent Message from Sloboda (Freedom) Association and the
International
Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic!
The Freedom Association in Belgrade and the ICDSM, based outside
Yugoslavia, are the
two organizations formed at the request of Slobodan Milosevic to aid
in his defense.
Up until now our main work has been threefold. We have publicized the
truth about The
Hague's phony trial. We have organized research to help President
Milosevic expose
NATO's lies. And we have initiated legal action in the Dutch and
European Courts.
Now our job has increased. The defense phase of the "trial" starts in
May 2003. No longer
will Mr. Milosevic be limited to cross-examining Hague witnesses. The
prosecution will be
forced further onto the defensive as victims of NATO's aggression and
experts from
Yugoslavia and the NATO countries tell what really happened and expose
media lies.
Moreover, Mr. Milosevic will call leaders, from East and West, some
friendly and some
hostile to the truth.
The controlled mass media will undoubtedly try to suppress this
testimony as they have tried
to suppress Mr. Milosevic's cross-examinations. Nevertheless this
phase of the "trial" will
be the biggest international forum ever to expose NATO's use of
racism, violence and lies to
attack Yugoslavia.
We urgently need the help of all people who care about what is
happening in The Hague.
Right now, Nico Steijnen , the Dutch lawyer in the ICDSM, is waging
legal battles in the
Dutch courts and before the European Court, about which more news
soon. These efforts
urgently require financial support. We now maintain a small staff of
Yugoslav lawyers in
Holland, assisting and advising Mr. Milosevic full-time. We need to
expand our Dutch
facilities, perhaps bringing in a non-Yugoslav attorney full-time.
Definitely we must
guarantee that we have an office and office manager available at all
times, to compile and
process evidence and for meetings with witnesses and lawyers and as a
base for organizing
press conferences.
All this costs money. And for this, we rely on those who want Mr.
Milosevic to have the best
possible support for attacking NATO's lies.
************
Here's how you can help...
************
* You may contribute by credit card. By the end of September we will
have an ICDSM
secure server so you can contribute directly on the Internet.
For now, you can contribute by credit card in two ways: *
You can Contribute by Credit Card over the Telephone by calling:
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Slobodan Milosevic's Cross-Examination of
Croatian President Stjepan Mesic: PART X
Because the transcript of the cross-examination
is 150 pages long we have broken it into 12
easy to read segments. If you wish to read the whole thing
at once go to: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic.htm
=================================
Page 10713
1 re-examine.
2 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well, Mr. May.
3 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
4 Q. In your interview to the president of the Association of Writers
5 of Croatia, her name is Marica Mikuljan, this is Nova Matica [phoen]
6 number 7, dated 1992, in response to her question how come you wrote
a
7 book, you said, inter alia: My original idea was to call the book
"How I
8 toppled Yugoslavia." Mr. Genscher suggested that perhaps in Europe,
such
9 a title would not be well received. Genscher added that we all
10 contributed to the break-up of Yugoslavia, and that seemed
acceptable to
11 me, hence the title of my book. That's what you said. And then in
12 response to her next question, what was your prognosis for the
Balkans
13 after the drama was over, you say, inter alia, in your response:
Let me
14 conclude. It is logical that if the opponent was declared to be the
devil
15 a priori, then his demonic family should be destroyed too, his
demonic
16 country and his entire demonic history. Now, this brings us to the
17 following question: Who declared the Serbs in advance a priori to
be the
18 devil, the demon? Did you do that on your own or was it the
leadership
19 that you were a part of, or was this done in conquered [As
interpreted]
20 with Genscher and what is your role in this kind of a priori
21 qualification?
22 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness deal with several questions which were
23 bound up there. The first was the quotation attributed to you about
the
24 possible title of a book "How I toppled Yugoslavia." Perhaps you
can deal
25 with that. And then there was a question about your prognosis for
the
Page 10714
1 Balkans. That was the second one.
2 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] It is correct that the title of the
3 first edition of my book was "How we toppled Yugoslavia." The second
4 edition was entitled "How Yugoslavia was toppled." I said this in
order
5 to make things quite objective, namely, Croatia, Slovenia, and other
6 republics sought a confederal model. Serbia asked for a so-called
firm
7 federation. The status quo could not remain forever. That meant that
we
8 had to become independent. As the Socialist Federal Republic of
9 Yugoslavia disappeared, we all took part in the process, all of us
who
10 wanted changes and a confederacy that would have a time limit of
three to
11 five years and also those who were toppling the Federation in order
to
12 establish a different kind of federation that Croatia, Slovenia,
13 Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia could not accept. That is why in
the
14 second title I tried to make it sound more objective, and the
contents
15 show what this book is really about.
16 As for the other part, that is not a proper quotation. I never
17 said any such thing. Who did this and who in this way deceived the
18 accused, I really have no idea.
19 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
20 Q. Very well. Now that you have been saying that I created the
21 so-called Serbian bloc in the Presidency, I assume that before that
you
22 should bear in mind that all divisions in the Presidency were
created on
23 the basis of political divisions regarding ideas as to what the
destiny of
24 Yugoslavia would be, not on the basis of somebody's influence. Is
that
25 right or is that not right, Mr. Mesic?
Page 10715
1 A. Well, it is clear that the leadership in Kosovo was toppled and
2 that autonomy was destroyed, that the leadership in Vojvodina was
toppled
3 and that autonomy was destroyed there. And also that the leadership
in
4 Montenegro was toppled. These three representatives, along with
Borislav
5 Jovic, who represented Serbia proper, were the Serbian bloc. It can
be
6 seen by how they voted. And also when Borislav Jovic resigned,
others
7 also resigned. But Milosevic comes forth immediately. There is no
more
8 Yugoslavia, he says. We are not going to carry out the constitution.
9 There are no valid decisions reached by the Presidency for us. And
he, as
10 the president of Serbia, who had to come to a session of the
Presidency
11 because according to the constitution he would have to stand in for
the
12 member of the Presidency from that republic if he were leave, he
said that
13 he would not do that. Now, I am really interested in hearing who
was it
14 that was toppling Yugoslavia? We wanted a different concept, and
that was
15 legal and legitimate. We thought that this kind of Yugoslavia was
16 untenable. Let us work in favour of a model that was tenable. And
if it
17 cannot be sustained, then we are going to part our ways in peace,
18 cooperate mutually as the Czechs and the Slovaks do, for example.
19 Q. Mr. Mesic, what you said just now is what you said yesterday
too,
20 and then you played a video cassette that speaks to the contrary.
Because
21 I never said there that there is no Yugoslavia. On the contrary, I
spoke
22 in favour of Yugoslavia. And as for this resignation, as I
explained at
23 that time, that's what you broadcast, it was a reaction to the fact
that
24 the Presidency did not want to pass its own decisions, and that is
why the
25 assembly of Serbia refused Jovic's resignation and returned him to
his
Page 10716
1 position two days later. And when I said I would not go there
instead of
2 him meant that I thought that he should go back there and work there
and
3 that his resignation was a reaction to the fact that the Presidency
4 refused to carry out its own decisions?
5 JUDGE MAY: What is the question for the witness?
6 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
7 Q. The film that you showed, where did you see that? And you showed
8 me on television. Where did you hear me say that Yugoslavia did not
exist
9 any more and all the rest that you said, and that the Presidency was
not
10 going to function and Borislav Jovic, the bit about Borislav Jovic?
The
11 events showed you otherwise.
12 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness answer this.
13 Can you help us with this, Mr. Mesic, or not?
14 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] First of all, I didn't show any
15 excerpts. That has nothing to do with me. It is the Prosecution and
16 indictment that calls for that. As far as I'm concerned, I don't
much
17 like watching television images of Slobodan Milosevic. That is far
from
18 my thoughts. As for the tape itself, we were able to see the tape.
19 Borislav Jovic and Mr. Bucin tendered their resignations and
straight away
20 we see the advent of Slobodan Milosevic, who says that he's not
going to
21 use his right to represent Borislav Jovic in the Presidency until
that man
22 had not attended the assembly meeting and until his resignation was
23 refused. So once again the accused doesn't seem to handle
arithmetic too
24 well, and now I can see that he doesn't handle time too well
either.
25 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
Page 10717
1 Q. Mr. Mesic, the aim assembly was scheduled. You know that Jovic
2 returned to work in the Presidency following a decision of the
Assembly of
3 his republic and that what you're saying is nonsense.
4 JUDGE MAY: No, we're not going on in this way. Let's move on to
5 another topic. You haven't asked questions about any of the
documents
6 that were produced. If you want to do that, Mr. Milosevic, you
should do
7 so in the 40 or 50 minutes that remain for you.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I shall do my best, Mr. May, to deal
9 with that too, but as I was informed only the day before yesterday
that
10 the witness would be available two and a half times less than was
11 originally planned, I'm trying to make a selection of the more
important
12 issues.
13 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
14 Q. Is it true, Mr. Mesic, that the political position of Serbia
15 Montenegro was to stand up against Yugoslavia's breakdown? And is
it also
16 true that there was no firm federation as you termed it that was
proposed
17 by the representatives of Serbia and Montenegro but quite the
contrary,
18 that it was a democratic federation that they put forth, a
democratic one,
19 a free one, and I'm sure you will recall that, for example, Serbia,
at a
20 meeting of the presidents of all the republics, which was held in
21 Sarajevo, supported the proposal by Izetbegovic and Gligorov,
offering a
22 loose type of federation, the loosest possible type, but
nonetheless a
23 state of sorts and not some kind of what you would call alliance,
24 confederal alliance for a period of five years. So Serbia lent its
25 support to that particular plan, which meant that all the republics
would
Page 10718
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10719
1 gain autonomy, but nonetheless would keep them within the realms of
a
2 state. What we wanted to do was to preserve Yugoslavia, and that is
what
3 neither you or anybody else can challenge. Isn't that right, Mr.
Mesic?
4 A. I think the accused has stated precisely what should have been
5 stated. They were against Yugoslavia, opposed to it. They were
offering
6 something that Croatian and Slovenia found unacceptable. Therefore,
he
7 was opposed to Yugoslavia, the kind of Yugoslavia that existed at
that
8 time, and that's precisely what I'm claiming. He was against
Yugoslavia.
9 He was opposed to Yugoslavia, and that is why he used the military
option
10 and worked towards the breakdown of Yugoslavia, with a military
option.
11 Q. How were you able to conclude that we were opposed to Yugoslavia
12 when the entire public knew full well that we were striving only
for the
13 preservation of Yugoslavia, and what we said was that that was the
best
14 solution for all the South Slav peoples and nobody would have a
better
15 life in any other way, and as to freedoms, rights, the independence
and
16 autonomy of the republics, they were never brought into question at
all?
17 A. Had we accepted the proposals made by the accused, then I
suppose
18 we had the nice kind of time that the Albanians have had in Kosovo
and we
19 didn't want to taste the beauties of that.
20 Q. Ah, I see. In Croatia you were under some kind of pressure, as
21 far as I understand it, pressure from Serbia, while Yugoslavia was
living.
22 I never noted any pressures of that kind. I don't know where you
saw them
23 prevalent. Perhaps you could tell me.
24 A. I think that this question is nonsense, nonsensical.
25 Q. Except in tourism, perhaps, because there were a lot of tourists
Page 10720
1 from Serbia coming to the Adriatic Coast.
2 Is it true, Mr. Mesic, that the first division in the Presidency,
3 the first rift, was caused after your statement that you wanted to
be the
4 last president of Yugoslavia?
5 A. The accused has a terribly rich imagination and he seems to be
6 very adept at distorting things. He knows full well what I said on
the
7 occasion at that time.
8 Q. Well, what did you say?
9 A. I came to Belgrade as somebody who had been elected to the
10 Presidency, and my statement, the statement I made, that Yugoslavia
in
11 that model, as it stood, could not survive. Everything that
happened
12 later on bore out the fact that I was quite right and that we had
to find
13 a political solution, because unless we found a political solution,
I
14 would be the last president. Not that I wanted to be the last
president,
15 but that I would be the last president, and that is in fact what I
was. I
16 was the last president of Yugoslavia, through the will of those
people who
17 opted for war, who selected the war option, through the will of
those who
18 refused to accept a political solution but who gave arms and
weapons into
19 the hands of those who were not to blame. They were to blame
because they
20 accepted to bear arms. But the person most to blame was the person
who
21 supplied them with arms, who put those arms and weapons in their
hands.
22 Q. So it is not being challenged that when you took up the position
23 of president, or rather, a member of the Presidency, as a member
from
24 Croatia, that you said that Yugoslavia could not survive, and it is
not
25 clear to you; you refuse to accept the fact that this was the cause
of the
Page 10721
1 rift in the Presidency, statements of this kind on your part, and
the fact
2 that these assertions of yours could not be tenable in view of the
office
3 you held.
4 JUDGE MAY: What you must not do is to misrepresent the evidence.
5 Now, the witness has answered the question. He's told you what he
said.
6 He's told you he blames your government for what happened. Now, I
7 don't think we're going to get much further on that simply arguing
about
8 it.
9 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, you know very well, as a
10 lawyer, that every state has a constitution, and that until that
11 constitution is changed, even if it is a bad constitution, that it
is in
12 force and holds true nonetheless. And when I say that the
statements made
13 by Mr. Mesic, who, according to that very constitution, was elected
to
14 perform the function at the Yugoslav level, that is to say, the top
15 Yugoslav level, that this was untenable with that constitution and
with
16 the relationship that he had towards Yugoslavia. So what I am
saying is
17 that it was he himself and no Milosevic who was the cause of the
rift that
18 took place in the Presidency.
19 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
20 Q. Do you recall, for example, that --
21 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, you have made that point several
22 times. We have heard you. We understand your case. We will deal
with it
23 in due course. We will have to make our own minds up about it. Now,
24 time is limited, and you have to concentrate on asking this witness
25 questions, if you've got any, beyond making statements. I suggest
you
Page 10722
1 move on to another topic, we having heard both sides on this
particular
2 issue about the early days of the Presidency.
3 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
4 Q. Please, your thesis is that I forced Montenegro not to accept
5 Carrington's plan; right? Is it clear to you that that is just not
true?
6 JUDGE MAY: Let him answer.
7 A. I never claimed that anywhere. I never said that the accused had
8 forced Montenegro not to accept Carrington's plan. All I'm saying is
that
9 the accused, with the policy he waged, broke down the autonomous
Vojvodina
10 and Kosovo and toppled the leadership, which was a legally elected
one, in
11 Montenegro, and that he implemented an anti-bureaucratic
revolution, as
12 it's called, by which in fact he destroyed Yugoslavia. Because if
you
13 destroy the constituent elements of a federation, those component
14 parts - and they were the two provinces - then Yugoslavia can no
longer
15 exist either. And that fate, the fate of Kosovo, is something that
we did
16 not wish to repeat for ourselves.
17 Let me be quite clear to the very end now. Why didn't the accused
18 fuss over the fact that the Serbs were fleeing from Croatia?
Because he
19 needed that critical mass of people to populate Kosovo once he had
20 expelled the Albanians from Kosovo. That is the plan the accused
had, to
21 throw out the Albanians and to bring in the Serbs from Croatia to
populate
22 the area. That was what he had in his mind: to destabilise Albanian
and
23 to destabilise Macedonia as well, because that mass of Albanians
coming in
24 would, of course, destabilise those two weak countries. That was
his
25 plan, and he counted upon the fact that he would be the factor and
element
Page 10723
1 which the international community would seek to calm the region, but
the
2 NATO pact stepped in to stop those awful plans of his.
3 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
4 Q. Mr. Mesic, your imagination is commendable, but unfortunately --
5 A. Thank you for saying that.
6 Q. -- But unfortunately, there are many defects in it. First of all,
7 as regards Montenegro, do you recall that in Montenegro a referendum
was
8 held; that is to say, it was not an anti-bureaucratic revolution
which
9 engulfed the people and subjugated the people, but there was a
referendum
10 at which the citizens of Montenegro stated their views and opted
for
11 Yugoslavia? It was not under pressure of any kind. Is that --
12 JUDGE MAY: Yes.
13 A. I have already answered that. Everything that was done in that
14 particular region was done through the will -- and that is to say
not only
15 the will of Milosevic but on the will of his regime, the toppling
of those
16 leaderships. That was what he wanted to do. He held speeches in
front of
17 millions. He mobilised the populace. He convinced them that all the
18 Serbs would live in one single state, and obviously when you seize
other
19 people's territories.
20 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
21 Q. Show me that speech of mine. Show me one speech in which I said
a
22 single word against Croatia or Yugoslavia. Do you have one single
example
23 to show us of that kind?
24 A. Of course. If you claim that the Serbs in Croatia have the right
25 to self-determination, they then decide, not the Serbs in Croatia
but the
* Continued at: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic-11.htm
***** Urgent Message from Sloboda (Freedom) Association and the
International
Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic!
The Freedom Association in Belgrade and the ICDSM, based outside
Yugoslavia, are the
two organizations formed at the request of Slobodan Milosevic to aid
in his defense.
Up until now our main work has been threefold. We have publicized the
truth about The
Hague's phony trial. We have organized research to help President
Milosevic expose
NATO's lies. And we have initiated legal action in the Dutch and
European Courts.
Now our job has increased. The defense phase of the "trial" starts in
May 2003. No longer
will Mr. Milosevic be limited to cross-examining Hague witnesses. The
prosecution will be
forced further onto the defensive as victims of NATO's aggression and
experts from
Yugoslavia and the NATO countries tell what really happened and expose
media lies.
Moreover, Mr. Milosevic will call leaders, from East and West, some
friendly and some
hostile to the truth.
The controlled mass media will undoubtedly try to suppress this
testimony as they have tried
to suppress Mr. Milosevic's cross-examinations. Nevertheless this
phase of the "trial" will
be the biggest international forum ever to expose NATO's use of
racism, violence and lies to
attack Yugoslavia.
We urgently need the help of all people who care about what is
happening in The Hague.
Right now, Nico Steijnen , the Dutch lawyer in the ICDSM, is waging
legal battles in the
Dutch courts and before the European Court, about which more news
soon. These efforts
urgently require financial support. We now maintain a small staff of
Yugoslav lawyers in
Holland, assisting and advising Mr. Milosevic full-time. We need to
expand our Dutch
facilities, perhaps bringing in a non-Yugoslav attorney full-time.
Definitely we must
guarantee that we have an office and office manager available at all
times, to compile and
process evidence and for meetings with witnesses and lawyers and as a
base for organizing
press conferences.
All this costs money. And for this, we rely on those who want Mr.
Milosevic to have the best
possible support for attacking NATO's lies.
************
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(Chi fosse in grado di tradurre immediatamente in italiano questa
importantissima intervista e' pregato di contattarci con urgenza:
<jugocoord@...>)
---
Felipe Turover:
"Carla del Ponte hat den Killern den Weg zu mir gewiesen."
Aus: KONKRET, Dezember 2002
(Siehe auch:
http://www.konkret-verlage.de/
http://www.juergen-elsaesser.de/)
"Gerechtigkeit ist eine Frau", sagte UN-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan
über Carla del Ponte, zur Zeit Chefanklägerin im Haager Prozeß gegen
Slobodan Milosevic. Ganz andere Erfahrungen mit der Schweizer Juristin
hat Felipe Turover gemacht. Der 37jährige stammt aus einer
republikanischen spanischen Familie, seine Eltern flohen mit ihm vor
Franco in die Sowjetunion. Nach dem Tod des Diktators kam Turover
wieder in sein Geburtsland zurück, um dann bereits Ende der achtziger
Jahre wieder als Finanzmann in Moskau an den ökonomischen Wohltaten
der Perestrojka zu partizipieren. Er arbeitete von 1992 bis 1999 für
die Jelzin-Regierung im Schuldenmanagement mit westlichen
Gläubigerbanken
(Interview)
Elsässer: Sie sind der Hauptbelastungszeuge in der Affäre Mabetex, die
auch als Russia-Gate bekannt wurde. Um was handelt es sich dabei, und
was hat Carla del Ponte damit zu tun?
Turover: Mabetex ist eine Baufirma mit Sitz in Lugano in der
italienischen Schweiz. Sie gehört dem Kosovoalbaner Beghijet Pacolli,
der mittlerweile einen Schweizer Paß hat. Pacolli und sein
Geschäftspartner Viktor Stolpowskich bekamen in den neunziger Jahren
Aufträge aus dem Kreml in Höhe von umgerechnet zwei Milliarden Euro,
es ging angeblich um Bau- und Sanierungsarbeiten im Regierungs- und
Präsidentenkomplex.
Nachgewiesenermaßen sind in diesem Zusammenhang Dollarsummen in
Milliardenhöhe außerhalb Rußlands verschwunden, im Gegenzug wurden
Schmiergelder in Millionenhöhe nach Moskau gezahlt. Pacolli hat für
Kreditkarten Jelzins und der beiden Jelzin-Töchter gebürgt, das hat
die Banca del Gottardo, die die Karten ausgegeben hat, bestätigt.
Carla del Ponte, damals Schweizer Bundesanwältin, hat mich im Verlaufe
des Jahres 1997 kontaktiert und mich aufgefordert, als Zeuge in der
Sache zur Verfügung zu stehen. Später hat sie den ermittelnden
russischen Generalstaatsanwalt Jurji Skuratow in die Schweiz
eingeladen und mich mit ihm bekannt gemacht. Sie galt damals schon als
große Kämpferin für Gerechtigkeit, deswegen bin ich ihrem Wunsch
gefolgt. Das war ein beinahe tödlicher Fehler.
Elsässer: Warum?
Turover: Ich war auf Ehrlichkeit angewiesen und habe del Ponte von
Anfang an darauf hingewiesen, daß mich meine Aussage in Lebensgefahr
bringt.
Schließlich arbeitete ich damals noch als Berater für die russische
Staatsspitze - also genau für die Leute, die ich mit diesen Dokumenten
schwer belastete. Was aber machte Frau del Ponte? Sie gab meinen
vollen Namen und meine Funktion an die Presse. Das ist so, als hätte
ich von Medellin aus Informationen über den Escobar-Clan an die
US-Drogenpolizei geliefert und müßte dann, während ich noch in der
Höhle des Löwen bin, meinen Namen als Kronzeuge gegen Escobar in der
"New York Times" lesen. In meinem Fall war es nicht Medellin, sondern
Moskau, und die Zeitung war der "Corriere della Sera", aber die
Wirkung war dieselbe: Ich war aufgeflogen, und nur durch überstürzte
Flucht aus Moskau konnte ich mein Leben retten.
Seither, seit mittlerweile drei Jahren, lebe ich undercover. Dafür
bedanke ich mich bei Carla del Ponte. Sie hat den Killern den Weg zu
mir gewiesen.
Elsässer: Ist das nicht reichlich übertrieben? Was kann eine Schweizer
Bundesanwältin für einen Artikel in einer italienischen Tageszeitung?
Turover: Die beiden Journalisten vom "Corriere" haben alle
Informationen von del Ponte bekomme, inklusive meiner Mobilfon-Nummer.
Sie selbst sagten es mir, weil sie wissen, daß ich in Lebensgefahr
bin.
Elsässer: Del Ponte hat das dementiert.
Turover: Dann sagt sie die Unwahrheit. Das habe ich übrigens schon oft
gesagt, und nie hat sie mich wegen übler Nachrede verklagt. Der Grund
ist ganz einfach: Sie hat keine Beweise, aber ich.
Elsässer: Mabetex-Chef Pacolli ist ja nicht nur ein Baulöwe, sondern
soll auch gute Verbindungen zu den kosovoalbanischen UCK-Terroristen
haben.
Turover: Das ist richtig. Zu seiner Firmengruppe gehörte, nach seinen
eigenen Angaben, mindestens bis zum Jahr 2000, die kosovoalbanische
Tageszeitung "Bota Sot", die selbst von der OSZE wegen rassistischer
Artikel verurteilt wurde. Sie hetzte vor allem gegen Serben, gegen
mich als den "Juden Turover" auch antisemitisch.
Elsässer: Sollten kosovoalbanische Bestechungsgelder an den
Jelzin-Clan gezahlt worden sein, könnte das das Verhalten des
russischen Präsidenten im Frühjahr 1999 erklären. Als die Nato den
Krieg gegen Jugoslawien vorbereitete, rührte er keinen Finger zum
Schutz des angeblichen Brudervolks der Serben. Bei der Konferenz in
Rambouillet etwa, als die Nato-Staaten extrem einseitig zugunsten der
Albaner agierten, protestierte Moskau nicht, obwohl seine Diplomaten
mit am Verhandlungstisch saßen. Kauften die Kosovo-Albaner Jelzins
Stillhalten?
Turover: Das ist eine mögliche Erklärung. Es handelt sich bei diesen
Geschichten um eine Symbiose aus Politik, Plünderung und Geldwäsche im
großen Stil.
Elsässer: Und del Ponte?
