Informazione

----- Original Message -----
From: "Forlibertaria" <forlibertaria@...>
To: <forlibertaria@...>
Sent: Friday, March 09, 2007 9:20 PM
Subject: 24 Marzo: LA PULIZIA ETNICA FASCISTA NELLA JUGOSLAVIA OCCUPATA

Sabato 24 Marzo, ore 15:00
presso il circolo ARCI Nuova Resistenza
Viale Spazzoli, 51 - Forlì

***LA PULIZIA ETNICA FASCISTA NELLA JUGOSLAVIA OCCUPATA***
"rimozioni storiche e mito delle foibe per alimentare il nuovo
espansionismo revanscista italiano"

Alessandra Kersevan presenta il suo libro:
"Un campo di concentramento fascista: Gonars, 1942-1943"
l'organizzazione è curata dal Partito Comunista dei Lavoratori e da
Forlibertaria.

###

Alessandra Kersevan è stata invitata dal locale Istituto storico e dal
comune di Bellaria per tenere una conferenza sui campi di
concentramento fascisti situati lungo il confine italiano orientale.
Pochi giorni prima dell'evento, previsto per il 15 Febbraio 2007,
l'Istituto Storico di Bellaria ha annullato l'incontro a causa delle
forti pressioni politiche esercitate da esponenti locali di Alleanza
Nazionale.

Se ignorare in silenzio il liquame revanscista che ci ha lambiti durante
la cosiddetta "Giornata del Ricordo" c'è costato un notevole sforzo,
non potevamo restare impassibili davanti a questo stupefacente esempio
di censura fascista. Per questo motivo e per porre un freno alla
sordida arroganza dei nazionalisti di ogni schieramento abbiamo
invitato Alessandra Kersevan a Forlì.

La partecipazione all'evento è molto IMPORTANTE: il 10 Febbraio una
conferenza di Alessandra Kersevan tenutasi a La Spezia è stata
interrotta dai fascisti.

--
Forlibertaria
Contatto: 3383261171
http://forlibertaria.ath.cx

(english / italiano)

17 marzo 2007: TUTTI A ROMA CONTRO LA GUERRA / NEW YORK, MARCH ON THE PENTAGON!

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IL 17 MARZO TUTTI A ROMA!

 


MANIFESTAZIONE NAZIONALE
Per il ritiro delle truppe dall’Afghanistan e da tutti i fronti di guerra Piazza della Repubblica ore 15
 
Il testo dell’appello nazionale:
Per il 17 marzo è stata lanciata dal Forum Sociale Mondiale a Nairobi la Giornata mondiale contro la guerra, nell’anniversario dell’invasione USA dell’Iraq. In tutto il mondo, milioni di persone chiederanno la fine delle guerre, a partire da Iraq e Afghanistan, la chiusura delle basi, il disarmo atomico. In quei giorni, il Parlamento italiano voterà sul rifinanziamento delle missioni, Afghanistan in primis. Per questo invitiamo tutte/i coloro che condividono il sogno della pace e della giustizia ad essere in piazza a Roma, nella Giornata mondiale contro la guerra, per dire NO al rifinanziamento delle missioni di guerra, NO alle basi e alle spese militari.
Il movimento contro la nuova base USA di Vicenza ha segnato con la straordinaria manifestazione del 17 febbraio una svolta contro le politiche belliche del governo, per una nuova stagione di lotte che rompa la complicità dell’Italia con la guerra permanente. Ma il governo Prodi-bis, rimesso in piedi con ulteriori contributi da destra, sfida il movimento no-war, affermando piena fedeltà a Usa e Nato, confermando le missioni belliche e la base a Vicenza. Viene meno l’illusione del “governo amico” e nasce per chi ama la pace la responsabilità di costruire una nuova opposizione sociale alle politiche di guerra, dando continuità al movimento dopo il 17 febbraio e contestando la politica estera del Prodi-bis. E il primo obiettivo, oltre a vincere la lotta contro il Dal Molin, è il ritiro delle truppe dall’Afghanistan, annullando la complicità con la guerra Nato. La lotta di Vicenza è diventata di tutti/e: così deve essere per quella contro l’intera politica di guerra, partendo da chi sul territorio contesta la militarizzazione crescente.
La manifestazione del 17 vuole congiungere il NO ALLE BASI al NO ALLE MISSIONI MILITARI, le lotte sui territori all’opposizione nazionale e internazionale alla guerra, accompagnandola con la forte richiesta ai parlamentari di votare contro il decreto e il rifinanziamento della missione in Afghanistan.
PER IL RITIRO IMMEDIATO DELLE TRUPPE DALL'AFGHANISTAN E DAGLI ALTRI FRONTI DI GUERRA.
PER LA CHIUSURA DELLE BASI MILITARI USA-NATO,
PER VINCERE LA LOTTA CONTRO LA BASE DAL MOLIN.
NO ALLE SPESE MILITARI.
SOSTEGNO ALLA RESISTENZA DELLE POPOLAZIONI IN LOTTA, DA VICENZA AI PAESI INVASI E OCCUPATI.

Comitato 17 marzo

adesioni : Nowar17marzo@...

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Lettera aperta per il 17 marzo

 

Tutti/e a Roma P.della Repubblica ore 15
Ritirare subito le truppe dall’Afghanistan e dagli altri fronti di guerra, chiudere le basi, tagliare le spese militari

 

Se la momentanea risoluzione della crisi fa cadere i veli sulle intenzioni del governo Prodi, i sanguinosi e atroci eventi di questi giorni confermano le peggiori previsioni, ridicolizzando i tentativi di presentare la guerra in Afghanistan come missione di pace. La manifestazione del 17 marzo assume dunque un’importanza cruciale, ed è essenziale che sia fatta propria dal maggior numero di persone impegnate contro la guerra.
I “12 punti” del governo Prodi non sono una novità ma il nocciolo duro del programma pre-elettorale, in continuità con le politiche neoliberiste e belliciste dei governi precedenti. Sono però, nel contempo, una chiara sfida ai movimenti in lotta e alle opposizioni di sinistra. Viene preso di petto il movimento contro la guerra con la riconferma delle missioni e della base di Vicenza; e con esso i No-TAV, i No-VAT, gli ambientalisti; e analoga funzione ha l’espulsione dal Prc di Turigliatto e il linciaggio dei pochissimi parlamentari che non appoggiano il bellicismo governativo.

Tale sfida non è puramente politica. Essa si accompagna ad un tentativo di criminalizzazione del dissenso ad ampio raggio. La gran parte dei massmedia è attivissima in tal senso. Lo abbiamo visto in maniera eclatante alla manifestazione per la Palestina del 18 novembre quando l’incendio di alcuni pupazzi che rappresentavano militari (da parte di uno sparuto e marginale gruppo di manifestanti) è stato usato per denigrare l’intera manifestazione, per nasconderne i contenuti e  criminalizzare i partecipanti. Persino a Vicenza, dopo settimane di “terrorismo” preventivo da parte di ministri e mass-media, uno striscione sugli arresti dei presunti BR è stato usato, senza altrettanto successo, per  attaccare l’enorme mobilitazione.

E’ il caso, dunque, di sottolineare, per tutti/e coloro che parteciperanno alla manifestazione del 17 marzo, che tali tentativi di oscuramento degli obiettivi dell’iniziativa si potrebbero ripetere. La grande maggioranza del mondo politico istituzionale e del sistema massmediatico cerca appigli ovunque, con l’insopportabile ipocrisia di chi si scandalizza per uno slogan sbagliato o per l’incendio di simulacri cartacei di militari mentre accetta il massacro di centinaia di migliaia di persone reali.

Dunque, invitiamo tutte le forze e i singoli partecipanti alla massima responsabilità, ad interpretare nella maniera più coerente ed efficace, con slogan, striscioni o cartelli, la piattaforma di convocazione dell’iniziativa, affinché risaltino i comuni obiettivi e non si diano opportunità a chi intendesse usarla per speculare sulle strumentalizzazioni dei massmedia e oscurarne i contenuti.