Turover: Alle Ermittlungsverfahren in der Schweiz zur Mabetex-Affäre
wurden politisch von höchster Stelle niedergeschlagen. Mehr noch: Die
Unterlagen, die del Ponte von ihrem russischen Amtskollegen Skuratow
bekommen hatte, sind auf wundersame Weise bei Pacolli gelandet. Der
hat seine Moskauer Freunde Jelzin und Borodin benachrichtigt, und in
der Folge wurde Skuratow, ein ehrlicher und kompetenter Jurist,
kaltgestellt - trotz dreier praktisch einstimmiger Entschließungen des
russischen Senats zu seinen Gunsten. Das Ende von Skuratow war auch
das Ende der Moskauer Mabetex-Ermittlung - das letzte Verfahren wurde
im Dezember 2000 eingestellt.
Elsässer: Handelte del Ponte als Schutzpatronin der albanischen Mafia
oder des Jelzin-Clans?
Turover: Weder noch. Sie handelt nur in ihrem eigenen Interesse.
Politische Ziele sind ihr völlig egal. Nehmen Sie etwa den Zeitpunkt,
als sie mit ihren Erkenntnissen zu Mabetex inklusive meines Namens an
die Öffentlichkeit ging, Ende August 1999. Das war ja nicht nur ein
Schlag gegen mich, sondern auch gegen Jelzin. Zwar hat sie später
nicht weiterermittelt, aber in diesem Augenblick haben ihre
Enthüllungen Jelzin schwer geschadet.
Vorausgegangen war, im Sommer 1999, der spektakuläre Coup russischer
Eliteeinheiten im Kosovo: Nach dem Waffenstillstand hatten sie den
Flughafen von Pristina besetzt, die Nato kam zu spät. Fast wäre es
deswegen zum dritten Weltkrieg gekommen, wie der britische Kfor-Chef
Michael Jackson damals sagte. Moskau pokerte hoch, wollte eine eigene
Besatzungszone im Kosovo, um die Serben zu schützen. In dieser
Situation mußte Jelzin desavouiert werden. Die damalige
US-Außenministerin Madeleine Albright trifft sich also im Juli 1999
auf dem Londoner Flughafen Heathrow mit del Ponte und macht ihr das
wahrscheinlich klar. Im August geht dann del Ponte über den "Corriere
della Sera" mit ihren Enthüllungen gegen Jelzin an die Öffentlichkeit,
und Mitte September legt Albright in einem Statement auf CNN zur
russischen Regierungskorruption nach. Jelzin muß in dieser Situation
ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren und Strafverfolgung befürchten. Entlastung
bringen ihm Ende September zwei Bombenanschläge in Moskau, angeblich
begangen von tschetschenischen Terroristen. Russische Truppen
marschieren in Tschetschenien ein, damit wird das öffentliche
Interesse von Russia-Gate abgelenkt.
Elsässer: Agierte del Ponte in dieser Situation als Befehlsempfängerin
Washingtons?
Turover: Sie ist genausowenig proamerikanisch wie proalbanisch. Sie
handelt im Schweizer Interesse, d.h. im Interesse der Mafia-Politik in
der Schweiz.
Elsässer: Das müssen Sie näher erklären.
Turover: Die Schweiz und die Schweizer Banken leben hauptsächlich von
der Geldwäsche. Alle Diktatoren und alle großen Kriminellen dieser
Welt deponieren ihr schmutziges Geld hierzulande; vor allem der Kanton
Tessin eignet sich hervorragend, man bringt die Millionen einfach im
Koffer oder im Handschuhfach von Italien über die Grenze. Alle
Politiker im Tessin wissen davon, alle profitieren davon. Und del
Ponte als Staatsanwältin des Kantons hat diese Praktiken geschützt,
schon vor der Mabetex-Affäre Ende der neunziger Jahre. Nehmen Sie etwa
den Fall einer Aktiengesellschaft in Chiasso, gegen die wegen
Geldwäsche für die italienische Mafia ermittelt wurde - die
Ermittlungen wurden von ihr eingestellt.
In erster Linie ist del Ponte aber pro del Ponte. Für ihre Karriere
würde sie alles tun, sogar George W. Bush anklagen. Als Juristin ist
sie im übrigen eine Null. Können Sie sich vorstellen, daß sie nach
meiner Kenntnis in ihrer bisherigen Laufbahn keine einzige Anklage
gewonnen hat? Ihr einziges Talent liegt in der Selbstdarstellung, in
der Selbstvermarktung.
Elsässer: Ihr Agreement mit Albright hat sich jedenfalls rentiert.
Wenig später wurde sie Chefanklägerin in Den Haag - auf Vorschlag
Washingtons. Die Zürcher "Weltwoche" wunderte sich: "Warum die
Amerikaner sie als Nachfolgerin der unbequemen und vorzeitig
abservierten Louise Arbour haben wollten, bleibt ein Rätsel. Denn sie
haben nie einen Hehl daraus gemacht, daß sie den Gerichtshof für einen
nutzlosen Schwulst halten."
Turover: Del Ponte und die Schweizer Regierung halfen Albright, und
dafür wurde sie - die Amerikaner sind ehrliche Leute, sie zahlen für
ihre Aufträge - mit dem Posten in Den Haag belohnt. Auch dort verkauft
del Ponte sich glänzend. Dabei ist der Prozeß eine einzige
Katastrophe. Sie hat überhaupt nichts in der Hand gegen Milosevic, de
jure müßte er sofort freigelassen werden. So kann sich Milosevic, der
selbst nur ein Bandit und Betrüger ist, als unschuldig Verfolgter
darstellen, und der serbische Nationalismus ist im Aufschwung, wie
sich bei den letzten Wahlen zeigte.
Weiß man in Den Haag wirklich nicht, daß die Schweizer Bundesregierung
einen Sonderermittler in der Affäre del Ponte eingesetzt hat? Wie kann
eine Frau Chefanklägerin des UN-Kriegsverbrechertribunals bleiben, die
selbst Gegenstand höchstrichterlicher Untersuchungen wegen schwerer
Verbrechen ist?
Elsässer: Sie haben im März 2001 Anzeige gegen Carla del Ponte und
unbekannt gestellt, u.a. wegen Gefährdung Ihres Lebens und Mordversuch
(tentato assassinio) im Zusammenhang mit Russia-Gate. Aber der
Schweizer Bundesanwalt Valentin Roschacher hat die Anzeige gegen seine
Amtsvorgängerin abgewiesen. Wie können Sie also sagen, es sei eine
Sonderermittlung gegen del Ponte im Gange?
Turover: Roschacher hat del Ponte geschützt, und deshalb habe ich ihn
wegen Begünstigung zu ihren Gunsten verklagt, und diese Klage ist
nicht nur angenommen worden, sondern es wurde im Mai 2002 sogar ein
Sonderermittler vom Schweizer Bundesrat eingesetzt, Arthur Hublard,
der ehemalige Generalstaatsanwalt des Kantons Jura. Der untersucht
meine Anklagen gegen Roschacher - aber damit ist auch die Causa del
Ponte endlich auf dem Tisch.
Überdies habe ich gegen die Schweiz eine Klage vor dem Europäischen
Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte in Strasbourg angestrengt.
Elsässer: Gegen die Schweiz - nicht gegen del Ponte?
Turover: In Strasbourg kann man nicht gegen Privatpersonen klagen.
Aber in der Substanz richtet sich die Anklage vor allem gegen del
Ponte, weil sie als Bundesanwältin der Schweiz mein Leben in Gefahr
gebracht hat. Es ist ein Unding, daß sie weiter in Den Haag amtiert,
solange zwei solche Verfahren anhängig sind.
Elsässer: Sie leben verdeckt im Untergrund und wechseln ständig den
Aufenthaltsort. Wie lange werden Sie das durchhalten?
Turover: Ich muß, wegen del Ponte, sonst bin ich ein toter Mann.
Natürlich habe ich mich abgesichert, indem ich sicherstellte, daß im
Falle meines Ablebens noch brisantere Informationen öffentlich werden
als bisher schon.
Aber eine beruhigende Sicherheit gibt mir das nicht. Bisher wurden
jedenfalls schon mindestens fünf Belastungszeugen in der Affäre
Mabetex aus dem Weg geräumt. Das letzte Opfer war die persönliche
Sekretärin von Pacolli, eine 32jährige Frau, Tod im Badezimmer,
angeblich ein Blutgerinsel.
Es gab nie eine Autopsie der Leiche, sie wurde am nächsten Tag
verbrannt.
Interview: Jürgen Elsässer
importantissima intervista e' pregato di contattarci con urgenza:
<jugocoord@...>)
---
Felipe Turover:
"Carla del Ponte hat den Killern den Weg zu mir gewiesen."
Aus: KONKRET, Dezember 2002
(Siehe auch:
http://www.konkret-verlage.de/
http://www.juergen-elsaesser.de/)
"Gerechtigkeit ist eine Frau", sagte UN-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan
über Carla del Ponte, zur Zeit Chefanklägerin im Haager Prozeß gegen
Slobodan Milosevic. Ganz andere Erfahrungen mit der Schweizer Juristin
hat Felipe Turover gemacht. Der 37jährige stammt aus einer
republikanischen spanischen Familie, seine Eltern flohen mit ihm vor
Franco in die Sowjetunion. Nach dem Tod des Diktators kam Turover
wieder in sein Geburtsland zurück, um dann bereits Ende der achtziger
Jahre wieder als Finanzmann in Moskau an den ökonomischen Wohltaten
der Perestrojka zu partizipieren. Er arbeitete von 1992 bis 1999 für
die Jelzin-Regierung im Schuldenmanagement mit westlichen
Gläubigerbanken
(Interview)
Elsässer: Sie sind der Hauptbelastungszeuge in der Affäre Mabetex, die
auch als Russia-Gate bekannt wurde. Um was handelt es sich dabei, und
was hat Carla del Ponte damit zu tun?
Turover: Mabetex ist eine Baufirma mit Sitz in Lugano in der
italienischen Schweiz. Sie gehört dem Kosovoalbaner Beghijet Pacolli,
der mittlerweile einen Schweizer Paß hat. Pacolli und sein
Geschäftspartner Viktor Stolpowskich bekamen in den neunziger Jahren
Aufträge aus dem Kreml in Höhe von umgerechnet zwei Milliarden Euro,
es ging angeblich um Bau- und Sanierungsarbeiten im Regierungs- und
Präsidentenkomplex.
Nachgewiesenermaßen sind in diesem Zusammenhang Dollarsummen in
Milliardenhöhe außerhalb Rußlands verschwunden, im Gegenzug wurden
Schmiergelder in Millionenhöhe nach Moskau gezahlt. Pacolli hat für
Kreditkarten Jelzins und der beiden Jelzin-Töchter gebürgt, das hat
die Banca del Gottardo, die die Karten ausgegeben hat, bestätigt.
Carla del Ponte, damals Schweizer Bundesanwältin, hat mich im Verlaufe
des Jahres 1997 kontaktiert und mich aufgefordert, als Zeuge in der
Sache zur Verfügung zu stehen. Später hat sie den ermittelnden
russischen Generalstaatsanwalt Jurji Skuratow in die Schweiz
eingeladen und mich mit ihm bekannt gemacht. Sie galt damals schon als
große Kämpferin für Gerechtigkeit, deswegen bin ich ihrem Wunsch
gefolgt. Das war ein beinahe tödlicher Fehler.
Elsässer: Warum?
Turover: Ich war auf Ehrlichkeit angewiesen und habe del Ponte von
Anfang an darauf hingewiesen, daß mich meine Aussage in Lebensgefahr
bringt.
Schließlich arbeitete ich damals noch als Berater für die russische
Staatsspitze - also genau für die Leute, die ich mit diesen Dokumenten
schwer belastete. Was aber machte Frau del Ponte? Sie gab meinen
vollen Namen und meine Funktion an die Presse. Das ist so, als hätte
ich von Medellin aus Informationen über den Escobar-Clan an die
US-Drogenpolizei geliefert und müßte dann, während ich noch in der
Höhle des Löwen bin, meinen Namen als Kronzeuge gegen Escobar in der
"New York Times" lesen. In meinem Fall war es nicht Medellin, sondern
Moskau, und die Zeitung war der "Corriere della Sera", aber die
Wirkung war dieselbe: Ich war aufgeflogen, und nur durch überstürzte
Flucht aus Moskau konnte ich mein Leben retten.
Seither, seit mittlerweile drei Jahren, lebe ich undercover. Dafür
bedanke ich mich bei Carla del Ponte. Sie hat den Killern den Weg zu
mir gewiesen.
Elsässer: Ist das nicht reichlich übertrieben? Was kann eine Schweizer
Bundesanwältin für einen Artikel in einer italienischen Tageszeitung?
Turover: Die beiden Journalisten vom "Corriere" haben alle
Informationen von del Ponte bekomme, inklusive meiner Mobilfon-Nummer.
Sie selbst sagten es mir, weil sie wissen, daß ich in Lebensgefahr
bin.
Elsässer: Del Ponte hat das dementiert.
Turover: Dann sagt sie die Unwahrheit. Das habe ich übrigens schon oft
gesagt, und nie hat sie mich wegen übler Nachrede verklagt. Der Grund
ist ganz einfach: Sie hat keine Beweise, aber ich.
Elsässer: Mabetex-Chef Pacolli ist ja nicht nur ein Baulöwe, sondern
soll auch gute Verbindungen zu den kosovoalbanischen UCK-Terroristen
haben.
Turover: Das ist richtig. Zu seiner Firmengruppe gehörte, nach seinen
eigenen Angaben, mindestens bis zum Jahr 2000, die kosovoalbanische
Tageszeitung "Bota Sot", die selbst von der OSZE wegen rassistischer
Artikel verurteilt wurde. Sie hetzte vor allem gegen Serben, gegen
mich als den "Juden Turover" auch antisemitisch.
Elsässer: Sollten kosovoalbanische Bestechungsgelder an den
Jelzin-Clan gezahlt worden sein, könnte das das Verhalten des
russischen Präsidenten im Frühjahr 1999 erklären. Als die Nato den
Krieg gegen Jugoslawien vorbereitete, rührte er keinen Finger zum
Schutz des angeblichen Brudervolks der Serben. Bei der Konferenz in
Rambouillet etwa, als die Nato-Staaten extrem einseitig zugunsten der
Albaner agierten, protestierte Moskau nicht, obwohl seine Diplomaten
mit am Verhandlungstisch saßen. Kauften die Kosovo-Albaner Jelzins
Stillhalten?
Turover: Das ist eine mögliche Erklärung. Es handelt sich bei diesen
Geschichten um eine Symbiose aus Politik, Plünderung und Geldwäsche im
großen Stil.
Elsässer: Und del Ponte?
Turover: Alle Ermittlungsverfahren in der Schweiz zur Mabetex-Affäre
wurden politisch von höchster Stelle niedergeschlagen. Mehr noch: Die
Unterlagen, die del Ponte von ihrem russischen Amtskollegen Skuratow
bekommen hatte, sind auf wundersame Weise bei Pacolli gelandet. Der
hat seine Moskauer Freunde Jelzin und Borodin benachrichtigt, und in
der Folge wurde Skuratow, ein ehrlicher und kompetenter Jurist,
kaltgestellt - trotz dreier praktisch einstimmiger Entschließungen des
russischen Senats zu seinen Gunsten. Das Ende von Skuratow war auch
das Ende der Moskauer Mabetex-Ermittlung - das letzte Verfahren wurde
im Dezember 2000 eingestellt.
Elsässer: Handelte del Ponte als Schutzpatronin der albanischen Mafia
oder des Jelzin-Clans?
Turover: Weder noch. Sie handelt nur in ihrem eigenen Interesse.
Politische Ziele sind ihr völlig egal. Nehmen Sie etwa den Zeitpunkt,
als sie mit ihren Erkenntnissen zu Mabetex inklusive meines Namens an
die Öffentlichkeit ging, Ende August 1999. Das war ja nicht nur ein
Schlag gegen mich, sondern auch gegen Jelzin. Zwar hat sie später
nicht weiterermittelt, aber in diesem Augenblick haben ihre
Enthüllungen Jelzin schwer geschadet.
Vorausgegangen war, im Sommer 1999, der spektakuläre Coup russischer
Eliteeinheiten im Kosovo: Nach dem Waffenstillstand hatten sie den
Flughafen von Pristina besetzt, die Nato kam zu spät. Fast wäre es
deswegen zum dritten Weltkrieg gekommen, wie der britische Kfor-Chef
Michael Jackson damals sagte. Moskau pokerte hoch, wollte eine eigene
Besatzungszone im Kosovo, um die Serben zu schützen. In dieser
Situation mußte Jelzin desavouiert werden. Die damalige
US-Außenministerin Madeleine Albright trifft sich also im Juli 1999
auf dem Londoner Flughafen Heathrow mit del Ponte und macht ihr das
wahrscheinlich klar. Im August geht dann del Ponte über den "Corriere
della Sera" mit ihren Enthüllungen gegen Jelzin an die Öffentlichkeit,
und Mitte September legt Albright in einem Statement auf CNN zur
russischen Regierungskorruption nach. Jelzin muß in dieser Situation
ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren und Strafverfolgung befürchten. Entlastung
bringen ihm Ende September zwei Bombenanschläge in Moskau, angeblich
begangen von tschetschenischen Terroristen. Russische Truppen
marschieren in Tschetschenien ein, damit wird das öffentliche
Interesse von Russia-Gate abgelenkt.
Elsässer: Agierte del Ponte in dieser Situation als Befehlsempfängerin
Washingtons?
Turover: Sie ist genausowenig proamerikanisch wie proalbanisch. Sie
handelt im Schweizer Interesse, d.h. im Interesse der Mafia-Politik in
der Schweiz.
Elsässer: Das müssen Sie näher erklären.
Turover: Die Schweiz und die Schweizer Banken leben hauptsächlich von
der Geldwäsche. Alle Diktatoren und alle großen Kriminellen dieser
Welt deponieren ihr schmutziges Geld hierzulande; vor allem der Kanton
Tessin eignet sich hervorragend, man bringt die Millionen einfach im
Koffer oder im Handschuhfach von Italien über die Grenze. Alle
Politiker im Tessin wissen davon, alle profitieren davon. Und del
Ponte als Staatsanwältin des Kantons hat diese Praktiken geschützt,
schon vor der Mabetex-Affäre Ende der neunziger Jahre. Nehmen Sie etwa
den Fall einer Aktiengesellschaft in Chiasso, gegen die wegen
Geldwäsche für die italienische Mafia ermittelt wurde - die
Ermittlungen wurden von ihr eingestellt.
In erster Linie ist del Ponte aber pro del Ponte. Für ihre Karriere
würde sie alles tun, sogar George W. Bush anklagen. Als Juristin ist
sie im übrigen eine Null. Können Sie sich vorstellen, daß sie nach
meiner Kenntnis in ihrer bisherigen Laufbahn keine einzige Anklage
gewonnen hat? Ihr einziges Talent liegt in der Selbstdarstellung, in
der Selbstvermarktung.
Elsässer: Ihr Agreement mit Albright hat sich jedenfalls rentiert.
Wenig später wurde sie Chefanklägerin in Den Haag - auf Vorschlag
Washingtons. Die Zürcher "Weltwoche" wunderte sich: "Warum die
Amerikaner sie als Nachfolgerin der unbequemen und vorzeitig
abservierten Louise Arbour haben wollten, bleibt ein Rätsel. Denn sie
haben nie einen Hehl daraus gemacht, daß sie den Gerichtshof für einen
nutzlosen Schwulst halten."
Turover: Del Ponte und die Schweizer Regierung halfen Albright, und
dafür wurde sie - die Amerikaner sind ehrliche Leute, sie zahlen für
ihre Aufträge - mit dem Posten in Den Haag belohnt. Auch dort verkauft
del Ponte sich glänzend. Dabei ist der Prozeß eine einzige
Katastrophe. Sie hat überhaupt nichts in der Hand gegen Milosevic, de
jure müßte er sofort freigelassen werden. So kann sich Milosevic, der
selbst nur ein Bandit und Betrüger ist, als unschuldig Verfolgter
darstellen, und der serbische Nationalismus ist im Aufschwung, wie
sich bei den letzten Wahlen zeigte.
Weiß man in Den Haag wirklich nicht, daß die Schweizer Bundesregierung
einen Sonderermittler in der Affäre del Ponte eingesetzt hat? Wie kann
eine Frau Chefanklägerin des UN-Kriegsverbrechertribunals bleiben, die
selbst Gegenstand höchstrichterlicher Untersuchungen wegen schwerer
Verbrechen ist?
Elsässer: Sie haben im März 2001 Anzeige gegen Carla del Ponte und
unbekannt gestellt, u.a. wegen Gefährdung Ihres Lebens und Mordversuch
(tentato assassinio) im Zusammenhang mit Russia-Gate. Aber der
Schweizer Bundesanwalt Valentin Roschacher hat die Anzeige gegen seine
Amtsvorgängerin abgewiesen. Wie können Sie also sagen, es sei eine
Sonderermittlung gegen del Ponte im Gange?
Turover: Roschacher hat del Ponte geschützt, und deshalb habe ich ihn
wegen Begünstigung zu ihren Gunsten verklagt, und diese Klage ist
nicht nur angenommen worden, sondern es wurde im Mai 2002 sogar ein
Sonderermittler vom Schweizer Bundesrat eingesetzt, Arthur Hublard,
der ehemalige Generalstaatsanwalt des Kantons Jura. Der untersucht
meine Anklagen gegen Roschacher - aber damit ist auch die Causa del
Ponte endlich auf dem Tisch.
Überdies habe ich gegen die Schweiz eine Klage vor dem Europäischen
Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte in Strasbourg angestrengt.
Elsässer: Gegen die Schweiz - nicht gegen del Ponte?
Turover: In Strasbourg kann man nicht gegen Privatpersonen klagen.
Aber in der Substanz richtet sich die Anklage vor allem gegen del
Ponte, weil sie als Bundesanwältin der Schweiz mein Leben in Gefahr
gebracht hat. Es ist ein Unding, daß sie weiter in Den Haag amtiert,
solange zwei solche Verfahren anhängig sind.
Elsässer: Sie leben verdeckt im Untergrund und wechseln ständig den
Aufenthaltsort. Wie lange werden Sie das durchhalten?
Turover: Ich muß, wegen del Ponte, sonst bin ich ein toter Mann.
Natürlich habe ich mich abgesichert, indem ich sicherstellte, daß im
Falle meines Ablebens noch brisantere Informationen öffentlich werden
als bisher schon.
Aber eine beruhigende Sicherheit gibt mir das nicht. Bisher wurden
jedenfalls schon mindestens fünf Belastungszeugen in der Affäre
Mabetex aus dem Weg geräumt. Das letzte Opfer war die persönliche
Sekretärin von Pacolli, eine 32jährige Frau, Tod im Badezimmer,
angeblich ein Blutgerinsel.
Es gab nie eine Autopsie der Leiche, sie wurde am nächsten Tag
verbrannt.
Interview: Jürgen Elsässer
Cari amici,
Credo di fare cosa utile nell'inviarvi la mia sintesi-traduzione
dell'importante documento di Michel Collon
"Il Paese di cui non si parla più...".
Cari saluti, Enrico Giardino
---
IL PAESE DI CUI NON SI PARLA PIU'
M.Collon -26 novembre 2002 su internet
(traduzione-sintesi di E. Giardino- 27 nov.2002)
M.Collon - coraggioso giornalista impegnato - è autore di libri e di
video dedicati ai temi internazionali, della globalizzazione, della
Nato, delle menzogne medianiche, delle sofferenze inflitte ai popoli
del mondo dai governanti USA e dai loro alleati.
Di particolare valore le sue analisi e le sue testimonianze sull'
aggressione USA-NATO nei Balcani per la distruzione della ex
Jugoslavia, multietnica e socialista.
In questo suo ultimo documento di 14 pagine - distribuito via Internet
- si trova una analisi, qualificata e documentata, della situazione
odierna nelle regioni del Kosovo e della ex Jugoslavia, "liberate e
portate alla democrazia" dalle bombe della Nato e dalle menzogne dei
media occidentali.
Una lezione molto istruttiva. Per tutti: per quelli che sostengono o
difendono l'imperialismo, per quelli che già lo subiscono o lo
combattono, per quelli che ne sono minacciati (prossimi bersagli).
Anche istruttiva per chi ripone ancora qualche fiducia nei media
occidentali.
E' difficile e riduttivo sintetizzare un tale documento, ricco di dati
ufficiali e di riferimenti - estratti con sapienza dallo stesso campo
dell'aggressore-occupante: e tuttavia. Una traduzione-sintesi corretta
può agevolarne la circolazione, anche tra le persone che hanno poco
tempo per leggere.
Qual è la situazione di quelle regioni oggi, a due anni dalla
aggressione Nato?
Drammatica: aumento esplosivo (da 2 a 7 volte) dei generi di prima
necessità (pane, latte, carne elettricità, sanità, istruzione);
aumento dei tumori e dei suicidi. 4900 donne di Belgrado, malate di
tumore, non hanno o non possono acquistare le medicine necessarie (ora
privatizzate).
La disoccupazione è in forte crescita, si vive di espedienti, alla
giornata. L'inquinamento - prodotto dai bombardamenti alle raffinerie
e dall'uranio impoverito - è in forte crescita.
170.000 famiglie di Belgrado non possono pagare l'elettricità (costi
raddoppiati in 4 mesi).
In tre città operaie di media grandezza il livello di vita si è
ridotto del 150%.
I cimitari sono troppo piccoli per contenere tanta mortalità di
persone di ogni età.
Il tasso di "popolarità" di Djindjic - salvatore della patria
antiMilosevic - è caduto all'8%.
Le promesse degli anni 1989-2000 si sono dimostrate false ed
illusorie: allettati da queste, hanno pensato che il capitalismo
portasse loro il benessere occidentale.
Invece il FMI dichiara che occorre licenziare altri 800.000
lavoratori, soprattutto quelli statali e dei servizi pubblici. La
Banca mondiale già nel 1989 reclamava la messa in fallimento di 2435
imprese juogoslave ed il licenziamento massiccio dei lavoratori (2 su
3 in Serbia). Le privatizzazioni hanno debuttato, provocando un
massacro sociale non inferiore a quello delle bombe.
Le 5 maggiori imprese pubbliche sono oggi nel mirino del Governo, ma i
lavoratori si oppongono.
Così accade nell'impresa agro-alimentare Karnex che impiega 36.000
lavoratori. In giugno 2002 si è scoperto che le casse dell'impresa
sono vuote: i soldi sono volati via, dove? Nessuno lo sa.
I lavoratori lottano per mantenere il sistema dell'autogestione,
lavorando 4 sabati al mese per alimentare una loro cassa sociale
autogestita... Fedeli alla autogestione rimangono le 5 maggiori
imprese del Paese. I problemi produttivi ed occupazionali riguardano
4 grandi imprese: Zastava (auto), Smederevo(metalli), Gosa
(costruzioni), Startid 13 (metalli).
Prima delle elezioni il governo ha fatto circolare voci di preziosi
investimenti stranieri per le fabbriche in crisi che avrebbero dovuto
far decollare la produzione: balle elettorali!
Le privatizzazioni riempiono solo le tasche dei colonizzatori e dei
privati: così per la Telecom serba o per la rete Mobil 063 o per la TV
BK. Da dove vengono questi soldi per comprare? Dagli stessi ambienti
del governo o da ditte straniere (come British Telecom).
Chi si arricchisce in Jugoslavia oggi? La mafia innanzitutto. Il
ministro suicida del governo Kostunica - Momir Gavrilovic - aveva
appunto denunciato le connivenze tra mafia e Djindjic.
Il potere non sta a Belgrado, ma altrove. La società generale francese
e la banca tedesca Raiffeisen hanno rilevato le 4 maggiori banche
serbe. E' la Germania che ha il bottino maggiore penetrando in molti
settori (acquedotti, mass media, scuola, ecc.). Oggi tutti i giornali
sono filo-occidentali (alla faccia del pluralismo richiesto a
Milosevic!). Sono gli USA e la UE che hanno in mano l'economia e la
politica serba, mediante il "G-17 plus", un consorzio privato composto
dai vecchi rappresentanti della banca mondiale e del FMI.
Sono questi uomini che distruggono lo Stato sociale, che decidono di
licenziare e di privatizzare, abolendo il divieto di licenziare prima
esistente. Le imposte delle società sono state ridotte dal 20 % al 14
%, mentre il Ministro dell'economia annuncia che rimborserà alla Banca
Mondiale ed alla Banca di investimenti europea 60 milioni di euro.
L'occidente ha distrutto la Jugoslavia ed ora si fa anche rimborsare!
Perciò nella società jugoslava crescono le disillusioni, ma anche le
resistenze.
Grandi disillusioni, ma anche resistenza. Oggi 2 serbi su 3 sono sotto
la soglia di povertà. La debole partecipazione alle ultime elezioni
(46%) significa ripudio di tutti i partiti "corrotti".
I suicidi: 900 a Belgrado l'anno scorso ed un forte consumo di
medicine antidepressive. Numerose manifestazioni popolari in questi
mesi (taciute dai media occidentali) al grido di "Basta DOS": 40
feriti nella manifestazione dei poveri.
La battaglia per i "corridoi" (1) (cfr. il libro "Attention media!") è
uscita allo scoperto. I corridoi 8 e 10 servono al trasporto di merci,
ai processi di "delocalizzazione" delle imprese, al trasporto di gas e
petrolio dal Caucaso e dall'Asia centrale verso occidente
(investimento UE di 90 miliardi di euro).
Due i percorsi in lizza: quello voluto da Berlino
(Costanza-Belgrado-Amburgo) e quello di interesse USA
(Bulgaria-Macedonia-Albania). La politica moderna è facile da
leggersi: dove si trova un rotta di gas o petrolio, là gli USA
installano una base militare e suscitano conflitti etnici o religiosi.
Ora si conferma che il "corridoio 10" trasporterà per 1200 Km 10
milioni di tonnellate di petrolio, con possibilità di arrivare fino
all'Italia ed al Mediterraneo. Intanto gli USA investono 30 milioni di
dollari sul loro corridoio "alternativo".
Si parla di aiuti internazionali alla ex Jugoslavia: ma sono davvero
aiuti? NO, si tratta di prestiti che incateneranno il debitore alle
Banche occidentali: per pagarne gli interessi il debitore taglierà
spese sociali e di assistenza. Inoltre i prestiti sono legati a
vincoli politici precisi (es. della Macedonia): scelta del modello
occidentale, tagli allo stato sociale, licenziamenti. Quindi più un
ricatto che un aiuto. Le bombe hanno distrutto infrastrutture
economiche e civili che oggi vengono ricostruite con i prestiti del
FMI e, magari, da imprese occidentali. Quindi le bombe sulla
Jugoslavia erano solo la prima tappa del percorso di
privatizzazione-globalizzazione neoliberistica.
La Jugoslavia pagherà più volte la stessa "fattura": prima l'Ovest ha
distrutto la sua ricchezza; così facendo l'ha privata dei mezzi di
sussistenza e di produzione; infine dovrà pagarsi la ricostruzione
(in realtà un business dei suoi aggressori-colonizzatori).
Guerra significa anche basi militari, che sono un ottimo affare per le
industrie delle armi e per quelle che manutengono le spedizioni
militari ed i servizi ad esse associate. In Kosovo c'è oggi la più
grande base militare USA del mondo: Camp Bondsteel. Un punto
strategico per assalti al Medio Oriente, al Caucaso ed alla stessa
Russia. La base è stata costruita e viene gestita dalla ditta USA
"Brown Root Services" filiale della ditta USA Halliburton (servizi
petroliferi) al cui vertice troviamo, guarda caso, Dick Cheney (il
vicepresidente USA). E' stato proprio Cheney che dal 1992 in poi ha
fatto fare contratti miliardari alla "Brown&Root" con il Governo USA.
Nel 1992 questa ditta ha costruito la base militare USA in Somalia (62
milioni di dollari). Poi quella di Haiti (133 milioni di $) e quella
in Bosnia (180 ml di $).
Alla base USA lavorano 5000 kosovari ed altri 15.000 "esterni".
La stessa ditta opera ora in Afganistan con gli stessi servizi e con
gli stessi protettori.
Ma perché USA e Germania si appoggiano in Kosovo a razzisti e
criminali? Perchè in questa regione hanno armato ed addestrato l'UCK,
evitando una guerra sul terreno, diretta. In Croazia hanno usato
Tudjiman (un Le Pen croato), in Bosnia Izetbegovic.
L'UCK è una organizzazione separatista armata che punta ad una "grande
Albania" etnicamente pura. E' un gruppo terroristico che ha commesso e
commette atrocità, ricatti, delitti e reati. La Nato è stata di fatto
la forza aerea di questi terroristi. Oggi sono diventate una forza di
"polizia" istituzionalizzata che "garantisce l'ordine". Il Kosovo
occupato dalla NATO (NAT-izzato) è oggi terra di pulizie etniche
(serbi, rom, ebrei, musulmani, turchi, ecc.), di terrore e di mafia.
230.000 persone sono fuggite dal Kosovo verso Serbia e Montenegro:
questo flusso è diminuito oggi, ma continua. Lo conferma il portavoce
ONU Pineiro. Privi di libertà di movimento, di accesso ai servizi
pubblici, discriminati e minacciati, questi profughi rappresentano i
palestinesi dei Balcani.
Ma di tanta catastrofe "umanitaria" oggi i media occidentali non
parlano più.
In Kosovo - privo ormai di leggi e di garanzie - la Nato si è alleata
con la mafia. L'assenza di leggi serve agli occupanti che operano
nella illegalità e con la mafia (Choussudovsky). Responsabili del
governo di Berisha sono stati implicati in traffico di droga e di
armi: traffici che hanno permesso all'UCK di armare 1000 uomini in
poco tempo. Sappiamo che la droga, con le armi e la pubblicità, sono i
tre settori chiave del sistema capitalista. La mafia albanese
controlla anche il traffico degli "aiuti" internazionali (circa 18 ml
di euro in 3 anni). Nel luglio 2002 l'UE ha scoperto un conto di 4,5
ml di euro in una Banca di Gibilterra, danaro "stornato" dalla Agenzia
elettrica del Kosovo.
Nei territori occupati l'economia è artefatta e corrotta. I due
"protettorati occidentali" nei Balcani hanno il più alto tasso di
disoccupazione in Europa: 57% in Kosovo, 60% in Bosnia.
C'è anche perversione e corruzione: esempio recente la base militare
USA in Bosnia di DynCorp dove si praticava lo schiavismo sessuale su
ragazze di 12-15 anni.Perciò gli USA vogliono l'impunità assicurata
per i loro militari e le persone collegate. Un documento dell'Alto
commissariato ONU dei diritti dell'uomo rivela che in Bosnia, dopo la
guerra, vi è stato traffico di donne.
Perciò il "New York Times" già nel 1995 titolava: Arrivano gli
americani, e con essi la prostituzione, la droga e l'AIDS. Come
possono stare 20.000 soldati USA senza donne per un anno? Lo stesso
avvenne a Napoli nel 1945 dove 40.000 donne furono costrette a
prostituirsi.
Ogni soluzione legale e pacifica dei conflitti è negata dagli
interessi mafiosi e speculativi dell'UCK e della Nato. I profughi
serbi che tentassero di ritornare alle loro case sono minacciati
apertamente di morte. I terroristi "albanesi", quand'anche processati
ed incarcerati, fuggono. E' il caso del terrorista Florim Ejupi che ha
fatto una strage di un bus di serbi (11 morti e 40 feriti). Sottratto
alla polizia locale è stato tradotto alla base militare USA di Camp
Bondsteel, una vera fortezza isolata, di 40 Kmq, sorvegliata da 5000
soldati USA. Eppure Florim è fuggito da là, senza sforzo.
In sostanza oggi il Kosovo - che per la risoluzione ONU fa ancora
parte della Juogoslavia - assomiglia molto ad Israele: avamposto USA
nel cuore dei Balcani il primo, avamposto USA nell'Islam il secondo.
Perciò gli europei guardano con timore alla "indipendenza" del Kosovo
nei Balcani, potenziale roccaforte USA in Europa. Da qui l'interesse
USA di mantenere conflitti aperti nella regione, con possibili
conseguenze nel vicino Sandzak (un'altra Bosnia?). Anche qui prime
avvisaglie di fuga in massa dei serbi.
Intanto la popolazione mostra tutta la sua contrarietà alle ricette
del FMI ed ai governanti ad essi collegati. Nelle ultime elezioni
hanno votato solo il 46% degli aventi diritto: un numero insufficiente
per la precedente legge jugoslava: almeno il 50% per elezioni valide.
Ma i nostri maestri di democrazia hanno deciso di eliminare questo
quorum garantista. Come dire, se il popolo non vi vota, cambiate il
popolo! Molti hanno votato Kostunica sperando - a torto o a ragione -
che si renda indipendente dalla Nato e dall'Occidente (come da
Djindjic). Altri hanno seguito l'invito di Milosevic (imprigionato a
Bruxelles) di votare Seselj, uomo antiNato ed antiFMI.
Purtroppo, il partito di Milosevic - SPS - ha svoltato verso gli
occidentali, e gli elettori lo hanno punito nei suoi candidati.
Intanto i gruppi comunisti si sono riuniti nel nuovo partito del
Lavoro.
Ma perché tanto silenzio da parte degli intellettuali e dei media
occidentali?
La ragione è semplice: i pretesti e le menzogne sostenute prima e
durante la aggressione vengono sempre più smentiti dai fatti e dalle
reazioni popolari. Il bilancio è catastrofico e va rimosso.
La più cinica e falsa delle posizioni - quella dei "Né-Né"(2) - ha
condannato il movimento pacifista alla passività per lunghi anni (è il
cancro del movimento contro le guerre). Non sono Saddam o Milosevic o
Arafat a minacciare la Pace ed il mondo intero, ma Bush e la Nato.
Sono le multinazionali che condannano a morte ogni giorno 35.000
bambini del 3^ mondo.
Non spetta agli occidentali stabilire chi debba governare negli Stati
che loro aggrediscono. La lotta sociale e democratica - anche in quei
Paesi - sarà impedita ed ostacolata dalla occupazione militare.
La speranza è che le sofferenze e la collera popolare si trasformino
in forza liberatrice.
Perché è importante continuare a parlare di Jugoslavia?
Per almeno 5 buoni motivi:
1. la disinformazione su questa regione servirà a coprire le altre
guerre successive. Cioè le privatizzazioni imposte con le bombe ai
Paesi che non le vogliono;
2. Abbiamo il dovere di risolvere il problema dei profughi dei Balcani
(come in Palestina);
3. In Jugoslavia, come in Iraq, gli USA mettono le etnie e le
religioni in lizza tra loro. Serve a ridurre il Paese in piccoli
staterelli da dominare e colonizzare;
4. Per impedire guerre e sopraffazioni è necessario isolare e battere
la strategia USA;
5. In Iraq, come in Jugoslavia, gli USA useranno armi nucleari e
biologiche, molto dannose.
Note:
(1) Per "corridoio" si deve intendere una infrastruttura di trasporto
integrata,fatta di strade, linee ferroriavie, ponti, porti, fiumi, su
percorsi di migliaia di Km.
(2) Si tratta di coloro che di fronte alle reiterate e barbare
aggressioni USA-Nato dichiarano di non parteggiare né per l'aggressore
né per l'aggredito, sia esso Arafat, Saddam Hussein, Milosevic o
chiunque altro. In realtà stanno al gioco "binario" dell'aggressore,
neutralizzando la spinta pacifista e popolare contro le aggressioni
unilaterali e contro le violazioni del diritto internazionale.
Molti- troppi- di costoro militano o guidano partiti della cosiddetta
"sinistra" occidentale.
Credo di fare cosa utile nell'inviarvi la mia sintesi-traduzione
dell'importante documento di Michel Collon
"Il Paese di cui non si parla più...".
Cari saluti, Enrico Giardino
---
IL PAESE DI CUI NON SI PARLA PIU'
M.Collon -26 novembre 2002 su internet
(traduzione-sintesi di E. Giardino- 27 nov.2002)
M.Collon - coraggioso giornalista impegnato - è autore di libri e di
video dedicati ai temi internazionali, della globalizzazione, della
Nato, delle menzogne medianiche, delle sofferenze inflitte ai popoli
del mondo dai governanti USA e dai loro alleati.
Di particolare valore le sue analisi e le sue testimonianze sull'
aggressione USA-NATO nei Balcani per la distruzione della ex
Jugoslavia, multietnica e socialista.
In questo suo ultimo documento di 14 pagine - distribuito via Internet
- si trova una analisi, qualificata e documentata, della situazione
odierna nelle regioni del Kosovo e della ex Jugoslavia, "liberate e
portate alla democrazia" dalle bombe della Nato e dalle menzogne dei
media occidentali.
Una lezione molto istruttiva. Per tutti: per quelli che sostengono o
difendono l'imperialismo, per quelli che già lo subiscono o lo
combattono, per quelli che ne sono minacciati (prossimi bersagli).
Anche istruttiva per chi ripone ancora qualche fiducia nei media
occidentali.
E' difficile e riduttivo sintetizzare un tale documento, ricco di dati
ufficiali e di riferimenti - estratti con sapienza dallo stesso campo
dell'aggressore-occupante: e tuttavia. Una traduzione-sintesi corretta
può agevolarne la circolazione, anche tra le persone che hanno poco
tempo per leggere.
Qual è la situazione di quelle regioni oggi, a due anni dalla
aggressione Nato?
Drammatica: aumento esplosivo (da 2 a 7 volte) dei generi di prima
necessità (pane, latte, carne elettricità, sanità, istruzione);
aumento dei tumori e dei suicidi. 4900 donne di Belgrado, malate di
tumore, non hanno o non possono acquistare le medicine necessarie (ora
privatizzate).
La disoccupazione è in forte crescita, si vive di espedienti, alla
giornata. L'inquinamento - prodotto dai bombardamenti alle raffinerie
e dall'uranio impoverito - è in forte crescita.
170.000 famiglie di Belgrado non possono pagare l'elettricità (costi
raddoppiati in 4 mesi).
In tre città operaie di media grandezza il livello di vita si è
ridotto del 150%.
I cimitari sono troppo piccoli per contenere tanta mortalità di
persone di ogni età.
Il tasso di "popolarità" di Djindjic - salvatore della patria
antiMilosevic - è caduto all'8%.
Le promesse degli anni 1989-2000 si sono dimostrate false ed
illusorie: allettati da queste, hanno pensato che il capitalismo
portasse loro il benessere occidentale.
Invece il FMI dichiara che occorre licenziare altri 800.000
lavoratori, soprattutto quelli statali e dei servizi pubblici. La
Banca mondiale già nel 1989 reclamava la messa in fallimento di 2435
imprese juogoslave ed il licenziamento massiccio dei lavoratori (2 su
3 in Serbia). Le privatizzazioni hanno debuttato, provocando un
massacro sociale non inferiore a quello delle bombe.
Le 5 maggiori imprese pubbliche sono oggi nel mirino del Governo, ma i
lavoratori si oppongono.
Così accade nell'impresa agro-alimentare Karnex che impiega 36.000
lavoratori. In giugno 2002 si è scoperto che le casse dell'impresa
sono vuote: i soldi sono volati via, dove? Nessuno lo sa.
I lavoratori lottano per mantenere il sistema dell'autogestione,
lavorando 4 sabati al mese per alimentare una loro cassa sociale
autogestita... Fedeli alla autogestione rimangono le 5 maggiori
imprese del Paese. I problemi produttivi ed occupazionali riguardano
4 grandi imprese: Zastava (auto), Smederevo(metalli), Gosa
(costruzioni), Startid 13 (metalli).
Prima delle elezioni il governo ha fatto circolare voci di preziosi
investimenti stranieri per le fabbriche in crisi che avrebbero dovuto
far decollare la produzione: balle elettorali!
Le privatizzazioni riempiono solo le tasche dei colonizzatori e dei
privati: così per la Telecom serba o per la rete Mobil 063 o per la TV
BK. Da dove vengono questi soldi per comprare? Dagli stessi ambienti
del governo o da ditte straniere (come British Telecom).
Chi si arricchisce in Jugoslavia oggi? La mafia innanzitutto. Il
ministro suicida del governo Kostunica - Momir Gavrilovic - aveva
appunto denunciato le connivenze tra mafia e Djindjic.
Il potere non sta a Belgrado, ma altrove. La società generale francese
e la banca tedesca Raiffeisen hanno rilevato le 4 maggiori banche
serbe. E' la Germania che ha il bottino maggiore penetrando in molti
settori (acquedotti, mass media, scuola, ecc.). Oggi tutti i giornali
sono filo-occidentali (alla faccia del pluralismo richiesto a
Milosevic!). Sono gli USA e la UE che hanno in mano l'economia e la
politica serba, mediante il "G-17 plus", un consorzio privato composto
dai vecchi rappresentanti della banca mondiale e del FMI.
Sono questi uomini che distruggono lo Stato sociale, che decidono di
licenziare e di privatizzare, abolendo il divieto di licenziare prima
esistente. Le imposte delle società sono state ridotte dal 20 % al 14
%, mentre il Ministro dell'economia annuncia che rimborserà alla Banca
Mondiale ed alla Banca di investimenti europea 60 milioni di euro.
L'occidente ha distrutto la Jugoslavia ed ora si fa anche rimborsare!
Perciò nella società jugoslava crescono le disillusioni, ma anche le
resistenze.
Grandi disillusioni, ma anche resistenza. Oggi 2 serbi su 3 sono sotto
la soglia di povertà. La debole partecipazione alle ultime elezioni
(46%) significa ripudio di tutti i partiti "corrotti".
I suicidi: 900 a Belgrado l'anno scorso ed un forte consumo di
medicine antidepressive. Numerose manifestazioni popolari in questi
mesi (taciute dai media occidentali) al grido di "Basta DOS": 40
feriti nella manifestazione dei poveri.
La battaglia per i "corridoi" (1) (cfr. il libro "Attention media!") è
uscita allo scoperto. I corridoi 8 e 10 servono al trasporto di merci,
ai processi di "delocalizzazione" delle imprese, al trasporto di gas e
petrolio dal Caucaso e dall'Asia centrale verso occidente
(investimento UE di 90 miliardi di euro).
Due i percorsi in lizza: quello voluto da Berlino
(Costanza-Belgrado-Amburgo) e quello di interesse USA
(Bulgaria-Macedonia-Albania). La politica moderna è facile da
leggersi: dove si trova un rotta di gas o petrolio, là gli USA
installano una base militare e suscitano conflitti etnici o religiosi.
Ora si conferma che il "corridoio 10" trasporterà per 1200 Km 10
milioni di tonnellate di petrolio, con possibilità di arrivare fino
all'Italia ed al Mediterraneo. Intanto gli USA investono 30 milioni di
dollari sul loro corridoio "alternativo".
Si parla di aiuti internazionali alla ex Jugoslavia: ma sono davvero
aiuti? NO, si tratta di prestiti che incateneranno il debitore alle
Banche occidentali: per pagarne gli interessi il debitore taglierà
spese sociali e di assistenza. Inoltre i prestiti sono legati a
vincoli politici precisi (es. della Macedonia): scelta del modello
occidentale, tagli allo stato sociale, licenziamenti. Quindi più un
ricatto che un aiuto. Le bombe hanno distrutto infrastrutture
economiche e civili che oggi vengono ricostruite con i prestiti del
FMI e, magari, da imprese occidentali. Quindi le bombe sulla
Jugoslavia erano solo la prima tappa del percorso di
privatizzazione-globalizzazione neoliberistica.
La Jugoslavia pagherà più volte la stessa "fattura": prima l'Ovest ha
distrutto la sua ricchezza; così facendo l'ha privata dei mezzi di
sussistenza e di produzione; infine dovrà pagarsi la ricostruzione
(in realtà un business dei suoi aggressori-colonizzatori).
Guerra significa anche basi militari, che sono un ottimo affare per le
industrie delle armi e per quelle che manutengono le spedizioni
militari ed i servizi ad esse associate. In Kosovo c'è oggi la più
grande base militare USA del mondo: Camp Bondsteel. Un punto
strategico per assalti al Medio Oriente, al Caucaso ed alla stessa
Russia. La base è stata costruita e viene gestita dalla ditta USA
"Brown Root Services" filiale della ditta USA Halliburton (servizi
petroliferi) al cui vertice troviamo, guarda caso, Dick Cheney (il
vicepresidente USA). E' stato proprio Cheney che dal 1992 in poi ha
fatto fare contratti miliardari alla "Brown&Root" con il Governo USA.
Nel 1992 questa ditta ha costruito la base militare USA in Somalia (62
milioni di dollari). Poi quella di Haiti (133 milioni di $) e quella
in Bosnia (180 ml di $).
Alla base USA lavorano 5000 kosovari ed altri 15.000 "esterni".
La stessa ditta opera ora in Afganistan con gli stessi servizi e con
gli stessi protettori.
Ma perché USA e Germania si appoggiano in Kosovo a razzisti e
criminali? Perchè in questa regione hanno armato ed addestrato l'UCK,
evitando una guerra sul terreno, diretta. In Croazia hanno usato
Tudjiman (un Le Pen croato), in Bosnia Izetbegovic.
L'UCK è una organizzazione separatista armata che punta ad una "grande
Albania" etnicamente pura. E' un gruppo terroristico che ha commesso e
commette atrocità, ricatti, delitti e reati. La Nato è stata di fatto
la forza aerea di questi terroristi. Oggi sono diventate una forza di
"polizia" istituzionalizzata che "garantisce l'ordine". Il Kosovo
occupato dalla NATO (NAT-izzato) è oggi terra di pulizie etniche
(serbi, rom, ebrei, musulmani, turchi, ecc.), di terrore e di mafia.