La manifestazione del 17 sarà pacifica e popolare, un corteo di donne e uomini a viso aperto, al quale invitiamo tutte le forze e i singoli/e che ne condividono i contenuti, i caratteri e lo spirito, per costruire insieme un corteo di massa, colorato, pacifico ma determinato e intransigente contro la guerra e chi la fa, la copre, la vota. Come a Vicenza vogliamo ritrovare il popolo della pace, le sue parole e le sue pratiche.


Comitato 17 marzo

PER ADESIONI ALLA MANIFESTAZIONE: nowar17marzo@...

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IL 17 MARZO TUTTI A ROMA !
 
GLI APPUNTAMENTI DELLA
RETE NAZIONALE “DISARMIAMOLI! “

 

 

Fervono i preparativi per la manifestazione internazionale di sabato 17 marzo, che vedrà sfilale i nowar italiani  a Roma (ore 15, Piazza della Repubblica) per il ritiro delle truppe dall’Afghanistan e da tutti i fronti di guerra.

 

La Rete nazionale Disarmiamoli aderisce e parteciperà a questa importante manifestazione, inseritasi in una delicata fase della vita politica nazionale, nella quale la “crisi pilotata” del Prodi 1 ha tolto ogni alibi alle varie “sinistre radicali” di governo rispetto a scelte e decisioni, in politica estera come in quella nazionale.

 

L’assenso al dodecalogo prodiano e Il voto alla Camera di questi giorni lo confermano, così come quello previsto per il 27 marzo al Senato, per il quale i vari leader di sinistra chiamano alla disciplina di governo i propri senatori, ordinando così un definitivo voltafaccia verso quei movimenti che hanno contribuito in maniera determinante alla loro elezione.

 

La manifestazione italiana di sabato prossimo acquista così un “valore aggiunto” di autonomia ed indipendenza dal quadro politico determinatosi con l’avvento del governo di centro sinistra.

 

Data l’importanza dell’appuntamento facciamo un pressante appello perchè  in questi pochi giorni che ci separano dal 17 marzo sui vari territori  ci si mobiliti per far conoscere le ragioni della manifestazione e, soprattutto, per convincere il maggior numero di persone a partecipare al corteo di Roma  

 

Infine, come indicato nell’incontro della Rete Disarmiamoli svoltosi lo scorso 4 marzo a Firenze, ricordiamo a tutti gli interessati che:

 

1)     Il gruppo di lavoro sulla legge di iniziativa popolare per il disarmo si incontrerà sabato 17 marzo ore 10-13, Casa dei diritti sociali, via dei Mille, 6 - 2° piano (nei pressi di piazza Indipendenza, vicino alla stazione Termini, uscendo sulla destra)

 

2)     L’appuntamento per tutti coloro che sfileranno insieme a noi è il seguente: lo striscione “DISARMIAMOLI! “ si posizionerà in Piazza Esedra, davanti al portone di S. Maria degli Angeli, dalle ore 14

 

Rete nazionale Disarmiamoli!
 
www.disarmiamoli.org     info@...     3389255514    3381028120   



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March on the Pentagon - Saturday, March 17

The Troops Out Now Coalition is organizing buses, vans, and car caravans from more than 20 cities for the March on the Pentagon, organized by the Answer Coalition.  If you haven't gotten your bus ticket yet, contact a local organizing center, or call 212.633.6646.

Now, more than ever, we must do everything possible to work together for a massive outpouring on the streets of Washington.  Look for the Troops Out Now Coalition banners and placards -- join us in the "Stop the War at Home" Contingent in the March on the Pentagon.
Encampment to Stop the War - 
Starts Tomorrow, Monday, March 12

Momentum is growing for the Encampment to Stop the War --it is clear that the central struggle of the day is to force Congress to cut off war funding.

Activists are coming from as far away as Washington State, Jamaica, Maine, and Hawaii to join the Encampment.  We will be there --right on the Mall -- with tents, banners, placards, signs, noisemakers,  etc. demanding that Congress stop the political posturing and simply cut off the war funding, end the war now and bring the troops home. We need you to join us. 

If you are in the DC area or are arriving in the area, we need your help with setting up the Encampment tomorrow-- please meet us on the mall directly in front of the Capitol building (3rd street between Constitution and Independence).


  • Donate to to help with the enormous costs of the Encampment - http://troopsoutnow.org/donate.shtmlIf you are not able to come to the encampment, help send a youth activist to the Encampment to the week- donate for transportation and housing costs here.



Tageszeitung junge Welt
http://www.jungewelt.de/

12.03.2007 / Feuilleton / Seite 13

Antiserbische Blaupause

Wollt ihr den globalen Krieg? Die »freien Medien« sind die
Wegbereiter. Das wurde anhand der Balkan-Kriege durchexerziert. Ein
Buch über die entsprechenden Verflechtungen

Sabine Schiffer

Mit »Operation Balkan: Werbung für Krieg und Tod« hat das Autorenduo
Jörg Becker und Mira Beham eine eminent wichtige Forschungsarbeit
vorgelegt. In konzisen 87 Seiten mit Anhang wird aufgezeigt, wie der
Krieg auf dem Balkan durch die Arbeit von PR-Agenturen wesentlich
beeinflußt, ja mitinitiiert wurde, wie mittels der Zuordnung von
Recht und Unrecht klare Feindbilder geschaffen und widersprechende
Fakten unterschlagen wurden. Die Untersuchung ist ein Lehrstück. Sie
unterstreicht, wie bedeutend es angesichts immer massiver werdender
Instrumentalisierungen ist, daß Medienmacher die Quellen ihrer
Informationen hinterfragen. Die Folgen der Entwicklung hin zu mehr PR-
Stellen, weg von gesicherten Arbeitsverhältnissen im Journalismus,
können für eine Demokratie, die auf öffentliche
Meinungsbildungsprozesse angewiesen ist, nicht unterschätzt werden.
Es braucht etwa deutlich mehr kritische Aufmerksamkeit für die nicht
sonderlich subtilen Sprachregelungen bestimmter Agenturen. Natürlich
ist es entscheidend, ob etwas als »Massaker« oder
»Verteidigungskampf« bezeichnet wird. So wird ein Empfinden von
Legitimität oder Illegitimität erzeugt. Es ist kein Zufallsprodukt,
sondern Ergebnis jahrelanger Propaganda, daß »die Serben« in der
öffentlichen Wahrnehmung in die Nähe der Nazis rückten. Durch die
geschickte Plazierung von Begriffen wie »KZ«, »Völkermord« und
»Auschwitz« wurden auch Pazifisten in die Pflicht für den Krieg auf
dem Balkan genommen.

Die Vernetzungen gehen weit über das Bekannte hinaus. Die
Zusammenarbeit von PR-Akteuren und US-Politikern ist kein Geheimnis.
In »Operation Balkan« geht es auch um die Symbiosen zwischen
hochangesehenen Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs) wie Amnesty
International oder UNICEF und den Spins -- der gelenkten
Kommunikation. Auch hier vermitteln nicht nur Agenturen wie die
bereits im Irak-Krieg von 1991 berühmt gewordene Hill & Knowlton,
sondern auch ethisch angeblich integere wie Ruder Finn und viele
mehr. Das Register am Ende des Buches bietet einen Überblick über
Verteilung der Aufgaben unter den Organisationen. Neben solchen
internen Verflechtungen werden Verflechtungen mit privaten
Militärunternehmen aufgeführt. Insgesamt wird eine Tendenz zur
Privatisierung von Information, Krieg und schließlich auch von
Diplomatie nachgewiesen. Es waren mit der Kriegspropaganda
beauftragte Agenturen, die z. B. die Unabhängigkeitserklärung des
Kosovo entwarfen.