230.000 persone sono fuggite dal Kosovo verso Serbia e Montenegro:
questo flusso è diminuito oggi, ma continua. Lo conferma il portavoce
ONU Pineiro. Privi di libertà di movimento, di accesso ai servizi
pubblici, discriminati e minacciati, questi profughi rappresentano i
palestinesi dei Balcani.
Ma di tanta catastrofe "umanitaria" oggi i media occidentali non
parlano più.
In Kosovo - privo ormai di leggi e di garanzie - la Nato si è alleata
con la mafia. L'assenza di leggi serve agli occupanti che operano
nella illegalità e con la mafia (Choussudovsky). Responsabili del
governo di Berisha sono stati implicati in traffico di droga e di
armi: traffici che hanno permesso all'UCK di armare 1000 uomini in
poco tempo. Sappiamo che la droga, con le armi e la pubblicità, sono i
tre settori chiave del sistema capitalista. La mafia albanese
controlla anche il traffico degli "aiuti" internazionali (circa 18 ml
di euro in 3 anni). Nel luglio 2002 l'UE ha scoperto un conto di 4,5
ml di euro in una Banca di Gibilterra, danaro "stornato" dalla Agenzia
elettrica del Kosovo.
Nei territori occupati l'economia è artefatta e corrotta. I due
"protettorati occidentali" nei Balcani hanno il più alto tasso di
disoccupazione in Europa: 57% in Kosovo, 60% in Bosnia.
C'è anche perversione e corruzione: esempio recente la base militare
USA in Bosnia di DynCorp dove si praticava lo schiavismo sessuale su
ragazze di 12-15 anni.Perciò gli USA vogliono l'impunità assicurata
per i loro militari e le persone collegate. Un documento dell'Alto
commissariato ONU dei diritti dell'uomo rivela che in Bosnia, dopo la
guerra, vi è stato traffico di donne.
Perciò il "New York Times" già nel 1995 titolava: Arrivano gli
americani, e con essi la prostituzione, la droga e l'AIDS. Come
possono stare 20.000 soldati USA senza donne per un anno? Lo stesso
avvenne a Napoli nel 1945 dove 40.000 donne furono costrette a
prostituirsi.
Ogni soluzione legale e pacifica dei conflitti è negata dagli
interessi mafiosi e speculativi dell'UCK e della Nato. I profughi
serbi che tentassero di ritornare alle loro case sono minacciati
apertamente di morte. I terroristi "albanesi", quand'anche processati
ed incarcerati, fuggono. E' il caso del terrorista Florim Ejupi che ha
fatto una strage di un bus di serbi (11 morti e 40 feriti). Sottratto
alla polizia locale è stato tradotto alla base militare USA di Camp
Bondsteel, una vera fortezza isolata, di 40 Kmq, sorvegliata da 5000
soldati USA. Eppure Florim è fuggito da là, senza sforzo.
In sostanza oggi il Kosovo - che per la risoluzione ONU fa ancora
parte della Juogoslavia - assomiglia molto ad Israele: avamposto USA
nel cuore dei Balcani il primo, avamposto USA nell'Islam il secondo.
Perciò gli europei guardano con timore alla "indipendenza" del Kosovo
nei Balcani, potenziale roccaforte USA in Europa. Da qui l'interesse
USA di mantenere conflitti aperti nella regione, con possibili
conseguenze nel vicino Sandzak (un'altra Bosnia?). Anche qui prime
avvisaglie di fuga in massa dei serbi.
Intanto la popolazione mostra tutta la sua contrarietà alle ricette
del FMI ed ai governanti ad essi collegati. Nelle ultime elezioni
hanno votato solo il 46% degli aventi diritto: un numero insufficiente
per la precedente legge jugoslava: almeno il 50% per elezioni valide.
Ma i nostri maestri di democrazia hanno deciso di eliminare questo
quorum garantista. Come dire, se il popolo non vi vota, cambiate il
popolo! Molti hanno votato Kostunica sperando - a torto o a ragione -
che si renda indipendente dalla Nato e dall'Occidente (come da
Djindjic). Altri hanno seguito l'invito di Milosevic (imprigionato a
Bruxelles) di votare Seselj, uomo antiNato ed antiFMI.
Purtroppo, il partito di Milosevic - SPS - ha svoltato verso gli
occidentali, e gli elettori lo hanno punito nei suoi candidati.
Intanto i gruppi comunisti si sono riuniti nel nuovo partito del
Lavoro.
Ma perché tanto silenzio da parte degli intellettuali e dei media
occidentali?
La ragione è semplice: i pretesti e le menzogne sostenute prima e
durante la aggressione vengono sempre più smentiti dai fatti e dalle
reazioni popolari. Il bilancio è catastrofico e va rimosso.
La più cinica e falsa delle posizioni - quella dei "Né-Né"(2) - ha
condannato il movimento pacifista alla passività per lunghi anni (è il
cancro del movimento contro le guerre). Non sono Saddam o Milosevic o
Arafat a minacciare la Pace ed il mondo intero, ma Bush e la Nato.
Sono le multinazionali che condannano a morte ogni giorno 35.000
bambini del 3^ mondo.
Non spetta agli occidentali stabilire chi debba governare negli Stati
che loro aggrediscono. La lotta sociale e democratica - anche in quei
Paesi - sarà impedita ed ostacolata dalla occupazione militare.
La speranza è che le sofferenze e la collera popolare si trasformino
in forza liberatrice.
Perché è importante continuare a parlare di Jugoslavia?
Per almeno 5 buoni motivi:
1. la disinformazione su questa regione servirà a coprire le altre
guerre successive. Cioè le privatizzazioni imposte con le bombe ai
Paesi che non le vogliono;
2. Abbiamo il dovere di risolvere il problema dei profughi dei Balcani
(come in Palestina);
3. In Jugoslavia, come in Iraq, gli USA mettono le etnie e le
religioni in lizza tra loro. Serve a ridurre il Paese in piccoli
staterelli da dominare e colonizzare;
4. Per impedire guerre e sopraffazioni è necessario isolare e battere
la strategia USA;
5. In Iraq, come in Jugoslavia, gli USA useranno armi nucleari e
biologiche, molto dannose.
Note:
(1) Per "corridoio" si deve intendere una infrastruttura di trasporto
integrata,fatta di strade, linee ferroriavie, ponti, porti, fiumi, su
percorsi di migliaia di Km.
(2) Si tratta di coloro che di fronte alle reiterate e barbare
aggressioni USA-Nato dichiarano di non parteggiare né per l'aggressore
né per l'aggredito, sia esso Arafat, Saddam Hussein, Milosevic o
chiunque altro. In realtà stanno al gioco "binario" dell'aggressore,
neutralizzando la spinta pacifista e popolare contro le aggressioni
unilaterali e contro le violazioni del diritto internazionale.
Molti- troppi- di costoro militano o guidano partiti della cosiddetta
"sinistra" occidentale.
1. Ditta statunitense coinvolta nello scandalo della prostituzione
minorile in Bosnia vince appalto per il Ministero della Difesa
britannico.
2. 200mila "schiave" ogni anno coinvolte nel traffico gestito da UCK e
da altri alleati della NATO.
ALTRO LINK:
Bulgarian Police Crack Down on Prostitution, Sexual Exploitation
http://www.balkantimes.com/html2/english/021028-SVETLA-000.htm
=== 1 ===
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4556985,00.html
American firm in Bosnia sex trade row poised to win MoD contract
Jamie Wilson and Kevin Maguire
Friday November 29, 2002
The Guardian
The American defence contractor forced to pay compensation to a UN
police officer unfairly dismissed for blowing the whistle on
colleagues involved in the Bosnian sex trade is poised to be awarded
its first contract by the British government, the Guardian has
learned.
DynCorp, which was ordered to pay the sacked UN investigator Kathryn
Bolkovac £110,000 by an employment tribunal on Tuesday, is part of a
consortium that is set to be awarded preferred bidder status by the
Ministry of Defence to supply support services for military firing
ranges.
The decision, expected to be announced in the next few weeks by Adam
Ingram, the armed forces minister, was yesterday condemned by MPs and
union leaders.
Former defence minister Peter Kilfoyle said: "It is simply
unacceptable that a company like DynCorp, which has been so
cavalier towards Ms Bolkovac, should be
given a contract by the MoD."
Ms Bolkovac was dismissed after revealing that UN peacekeepers went to
nightclubs where girls as young as 15 were forced to dance naked and
have sex with customers, and that UN personnel and international aid
workers were linked to prostitution rings in the Balkans. The
employment tribunal accepted that Ms Bolkovac, an American who was
employed by DynCorp and contracted to the UN, had been dismissed for
whistleblowing.
She said the company wanted her removed because her work was
threatening its "lucrative contract" to supply officers to the
mission.
The MoD firing range contract, worth more than £60m, is expected to be
awarded to a consortium called LandMarc Support Services, a
partnership between DynCorp and a British contractor, Interserve.
They are bidding to provide the non-military support services for the
armed services' ranges, including training area and range operations,
catering and estate management. It will result in more than 1,000
employees being transferred from the MoD to the private sector.
Derek Simpson, joint general secretary of the trade union Amicus,
voiced concern that DynCorp should be involved in one of the
government's public-private partnerships.
"The root of the trade unions' opposition to PPPs is concern that
public servants will be transferred into the hands of bad
employers. The government is never going to get wholehearted support
to hand over public services to private companies if they have records
like this."
A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence last night said no decision
had been taken.
Ms Bolkovac is not the only employee who claims to have been unfairly
dismissed by DynCorp over the sex trade scandal.
Hours after she won her case lawyers for the company made an
undisclosed financial settlement in a lawsuit in Texas with a former
employee, Ben Johnston, who also exposed the affair.
Mr Johnston's case included allegations of men having sex with girls
as young as 12. His claims also concerned a nightclub in Bosnia
frequented by DynCorp employees, where young women were sold "hourly,
daily or permanently".
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002
=== 2 ===
(From Rick Rozoff)
http://www.janes.com/regional_news/europe/news/jir/jir021104_1_n.shtml
Jane's Intelligence Review
November 4, 2002
Balkan gangs traffic 200,000 women annually
-The principal destinations within the Balkans are
Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania.
-The dominant group involved in trafficking women,
according to intelligence sources, is ethnic Albanian,
and may account for as much as 65% of Balkan human
trafficking. Albanians are involved in a number of
routes from start to finish, a trend increasingly
mirrored in Albanian heroin trafficking. There are
Albanian criminals working in Chisinau, trafficking
women through Europe, and then sending women onward to
Albanian-controlled brothels in Albania, Kosovo, the
UK and other European countries where Albanian
organised crime is active. In London's Soho district
and other parts of the West End, Albanians have
achieved almost total control of off-street
prostitution in the last five years.
An Italian-led, joint European police operation,
'Sunflower', led to the arrests of 80 people in early
October 2002, in what was claimed to be the
continent's most important operation ever against
human trafficking.
Members of gangs trafficking east European women were
arrested in Italy, Austria, Spain, Portugal, France,
Poland, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Targets of the
operation included travel agents, coach companies and
'hotel' owners. The operation followed a similar one
in April 2001, in which 100 people were arrested;
police pointed to close co-operation between Russian
and Italian groups in both cases.
However, the operation has only made a small dent in a
huge criminal business whose roots are bound up with
the chronic economic, social and political problems of
the transitional states of central and eastern Europe.
According to the US Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA), 500,000 women are illegally trafficked in the
world each year, of whom 200,000 pass through the
Balkan region. That the DEA has been estimating
numbers of trafficked women points to the close
relationship of the crime with heroin trafficking and
other illicit businesses prevalent in the region.
Research conducted on behalf of the EU Balkan
Stability Pact in 2002 concluded that trafficking in
women is the single largest criminal business in the
Balkans in terms of cash turnover, exceeding even
heroin trafficking.
The Balkan traffic in women involves recruitment of
women from the more impoverished and chaotic countries
of Eastern Europe, trafficking through central Europe,
to hub points in the Balkans. From these hub points
women either find themselves forced to work as
prostitutes in the Balkans, or are trafficked onward
to Western Europe or the Middle East, and in some
cases Asia and North America.
In the journey from eastern source countries to the
Balkans and beyond, Belgrade is the principal trading
hub, and it appears that most women trafficked through
the Balkans spend some time in Yugoslavia.
Budapest and Bucharest function as waypoints for women
en route to Belgrade.
The principal destinations within the Balkans are
Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania.
The dominant group involved in trafficking women,
according to intelligence sources, is ethnic Albanian,
and may account for as much as 65% of Balkan human
trafficking. Albanians are involved in a number of
routes from start to finish, a trend increasingly
mirrored in Albanian heroin trafficking. There are
Albanian criminals working in Chisinau, trafficking
women through Europe, and then sending women onward to
Albanian-controlled brothels in Albania, Kosovo, the
UK and other European countries where Albanian
organised crime is active. In London's Soho district
and other parts of the West End, Albanians have
achieved almost total control of off-street
prostitution in the last five years.
Other prominent groups include Ukrainian, Russian and
Turkish gangs. In addition, Italian organised crime
groups are involved in onward trafficking into Western
Europe. According to one experienced Balkan police
officer: "The Albanians, Russians and Turks are
operating in the light, and the Italians are operating
in the shadow, but their role should not be
underestimated."
minorile in Bosnia vince appalto per il Ministero della Difesa
britannico.
2. 200mila "schiave" ogni anno coinvolte nel traffico gestito da UCK e
da altri alleati della NATO.
ALTRO LINK:
Bulgarian Police Crack Down on Prostitution, Sexual Exploitation
http://www.balkantimes.com/html2/english/021028-SVETLA-000.htm
=== 1 ===
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4556985,00.html
American firm in Bosnia sex trade row poised to win MoD contract
Jamie Wilson and Kevin Maguire
Friday November 29, 2002
The Guardian
The American defence contractor forced to pay compensation to a UN
police officer unfairly dismissed for blowing the whistle on
colleagues involved in the Bosnian sex trade is poised to be awarded
its first contract by the British government, the Guardian has
learned.
DynCorp, which was ordered to pay the sacked UN investigator Kathryn
Bolkovac £110,000 by an employment tribunal on Tuesday, is part of a
consortium that is set to be awarded preferred bidder status by the
Ministry of Defence to supply support services for military firing
ranges.
The decision, expected to be announced in the next few weeks by Adam
Ingram, the armed forces minister, was yesterday condemned by MPs and
union leaders.
Former defence minister Peter Kilfoyle said: "It is simply
unacceptable that a company like DynCorp, which has been so
cavalier towards Ms Bolkovac, should be
given a contract by the MoD."
Ms Bolkovac was dismissed after revealing that UN peacekeepers went to
nightclubs where girls as young as 15 were forced to dance naked and
have sex with customers, and that UN personnel and international aid
workers were linked to prostitution rings in the Balkans. The
employment tribunal accepted that Ms Bolkovac, an American who was
employed by DynCorp and contracted to the UN, had been dismissed for
whistleblowing.
She said the company wanted her removed because her work was
threatening its "lucrative contract" to supply officers to the
mission.
The MoD firing range contract, worth more than £60m, is expected to be
awarded to a consortium called LandMarc Support Services, a
partnership between DynCorp and a British contractor, Interserve.
They are bidding to provide the non-military support services for the
armed services' ranges, including training area and range operations,
catering and estate management. It will result in more than 1,000
employees being transferred from the MoD to the private sector.
Derek Simpson, joint general secretary of the trade union Amicus,
voiced concern that DynCorp should be involved in one of the
government's public-private partnerships.
"The root of the trade unions' opposition to PPPs is concern that
public servants will be transferred into the hands of bad
employers. The government is never going to get wholehearted support
to hand over public services to private companies if they have records
like this."
A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence last night said no decision
had been taken.
Ms Bolkovac is not the only employee who claims to have been unfairly
dismissed by DynCorp over the sex trade scandal.
Hours after she won her case lawyers for the company made an
undisclosed financial settlement in a lawsuit in Texas with a former
employee, Ben Johnston, who also exposed the affair.
Mr Johnston's case included allegations of men having sex with girls
as young as 12. His claims also concerned a nightclub in Bosnia
frequented by DynCorp employees, where young women were sold "hourly,
daily or permanently".
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002
=== 2 ===
(From Rick Rozoff)
http://www.janes.com/regional_news/europe/news/jir/jir021104_1_n.shtml
Jane's Intelligence Review
November 4, 2002
Balkan gangs traffic 200,000 women annually
-The principal destinations within the Balkans are
Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania.
-The dominant group involved in trafficking women,
according to intelligence sources, is ethnic Albanian,
and may account for as much as 65% of Balkan human
trafficking. Albanians are involved in a number of
routes from start to finish, a trend increasingly
mirrored in Albanian heroin trafficking. There are
Albanian criminals working in Chisinau, trafficking
women through Europe, and then sending women onward to
Albanian-controlled brothels in Albania, Kosovo, the
UK and other European countries where Albanian
organised crime is active. In London's Soho district
and other parts of the West End, Albanians have
achieved almost total control of off-street
prostitution in the last five years.
An Italian-led, joint European police operation,
'Sunflower', led to the arrests of 80 people in early
October 2002, in what was claimed to be the
continent's most important operation ever against
human trafficking.
Members of gangs trafficking east European women were
arrested in Italy, Austria, Spain, Portugal, France,
Poland, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Targets of the
operation included travel agents, coach companies and
'hotel' owners. The operation followed a similar one
in April 2001, in which 100 people were arrested;
police pointed to close co-operation between Russian
and Italian groups in both cases.
However, the operation has only made a small dent in a
huge criminal business whose roots are bound up with
the chronic economic, social and political problems of
the transitional states of central and eastern Europe.
According to the US Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA), 500,000 women are illegally trafficked in the
world each year, of whom 200,000 pass through the
Balkan region. That the DEA has been estimating
numbers of trafficked women points to the close
relationship of the crime with heroin trafficking and
other illicit businesses prevalent in the region.
Research conducted on behalf of the EU Balkan
Stability Pact in 2002 concluded that trafficking in
women is the single largest criminal business in the
Balkans in terms of cash turnover, exceeding even
heroin trafficking.
The Balkan traffic in women involves recruitment of
women from the more impoverished and chaotic countries
of Eastern Europe, trafficking through central Europe,
to hub points in the Balkans. From these hub points
women either find themselves forced to work as
prostitutes in the Balkans, or are trafficked onward
to Western Europe or the Middle East, and in some
cases Asia and North America.
In the journey from eastern source countries to the
Balkans and beyond, Belgrade is the principal trading
hub, and it appears that most women trafficked through
the Balkans spend some time in Yugoslavia.
Budapest and Bucharest function as waypoints for women
en route to Belgrade.
The principal destinations within the Balkans are
Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania.
The dominant group involved in trafficking women,
according to intelligence sources, is ethnic Albanian,
and may account for as much as 65% of Balkan human
trafficking. Albanians are involved in a number of
routes from start to finish, a trend increasingly
mirrored in Albanian heroin trafficking. There are
Albanian criminals working in Chisinau, trafficking
women through Europe, and then sending women onward to
Albanian-controlled brothels in Albania, Kosovo, the
UK and other European countries where Albanian
organised crime is active. In London's Soho district
and other parts of the West End, Albanians have
achieved almost total control of off-street
prostitution in the last five years.
Other prominent groups include Ukrainian, Russian and
Turkish gangs. In addition, Italian organised crime
groups are involved in onward trafficking into Western
Europe. According to one experienced Balkan police
officer: "The Albanians, Russians and Turks are
operating in the light, and the Italians are operating
in the shadow, but their role should not be
underestimated."
Quattro casi emblematici:
* 141 aziende messe all'asta senza alcun prezzo-base!!! Solo ora, dopo
innumerevoli contestazioni, il regime di Djindjic provvede.
* Ditta angloamericana rinuncia all'acquisto della produzione di
sigarette a Kragujevac.
* Risorse minerarie: in vendita persino l'Istituto Geologico!
* In vendita la Beopetrol, "ENI" della Serbia. La compreranno gli
stranieri.
(da: Balkan-Telegramm, 29.November 2002)
ALTRI LINKS:
I dispacci di agenzia dell'ANSA sulle privatizzazioni in Serbia:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/jugoslavia.html
The untold story of privatisation in Serbia (by Srdja Trifkovic)
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic/NewsST101602.html
Serbian Reforms I: The Case of Missing Entrepreneurs (by M.
Bozinovich)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/mb/001.shtml
Serbian Reforms II: Jurisdictional Confusion & Property Multi-Rights
(by M. Bozinovich)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/mb/002.shtml
Serbian Conference Targets US Companies (by Igor Jovanovic)
http://www.balkantimes.com/default3.asp?lang=
english&page=process_print&article_id=17444
=== * ===
Subject: Balkan-Telegramm, 29.November 2002
Date: Fri, 29 Nov 2002 04:01:03 -0500
From: Balkan-Telegramm <leserbriefe@...>
Organization: Balkan-Telegramm
Balkan-Telegramm, 29.November 2002
________________________
http://www.amselfeld.com
________________________
29.November 2002
+++ BELGRAD. Nach heftigen Protesten, einschließlich erhobener
Strafanzeigen und selbst von seiten ausländischer Wirtschaftsprüfungs-
gesellschaften erfolgter Kritik, gegen die Privatisierungspraktiken
der serbischen Regierung führt diese nun endlich Mindestgebote bei den
Versteigerungen vergesellschafteter und öffentlicher Unternehmen ein.
Bisher wurden 141 Unternehmen zu insgesamt lediglich 283 Millionen EUR
versteigert. Wären, wie ansonsten weltweit üblich, den
Versteigerungen sachgemäße Unternehmens-bewertungen vorausgegangen,
hätte der von ausländischen Krediten abhängige Staats- bzw.
Landeshaushalt ein Vielfaches an Einnahmen erhalten können.
GLAS-JAVNOSTI +++
+++ BELGRAD. Bis vor einigen Monaten machte die serbische Regierung
noch großspurige Ankündigungen von einem bevorstehenden Bau einer
Zigarettenfabrik in Kragujevac durch den amerikanisch-britischen
Konzern BAT, und versuchte damit die zu Tausenden entlassenen
Zastava-Arbeiter zu besänftigen.
Inzwischen zeichnet sich der Verkauf einer der heimischen
Zigarettenfabriken, wie etwa DIN oder DIV an BAT im Frühjahr 2003 ab.
Eine Neuinvestition in Kragujevac fällt dadurch weg. GLAS-JAVNOSTI +++
+++ BELGRAD. Die serbische Regierung strebt den Erlaß eines neuen
Gesetzes an, welches Unternehmen, die Bodenuntersuchungen in Serbien
anstellen, exklusive Rechte zur Ausbeutung der "gefundenen"
Bodenschätze gewähren soll. In Kürze soll auch das Geologische
Institut in Belgrad, welches über alle in den letzten 70 Jahren in
Serbien erstellten geologischen Dokumente verfügt, privatisiert
werden. Der Käufer wird voraussichtlich der US-amerikanische Konzern
"Rio Tinto" sein. Die Kombination aus neuer Gesetzgebung,
Privatisierung des Geologischen Institutes zum voraussichtlichen
Schleuderpreis (möglicherweise einige zehn- bis hunderttausend
Dollar), und den in Serbien anzutreffenden immensen Bodenschätzen
(Kupfer, Blei, Zink, Bauxit, Gold, Silber, etc.), kommt einem
Zigmillionen-, um nicht zu sagen, Milliardengeschenk der serbischen
Regierung an die US-amerikanische Wirtschaft gleich. GLAS-JAVNOSTI
+++
+++ BELGRAD. In Kürze soll die Privatisierung des Mineralöl-
unternehmens Beopetrol durchgeführt werden. Obwohl die Regierung
bisher stets beteuerte, daß die Mineralölbranche von "strategischer
Bedeutung" für das Land sei, wird nun der Ausverkauf dieser Branche,
dem Filetstück der serbischen Wirtschaft, gestartet. Neben
Tankstellen, Verwaltungsgebäuden, u.ä., sind damit auch Raffinerien
und Pipelines gemeint. Selbst das bisher gültige staatliche Monopol
auf den Import von Mineralöl und Treibstoffen, will die serbische
Regierung an einige wenige Auserwählte, wahrscheinlich die
ausländischen Käufer der heimischen Mineralölunternehmen, vergeben.
Angesichts der Tatsache, daß in naher Zukunft eine Balkan-Pipeline vom
Schwarzen Meer bis Norditalien, welche Kaukausus-Erdöl nach
Mitteleuropa beförden soll und an welche auch die serbischen
Raffinerien angeschlossen werden sollen, existieren wird, handelt es
sich hierbei um eine für Serbien geradezu desaströse
Wirtschaftspolitik. Vor ihrer Privatisierung sollen die serbischen
Mineralölunternehmen, die im Jahre 1999 noch von den Luftwaffen der
NATO-Staaten zerbombt wurden, jedoch noch eine "Extraprofitsteuer"
bezahlen. Im Falle von Beopetrol sind dies für das Jahr 2002
immerhin 300.000 EUR. GLAS-JAVNOSTI +++
leserbriefe@...