Erfolgreich war der antiserbische Spin vor allem, weil die
Gegenpositionen zum Teil von denselben Agenturen formuliert wurden.
In Serbien gaben widerstreitende Parteien derweil ein uneinheitliches
Bild ab, was einer geschlossenen Meinungsbildung nicht dienlich war.
Die Autoren veranschaulichen den zirkulären Schluß der PR-Aktivitäten
mit einem Schema: Die Argumentationen werden gezielt plaziert, von
Intellektuellen aufgenommen und diskutiert, schließlich auch durch
das Bildmaterial von NGOs vor Ort verstärkt. Die international so
»freien« Medien erscheinen als sich selbst bestätigendes System, das
Kohärenz suggeriert. Wieder und wieder wird die Notwendigkeit des
»humanitären Eingriffs« herausgestellt. Am Ende kann sich der
einzelne Konsument der Kriegsrhetorik kaum noch entziehen. Diese
Techniken der Manipulation dürften in naher Zukunft verstärkt zum
Einsatz kommen. Darauf läßt auch das Weißbuch der Bundeswehr schließen.

»Operation Balkan« arbeitet die zwiespältige Rolle von Organisationen
wie der Schweizer Medienhilfe heraus. Einerseits kann man ihnen
Erfolge im Ausbau eines Mediensystems nicht absprechen, andererseits
ist dieses Mediensystem eben privaten Interessen unterworfen.
Überhaupt wird deutlich, wie gerade NGOs das System der
Privatisierung staatlicher Aufgaben stützen, indem sie die
Notwendigkeit ihrer Existenz und vor allem das Fundraising nur durch
reale und möglichst eskalierende Krisen sichern können.

Für Deutschland werden die Aktivitäten von Moritz Hunzinger
exemplarisch erläutert. Da es in Deutschland keine Meldepflicht für
PR-Aktivitäten entsprechend dem FARA-Register in den USA gibt,
bleiben entsprechende Aktivitäten ausgeblendet, was nicht bedeutet,
daß es sie nicht gibt. Hier wäre etwa die intellektuelle Begleitung
diverser Regime-Change-Aktivitäten durch die Bertelsmann-Stiftung
untersuchenswert. Man kann sich keineswegs mit der Erkenntnis
zufrieden geben, daß wir vor allem von US-Seite aus in die Balkan-
Kriege der 90er Jahre manipuliert wurden. Auch ist der Mythos des
reinen NATO-Interesses so nicht haltbar. Hierzu müßten ergänzend
Schriften wie die des Internationalen Vorbereitungskomitees für ein
europäisches Tribunal über den NATO-Krieg gegen Jugoslawien
herangezogen werden, die von massiven Interessen Deutschlands in Ex-
Jugoslawien ausgehen.

Die Aufarbeitung dessen, was auf dem Balkan und darum herum wirklich
geschah, ist die Pflicht eines jeden Staatsbürgers, der Demokratie,
Menschen- und Völkerrecht etwas abzugewinnen vermag. Die Entwicklung
seither zeigt deutlich, in welche Richtung es gehen soll. Der
Vollständigkeit halber sei sie hier angerissen, auch wenn der
Zusammenhang mit der rezensierten Publikation nur indirekt ist: die
NATO-Doktrin von 1999 nennt drei legitime Gründe für sogenannte
Friedensmissionen: 1. Humanitäre Gründe, 2. Ressourcensicherung und
3. Migrationsbewegungen. Im EU-Verfassungsentwurf ist die Aufrüstung
aller Mitgliedsstaaten Programm und das besagte Weißbuch ist bislang
der Gipfel der Dreistigkeit: Grundrechte werden ausgehebelt und durch
Marktstrategien und das gute alte Konzept des »White-Man's-Burden«
ersetzt. Durch diese Entwicklungen seit den Balkan-Kriegen hat das
Buch von Becker und Beham an Bedeutung gewonnen. Es sollte zur
Pflichtlektüre an Journalistenschulen gemacht werden. Wir werden noch
ganz anders und viel genauer hinschauen müssen, damit wir nicht nach
Jahren der Gewöhnung an Orwellsches »Neusprech« bereit sind, der
rhetorischen Frage zuzustimmen: »Wollt ihr den globalen Krieg?« Wenn
man uns dann überhaupt noch fragt.