* 141 aziende messe all'asta senza alcun prezzo-base!!! Solo ora, dopo
innumerevoli contestazioni, il regime di Djindjic provvede.
* Ditta angloamericana rinuncia all'acquisto della produzione di
sigarette a Kragujevac.
* Risorse minerarie: in vendita persino l'Istituto Geologico!
* In vendita la Beopetrol, "ENI" della Serbia. La compreranno gli
stranieri.
(da: Balkan-Telegramm, 29.November 2002)
ALTRI LINKS:
I dispacci di agenzia dell'ANSA sulle privatizzazioni in Serbia:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/jugoslavia.html
The untold story of privatisation in Serbia (by Srdja Trifkovic)
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic/NewsST101602.html
Serbian Reforms I: The Case of Missing Entrepreneurs (by M.
Bozinovich)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/mb/001.shtml
Serbian Reforms II: Jurisdictional Confusion & Property Multi-Rights
(by M. Bozinovich)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/mb/002.shtml
Serbian Conference Targets US Companies (by Igor Jovanovic)
http://www.balkantimes.com/default3.asp?lang=
english&page=process_print&article_id=17444
=== * ===
Subject: Balkan-Telegramm, 29.November 2002
Date: Fri, 29 Nov 2002 04:01:03 -0500
From: Balkan-Telegramm <leserbriefe@...>
Organization: Balkan-Telegramm
Balkan-Telegramm, 29.November 2002
________________________
http://www.amselfeld.com
________________________
29.November 2002
+++ BELGRAD. Nach heftigen Protesten, einschließlich erhobener
Strafanzeigen und selbst von seiten ausländischer Wirtschaftsprüfungs-
gesellschaften erfolgter Kritik, gegen die Privatisierungspraktiken
der serbischen Regierung führt diese nun endlich Mindestgebote bei den
Versteigerungen vergesellschafteter und öffentlicher Unternehmen ein.
Bisher wurden 141 Unternehmen zu insgesamt lediglich 283 Millionen EUR
versteigert. Wären, wie ansonsten weltweit üblich, den
Versteigerungen sachgemäße Unternehmens-bewertungen vorausgegangen,
hätte der von ausländischen Krediten abhängige Staats- bzw.
Landeshaushalt ein Vielfaches an Einnahmen erhalten können.
GLAS-JAVNOSTI +++
+++ BELGRAD. Bis vor einigen Monaten machte die serbische Regierung
noch großspurige Ankündigungen von einem bevorstehenden Bau einer
Zigarettenfabrik in Kragujevac durch den amerikanisch-britischen
Konzern BAT, und versuchte damit die zu Tausenden entlassenen
Zastava-Arbeiter zu besänftigen.
Inzwischen zeichnet sich der Verkauf einer der heimischen
Zigarettenfabriken, wie etwa DIN oder DIV an BAT im Frühjahr 2003 ab.
Eine Neuinvestition in Kragujevac fällt dadurch weg. GLAS-JAVNOSTI +++
+++ BELGRAD. Die serbische Regierung strebt den Erlaß eines neuen
Gesetzes an, welches Unternehmen, die Bodenuntersuchungen in Serbien
anstellen, exklusive Rechte zur Ausbeutung der "gefundenen"
Bodenschätze gewähren soll. In Kürze soll auch das Geologische
Institut in Belgrad, welches über alle in den letzten 70 Jahren in
Serbien erstellten geologischen Dokumente verfügt, privatisiert
werden. Der Käufer wird voraussichtlich der US-amerikanische Konzern
"Rio Tinto" sein. Die Kombination aus neuer Gesetzgebung,
Privatisierung des Geologischen Institutes zum voraussichtlichen
Schleuderpreis (möglicherweise einige zehn- bis hunderttausend
Dollar), und den in Serbien anzutreffenden immensen Bodenschätzen
(Kupfer, Blei, Zink, Bauxit, Gold, Silber, etc.), kommt einem
Zigmillionen-, um nicht zu sagen, Milliardengeschenk der serbischen
Regierung an die US-amerikanische Wirtschaft gleich. GLAS-JAVNOSTI
+++
+++ BELGRAD. In Kürze soll die Privatisierung des Mineralöl-
unternehmens Beopetrol durchgeführt werden. Obwohl die Regierung
bisher stets beteuerte, daß die Mineralölbranche von "strategischer
Bedeutung" für das Land sei, wird nun der Ausverkauf dieser Branche,
dem Filetstück der serbischen Wirtschaft, gestartet. Neben
Tankstellen, Verwaltungsgebäuden, u.ä., sind damit auch Raffinerien
und Pipelines gemeint. Selbst das bisher gültige staatliche Monopol
auf den Import von Mineralöl und Treibstoffen, will die serbische
Regierung an einige wenige Auserwählte, wahrscheinlich die
ausländischen Käufer der heimischen Mineralölunternehmen, vergeben.
Angesichts der Tatsache, daß in naher Zukunft eine Balkan-Pipeline vom
Schwarzen Meer bis Norditalien, welche Kaukausus-Erdöl nach
Mitteleuropa beförden soll und an welche auch die serbischen
Raffinerien angeschlossen werden sollen, existieren wird, handelt es
sich hierbei um eine für Serbien geradezu desaströse
Wirtschaftspolitik. Vor ihrer Privatisierung sollen die serbischen
Mineralölunternehmen, die im Jahre 1999 noch von den Luftwaffen der
NATO-Staaten zerbombt wurden, jedoch noch eine "Extraprofitsteuer"
bezahlen. Im Falle von Beopetrol sind dies für das Jahr 2002
immerhin 300.000 EUR. GLAS-JAVNOSTI +++
leserbriefe@...
http://www.titoville.com/images/Avnojf.gif
---
ANTIFASISTICKO VECE NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA JUGOSLAVIJE
Broj odluke 3
ODLUKA
DRUGOG ZASEDANJA ANTIFASISTICKOG VECA NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA
JUGOSLAVIJE
o izgradnji Jugoslavije na federativnom principu
............
Dne 29 novembra 1943,
u Jajcu
za Antifasisticko vece
Narodnog Oslobodjenja Jugoslavije
Sekretar
P.Colakovic,s.r.
Pretsednik
Dr.I.Robar,s.r.
---
http://www.titoville.com/images/Avnojf.gif
---
ANTIFASISTICKO VECE NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA JUGOSLAVIJE
Broj odluke 3
ODLUKA
DRUGOG ZASEDANJA ANTIFASISTICKOG VECA NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA
JUGOSLAVIJE
o izgradnji Jugoslavije na federativnom principu
............
Dne 29 novembra 1943,
u Jajcu
za Antifasisticko vece
Narodnog Oslobodjenja Jugoslavije
Sekretar
P.Colakovic,s.r.
Pretsednik
Dr.I.Robar,s.r.
---
http://www.titoville.com/images/Avnojf.gif
http://www.titoville.com/images/Avnojf.gif
---
ANTIFASISTICKO VECE NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA JUGOSLAVIJE
Broj odluke 3
ODLUKA
DRUGOG ZASEDANJA ANTIFASISTICKOG VECA NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA
JUGOSLAVIJE
o izgradnji Jugoslavije na federativnom principu
............
Dne 29 novembra 1943,
u Jajcu
za Antifasisticko vece
Narodnog Oslobodjenja Jugoslavije
Sekretar
P.Colakovic,s.r.
Pretsednik
Dr.I.Robar,s.r.
---
http://www.titoville.com/images/Avnojf.gif
---
ANTIFASISTICKO VECE NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA JUGOSLAVIJE
Broj odluke 3
ODLUKA
DRUGOG ZASEDANJA ANTIFASISTICKOG VECA NARODNOG OSLOBODJENJA
JUGOSLAVIJE
o izgradnji Jugoslavije na federativnom principu
............
Dne 29 novembra 1943,
u Jajcu
za Antifasisticko vece
Narodnog Oslobodjenja Jugoslavije
Sekretar
P.Colakovic,s.r.
Pretsednik
Dr.I.Robar,s.r.
---
http://www.titoville.com/images/Avnojf.gif
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum: 27 novembar 2002
Dusan Milovanovic: Izlaganje na promociji knjige "Terorizam
albanskih ekstremista"
Centralni dom Vojske Jugoslavije
Beograd, 27. novembar 2002. godine
Promocija knjige "Terorizam albanskih ekstremista"
Autori: Milan Mijalkovski i Petar Damjanov
Izdava?: "Novinsko - izdava?ki centar Vojska"
O knjizi su govorili:
- Todor Petkovi?, general - major, recenzent
- Dusan Milovanovi?, glavni i odgovorni urednik nedeljnika
"Revija 92",
- pukovnik Stanoje Jovanovi?, direktor Novinsko - izdava?kog
centra Vojska
- autori
Dusan Milovanovi?:
Imamo pred sobom jednu izuzetnu knjigu. Sveobuhvatnu po
sadr?aju kojim se bavi, analiti?nu po pristupu i veoma metodi?nu
po na?inu izlaganja. Poseban joj je kvalitet jasno?a i jednostavnost
autorskog izraza. Mo?e se re?i da je ova knjiga i svojevrsna
enciklopedija svega onoga sto se mo?e svrstati pod pojam
terorizma, od pojavnih oblika, preko teorije i prakse, do
medjunarodne politike i pravnih normi u toj oblasti.
General Petkovi? je u predgovoru istakao i jednu ?injenicu koja
ukazuje na posebno vredan autorski iskorak u ovoj bransi - medju
pripadnicima vojske i policije veoma redak, kada je u pitanju kritika
prakse i ponasanja vlasti. I, svakako sopstvene prakse. Re? je, kako
on ka?e, "o nedopustivoj nesnala?ljivosti subjekata i snaga sistema
odbrane u celini, naro?ito njegovog podsistema - protiv teroristi?ke
odbrane". I jos jedna konstatacija, da je u odgovoru dr?ave na
albanski terorizam zanemarena njegova ideoloska, propagandna,
finansijska i jata?ka komponenta. Slobodnije re?eno, terorizam je
udaran po prstima, umesto po glavi.
U tom smislu ova knjiga nudi veoma siroku osnovu i bezbroj
?injenica za jos smelije, ?ak i preko potrebno izricanje ocena o
doraslosti institucija dr?ave da se suo?e sa problemom terorizma.
Usudjujem se re?i da i sva pamet sabrana u ovoj knjizi, nudi obilje
saznanja i znanja, koja bi u jednoj druga?ije uspostavljenoj vertikali
odlu?ivanja, komandovanja i rukovodjenja, u borbi protiv
terorizma, dala bolje rezultate od onih sa kakvima se danas ne
mo?emo pomiriti, a sto je jos gore ne mo?emo ih ni bitnije menjati.
Da ne idemo tako daleko, ali podsetio bih da se taj isti terorizam u
nedavnoj drustvenoj, i posebno politi?koj praksi, krstio potpuno
pogresnim terminima - iredentizam, a potom - kontrarevolucija.
^?ak se i jedno vreme tvrdilo da je u pitanju nekakav poseban
siptarski agresivni konzervativizam. Neka civilizacijska razlika u
odnosu sa okru?enje, siptarsko zaostajanje u drustvenom razvoju,
optere?eno i bremenito nacionalnim romantizmom. Frapantan je
raskorak, ravan ?ak i politi?kom slepilu, kad se iz takvog poimanja
suo?imo sa medjunarodnim karakterom terorizma. Koga prozivati,
kome sada ispostaviti ra?une za nespremnost ili nesposobnost u
suo?avanju sa ?injenicom da se u terorizam, sa kakvim smo bili i
jesmo suo?eni, unose elememnti inostranosti. Upli?u se brojne
dr?ave i medjunarodne institucije, pogotovu kad se proglasi da je
ugro?ena neka vrednost i nesto sto stiti medjunarodno pravo. Tesko
da je do ju?e bilo upitanosti sta ?initi pri takvom stanju, mo?e li se
i
mora li se jedino na na?in koji je unarped bio do?ekan na no? i sa
totalnim nerazumevanjem.
Sude?i po veoma respektivnim pokazateljima kojima autori operisu,
neizbe?no se otvara jedan ceo niz pitanja: zasto se tek u poslednjoj
fazi, u direktnom ratu spoznalo i priznalo da imamo posla sa
vrhunskom kategorijom terorista, da su sa njima i medju njima ne
samo belosvetski pla?enici, ve? i ispostave teroristi?ke elite kakva
je
Al kaida, zatim da uplitanjem stranog faktora ne vise posredno
nego sasvim otvoreno i direktno, nije ugro?en samo jug Srbije "ono
dole", ve? i celokupna dr?ava, sve njene institucije i organi, njena
sustinska suverenost, pa i celokupno stanovnistvo, sto ?e do kraja
potvrditi NATO intervencija.
Dok se - sto i autori diskretno ukazuju - na nivou politike govorilo
o "prikrivenim stranim akcijama", u praksi smo imali ogoljenu
podrsku i simpatije za stvar terorista, i to ne od bilo koga, ve? od
vode?ih zemalja sveta: SAD, Nema?ke, Engleske...o neskladu
politi?ke realnosti, sa takvim stanjem sasvim je izlisno govoriti.
Otuda je i pitanje borbe protiv terorizma sa kakvim smo bili
suo?eni, tra?ilo znatno kompleksnije odgovore. Ne toliko
predominantno one u kojima su jedino policija i vojska su?eljene sa
celokupnom lepezom teroristi?kih akcija i ambicija.
Autori su ponudili dovoljno inspirativne gradje i za nesto u sta se
nisu upustali, a to je da li se u nasoj politi?koj praksi, svesno
izbegavalo razlikovanje ogoljenog terorizma od postojanja
sveukupnog problema zvanog albansko, kosovsko, ili siptarsko
pitanje, kako god ho?ete da ga zovemo. Ono postoji skoro jedan
vek, od 1912. od Prvog balkanskog rata, pa preko svih onih
krvarenja i mrcvarenja do 1941. zatim i u prvim godinama posle
oslobodjenja 1945, pa na specifi?an na?in primireno za Titova
vremena, do poslednjeg i po svemu sude?i definitivnog otvaranja sa
sasvim prepoznatljivim i po mnogo ?emu pesimisti?kim
zavrsetkom. Na "neiskorenjivost" ili neprekidnost albanskog
terorizma, kako ga je definisala nasa doju?erasnja politi?ka praksa,
presudno su uticali mnogi nealbanski ?inioci, sto autori sasvim
jasno preciziraju, i naravno, uvek iz svojih interesa. Ovog puta, pri
najnovijoj eskalaciji tog pitanja, kao da je nasa politi?ka
pragmatika u potpunosti potcenila ambicije i resenost inostranog
faktora da upotrebi i ogoljenu silu, direktnim uplitanjem, koje je
zavrseno vojnom intervencijom i pretvaranjem Kosmeta u
medjunarodni protektorat.
Pred zapanjuju?om inostranom podrskom i razumevanjem za
ciljeve terorista, kao da se verovalo da ?e biti delotvorni navodnici,
ono neizbe?no takozvana OVK, samozvana U?K... Navodnici i
odrednice takozvano nisu mogle spre?iti ono sa ?ime se nije htelo
suo?iti - da je ve? uveliko na delu internacionalizacija problema
Kosova i Metohije. Pritom se terorizam, kao nesporno i sasvim
ogoljeno sredstvo, za ostvarenje tih ciljeva, uopste ne dovodi u
pitanje. U tom smislu ova knjiga je i svojevrsna, ako ne kritika, a
ono hronologija te i takve politi?ke, diplomatske, obavestajne i
vojne supremacije nad jednim visestruko ranjivim dr?avnim
improvizarijem, koji se nasao pred tako delikatnim, mo?da i
neresivim problemom koji se zove Kosovo i Metohija. Terorizam je
u tom kompleksnom problemu pokazao sva svoja lica i neshvatljivo
siroku lepezu sveopste upotrebe i zloupotrebe.
office@...
Datum: 27 novembar 2002
Dusan Milovanovic: Izlaganje na promociji knjige "Terorizam
albanskih ekstremista"
Centralni dom Vojske Jugoslavije
Beograd, 27. novembar 2002. godine
Promocija knjige "Terorizam albanskih ekstremista"
Autori: Milan Mijalkovski i Petar Damjanov
Izdava?: "Novinsko - izdava?ki centar Vojska"
O knjizi su govorili:
- Todor Petkovi?, general - major, recenzent
- Dusan Milovanovi?, glavni i odgovorni urednik nedeljnika
"Revija 92",
- pukovnik Stanoje Jovanovi?, direktor Novinsko - izdava?kog
centra Vojska
- autori
Dusan Milovanovi?:
Imamo pred sobom jednu izuzetnu knjigu. Sveobuhvatnu po
sadr?aju kojim se bavi, analiti?nu po pristupu i veoma metodi?nu
po na?inu izlaganja. Poseban joj je kvalitet jasno?a i jednostavnost
autorskog izraza. Mo?e se re?i da je ova knjiga i svojevrsna
enciklopedija svega onoga sto se mo?e svrstati pod pojam
terorizma, od pojavnih oblika, preko teorije i prakse, do
medjunarodne politike i pravnih normi u toj oblasti.
General Petkovi? je u predgovoru istakao i jednu ?injenicu koja
ukazuje na posebno vredan autorski iskorak u ovoj bransi - medju
pripadnicima vojske i policije veoma redak, kada je u pitanju kritika
prakse i ponasanja vlasti. I, svakako sopstvene prakse. Re? je, kako
on ka?e, "o nedopustivoj nesnala?ljivosti subjekata i snaga sistema
odbrane u celini, naro?ito njegovog podsistema - protiv teroristi?ke
odbrane". I jos jedna konstatacija, da je u odgovoru dr?ave na
albanski terorizam zanemarena njegova ideoloska, propagandna,
finansijska i jata?ka komponenta. Slobodnije re?eno, terorizam je
udaran po prstima, umesto po glavi.
U tom smislu ova knjiga nudi veoma siroku osnovu i bezbroj
?injenica za jos smelije, ?ak i preko potrebno izricanje ocena o
doraslosti institucija dr?ave da se suo?e sa problemom terorizma.
Usudjujem se re?i da i sva pamet sabrana u ovoj knjizi, nudi obilje
saznanja i znanja, koja bi u jednoj druga?ije uspostavljenoj vertikali
odlu?ivanja, komandovanja i rukovodjenja, u borbi protiv
terorizma, dala bolje rezultate od onih sa kakvima se danas ne
mo?emo pomiriti, a sto je jos gore ne mo?emo ih ni bitnije menjati.
Da ne idemo tako daleko, ali podsetio bih da se taj isti terorizam u
nedavnoj drustvenoj, i posebno politi?koj praksi, krstio potpuno
pogresnim terminima - iredentizam, a potom - kontrarevolucija.
^?ak se i jedno vreme tvrdilo da je u pitanju nekakav poseban
siptarski agresivni konzervativizam. Neka civilizacijska razlika u
odnosu sa okru?enje, siptarsko zaostajanje u drustvenom razvoju,
optere?eno i bremenito nacionalnim romantizmom. Frapantan je
raskorak, ravan ?ak i politi?kom slepilu, kad se iz takvog poimanja
suo?imo sa medjunarodnim karakterom terorizma. Koga prozivati,
kome sada ispostaviti ra?une za nespremnost ili nesposobnost u
suo?avanju sa ?injenicom da se u terorizam, sa kakvim smo bili i
jesmo suo?eni, unose elememnti inostranosti. Upli?u se brojne
dr?ave i medjunarodne institucije, pogotovu kad se proglasi da je
ugro?ena neka vrednost i nesto sto stiti medjunarodno pravo. Tesko
da je do ju?e bilo upitanosti sta ?initi pri takvom stanju, mo?e li se
i
mora li se jedino na na?in koji je unarped bio do?ekan na no? i sa
totalnim nerazumevanjem.
Sude?i po veoma respektivnim pokazateljima kojima autori operisu,
neizbe?no se otvara jedan ceo niz pitanja: zasto se tek u poslednjoj
fazi, u direktnom ratu spoznalo i priznalo da imamo posla sa
vrhunskom kategorijom terorista, da su sa njima i medju njima ne
samo belosvetski pla?enici, ve? i ispostave teroristi?ke elite kakva
je
Al kaida, zatim da uplitanjem stranog faktora ne vise posredno
nego sasvim otvoreno i direktno, nije ugro?en samo jug Srbije "ono
dole", ve? i celokupna dr?ava, sve njene institucije i organi, njena
sustinska suverenost, pa i celokupno stanovnistvo, sto ?e do kraja
potvrditi NATO intervencija.
Dok se - sto i autori diskretno ukazuju - na nivou politike govorilo
o "prikrivenim stranim akcijama", u praksi smo imali ogoljenu
podrsku i simpatije za stvar terorista, i to ne od bilo koga, ve? od
vode?ih zemalja sveta: SAD, Nema?ke, Engleske...o neskladu
politi?ke realnosti, sa takvim stanjem sasvim je izlisno govoriti.
Otuda je i pitanje borbe protiv terorizma sa kakvim smo bili
suo?eni, tra?ilo znatno kompleksnije odgovore. Ne toliko
predominantno one u kojima su jedino policija i vojska su?eljene sa
celokupnom lepezom teroristi?kih akcija i ambicija.
Autori su ponudili dovoljno inspirativne gradje i za nesto u sta se
nisu upustali, a to je da li se u nasoj politi?koj praksi, svesno
izbegavalo razlikovanje ogoljenog terorizma od postojanja
sveukupnog problema zvanog albansko, kosovsko, ili siptarsko
pitanje, kako god ho?ete da ga zovemo. Ono postoji skoro jedan
vek, od 1912. od Prvog balkanskog rata, pa preko svih onih
krvarenja i mrcvarenja do 1941. zatim i u prvim godinama posle
oslobodjenja 1945, pa na specifi?an na?in primireno za Titova
vremena, do poslednjeg i po svemu sude?i definitivnog otvaranja sa
sasvim prepoznatljivim i po mnogo ?emu pesimisti?kim
zavrsetkom. Na "neiskorenjivost" ili neprekidnost albanskog
terorizma, kako ga je definisala nasa doju?erasnja politi?ka praksa,
presudno su uticali mnogi nealbanski ?inioci, sto autori sasvim
jasno preciziraju, i naravno, uvek iz svojih interesa. Ovog puta, pri
najnovijoj eskalaciji tog pitanja, kao da je nasa politi?ka
pragmatika u potpunosti potcenila ambicije i resenost inostranog
faktora da upotrebi i ogoljenu silu, direktnim uplitanjem, koje je
zavrseno vojnom intervencijom i pretvaranjem Kosmeta u
medjunarodni protektorat.
Pred zapanjuju?om inostranom podrskom i razumevanjem za
ciljeve terorista, kao da se verovalo da ?e biti delotvorni navodnici,
ono neizbe?no takozvana OVK, samozvana U?K... Navodnici i
odrednice takozvano nisu mogle spre?iti ono sa ?ime se nije htelo
suo?iti - da je ve? uveliko na delu internacionalizacija problema
Kosova i Metohije. Pritom se terorizam, kao nesporno i sasvim
ogoljeno sredstvo, za ostvarenje tih ciljeva, uopste ne dovodi u
pitanje. U tom smislu ova knjiga je i svojevrsna, ako ne kritika, a
ono hronologija te i takve politi?ke, diplomatske, obavestajne i
vojne supremacije nad jednim visestruko ranjivim dr?avnim
improvizarijem, koji se nasao pred tako delikatnim, mo?da i
neresivim problemom koji se zove Kosovo i Metohija. Terorizam je
u tom kompleksnom problemu pokazao sva svoja lica i neshvatljivo
siroku lepezu sveopste upotrebe i zloupotrebe.
International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
emperor.vwh.net/icdsm
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=================================
Slobodan Milosevic's Cross-Examination of
Croatian President Stjepan Mesic: PART IX
Because the transcript of the cross-examination
is 150 pages long we have broken it into
12 easy to read segments. If you wish to read the whole thing
at once go to: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic.htm
=================================
Page 10702
Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and English transcripts.
Page 10703
1 issued a decision on the withdrawal of the reserve forces of the
police
2 from municipalities, mostly in the Krajina, where the Serbs were in
the
3 majority, you remember that, I assume.
4 A. This is yet another lie and another trick. A decision was made to
5 collect weapons in all municipalities of the Republic of Croatia so
that
6 Croatia could defend herself, because the authorities in Belgrade
had
7 previously issued a decision that all weapons should be withdrawn
from
8 Croatia so that Croatia could be brought to her knees.
9 The Territorial Defence, I have to explain, was commanded by a
10 staff in Zagreb, the staff of the Territorial Defence. The army -
that
11 is, the army of the SFRY - was commanded by the General Staff in
Belgrade,
12 but both were components of the armed forces of Yugoslavia. We held
the
13 opinion that it was improper to withdraw weapons from the
Territorial
14 Defence because these weapons were protected in Croatia. However,
15 evidently the regime of Slobodan Milosevic and his subordinates
felt it
16 was in their interest to disarm Croatia and to arm the rebellious
Serbs in
17 order to implement the plan that General Kadijevic also speaks
about, and
18 that is the establishing of the Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag
border. I
19 know the accused does not like this, but these are the facts.
20 Q. There's nothing for me to dislike here. These are not facts but
21 your political opinions, Mr. Mesic, because you have failed to put
forward
22 a single fact here.
23 Along with a decision to collect the weapons from the Serb areas
24 in late July, you also made a decision to establish the National
Guard
25 Corps. This was a paramilitary formation. Is this correct or not?
Page 10704
1 A. I have to remind the accused that, on the one hand, there were
2 illegal paramilitary organisations and there were legal paramilitary
3 organisations. The police force is also a paramilitary organisation.
4 They have weapons, they have uniforms, and they have a chain of
command.
5 But they are not an army. Croatia adopted a decision that the
National
6 Guard Corps be established. Its purpose, in fact, was to be
something
7 like the gendarmes in France or the carabinieri in Italy. We wanted
to
8 have a unit which could be activated, in case of need, if the vital
9 interests of the Republic of Croatia were threatened. At that time,
this
10 was not yet the Croatian army.
11 Q. This decision of the Croatian government was to have been
12 implemented, first of all, in the area of Lika, where Serbs made up
93 per
13 cent of the population; is that correct or not?
14 A. Where did you get this 93 per cent? That's not true.
15 Q. Very well, then. The majority.
16 A. Well, 93 per cent and 51 per cent is a big difference. But as we
17 have heard, the accused no longer stands by the usual kind of
arithmetic.
18 Q. When the political and security situation deteriorated, did the
19 political leadership of the Serbs in Krajina decide to hold a
referendum
20 on autonomy? This was in late August 1990.
21 A. I have to respond again, although I have already answered a part
22 of this question: Weapons were collected on the entire territory of
the
23 Republic of Croatia, and the referendum was illegal, and Croatia
failed to
24 recognise it, did not recognise it, because it was an illegal
referendum,
25 and in Croatia law has to be respected.
Page 10705
1 Q. Is it correct that on the 16th and 17th of August, when the
police
2 set out toward Benkovac, where 10.000 Serbs had gathered, do you
think
3 that this move that you made had anything to do with the reactions
of the
4 Serbs and that it was not actually incited by the authorities of
Serbia?
5 You said Belgrade -- I mean, when you say "Belgrade," I assume
you're
6 referring to the federal organs of Yugoslavia, not to the leadership
of
7 the Republic of Serbia.
8 A. I'm referring to the accused and his regime and his links with
the
9 Yugoslav army.
10 Q. All right. We're going to get to that a bit later.
11 Did this have anything to do with the reaction of the Serbs, the
12 fact that the police set out to Benkovac, where 10.000 Serbs had
13 assembled? Is that correct or is that not correct?
14 A. The police did not set out against anyone. They could only
15 provide security at the rally.
16 Q. Oh, so they went there to guarantee their security.
17 A. Yes, by all means.
18 Q. Do you think that such wrong decisions of yours, to send police
to
19 places where people had rallies, in spite of the constitutional
right to
20 freedom of assembly, was a wrongful decision which made the Serbs
place
21 roadblocks; this was not part of a struggle for a greater Serbia?
22 A. During this trial I've answered that question too.
23 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. After this Croatian government was
24 constituted, the one whose prime minister you were, wasn't it clear
that
25 at that time the activity of the organised arming of HDZ members
started?
Page 10706
1 Is that right or is that not right? Is that being contested too?
2 A. I was prime minister of Croatia for three months before I went to
3 Belgrade, and on the 17th of August, 1990, the log revolution
started.
4 Roads were blocked, roads that were of vital interest to the economy
of
5 Croatia. Croatia had to survive, both politically and economically.
Who
6 was it who was destroying Croatia then? Was it those who wanted to
7 establish free traffic on Croatian roads or those who were carrying
out
8 orders issued by the accused and provoking the Croatian authorities?
9 Q. All right. It just so happens that the accused at that time was
10 vacationing in Dubrovnik and heard about this from the newspapers
there.
11 But are you trying to say that logs are some kind of offensive
weapon, or
12 is it the police that enters settled areas and attacks people? Was
13 anybody ever attacked by a log?
14 A. Yes, logs are a very lethal weapon, because they do not allow
15 free communication in Croatia. They do not allow the economy to
16 function. This is a grave attack on the Croatian economy and the
Croatian
17 state. Before that, I would really like to hear where this
happened,
18 where the police attacked someone so the Croatian roads had to be
19 blocked. I would really like to hear that once and for all.
20 Q. I've given you countless examples - I've presented them here
21 anyway - during 1989 and 1990, many examples. I even quoted your
own
22 newspapers to you, about incursions, about arrests, about people
being
23 taken away and who are still missing. You know about that. Mr.
Mesic, do
24 you think that since at that time you were prime minister, you are
the
25 guiltiest person of all for clashes with the Serbs in Croatia?
Page 10707
1 A. Although this is nonsensical, I am going to dignify it with an
2 answer. They opted to provoke the Croatian authorities in order to
3 establish the boundary that I refer to. Specifically in Pakrac,
there was
4 a conflict between two streams in one police station.
5 Q. All right. You've already explained that.
6 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness finish.
7 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] He's taking up my time. He spoke
8 about it yesterday.
9 JUDGE MAY: You've put serious allegations to him. He must be
10 able to answer them.
11 Yes. Go on, Mr. Mesic.
12 A. Since part of the police station was disarmed, the Minister of
the
13 Interior sent reinforcements in and disarmed the attackers. That
brought
14 an end to it all. However, the army came into the streets with 20
or 30
15 tanks, and they purportedly separated the conflicting parties.
There were
16 no conflicting parties. There were those who were attacking the
police
17 and there were those who were protecting the police. There were no
two
18 parties that were clashing. There was not an interethnic conflict
there.
19 Nobody was wounded. Nobody was killed. I came to Belgrade. Borislav
20 Jovic, the representative Serbian of the Presidency of Yugoslavia,
said
21 that there was a massacre of Serbs in Pakrac, where 40 persons were
22 massacred. I said, "Well, I was in Pakrac yesterday. Nobody was
wounded.
23 Where did you read that?" And he said, "In the Titograd daily
newspaper
24 of Pobjeda." Now, where is Titograd? Where is Pakrac? They have
nothing
25 to do with each other. But it is obvious that this is a scenario.
The
Page 10708
1 army was supposed to be brought into the picture to ensure the
boundaries
2 that not only General Kadijevic knows of very well but also this
accused,
3 Slobodan Milosevic.
4 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
5 Q. This accused doesn't, and I do not consider myself to be accused
6 by this false indictment. And since you behaved the way that you
behaved,
7 that you behaved in this broad-minded, democratic manner, how is it
8 then possible and why were you the protagonist of a programme that
Serbs
9 were supposed to be expelled from the constitution of Croatia as a
10 constituent and state-building people?
11 A. Croatia proclaimed its independence. It had its own
12 institutions, it had its own parliament, and it passed laws. I'm
not in a
13 position now to interpret why each and every law was passed and in
which
14 way and how the constitution was adopted. There is a procedure
involved.
15 I don't know in which case I would have to give answers now in
respect of
16 a decision that is reached by the parliament of my country.
17 Q. A parliament that you chaired. So you believe that you preserved
18 the status of the Serbs that they had according to all previous
19 constitutions. I mean, had you retained that status for them, that
they
20 still would have rebelled; is that your opinion?
21 A. Institutionally, no rights of Serbs or of any other ethnic group
22 were violated. I admit that there were some messages that were
23 unacceptable, but they had to be discussed at a table, not by
destroying
24 Dubrovnik, not by destroying Vukovar, Skabrnja, Vucine, not
Cetekovac, not
25 by massacring people. In that way, not a single conflict can be
resolved.
Page 10709
1 Q. Mr. Mesic, as a member of the Presidency, later on you even
2 compounded your responsibility for everything that happened to the
Serbs
3 in 1991 and 1992 and later on your responsibility as Croatia's -- as
the
4 president of Croatia's parliament, at the beginning of 2000, you
stated,
5 on television, that the Croats in 1995, through military actions,
that is
6 to say, through storm and flash, in the war for the homeland, that
they
7 won a glorious victory. Mr. Mesic, no doubt storm and flash are
actions
8 that meant carrying out war crimes and ethnic cleansing, ethnic
cleansing
9 of practically all Serbs from Croatia. Do you --
10 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, you know that this is not the time to
11 make speeches or try and give evidence, which you're trying to do.
Have
12 you got a question to ask the witness?
13 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
14 Q. Please, I do have a question. If these were glorious actions,
why
15 are you saying now that Bobetko should be held responsible if he
was doing
16 something glorious, in your words?
17 A. The victories in the homeland war were glorious because they
made
18 it possible for Croatia to reach each and every part of the
Croatian state
19 and to establish the functioning of the institutions of the
Croatian
20 state. In these battles, crimes may occur, as always. I am
advocating
21 the following: That everybody should be held accountable for what
he did.
22 Croatia adopted a constitutional law in cooperation with The Hague
23 Tribunal. I am advocating the following: That everybody should have
the
24 right to defence. All suspects should be held accountable before
The
25 Hague Tribunal. If these are Croatian citizens, then they should
have the
Page 10710
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10711
1 right to defence, maximum defence, implying dignity and respect for
2 everything that everyone did by way of a contribution to the
independence
3 of Croatia. But I want each and every citizen to be equal before the
law
4 because it is only then that we can expect to realise our strategic
5 objectives and that is to become part of European and Atlantic
alliances,
6 which is truly our strategic objective.
7 Q. All right. It is my understanding that the expulsion of 250.000
8 Serbs from Krajina and taking tens of thousands of them out of
columns,
9 according to the findings of Commissioner Ema Bonino, and these
persons
10 went missing, simply that you are calling all of this individuals
crimes
11 and individual actions. The expulsion of 250.000 Serbs and the
12 destruction of thousands of persons who were in these columns. You
are
13 calling this individual crimes within this glorious --
14 JUDGE MAY: The witness has dealt with this, and it's not clear
15 what relevance this has to this particular indictment. These are
events
16 in 1995. Yes let's move on to something else.
17 MR. NICE: I'm concerned if there's to be the time limitation that
18 the Chamber has identified that the accused is simply not dealing
with the
19 matters on which evidence has been given, and typically in the last
20 question but two he slid over 1991 and 1992 with an allegation to
which
21 the witness was not allowed to give an answer, that being exactly
the time
22 of the Presidency, the Rump Presidency, and the other matters that
we
23 should be investigating.
24 JUDGE MAY: What was the question that you say he should have been
25 able to answer.
Page 10712
1 MR. NICE: Well, it was where he suggested -- I'll just find it
2 again. He simply suggested that he compounded everything by his
behaviour
3 in 1991 and 1992, without putting any particulars.
4 JUDGE MAY: I think the witness has dealt with that.
5 Mr. Nice, there is a question of time. We understood that the
6 witness could not be available tomorrow. Is that right?
7 MR. NICE: The way I expressed it was he was definitely available
8 yesterday and today and that he might be available for tomorrow. I
know
9 his original plans were to travel back tomorrow. But the Chamber
will of
10 course be in the witness's hands and he'll know better than I, I
not
11 having spoken to him yesterday, what his availability now is.
12 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Mesic, could you help us with this? You've heard
13 about this question of time. Are you available tomorrow at all in
the
14 morning or do you have to get back?
15 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I have some engagements tomorrow
16 afternoon, so I could be present in this courtroom for part of the
morning
17 tomorrow.
18 JUDGE MAY: Could you be here for an hour, say from 9.00 to 10.00?
19 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] Yes.
20 JUDGE MAY: Thank you.
21 Well, Mr. Milosevic, you can have until 2.00 today. You can
22 have --
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well.
24 JUDGE MAY: You can have a few minutes tomorrow in addition to
25 that, but there must be time for the other parties to cross-examine
and
* Continued at: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic-10.htm
***** Urgent Message from Sloboda (Freedom) Association and the
International
Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic!
The Freedom Association in Belgrade and the ICDSM, based outside
Yugoslavia, are the two
organizations formed at the request of Slobodan Milosevic to aid in
his defense.
Up until now our main work has been threefold. We have publicized the
truth about The
Hague's phony trial. We have organized research to help President
Milosevic expose
NATO's lies. And we have initiated legal action in the Dutch and
European Courts.
Now our job has increased. The defense phase of the "trial" starts in
May 2003. No longer
will Mr. Milosevic be limited to cross-examining Hague witnesses. The
prosecution will be
forced further onto the defensive as victims of NATO's aggression and
experts from
Yugoslavia and the NATO countries tell what really happened and expose
media lies.
Moreover, Mr. Milosevic will call leaders, from East and West, some
friendly and some
hostile to the truth.
The controlled mass media will undoubtedly try to suppress this
testimony as they have tried
to suppress Mr. Milosevic's cross-examinations. Nevertheless this
phase of the "trial" will
be the biggest international forum ever to expose NATO's use of
racism, violence and lies to
attack Yugoslavia.
We urgently need the help of all people who care about what is
happening in The Hague.
Right now, Nico Steijnen , the Dutch lawyer in the ICDSM, is waging
legal battles in the
Dutch courts and before the European Court, about which more news
soon. These efforts
urgently require financial support. We now maintain a small staff of
Yugoslav lawyers in
Holland, assisting and advising Mr. Milosevic full-time. We need to
expand our Dutch
facilities, perhaps bringing in a non-Yugoslav attorney full-time.
Definitely we must
guarantee that we have an office and office manager available at all
times, to compile and
process evidence and for meetings with witnesses and lawyers and as a
base for organizing
press conferences.
All this costs money. And for this, we rely on those who want Mr.
Milosevic to have the best
possible support for attacking NATO's lies.
************
Here's how you can help...
************
* You may contribute by credit card. By the end of September we will
have an ICDSM
secure server so you can contribute directly on the Internet.
For now, you can contribute by credit card in two ways: *
You can Contribute by Credit Card over the Telephone by calling:
ICDSM office, USA: 1 617 916-1705
SLOBODA (Freedom) Association office, Belgrade: 381 63 279 819
You can Contribute using PayPal at:
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PayPal accepts VISA and MasterCard
You can Contribute by mail to:
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Newton Centre, MA 02459 (USA)
- OR -
You can Contribute by wire transfer to Sloboda Association
Intermediary:
UBS AG
Zurich, Switzerland
Swift Code: UBSWCHZH
Account with:
/ 756 - CHF
/ 840 - USD
/ 978 - EUR
Kmercijalna Banka AD
SV. Save 14, 11000 Belgrade, FR Yugoslavia
Swift Code: KOBBYUBG
Beneficiary: Account No. 5428-1246-16154-6
SLOBODA
Rajiceva 16, 11000 Belgrade, FR Yugoslavia
Thank you!
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=================================
Slobodan Milosevic's Cross-Examination of
Croatian President Stjepan Mesic: PART IX
Because the transcript of the cross-examination
is 150 pages long we have broken it into
12 easy to read segments. If you wish to read the whole thing
at once go to: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic.htm
=================================
Page 10702
Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and English transcripts.
Page 10703
1 issued a decision on the withdrawal of the reserve forces of the
police
2 from municipalities, mostly in the Krajina, where the Serbs were in
the
3 majority, you remember that, I assume.
4 A. This is yet another lie and another trick. A decision was made to
5 collect weapons in all municipalities of the Republic of Croatia so
that
6 Croatia could defend herself, because the authorities in Belgrade
had
7 previously issued a decision that all weapons should be withdrawn
from
8 Croatia so that Croatia could be brought to her knees.
9 The Territorial Defence, I have to explain, was commanded by a
10 staff in Zagreb, the staff of the Territorial Defence. The army -
that
11 is, the army of the SFRY - was commanded by the General Staff in
Belgrade,
12 but both were components of the armed forces of Yugoslavia. We held
the
13 opinion that it was improper to withdraw weapons from the
Territorial
14 Defence because these weapons were protected in Croatia. However,
15 evidently the regime of Slobodan Milosevic and his subordinates
felt it
16 was in their interest to disarm Croatia and to arm the rebellious
Serbs in
17 order to implement the plan that General Kadijevic also speaks
about, and
18 that is the establishing of the Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag
border. I
19 know the accused does not like this, but these are the facts.
20 Q. There's nothing for me to dislike here. These are not facts but
21 your political opinions, Mr. Mesic, because you have failed to put
forward
22 a single fact here.
23 Along with a decision to collect the weapons from the Serb areas
24 in late July, you also made a decision to establish the National
Guard
25 Corps. This was a paramilitary formation. Is this correct or not?
Page 10704
1 A. I have to remind the accused that, on the one hand, there were
2 illegal paramilitary organisations and there were legal paramilitary
3 organisations. The police force is also a paramilitary organisation.
4 They have weapons, they have uniforms, and they have a chain of
command.
5 But they are not an army. Croatia adopted a decision that the
National
6 Guard Corps be established. Its purpose, in fact, was to be
something
7 like the gendarmes in France or the carabinieri in Italy. We wanted
to
8 have a unit which could be activated, in case of need, if the vital
9 interests of the Republic of Croatia were threatened. At that time,
this
10 was not yet the Croatian army.
11 Q. This decision of the Croatian government was to have been
12 implemented, first of all, in the area of Lika, where Serbs made up
93 per
13 cent of the population; is that correct or not?
14 A. Where did you get this 93 per cent? That's not true.
15 Q. Very well, then. The majority.
16 A. Well, 93 per cent and 51 per cent is a big difference. But as we
17 have heard, the accused no longer stands by the usual kind of
arithmetic.
18 Q. When the political and security situation deteriorated, did the
19 political leadership of the Serbs in Krajina decide to hold a
referendum
20 on autonomy? This was in late August 1990.
21 A. I have to respond again, although I have already answered a part
22 of this question: Weapons were collected on the entire territory of
the
23 Republic of Croatia, and the referendum was illegal, and Croatia
failed to
24 recognise it, did not recognise it, because it was an illegal
referendum,
25 and in Croatia law has to be respected.
Page 10705
1 Q. Is it correct that on the 16th and 17th of August, when the
police
2 set out toward Benkovac, where 10.000 Serbs had gathered, do you
think
3 that this move that you made had anything to do with the reactions
of the
4 Serbs and that it was not actually incited by the authorities of
Serbia?
5 You said Belgrade -- I mean, when you say "Belgrade," I assume
you're
6 referring to the federal organs of Yugoslavia, not to the leadership
of
7 the Republic of Serbia.
8 A. I'm referring to the accused and his regime and his links with
the
9 Yugoslav army.
10 Q. All right. We're going to get to that a bit later.
11 Did this have anything to do with the reaction of the Serbs, the
12 fact that the police set out to Benkovac, where 10.000 Serbs had
13 assembled? Is that correct or is that not correct?
14 A. The police did not set out against anyone. They could only
15 provide security at the rally.
16 Q. Oh, so they went there to guarantee their security.
17 A. Yes, by all means.
18 Q. Do you think that such wrong decisions of yours, to send police
to
19 places where people had rallies, in spite of the constitutional
right to
20 freedom of assembly, was a wrongful decision which made the Serbs
place
21 roadblocks; this was not part of a struggle for a greater Serbia?
22 A. During this trial I've answered that question too.
23 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. After this Croatian government was
24 constituted, the one whose prime minister you were, wasn't it clear
that
25 at that time the activity of the organised arming of HDZ members
started?
Page 10706
1 Is that right or is that not right? Is that being contested too?
2 A. I was prime minister of Croatia for three months before I went to
3 Belgrade, and on the 17th of August, 1990, the log revolution
started.
4 Roads were blocked, roads that were of vital interest to the economy
of
5 Croatia. Croatia had to survive, both politically and economically.
Who
6 was it who was destroying Croatia then? Was it those who wanted to
7 establish free traffic on Croatian roads or those who were carrying
out
8 orders issued by the accused and provoking the Croatian authorities?
9 Q. All right. It just so happens that the accused at that time was
10 vacationing in Dubrovnik and heard about this from the newspapers
there.
11 But are you trying to say that logs are some kind of offensive
weapon, or
12 is it the police that enters settled areas and attacks people? Was
13 anybody ever attacked by a log?
14 A. Yes, logs are a very lethal weapon, because they do not allow
15 free communication in Croatia. They do not allow the economy to
16 function. This is a grave attack on the Croatian economy and the
Croatian
17 state. Before that, I would really like to hear where this
happened,
18 where the police attacked someone so the Croatian roads had to be
19 blocked. I would really like to hear that once and for all.
20 Q. I've given you countless examples - I've presented them here
21 anyway - during 1989 and 1990, many examples. I even quoted your
own
22 newspapers to you, about incursions, about arrests, about people
being
23 taken away and who are still missing. You know about that. Mr.
Mesic, do
24 you think that since at that time you were prime minister, you are
the
25 guiltiest person of all for clashes with the Serbs in Croatia?
Page 10707
1 A. Although this is nonsensical, I am going to dignify it with an
2 answer. They opted to provoke the Croatian authorities in order to
3 establish the boundary that I refer to. Specifically in Pakrac,
there was
4 a conflict between two streams in one police station.
5 Q. All right. You've already explained that.
6 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness finish.
7 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] He's taking up my time. He spoke
8 about it yesterday.
9 JUDGE MAY: You've put serious allegations to him. He must be
10 able to answer them.
11 Yes. Go on, Mr. Mesic.
12 A. Since part of the police station was disarmed, the Minister of
the
13 Interior sent reinforcements in and disarmed the attackers. That
brought
14 an end to it all. However, the army came into the streets with 20
or 30
15 tanks, and they purportedly separated the conflicting parties.
There were
16 no conflicting parties. There were those who were attacking the
police
17 and there were those who were protecting the police. There were no
two
18 parties that were clashing. There was not an interethnic conflict
there.
19 Nobody was wounded. Nobody was killed. I came to Belgrade. Borislav
20 Jovic, the representative Serbian of the Presidency of Yugoslavia,
said
21 that there was a massacre of Serbs in Pakrac, where 40 persons were
22 massacred. I said, "Well, I was in Pakrac yesterday. Nobody was
wounded.
23 Where did you read that?" And he said, "In the Titograd daily
newspaper
24 of Pobjeda." Now, where is Titograd? Where is Pakrac? They have
nothing
25 to do with each other. But it is obvious that this is a scenario.
The
Page 10708
1 army was supposed to be brought into the picture to ensure the
boundaries
2 that not only General Kadijevic knows of very well but also this
accused,
3 Slobodan Milosevic.
4 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
5 Q. This accused doesn't, and I do not consider myself to be accused
6 by this false indictment. And since you behaved the way that you
behaved,
7 that you behaved in this broad-minded, democratic manner, how is it
8 then possible and why were you the protagonist of a programme that
Serbs
9 were supposed to be expelled from the constitution of Croatia as a
10 constituent and state-building people?
11 A. Croatia proclaimed its independence. It had its own
12 institutions, it had its own parliament, and it passed laws. I'm
not in a
13 position now to interpret why each and every law was passed and in
which
14 way and how the constitution was adopted. There is a procedure
involved.
15 I don't know in which case I would have to give answers now in
respect of
16 a decision that is reached by the parliament of my country.
17 Q. A parliament that you chaired. So you believe that you preserved
18 the status of the Serbs that they had according to all previous
19 constitutions. I mean, had you retained that status for them, that
they
20 still would have rebelled; is that your opinion?
21 A. Institutionally, no rights of Serbs or of any other ethnic group
22 were violated. I admit that there were some messages that were
23 unacceptable, but they had to be discussed at a table, not by
destroying
24 Dubrovnik, not by destroying Vukovar, Skabrnja, Vucine, not
Cetekovac, not
25 by massacring people. In that way, not a single conflict can be
resolved.
Page 10709
1 Q. Mr. Mesic, as a member of the Presidency, later on you even
2 compounded your responsibility for everything that happened to the
Serbs
3 in 1991 and 1992 and later on your responsibility as Croatia's -- as
the
4 president of Croatia's parliament, at the beginning of 2000, you
stated,
5 on television, that the Croats in 1995, through military actions,
that is
6 to say, through storm and flash, in the war for the homeland, that
they
7 won a glorious victory. Mr. Mesic, no doubt storm and flash are
actions
8 that meant carrying out war crimes and ethnic cleansing, ethnic
cleansing
9 of practically all Serbs from Croatia. Do you --
10 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, you know that this is not the time to
11 make speeches or try and give evidence, which you're trying to do.
Have
12 you got a question to ask the witness?
13 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
14 Q. Please, I do have a question. If these were glorious actions,
why
15 are you saying now that Bobetko should be held responsible if he
was doing
16 something glorious, in your words?
17 A. The victories in the homeland war were glorious because they
made
18 it possible for Croatia to reach each and every part of the
Croatian state
19 and to establish the functioning of the institutions of the
Croatian
20 state. In these battles, crimes may occur, as always. I am
advocating
21 the following: That everybody should be held accountable for what
he did.