Becker, Jörg und Beham, Mira:
Operation Balkan: Werbung für Krieg und Tod.
Nomos Verlag, Baden-Baden, Dezember 2006, 130 Seiten, 17,90 Euro


http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=20070308&articleId=5021

Yugoslavia: Human Rights Watch in Service to the War Party
by Edward S. Herman and David Peterson and George Szamuely
Global Research, March 9, 2007
Zmag.org - 2007-02-25


Concluding Note
 
While it has often done valuable service, HRW has failed badly in dealing with the disintegration of  Yugoslavia . It supported that dismantlement, its leaders arguing that this would help minorities. They were wrong and thus their stance contributed to an escalation of human rights abuses. Their claim that justice must be given greater weight than peace-making fed into the interests of those eager for war and had disastrous effects on all the “nations” of the former Yugoslavia. Their claim that justice must come first in order to deliver peace of mind to the victims and as essential for peace and reconciliation, which follows the ICTY party line, is untenable and hypocritical in the light of ICTY and HRW practice. A focus on justice merges easily into vengeance and feeds antagonism and hostility, particularly when carried out in a one-sided fashion. The first Milosevic indictment listed 344 Kosovo Albanian victims, so presumably their relatives needed “justice, “ but as noted earlier the ICTY found that 495 Serb victims of NATO bombing did not provide a sufficient “crime base” for any action, so how are the families of these victims to obtain justice? Where is the justice for the victims of Operation Storm, or the scores of thousands of Serbs and Roma ousted from the Kosovo under NATO control? ( Serbia has had to deal with more refugees than any other area in the former Yugoslavia .)

 

If the Serbs feel—and we believe are fully justified in feeling—that they have been victims of a Great Power assault based on geopolitical considerations, and subjected to extreme and politicized discrimination in the workings of the ICTY, the show trial of their leader will hardly make them more peace-minded. That show trial was also a “travesty” in terms of substance. If it was to educate Serbs by instructing them about their leaders’ guilt, it failed abysmally, and not just because it was managed incompetently. It failed because, at bottom, it was a political trial in which the political case was not only unsustainable, but was shown to be trying the lesser  villains—the bigger ones being those guilty of the “supreme international crime”—and it revealed itself throughout to be a “rogue court” serving the bigger villains, violating every legal principle, and moving inexorably toward the pre-determined finding of guilt.

 

Sadly, HRW has played an important role in this travesty and has therefore been an important contributor to human rights violations in the former Yugoslavia . HRW helped stir up passions in the demonization process from 1992 onward and actively and proudly contributed to preparing the ground for NATO’s “supreme international crime” in March 1999. It has conveniently assumed “neutrality” on matters of  aggression, though WTE focuses on Serbia’s cross-border aid to the Bosnian and Krajina Serbs as something to be strongly condemned—so it ceases to be neutral on aggression when the Serbs can be targeted, although, with a droll application of the double standard, U.S. and Croatian aid to their allies in Bosnia are exempt from criticism. There are no holds barred in finding against the bad guys, just as our side only makes regrettable mistakes. This human rights group is even completely oblivious to the violation of Slobodan Milosevic’s human rights as a  prisoner. Indicted Croatians are exempted from being put on trial for ill health,[167] indicted Kosovo Albanians are released from Hague incarceration to return to campaign for office in Kosovo,[168] but Milosevic, a very sick man, was not released to get medical attention in Moscow even with Russian assurances of his return.[169] His death just 16 days after this rejection was regretted by Carla Del Ponte because “It deprives the victims of the justice they need and deserve”[170]—but WTE and HRW have no word of criticism for this improper treatment. They are on the team with Carla Del Ponte and the Western establishment.

 

In the past, two of the present authors have compared the Milosevic trial to the Moscow show trials of the late 1930s.[171]  Recalling the Dewey Commission of Inquiry's conclusion that the Moscow trials “served not juridical but political ends,” we observed that, among the parallels between these trials and the bodies conducting them, one that stands out is their public-relations function, and, more broadly, their drafting of a historical record that serves the needs of the dominant political faction, even if executed in juridical form.  Here we add the observation that Human Rights Watch's Weighing the Evidence concludes its summary of the Prosecution's case against Milosevic in the same place where it begins, with the affirmation that, going forward, “Trials of high-level suspects will be important for the documentation of events and the role and responsibility of various actors, irrespective of any conclusion relating to the defendant's guilt or innocence.”[172]  If this is true, and if we allow the Milosevic trial and the ICTY to become our models for “international justice,” then both the historical record and human rights will suffer damaging blows.  


Endnotes

167. In April, 2003, the ICTY suspended its warrant for the arrest of the former Chief of Staff of Croatia's Army, General Janko Bobetko, under indictment by the ICTY since August, 2002.  An ICTY-appointed doctor determined the 83-year-old too ill to travel to The Hague, and the previous month, an ICTY judge had declared that if Zagreb agreed to serve the six-month-old indictment on Bobetko, suspension of the arrest warrant would be "effective immediately," thus rendering the whole indictment meaningless.  Bobetko died less than three weeks later.  See Judge Carmel Agius, Order for Service of Indictment, March 19, 2003; "ICTY Officially Informs Zagreb on Suspension of Arrest Warrant," ONASA News Agency, April 9, 2003; and "Obituary of General Janko Bobetko," Daily Telegraph, April 30, 2003.
  168. Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj was indicted in March 2005 (IT-04-84-I) on multiple counts of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war for events that occurred while he was a commander of the Kosovo Liberation Army.  He resigned his office and surrendered to ICTY custody.  On June 6, 2005, Haradinaj was granted provisional release to return to participation in the political life of Kosovo, pending trial. (See Judge Carmel Agius, Decision on Ramush Haradinaj's Motion for Provisional Release, ICTY, June 6, 2005.)  Some 20 months later, Haradinaj remained at large, and with a final date for his trial scheduled for March 2007, he was ordered to return to ICTY custody no later than February 26, 2007.  (See Judge Alphons Orie, Order Recalling Ramush Haradinaj from Provisional Release, ICTY, February 1, 2007.) 
  169. See Judge Patrick Robinson, Decision on Assigned Counsel Request for Provisional Release (IT-02-54-T), ICTY, February 23, 2006.  Milosevic's release from custody for special medical care at the Bakoulev Center in Russia was denied because, "notwithstanding the guarantees of the Russian Federation and the personal undertaking of the Accused, the Trial Chamber is not satisfied that the first prong of the test has been met—that is, that it is more likely than not that the Accused, if released, would return for the continuation of his trial" (par. 18).
  170. Carla Del Ponte, "Press Conference by the ICTY Prosecutor at The Hague," March 12, 2006. 
  171. See Ch. 2, "A Study in Propaganda," in Michael Barratt Brown, Edward S. Herman, and David Peterson, The Trial of Slobodan Milosevic (Spokesman, 2004), pp. 31-78.  (For an electronic version, see "Marlise Simons on the Yugoslavia Tribunal: A Study in Total Propaganda Service," ZNet, 2004.)
  172. WTE, p. 75. Compare the assertion WTE makes in its Introduction: "Human Rights Watch believes the evidence introduced [in the Milosevic trial] should help shape how current and future generations view the wars and in particular Serbia ’s role in them" (p. 5).