22 Croatia adopted a constitutional law in cooperation with The Hague
23 Tribunal. I am advocating the following: That everybody should have
the
24 right to defence. All suspects should be held accountable before
The
25 Hague Tribunal. If these are Croatian citizens, then they should
have the
Page 10710
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10711
1 right to defence, maximum defence, implying dignity and respect for
2 everything that everyone did by way of a contribution to the
independence
3 of Croatia. But I want each and every citizen to be equal before the
law
4 because it is only then that we can expect to realise our strategic
5 objectives and that is to become part of European and Atlantic
alliances,
6 which is truly our strategic objective.
7 Q. All right. It is my understanding that the expulsion of 250.000
8 Serbs from Krajina and taking tens of thousands of them out of
columns,
9 according to the findings of Commissioner Ema Bonino, and these
persons
10 went missing, simply that you are calling all of this individuals
crimes
11 and individual actions. The expulsion of 250.000 Serbs and the
12 destruction of thousands of persons who were in these columns. You
are
13 calling this individual crimes within this glorious --
14 JUDGE MAY: The witness has dealt with this, and it's not clear
15 what relevance this has to this particular indictment. These are
events
16 in 1995. Yes let's move on to something else.
17 MR. NICE: I'm concerned if there's to be the time limitation that
18 the Chamber has identified that the accused is simply not dealing
with the
19 matters on which evidence has been given, and typically in the last
20 question but two he slid over 1991 and 1992 with an allegation to
which
21 the witness was not allowed to give an answer, that being exactly
the time
22 of the Presidency, the Rump Presidency, and the other matters that
we
23 should be investigating.
24 JUDGE MAY: What was the question that you say he should have been
25 able to answer.
Page 10712
1 MR. NICE: Well, it was where he suggested -- I'll just find it
2 again. He simply suggested that he compounded everything by his
behaviour
3 in 1991 and 1992, without putting any particulars.
4 JUDGE MAY: I think the witness has dealt with that.
5 Mr. Nice, there is a question of time. We understood that the
6 witness could not be available tomorrow. Is that right?
7 MR. NICE: The way I expressed it was he was definitely available
8 yesterday and today and that he might be available for tomorrow. I
know
9 his original plans were to travel back tomorrow. But the Chamber
will of
10 course be in the witness's hands and he'll know better than I, I
not
11 having spoken to him yesterday, what his availability now is.
12 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Mesic, could you help us with this? You've heard
13 about this question of time. Are you available tomorrow at all in
the
14 morning or do you have to get back?
15 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I have some engagements tomorrow
16 afternoon, so I could be present in this courtroom for part of the
morning
17 tomorrow.
18 JUDGE MAY: Could you be here for an hour, say from 9.00 to 10.00?
19 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] Yes.
20 JUDGE MAY: Thank you.
21 Well, Mr. Milosevic, you can have until 2.00 today. You can
22 have --
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well.
24 JUDGE MAY: You can have a few minutes tomorrow in addition to
25 that, but there must be time for the other parties to cross-examine
and
* Continued at: http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/mesic-10.htm
***** Urgent Message from Sloboda (Freedom) Association and the
International
Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic!
The Freedom Association in Belgrade and the ICDSM, based outside
Yugoslavia, are the two
organizations formed at the request of Slobodan Milosevic to aid in
his defense.
Up until now our main work has been threefold. We have publicized the
truth about The
Hague's phony trial. We have organized research to help President
Milosevic expose
NATO's lies. And we have initiated legal action in the Dutch and
European Courts.
Now our job has increased. The defense phase of the "trial" starts in
May 2003. No longer
will Mr. Milosevic be limited to cross-examining Hague witnesses. The
prosecution will be
forced further onto the defensive as victims of NATO's aggression and
experts from
Yugoslavia and the NATO countries tell what really happened and expose
media lies.
Moreover, Mr. Milosevic will call leaders, from East and West, some
friendly and some
hostile to the truth.
The controlled mass media will undoubtedly try to suppress this
testimony as they have tried
to suppress Mr. Milosevic's cross-examinations. Nevertheless this
phase of the "trial" will
be the biggest international forum ever to expose NATO's use of
racism, violence and lies to
attack Yugoslavia.
We urgently need the help of all people who care about what is
happening in The Hague.
Right now, Nico Steijnen , the Dutch lawyer in the ICDSM, is waging
legal battles in the
Dutch courts and before the European Court, about which more news
soon. These efforts
urgently require financial support. We now maintain a small staff of
Yugoslav lawyers in
Holland, assisting and advising Mr. Milosevic full-time. We need to
expand our Dutch
facilities, perhaps bringing in a non-Yugoslav attorney full-time.
Definitely we must
guarantee that we have an office and office manager available at all
times, to compile and
process evidence and for meetings with witnesses and lawyers and as a
base for organizing
press conferences.
All this costs money. And for this, we rely on those who want Mr.
Milosevic to have the best
possible support for attacking NATO's lies.
************
Here's how you can help...
************
* You may contribute by credit card. By the end of September we will
have an ICDSM
secure server so you can contribute directly on the Internet.
For now, you can contribute by credit card in two ways: *
You can Contribute by Credit Card over the Telephone by calling:
ICDSM office, USA: 1 617 916-1705
SLOBODA (Freedom) Association office, Belgrade: 381 63 279 819
You can Contribute using PayPal at:
https://www.paypal.com/xclick/business=icdsm%40aol.com
PayPal accepts VISA and MasterCard
You can Contribute by mail to:
ICDSM
831 Beacon St., #295
Newton Centre, MA 02459 (USA)
- OR -
You can Contribute by wire transfer to Sloboda Association
Intermediary:
UBS AG
Zurich, Switzerland
Swift Code: UBSWCHZH
Account with:
/ 756 - CHF
/ 840 - USD
/ 978 - EUR
Kmercijalna Banka AD
SV. Save 14, 11000 Belgrade, FR Yugoslavia
Swift Code: KOBBYUBG
Beneficiary: Account No. 5428-1246-16154-6
SLOBODA
Rajiceva 16, 11000 Belgrade, FR Yugoslavia
Thank you!
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm
ZOYA UN ESEMPIO PER TUTTI NOI
IL 29 Novembre 1941 a 70 km da Mosca in una piccola cittadina di nome
Petrisheva in un freddo pomeriggio, tutti gli abitanti notarono il
passaggio di una giovanissima ragazza che a piedi scalzi e con i
vestiti strappati scortata dai soldati tedeschi si avvicinava verso il
patibolo dove fu impiccata.
La ragazza si chiamava Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya ma per i compagni del
servizio di intelligenza della zona di Kuntsevo, in cui si era
arruolata il suo nome era TANYA. Il servizio di intelligenza di
Kuntesvo aveva l'incarico di organizzare i soldati della resistenza
sovietica per attività sovversive dietro le linee nemiche
(Germaniche-Hittleriane).
Tanya insieme a 2 suoi compagni aveva avuto l'incarico di segnalare
con esattezza nel villaggio di Petrisheva la presenza dei tedeschi in
modo che l'artiglieria centrasse per bene i bersagli nemici.I 3
compagni si divisero e purtroppo uno di loro fu arrestato dai tedeschi
e in seguito tradi Tanya e l'altro compagno. Tanya fu catturata e
ripetutamente violentata dai nazisti, alla fine fu legata ad una sedia
e picchiata per due ore con un guanto di gomma per obbligarla a
tradire l'organizzazione. Ma lei in tutti modi cerco' di dimostrare di
essere coraggiosa e mentre la picchiavano si mordeva le labbra
talmente forte da farle sanguinare. Non disse neanche una parola cosi
i nazisti la preso di forza e la trascinarono in mezzo alla neve
scalza, sanguinate e con i vestiti strappati la portarono al patibolo,
le legarono una corda intorno al collo e in quel momento la compagna
Zoya urlò con tutto la sua voce "Dovrete ucciderci tutti , tutti i 200
milioni!!!!! I miei compagni mi vendicheranno!!!! L'Unione Sovietica
Vincerà!!!!". Queste furono le sue ultime parole, che provocarono la
rabbia di un soldato tedesco che quando Tanya fu lasciata cadere, e la
corda intorno al collo le stava togliendo la vita, la infilzò con la
baionetta del suo fucile. Gli ufficiali tedeschi diedero l'ordine
di lasciare il corpo di Tanya appeso al patibolo dove rimase per più
di un mese, finche durante una contro offensiva della gloriosa armata
rossa fu finalmente sepolta. Solo un anno dopo, grazie a un
giornalista della Pravda Pyotr Lidov, si venne a conoscenza della
storia di Tanya, Lidov fece riesumare il cadavere di Tanya per cercare
di dare un volto e per trovare il vero nome di questa giovane ragazza,
ma il riconoscimento naturalmente fu impossibile. Lidov pero' trovo'
una foto e la fece pubblicare sul giornale insieme all'articolo sulla
storia di Tanya, grazie a quella foto il fratello della ragazza
Alexander Kosmodemyansky si presentò in redazione per dire che quella
foto era di sua sorella e che il suo vero nome era Zoya
Kosmodemyanskaya. Grazie a questa segnalazione il nome di
Zoya era diventato simbolo di eroismo per tutta l'Unione Sovietica.
Le ultime parole di Zoya sono diventate slogan ufficiale della
gloriosa Armata Rossa e del popolo sovietico. Il traditore
collaborazionista che tradì Zoya fu catturato e giustiziato
dall'Armata Rossa.
Suo fratello Alexander Kosmodemyansky poco piu' tardi fu dichiarato
Eroe dell'Unione Sovietica perché morì combattendo nella battaglia di
Kaliningrad.
Foto http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/zoya.html
Come Zoya e' bene ricordare che furono oltre 4000 le donne partigiane
uccise dai nazisti, la maggior parte di loro prima di essere impiccate
furono violentate e torturate. Le partigiane più note oltre a Zoya
furono:
Masha Bruskina partigiana di 17 anni uccisa in Bielorussa nel 26
Ottobre del 1941. Foto
http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/masha.html
nella foto porta un cartello al collo con la scritta in tedesco e in
russo con su scritto
"Noi siamo dei Partigiani e abbiamo sparato su un soldato tedesco".
Klava Nazarova partigiana di 24 anni uccisa per impiccagione nel 1942
insieme alla sua compagna di lotta Nura Ivanova.
Maria Kislyak partigiana di 18 anni dopo aver ucciso un ufficiale
tedesco si consegno' ai nazisti per evitare che 100 abitanti del
villaggio venissero fucilati. Foto
http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/kislyak.jpg
[ripreso ed adattato da un messaggio di Yassir, dell'area leninista
del PRC, che ringraziamo per la importante segnalazione]
IL 29 Novembre 1941 a 70 km da Mosca in una piccola cittadina di nome
Petrisheva in un freddo pomeriggio, tutti gli abitanti notarono il
passaggio di una giovanissima ragazza che a piedi scalzi e con i
vestiti strappati scortata dai soldati tedeschi si avvicinava verso il
patibolo dove fu impiccata.
La ragazza si chiamava Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya ma per i compagni del
servizio di intelligenza della zona di Kuntsevo, in cui si era
arruolata il suo nome era TANYA. Il servizio di intelligenza di
Kuntesvo aveva l'incarico di organizzare i soldati della resistenza
sovietica per attività sovversive dietro le linee nemiche
(Germaniche-Hittleriane).
Tanya insieme a 2 suoi compagni aveva avuto l'incarico di segnalare
con esattezza nel villaggio di Petrisheva la presenza dei tedeschi in
modo che l'artiglieria centrasse per bene i bersagli nemici.I 3
compagni si divisero e purtroppo uno di loro fu arrestato dai tedeschi
e in seguito tradi Tanya e l'altro compagno. Tanya fu catturata e
ripetutamente violentata dai nazisti, alla fine fu legata ad una sedia
e picchiata per due ore con un guanto di gomma per obbligarla a
tradire l'organizzazione. Ma lei in tutti modi cerco' di dimostrare di
essere coraggiosa e mentre la picchiavano si mordeva le labbra
talmente forte da farle sanguinare. Non disse neanche una parola cosi
i nazisti la preso di forza e la trascinarono in mezzo alla neve
scalza, sanguinate e con i vestiti strappati la portarono al patibolo,
le legarono una corda intorno al collo e in quel momento la compagna
Zoya urlò con tutto la sua voce "Dovrete ucciderci tutti , tutti i 200
milioni!!!!! I miei compagni mi vendicheranno!!!! L'Unione Sovietica
Vincerà!!!!". Queste furono le sue ultime parole, che provocarono la
rabbia di un soldato tedesco che quando Tanya fu lasciata cadere, e la
corda intorno al collo le stava togliendo la vita, la infilzò con la
baionetta del suo fucile. Gli ufficiali tedeschi diedero l'ordine
di lasciare il corpo di Tanya appeso al patibolo dove rimase per più
di un mese, finche durante una contro offensiva della gloriosa armata
rossa fu finalmente sepolta. Solo un anno dopo, grazie a un
giornalista della Pravda Pyotr Lidov, si venne a conoscenza della
storia di Tanya, Lidov fece riesumare il cadavere di Tanya per cercare
di dare un volto e per trovare il vero nome di questa giovane ragazza,
ma il riconoscimento naturalmente fu impossibile. Lidov pero' trovo'
una foto e la fece pubblicare sul giornale insieme all'articolo sulla
storia di Tanya, grazie a quella foto il fratello della ragazza
Alexander Kosmodemyansky si presentò in redazione per dire che quella
foto era di sua sorella e che il suo vero nome era Zoya
Kosmodemyanskaya. Grazie a questa segnalazione il nome di
Zoya era diventato simbolo di eroismo per tutta l'Unione Sovietica.
Le ultime parole di Zoya sono diventate slogan ufficiale della
gloriosa Armata Rossa e del popolo sovietico. Il traditore
collaborazionista che tradì Zoya fu catturato e giustiziato
dall'Armata Rossa.
Suo fratello Alexander Kosmodemyansky poco piu' tardi fu dichiarato
Eroe dell'Unione Sovietica perché morì combattendo nella battaglia di
Kaliningrad.
Foto http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/zoya.html
Come Zoya e' bene ricordare che furono oltre 4000 le donne partigiane
uccise dai nazisti, la maggior parte di loro prima di essere impiccate
furono violentate e torturate. Le partigiane più note oltre a Zoya
furono:
Masha Bruskina partigiana di 17 anni uccisa in Bielorussa nel 26
Ottobre del 1941. Foto
http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/masha.html
nella foto porta un cartello al collo con la scritta in tedesco e in
russo con su scritto
"Noi siamo dei Partigiani e abbiamo sparato su un soldato tedesco".
Klava Nazarova partigiana di 24 anni uccisa per impiccagione nel 1942
insieme alla sua compagna di lotta Nura Ivanova.
Maria Kislyak partigiana di 18 anni dopo aver ucciso un ufficiale
tedesco si consegno' ai nazisti per evitare che 100 abitanti del
villaggio venissero fucilati. Foto
http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/kislyak.jpg
[ripreso ed adattato da un messaggio di Yassir, dell'area leninista
del PRC, che ringraziamo per la importante segnalazione]
IL MINI GENERALE HA DECRETATO
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/
21-Novembre-2002/art100.html
il manifesto - 21 Novembre 2002
KOSOVO/ARTE
Un Mini-generale da icona
TOMMASO DI FRANCESCO
Lunedì da Pristina è arrivata una nota del comando Kfor-Nato diffusa
proprio nel giorno dell'arrivo di Kofi Annan, segretario Onu. Nella
nota - emessa dopo la distruzione con attentati al tritolo di
due chiese ortodosse che non avevano protezione militare - si
giustificava la disattenzione dei militari atlantici annunciando anzi
che la Kfor-Nato in Kosovo d'ora in poi proteggerà solo «siti
religiosi d'importanza storico-artistica e attivi al culto», perché
«quelle chiese erano da tempo abbandonate e non avevano rilevanza
artistica, una era stata costruita nel 1940 e l'altra nel 1997 e non
contenevano arredi di alcun genere».
Essendo la Kfor-Nato in Kosovo comandata dal generale italiano Fabio
Mini, l'incredibile «nota» non può che essere sua. Ed è vergognoso.
Visto che in Kosovo i contingenti Nato sono 35mila uomini che,
dall'estate del 1999 hanno occupato la regione - ancora serba -
amministrata protempore dall'Onu. Ebbene, da quella data sono stati
uccisi più di mille serbi, rom e albanesi moderati, altrettanti sono
desaparecidos, 200.000 serbi e rom sono fuggiti sotto il terrore della
nuova contropulizia etnica. Ma l'arte che c'entra?
E' che in questi due anni le milizie dell'ex Uck, alleato in guerra
della Nato, hanno distrutto 110 chiese ortodosse, ha ricordato lunedì
il vescovo Artemje. «Non storico-artistiche» per il Mini-generale -
famoso perché durante il governo D'Alema era il capo ufficio
informazione pubblica al ministero della difesa, ma poi
indimenticabile redattore di Limes, con l'articolo che un anno fa
aggrediva così chi era contro la guerra Usa all'Afghanistan:
«Spazzatura propagandistica e di disinformazione che ci viene
propinata sotto le nobili vesti del diritto al dissenso». Perché è
così ignorante? Vorremmo sapere infatti come fa lui a giudicare di
scarsa rilevanza storico-artistica una chiesa (?!) tanto da decidere
se può o meno essere rasa al suolo. Dovrebbe ricordare che: 1) le 110
chiese ortodosse fatte saltare finora erano artisticamente rilevanti,
dice l'Onu, 2) il fatto che quelle di questi giorni siano del 1940 e
del 1997 non vuol dire nulla, visto che erano costruite con pietre di
edifici medioevali distrutti in storici massacri precedenti, 3) dire
che «non contenevano arredi di alcun genere» è uno sfottò, visto che
quegli arredi (con le icone) sono stati trafugati - vuole vedere le
foto? - e vandalizzati sotto gli occhi della Nato, 4) e che è
un'infamia bella e buona raccontare che non sono «attivi al culto»,
visto che i serbi sono stati costretti con la violenza a fuggire e che
l'Onu «promette» di farli rientrare. Faccia il suo mestiere, generale!
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/
21-Novembre-2002/art100.html
il manifesto - 21 Novembre 2002
KOSOVO/ARTE
Un Mini-generale da icona
TOMMASO DI FRANCESCO
Lunedì da Pristina è arrivata una nota del comando Kfor-Nato diffusa
proprio nel giorno dell'arrivo di Kofi Annan, segretario Onu. Nella
nota - emessa dopo la distruzione con attentati al tritolo di
due chiese ortodosse che non avevano protezione militare - si
giustificava la disattenzione dei militari atlantici annunciando anzi
che la Kfor-Nato in Kosovo d'ora in poi proteggerà solo «siti
religiosi d'importanza storico-artistica e attivi al culto», perché
«quelle chiese erano da tempo abbandonate e non avevano rilevanza
artistica, una era stata costruita nel 1940 e l'altra nel 1997 e non
contenevano arredi di alcun genere».
Essendo la Kfor-Nato in Kosovo comandata dal generale italiano Fabio
Mini, l'incredibile «nota» non può che essere sua. Ed è vergognoso.
Visto che in Kosovo i contingenti Nato sono 35mila uomini che,
dall'estate del 1999 hanno occupato la regione - ancora serba -
amministrata protempore dall'Onu. Ebbene, da quella data sono stati
uccisi più di mille serbi, rom e albanesi moderati, altrettanti sono
desaparecidos, 200.000 serbi e rom sono fuggiti sotto il terrore della
nuova contropulizia etnica. Ma l'arte che c'entra?
E' che in questi due anni le milizie dell'ex Uck, alleato in guerra
della Nato, hanno distrutto 110 chiese ortodosse, ha ricordato lunedì
il vescovo Artemje. «Non storico-artistiche» per il Mini-generale -
famoso perché durante il governo D'Alema era il capo ufficio
informazione pubblica al ministero della difesa, ma poi
indimenticabile redattore di Limes, con l'articolo che un anno fa
aggrediva così chi era contro la guerra Usa all'Afghanistan:
«Spazzatura propagandistica e di disinformazione che ci viene
propinata sotto le nobili vesti del diritto al dissenso». Perché è
così ignorante? Vorremmo sapere infatti come fa lui a giudicare di
scarsa rilevanza storico-artistica una chiesa (?!) tanto da decidere
se può o meno essere rasa al suolo. Dovrebbe ricordare che: 1) le 110
chiese ortodosse fatte saltare finora erano artisticamente rilevanti,
dice l'Onu, 2) il fatto che quelle di questi giorni siano del 1940 e
del 1997 non vuol dire nulla, visto che erano costruite con pietre di
edifici medioevali distrutti in storici massacri precedenti, 3) dire
che «non contenevano arredi di alcun genere» è uno sfottò, visto che
quegli arredi (con le icone) sono stati trafugati - vuole vedere le
foto? - e vandalizzati sotto gli occhi della Nato, 4) e che è
un'infamia bella e buona raccontare che non sono «attivi al culto»,
visto che i serbi sono stati costretti con la violenza a fuggire e che
l'Onu «promette» di farli rientrare. Faccia il suo mestiere, generale!
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum: 27 novembar 2002
NATO stigao na 100 km od Beograda
Autor: Branislav Popovi?
Beograd, 25. novembar 2002. godine
Protekle subote u centru Bukuresta odr?ana je najve?a festa od
vremena kada je pre nekoliko godina Bil Klinton stigao na par sati u
glavni grad Rumunije kao "utesna nagrada" nakon sto ta zemlja
tada nije primljena u Severnoatlantski pakt. Tada je bio divan letnji
dan, a sada je, za onih par sati koliko se D?ord` Bus Junior zadr?ao,
padala jaka kisa. Rumunski doma?in, predsednik Jon Ilijesku,
objasnio je visokom gostu iz SAD da su Rumunima srca vedra bez
obzira na lose vremenske prilike, i to zato sto je Rumunija kona?no
pozvana da udje u NATO-pakt, a predsednik Bus li?no o tome
doneo aber rumunskom narodu. Mada dobrano pokisao, ameri?ki
predsednik i "lider slobodnog sveta" pateti?nom najavom duge, koju
ina?e niko drugi od prisutnih nije video, doveo je pokislih nekoliko
stotina hiljada Rumuna na veli?anstveno uredjenom Trgu
Revolucije do kolektivnog nacionalnog "orgazma". Najzad izvan
ruske sfere uticaja, Rumunija je svakako najzna?ajnija od sedam
novih ?lanica NATO-pakta, kako po veli?ini teritorije, tako i po
broju stanovnika i geografskom polo?aju, pa je i ovih Busovih par
sati boravka bilo dovoljno da ispuni zadovoljstvom kako Ameri?ku
administraciju, tako i nekakvim, za nas nerazumljivim, ponosom
preko 20 miliona Rumuna.
Na po?asnoj tribini na centralnom gradskom trgu, oko kojeg se
nalaze mnoge zgrade od velikog zna?aja za noviju rumunsku
istoriju, govore Ilijeskua i Busa pratili su politi?ari, po?evsi od
premijera Adrijana Nastasea sa teksaskim sesirom (kakav su nosile i
mnoge druge prisutne zvanice) i bivseg predsednika
Konstantineskua, pa sve do gimnasti?arke Nadije Komane?i i
fudbalera George Had?ija. Ilijeskuov govor bio je kombinacija
iskrenog odusevljenja dostignutim nacionalnim ciljem i ?alosnog
"uvla?enja" Americi.
Bus Junior je tokom svog govora podsetio na ono sto stvarno i jeste
- zadovoljni farmer koji miluje svog ljubimca, da bi kasnije, kada se
rukovao i ljubio sa masom u prvim redovima, zadobio izraz u kojem
su se preplitali odusevljenje i neverica da neki narod mo?e danas da
ljubi Ameriku tako "do imbecilnosti"!
Tako je NATO-pakt kona?no izasao na obalu Crnog mora,
zaokru?io bivsi sovjetski prostor sa Zapada, ali i opkolio bivsi
jugoslovenski prostor (sem Slovenije, najboljeg djaka "Novog
svetskog poretka", koja je i sama pozvana da udje u Alijansu).
Aktuelnu euforiju, izazvanu prijemom u NATO-pakt, a kojom su
sve rumunske varijante vlasti nakon tkzv. Revolucije 1989, krunisale
svoju "uvlaka?ku" politiku prema Zapadu i SAD, u narednom
periodu smeni?e odvagavanje sta je ulaskom u Alijansu zemlja
dobila, a sta ?e morati da plati kao cenu svrstavanja uz Zapad.
Panegirike ?e uskoro zameniti skepsa vezana za ?injenicu da je
Rumunija primljena u Zapad samo na vojnom planu, sto ?e samo po
sebi puno da kosta njene gradjane, dok je prijem u Evropsku uniju
omedjen limitiranim privrednim mogu?nostima ove zemlje, do te
mere da bi ?ak i ovakva, sankcijama i bombama unazadjena, SRJ
mogla dobiti prednost u ?ekaonici Evropske unije.