(4 - ends)


© Copyright Edward S. Herman, Zmag.org, 2007 


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Appendix: The “Scorpions” and the Serbian Police 
 
Neither the execution videotape[A1] nor any of the other evidence presented during the trial of Slobodan Milosevic substantiated the prosecution's claim—now repeated by WTE—that the Scorpions were “acting under the aegis of the Serbian police.”[A2]   

 

In fact, the most detailed evidence about the Scorpions to have emerged at the trial occurred nearly two years earlier, during the testimony of prosecution witness Milan Milanovic, a former deputy defense minister of the Republika Srpska Krajina.

 

Milanovic is a witness on whose word HRW attaches great weight.[A3]  When asked by the Prosecution under whom the Scorpions served (i.e., “were subordinated”) during the period they were active in the Bihac Pocket, Milanovic replied: “They were subordinated to the command of the army of the Republic of Serbian Krajina .”[A4]  Asked for a second time under whom the Scorpions were subordinated when they subsequently went to Trnovo in eastern Bosnia , Milanovic replied: “To the MUP of the Republika Srpska.”[A5]

 

Later, during Milanovic's cross-examination by Slobodan Milosevic, the following exchange took place:[A6]

   

Milosevic: Did you engage them [the Scorpions] in your area?

Milanovic: I proposed to the director of the oil company that they secure the oil fields that were on the separation lines….I proposed Slobodan Medic as the person who should be in charge of that security, and then they were under the director of the oil company.

 

Milosevic: So this was a security unit for the oil company, the head of which you yourself proposed?

 

Milanovic: Correct….

 

Milosevic: But you also sent them to Bosnia and Herzegovina , didn't you?

 

Milanovic: I didn't send them. The command of the corps sent them to accomplish various assignments, and most of those units that went outside the area I would visit very frequently.

 

Milosevic: Very well. So the government sent them.

 

Milanovic: Yes, the government and the army command. 
   
So the Scorpions were recruited by the government of the Republika Srpska Krajina to protect the oil fields.  Milanovic, a prosecution witness with no love for the government of Serbia , made no claim about the Scorpions serving under the command of (or having been “subordinated” to) the Serbian MUP.  It was the Srpska Krajina government that sent the Scorpions into Bosnia .

 

Shortly thereafter, Milanovic explained that in 1999, while NATO was bombing Serbia , the Scorpions wanted to go to Kosovo.  According to Milanovic's testimony:[A7]

 

[A]fter the NATO attack on the Federal Republic, seven, eight, or ten days after that he [Slobodan Medic] called me up and told me that he'd rather not go as a reservist to the army of Yugoslavia but as a member of MUP. At the same time…I was called up by General Djordjevic, the head of the public security, saying that he needed volunteers. So I didn't know what to do for three or four days, whether to send him or not, because everything was being monitored. I didn't know whether I should get in touch with the two of them, and three or four days later I did establish—link the two of them up, and two or three days later he went to Kosovo.

   

Milosevic then asked Milanovic: “Was he returned from there following General Djordjevic's orders? He demanded that he return?”  And Milanovic replied: “Yes. He was returned, but he went back and stayed until the end of the bombing raids.”[A8] 

 

Again, we emphasize that Milanovic never made any claim about the Republic of Serbia 's MUP.  Were the Scorpions already a unit of the Serbian MUP, it would have made no sense for the Scorpions to ask Milanovic to arrange for them to be sent to Kosovo as members of the Republic of Serbia's MUP.

 

   


Appendix Notes 

 

  A1. For the passage where Prosecution Geoffrey Nice presents the alleged "Scorpions video," see Milosevic Trial Transcript, June 1, 2005, pp. 40275 ff. 
  A2. Sara Darehshori, Weighing the Evidence: Lessons from the Slobodan Milosevic Trial, Human Rights Watch, December, 2006, p. 14. 
  A3. WTE mentions Milan Milanovic's name 16 different times.
  A4. Milosevic Trial Transcript, October 14, 2003, p. 27431.
  A5. Ibid.  "MUP" denotes Ministarstvo Unutrašnjih Polsova, meaning in this instance the Ministry of the Interior of the Republika Srpska—not the MUP of the Republic of Serbia , i.e., under the command of Belgrade and Slobodan Milosevic.

 


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