U subotu izvikane vrednosti dostignute "slobode" mogu brzo da se
pretvore u zabrinutost zbog eksploatacije malih naroda od strane
razvijenog Zapada, sramotu zbog poni?avaju?e snishodljivosti prema
Americi, stida zbog prihvatanja nametnutih "evropskih vrednosti"
(kao sto su usvojeni zakoni o legalizaciji prostitucije i
homoseksualnosti), potencijanu nacionalnu katastrofu zbog
pokrenutog transfera duhovnosti nacionalno pravoslavnih Rumuna
ka vatikanskom unijatstvu, o ve? zaokru?enom pot?injavanju
zapadnim subkulturnim "vrednostima" da i ne govorimo? Doduse,
sami Rumuni su, sa izuzetkom malobrojnih oponenata levi?arske
orijentacije ili nostalgi?ara za redom koji je vladao pod bivsim
re?imom, za proteklih trinaest godina "tranzicije" toliko nekriti?ki
upijali plodove "slobode" koji su im stizali sa Zapada, da su jos
jednom dokazali tezu da siromasku gladnom svega ne treba dozvoliti
da se pre?dere. Ustvari, zapa?a se da bogatstvo izloga, broj kanala
kablovske TV, topli stanovi, raznovrsnost (uglavnom uvoznih)
prehrambenih proizvoda, velik broj predstavnistava stranih firmi,
kao i sloboda izra?avanja u umetnosti, politici, veroispovesti,
putovanja u svet i mnogo ?ega drugog, postignuti poslednjih godina,
nisu u skladu sa nivoom produktivnosti rada i opsteg ?ivotnog
standarda, koji jedva da su dostigli one iz vremena pred pad
?auseskua, ali ni sa porastom kriminala, korupcije i zaostravanjem
socijalnih tenzija, te padom opste bezbednosti u drustvu. To su
boljke svih tranzicionih drustava Isto?ne Evrope, sa dodatkom da je
Rumunija posebno optere?ena vidno ni?im opstim nivoom razvoja
od ostalih zemalja nekadasnjeg Varsavskog pakta.
Takvu nekriti?nost, bolje re?eno provincijalnu fascinaciju Rumuna
Zapadom pothranjivale su, navodno u ime "uzvisenog cilja ulaska u
Evropu", kako vlasti, tako i mediji i privreda te zemlje. Pisac ovih
redova bio je 2000. godine svedok jedinstvenog primera
idolopoklonstva prema Americi. Re? je o vatrometu, organizovanom
u ?ast 4. jula, dr?avnog praznika SAD, u najve?em bukurestanskom
parku Herestrou za nekoliko desetina hiljada gradjana, gde je
nemilice to?ena Koka-Kola (ina?e najve?i pojedina?ni investitor u
Rumuniji tokom prvih nekoliko godina tranzicije), sviran rokenrol i
distribuirani razni ameri?ki subkulturni stereotipi. Ta manifestacija
se ponavlja svake godine, ali zvani?na politika, ?iji je deklarisani
cilj
bio ulazak u NATO-pakt, nije zaostajala u takvom odnosu prema
Americi. Desni?arska vlada je 1999. godine stavila na raspolaganje
NATO-paktu rumunski vazdusni prostor i vojne aerodrome,
konfiskovala na bukurestanskom aerodromu JAT-ovu flotu
putni?kih aviona, poletelu ka Rusiji i Ukrajini kako je ne bi stigle
bombe Alijanse (Rumuni su ih nakon mesec i vise dana ipak pustili
da odlete, ali tek onda kada su avioni JAT-a postali ne?eljen dekor
za "istorijsku" posetu rimskog Pape Bukurestu!), dozvolila
emitovanje sa njene teritorije propagande NATO-vskih
radio-stanica prema Jugoslaviji, te prepisivala strane spiskove
nepo?eljnih li?nosti iz SR Jugoslavije. Levi?arska vlada one iste
partije koja je pomogla Jugoslaviji da pre?ivi sankcije, a ?iji je
lider
(subotnji Busov doma?in!), doduse tada kao opozicionar, u prole?e
1998. godine posetio Beograd u znak podrske srpskom vidjenju
pitanja Kosova i Metohije (podrsku nasoj zemlji ponovio je 1. maja
1999. li?nim u?es?em na mitingu rumunsko-srpskog prijateljstva u
ve? pomenutom bukurestanskom parku Herestrou), ove godine je,
kao prva u celoj Evropi, prihvatila ameri?ko nepriznavanje
novostvorenog opstesvetskog suda za ratne zlo?ine u Hagu.
U prijatnim i sve?anim trenucima odnosa dveju dr?ava Rumuni
?esto ponavljaju staru frazu da "Rumunija medju susedima ima
samo dva prava prijatelja - Srbiju i Crno More." I stvarno -
ogromna ve?ina - vise od 4/5 Rumuna je, prema ondasnjim
anketama javnog mnjenja, 1999. bila protiv bombardovanja
Jugoslavije, ?ime je, u inat potezima vlasti, potvrdjena visevekovna
simpatija Rumuna prema Srbima.
Rumunska vlast je, medjutim, delovala u skladu sa svojim
proklamovanim ciljem - ulaskom u evroatlantske integracije, sto je
u sustini na?in da se zemlja odbrani od "ruske opasnosti". Svaki
Rumun ?e tokom poslednje dve-tri decenije otvoreno priznati, da
njegov strah od Slovena na Istoku - od "ruskog medveda"
nadja?ava ljubav prema Slovenima na Zapadu - Srbima. Ta
opsednutost "ruskom opasnos?u" je toliko prisutna medju
Rumunima, da oni intimno priznaju da ne ?ele (logi?no) ujedinjenje
sa sopstvenom bra?om po jeziku, veri i tradiciji, onom u Moldaviji ili
Ukrajini, jer smatraju da su oni predugo bili pod sovjetskom vlas?u,
te kao takvi - "rusificirani" - nisu "po?eljni" za zajedni?ki ?ivot.
Kao posledica prijema Rumunije, NATO-pakt je stigao na samo
100 km od Beograda. Svako poredjenje sudbina Beograda i
Bukuresta tokom devedesetih godina u odnosu na Alijansu je
neprimereno, obzirom na potpunu divergentnost politika Vasingtona
prema njima. Namerno neshvatanje srpskog naroda i neuva?avanje
srpske dimenzije raspada prethodne Jugoslavije dovela je SAD i
Zapad do sankcija i rata protiv Srbije i svrgavanja njene vlasti, dok
je paralelno tekao proces (podsticanog od Zapada) "pretr?avanja"
Rumunije sa Istoka na Zapad. Kao sto su nekada rumunski
dr?avnici Bratijanu i Antonesku, ve? prema volji velikih sila,
dobijali ili gubili teritorije i stanovnistvo, kao sto je De? bio
poslusan
prema Sovjetima, tako su Ilijesku i Konstantinesku poslusnici oca i
sina Busa i Klintona. Pragmati?nost rumunske spoljne politike -
"plivanje niz vodu" u medjunarodnim odnosima i ponasanje
postojano "niz dlaku" prema svetskim silama sa jedne strane, a
konstantna slobodoljubivost i inat srpskog naciona prema
osvaja?ima (Srbi su se uvek bunili, dizali ustanke, oslobadjali i sebe
i
druge, ali zbog toga i masovno ginuli) s druge strane, dali su kao
posledicu ?injenicu da krajem dvadesetog veka na svetu Rumuna
bude duplo vise od Srba, iako ih je pre sto godina bilo pribli?no
isto.
Kao fusnota ovome, bizarno zvu?i podatak da je jedini rumunski
vladar u poslednjih sto godina, koji je delovao isklju?ivo u
nacionalnom interesu Rumunije (istina, uz velike ?rtve medju
narodnim masama), bio "diktator" ?ausesku, koga je preki sud
'revolucije" (u ?ijem su "podizanju" odlu?uju?e bile umesane
sovjetska i britanska tajna slu?ba!) streljao u trenutku kada je
Rumuniju oslobodio inostranog duga i izgradio nekoliko
gradjevinskih poduhvata faraonskih proporcija, koje Rumuni danas
zasigurno ne bi bili kadri da sagrade! U takvoj konstelaciji, Srbija i
Crna Gora danas ne mogu, bez obzira na nemoralnost, nehumanost
i bezobzirnost novih svetskih vladara (pravi svetski diktator je
D?ord? Bus Junior, ?ovek neverovatno ruralnog lika i ponasanja u
odnosu na svog oca) i uprkos ratu koji je nedavno vodjen protiv
naseg naroda, da prenebregnu ?injenicu da ?e uskoro sve zemlje u
okru?enju biti ?lanice ili "partneri za mir" NATO-pakta.
Principijelnost i "nedavanje na sebe" su moralno nadmo?ni, ali
odgovornost prema ugro?enom bioloskom opstanku Srpske nacije
nala?e nam malo dostojanstvenije, ali u osnovi "rumunsko"
ponasanje, barem dok traje svetski poredak nazvan "Pax
Americana". Nije pre dve hiljade godina ni Oktavijan Avgust za
vreme "Pax Romana" bio moralniji, humaniji ili obzirniji od ove
bagre koja danas vlada svetom, pa ipak, ko je hteo da ?ivi sa
"blagodetima" Rima morao je da njegovu vrhovnu vlast i priznaje.
Na po?etku Tre?eg milenijuma, kada se Damoklov ma? Novog
Rima ve? nadvio nad Irakom, a dok Severna Koreja, Iran, Kuba i jos
poneka Libija ili Mijanmar tek ?ekaju na svoj red da budu
"usre?ene" tkzv. ameri?kom demokratijom, mora?e i Srbi i
Crnogorci (pre tri godine smo i sami "popili gorku pilulu" NATO
agresije) da nau?e da "plivaju" u tim nemirnim vodama. Da smo, u
principu, mi u pravu svakako ostaje, u istoriji ?e tako i biti
zapisano,
ali tek ako prvo kona?no "proplivamo" i ovu ameri?ku posast
pre?ivimo. Pre dve hiljade godina, u Avgustovo vreme, rodjen je Isus
i njegova protokomunisti?ka verska doktrina, koja je u sustini
predstavljala vid otpora imperijalnom Rimu. Milosevi?eva Srbija, to
postaje sve jasnije, bila je upravo to prema Novom Rimu. Ne treba
imati iluzija da je neka dalja analogija evolutivnog puta ova dva
otpora mogu?a u nasem informati?kom dobu. Isto tako, ta?no je i da
je svaka od hris?anskih crkava odstupila od tog u?enja, postavsi
orudje vlasti i mo?nika u svakom drustvu, ali moramo verovati da ?e
neko dobro proiza?i i iz ove negacije humanosti, koja u liku
Ameri?ke administracije danas vlada svetom!
office@...
Datum: 27 novembar 2002
NATO stigao na 100 km od Beograda
Autor: Branislav Popovi?
Beograd, 25. novembar 2002. godine
Protekle subote u centru Bukuresta odr?ana je najve?a festa od
vremena kada je pre nekoliko godina Bil Klinton stigao na par sati u
glavni grad Rumunije kao "utesna nagrada" nakon sto ta zemlja
tada nije primljena u Severnoatlantski pakt. Tada je bio divan letnji
dan, a sada je, za onih par sati koliko se D?ord` Bus Junior zadr?ao,
padala jaka kisa. Rumunski doma?in, predsednik Jon Ilijesku,
objasnio je visokom gostu iz SAD da su Rumunima srca vedra bez
obzira na lose vremenske prilike, i to zato sto je Rumunija kona?no
pozvana da udje u NATO-pakt, a predsednik Bus li?no o tome
doneo aber rumunskom narodu. Mada dobrano pokisao, ameri?ki
predsednik i "lider slobodnog sveta" pateti?nom najavom duge, koju
ina?e niko drugi od prisutnih nije video, doveo je pokislih nekoliko
stotina hiljada Rumuna na veli?anstveno uredjenom Trgu
Revolucije do kolektivnog nacionalnog "orgazma". Najzad izvan
ruske sfere uticaja, Rumunija je svakako najzna?ajnija od sedam
novih ?lanica NATO-pakta, kako po veli?ini teritorije, tako i po
broju stanovnika i geografskom polo?aju, pa je i ovih Busovih par
sati boravka bilo dovoljno da ispuni zadovoljstvom kako Ameri?ku
administraciju, tako i nekakvim, za nas nerazumljivim, ponosom
preko 20 miliona Rumuna.
Na po?asnoj tribini na centralnom gradskom trgu, oko kojeg se
nalaze mnoge zgrade od velikog zna?aja za noviju rumunsku
istoriju, govore Ilijeskua i Busa pratili su politi?ari, po?evsi od
premijera Adrijana Nastasea sa teksaskim sesirom (kakav su nosile i
mnoge druge prisutne zvanice) i bivseg predsednika
Konstantineskua, pa sve do gimnasti?arke Nadije Komane?i i
fudbalera George Had?ija. Ilijeskuov govor bio je kombinacija
iskrenog odusevljenja dostignutim nacionalnim ciljem i ?alosnog
"uvla?enja" Americi.
Bus Junior je tokom svog govora podsetio na ono sto stvarno i jeste
- zadovoljni farmer koji miluje svog ljubimca, da bi kasnije, kada se
rukovao i ljubio sa masom u prvim redovima, zadobio izraz u kojem
su se preplitali odusevljenje i neverica da neki narod mo?e danas da
ljubi Ameriku tako "do imbecilnosti"!
Tako je NATO-pakt kona?no izasao na obalu Crnog mora,
zaokru?io bivsi sovjetski prostor sa Zapada, ali i opkolio bivsi
jugoslovenski prostor (sem Slovenije, najboljeg djaka "Novog
svetskog poretka", koja je i sama pozvana da udje u Alijansu).
Aktuelnu euforiju, izazvanu prijemom u NATO-pakt, a kojom su
sve rumunske varijante vlasti nakon tkzv. Revolucije 1989, krunisale
svoju "uvlaka?ku" politiku prema Zapadu i SAD, u narednom
periodu smeni?e odvagavanje sta je ulaskom u Alijansu zemlja
dobila, a sta ?e morati da plati kao cenu svrstavanja uz Zapad.
Panegirike ?e uskoro zameniti skepsa vezana za ?injenicu da je
Rumunija primljena u Zapad samo na vojnom planu, sto ?e samo po
sebi puno da kosta njene gradjane, dok je prijem u Evropsku uniju
omedjen limitiranim privrednim mogu?nostima ove zemlje, do te
mere da bi ?ak i ovakva, sankcijama i bombama unazadjena, SRJ
mogla dobiti prednost u ?ekaonici Evropske unije.
U subotu izvikane vrednosti dostignute "slobode" mogu brzo da se
pretvore u zabrinutost zbog eksploatacije malih naroda od strane
razvijenog Zapada, sramotu zbog poni?avaju?e snishodljivosti prema
Americi, stida zbog prihvatanja nametnutih "evropskih vrednosti"
(kao sto su usvojeni zakoni o legalizaciji prostitucije i
homoseksualnosti), potencijanu nacionalnu katastrofu zbog
pokrenutog transfera duhovnosti nacionalno pravoslavnih Rumuna
ka vatikanskom unijatstvu, o ve? zaokru?enom pot?injavanju
zapadnim subkulturnim "vrednostima" da i ne govorimo? Doduse,
sami Rumuni su, sa izuzetkom malobrojnih oponenata levi?arske
orijentacije ili nostalgi?ara za redom koji je vladao pod bivsim
re?imom, za proteklih trinaest godina "tranzicije" toliko nekriti?ki
upijali plodove "slobode" koji su im stizali sa Zapada, da su jos
jednom dokazali tezu da siromasku gladnom svega ne treba dozvoliti
da se pre?dere. Ustvari, zapa?a se da bogatstvo izloga, broj kanala
kablovske TV, topli stanovi, raznovrsnost (uglavnom uvoznih)
prehrambenih proizvoda, velik broj predstavnistava stranih firmi,
kao i sloboda izra?avanja u umetnosti, politici, veroispovesti,
putovanja u svet i mnogo ?ega drugog, postignuti poslednjih godina,
nisu u skladu sa nivoom produktivnosti rada i opsteg ?ivotnog
standarda, koji jedva da su dostigli one iz vremena pred pad
?auseskua, ali ni sa porastom kriminala, korupcije i zaostravanjem
socijalnih tenzija, te padom opste bezbednosti u drustvu. To su
boljke svih tranzicionih drustava Isto?ne Evrope, sa dodatkom da je
Rumunija posebno optere?ena vidno ni?im opstim nivoom razvoja
od ostalih zemalja nekadasnjeg Varsavskog pakta.
Takvu nekriti?nost, bolje re?eno provincijalnu fascinaciju Rumuna
Zapadom pothranjivale su, navodno u ime "uzvisenog cilja ulaska u
Evropu", kako vlasti, tako i mediji i privreda te zemlje. Pisac ovih
redova bio je 2000. godine svedok jedinstvenog primera
idolopoklonstva prema Americi. Re? je o vatrometu, organizovanom
u ?ast 4. jula, dr?avnog praznika SAD, u najve?em bukurestanskom
parku Herestrou za nekoliko desetina hiljada gradjana, gde je
nemilice to?ena Koka-Kola (ina?e najve?i pojedina?ni investitor u
Rumuniji tokom prvih nekoliko godina tranzicije), sviran rokenrol i
distribuirani razni ameri?ki subkulturni stereotipi. Ta manifestacija
se ponavlja svake godine, ali zvani?na politika, ?iji je deklarisani
cilj
bio ulazak u NATO-pakt, nije zaostajala u takvom odnosu prema
Americi. Desni?arska vlada je 1999. godine stavila na raspolaganje
NATO-paktu rumunski vazdusni prostor i vojne aerodrome,
konfiskovala na bukurestanskom aerodromu JAT-ovu flotu
putni?kih aviona, poletelu ka Rusiji i Ukrajini kako je ne bi stigle
bombe Alijanse (Rumuni su ih nakon mesec i vise dana ipak pustili
da odlete, ali tek onda kada su avioni JAT-a postali ne?eljen dekor
za "istorijsku" posetu rimskog Pape Bukurestu!), dozvolila
emitovanje sa njene teritorije propagande NATO-vskih
radio-stanica prema Jugoslaviji, te prepisivala strane spiskove
nepo?eljnih li?nosti iz SR Jugoslavije. Levi?arska vlada one iste
partije koja je pomogla Jugoslaviji da pre?ivi sankcije, a ?iji je
lider
(subotnji Busov doma?in!), doduse tada kao opozicionar, u prole?e
1998. godine posetio Beograd u znak podrske srpskom vidjenju
pitanja Kosova i Metohije (podrsku nasoj zemlji ponovio je 1. maja
1999. li?nim u?es?em na mitingu rumunsko-srpskog prijateljstva u
ve? pomenutom bukurestanskom parku Herestrou), ove godine je,
kao prva u celoj Evropi, prihvatila ameri?ko nepriznavanje
novostvorenog opstesvetskog suda za ratne zlo?ine u Hagu.
U prijatnim i sve?anim trenucima odnosa dveju dr?ava Rumuni
?esto ponavljaju staru frazu da "Rumunija medju susedima ima
samo dva prava prijatelja - Srbiju i Crno More." I stvarno -
ogromna ve?ina - vise od 4/5 Rumuna je, prema ondasnjim
anketama javnog mnjenja, 1999. bila protiv bombardovanja
Jugoslavije, ?ime je, u inat potezima vlasti, potvrdjena visevekovna
simpatija Rumuna prema Srbima.
Rumunska vlast je, medjutim, delovala u skladu sa svojim
proklamovanim ciljem - ulaskom u evroatlantske integracije, sto je
u sustini na?in da se zemlja odbrani od "ruske opasnosti". Svaki
Rumun ?e tokom poslednje dve-tri decenije otvoreno priznati, da
njegov strah od Slovena na Istoku - od "ruskog medveda"
nadja?ava ljubav prema Slovenima na Zapadu - Srbima. Ta
opsednutost "ruskom opasnos?u" je toliko prisutna medju
Rumunima, da oni intimno priznaju da ne ?ele (logi?no) ujedinjenje
sa sopstvenom bra?om po jeziku, veri i tradiciji, onom u Moldaviji ili
Ukrajini, jer smatraju da su oni predugo bili pod sovjetskom vlas?u,
te kao takvi - "rusificirani" - nisu "po?eljni" za zajedni?ki ?ivot.
Kao posledica prijema Rumunije, NATO-pakt je stigao na samo
100 km od Beograda. Svako poredjenje sudbina Beograda i
Bukuresta tokom devedesetih godina u odnosu na Alijansu je
neprimereno, obzirom na potpunu divergentnost politika Vasingtona
prema njima. Namerno neshvatanje srpskog naroda i neuva?avanje
srpske dimenzije raspada prethodne Jugoslavije dovela je SAD i
Zapad do sankcija i rata protiv Srbije i svrgavanja njene vlasti, dok
je paralelno tekao proces (podsticanog od Zapada) "pretr?avanja"
Rumunije sa Istoka na Zapad. Kao sto su nekada rumunski
dr?avnici Bratijanu i Antonesku, ve? prema volji velikih sila,
dobijali ili gubili teritorije i stanovnistvo, kao sto je De? bio
poslusan
prema Sovjetima, tako su Ilijesku i Konstantinesku poslusnici oca i
sina Busa i Klintona. Pragmati?nost rumunske spoljne politike -
"plivanje niz vodu" u medjunarodnim odnosima i ponasanje
postojano "niz dlaku" prema svetskim silama sa jedne strane, a
konstantna slobodoljubivost i inat srpskog naciona prema
osvaja?ima (Srbi su se uvek bunili, dizali ustanke, oslobadjali i sebe
i
druge, ali zbog toga i masovno ginuli) s druge strane, dali su kao
posledicu ?injenicu da krajem dvadesetog veka na svetu Rumuna
bude duplo vise od Srba, iako ih je pre sto godina bilo pribli?no
isto.
Kao fusnota ovome, bizarno zvu?i podatak da je jedini rumunski
vladar u poslednjih sto godina, koji je delovao isklju?ivo u
nacionalnom interesu Rumunije (istina, uz velike ?rtve medju
narodnim masama), bio "diktator" ?ausesku, koga je preki sud
'revolucije" (u ?ijem su "podizanju" odlu?uju?e bile umesane
sovjetska i britanska tajna slu?ba!) streljao u trenutku kada je
Rumuniju oslobodio inostranog duga i izgradio nekoliko
gradjevinskih poduhvata faraonskih proporcija, koje Rumuni danas
zasigurno ne bi bili kadri da sagrade! U takvoj konstelaciji, Srbija i
Crna Gora danas ne mogu, bez obzira na nemoralnost, nehumanost
i bezobzirnost novih svetskih vladara (pravi svetski diktator je
D?ord? Bus Junior, ?ovek neverovatno ruralnog lika i ponasanja u
odnosu na svog oca) i uprkos ratu koji je nedavno vodjen protiv
naseg naroda, da prenebregnu ?injenicu da ?e uskoro sve zemlje u
okru?enju biti ?lanice ili "partneri za mir" NATO-pakta.
Principijelnost i "nedavanje na sebe" su moralno nadmo?ni, ali
odgovornost prema ugro?enom bioloskom opstanku Srpske nacije
nala?e nam malo dostojanstvenije, ali u osnovi "rumunsko"
ponasanje, barem dok traje svetski poredak nazvan "Pax
Americana". Nije pre dve hiljade godina ni Oktavijan Avgust za
vreme "Pax Romana" bio moralniji, humaniji ili obzirniji od ove
bagre koja danas vlada svetom, pa ipak, ko je hteo da ?ivi sa
"blagodetima" Rima morao je da njegovu vrhovnu vlast i priznaje.
Na po?etku Tre?eg milenijuma, kada se Damoklov ma? Novog
Rima ve? nadvio nad Irakom, a dok Severna Koreja, Iran, Kuba i jos
poneka Libija ili Mijanmar tek ?ekaju na svoj red da budu
"usre?ene" tkzv. ameri?kom demokratijom, mora?e i Srbi i
Crnogorci (pre tri godine smo i sami "popili gorku pilulu" NATO
agresije) da nau?e da "plivaju" u tim nemirnim vodama. Da smo, u
principu, mi u pravu svakako ostaje, u istoriji ?e tako i biti
zapisano,
ali tek ako prvo kona?no "proplivamo" i ovu ameri?ku posast
pre?ivimo. Pre dve hiljade godina, u Avgustovo vreme, rodjen je Isus
i njegova protokomunisti?ka verska doktrina, koja je u sustini
predstavljala vid otpora imperijalnom Rimu. Milosevi?eva Srbija, to
postaje sve jasnije, bila je upravo to prema Novom Rimu. Ne treba
imati iluzija da je neka dalja analogija evolutivnog puta ova dva
otpora mogu?a u nasem informati?kom dobu. Isto tako, ta?no je i da
je svaka od hris?anskih crkava odstupila od tog u?enja, postavsi
orudje vlasti i mo?nika u svakom drustvu, ali moramo verovati da ?e
neko dobro proiza?i i iz ove negacije humanosti, koja u liku
Ameri?ke administracije danas vlada svetom!
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