"E MUSSOLINI NON HA MAI UCCISO NESSUNO"

Dopo la nuova serie di dichiarazioni filo-fasciste del Presidente del
Consiglio Berlusconi, Lucia Sgueglia ha intervistato lo storico Angelo
Del Boca.
(Dal quotidiano "Il manifesto" del 12 settembre 2003)

"Come sempre Berlusconi rivela di aver frequentato di piu' il
cantautore Apicella che non gli storici e i loro manuali". Cosi' si
esprime un addolorato Angelo Del Boca - il maggiore storico italiano
del colonialismo -, costretto a ritornare su una questione che sperava
chiusa: le gaffes del presidente del consiglio in materia di storia. A
pochi giorni dalle dichiarazioni sulla magistratura italiana rese da
Berlusconi ai due giornalisti britannici Farrell e Johnson del
settimanale "The Spectator",
nuove affermazioni tornano a far sussultare sulla sedia quei cittadini
italiani (e non) che ancora conservano memoria del Ventennio.

- Lucia Sgueglia: "Mussolini non ha ucciso nessuno: ha solo mandato in
villeggiatura un po' di gente al confino". Questa la risposta del
nostro premier al suggerito parallelo tra il duce e il dittatore Saddam
Hussein. Che ne pensa?

- Angelo Del Boca: Quando afferma che Mussolini non uccise nessuno, il
nostro premier dimentica, per cominciare, il delitto Matteotti, nel
quale fu implicato, e i 29 antifascisti per lo piu' giuliani ed
istriani, fucilati per ordine del Tribunale Speciale per la Difesa
dello Stato. E quando paragona il confino ad un "piacevole soggiorno in
villeggiatura", offende i 12.330 italiani che furono inviati al confino
perche' dissentivano dal regime. Tra i 5.620 oppositori processati dal
Tribunale Speciale, c'era
anche un certo Antonio Gramsci, che in carcere passo' undici anni e
mori' poco dopo per un'emorragia cerebrale. Ma forse Berlusconi non sa
chi e' Antonio Gramsci, cosi' come non aveva mai sentito parlare di
Alcide Cervi, ucciso dai fascisti con i suoi figli.

- L. S.: Berlusconi sostiene inoltre che il fascismo fu un "regime
morbido"...

- A. D. B.: Non lo fu affatto, ne' all'interno del paese, ne' nelle sue
colonie, dove furono usati tutti gli strumenti piu' spietati e
micidiali per stroncare le opposizioni. Basta ricordare i 13 lager
costruiti nel 1930 nel deserto della Sirtica, dove quarantamila libici
persero la vita. I tremendi campi di concentramento di Ganane, in
Somalia, e di Nocra, in Eritrea, dove perirono altri diecimila
"ribelli". Vorrei inoltre ricordare che fu lo stesso Mussolini, con i
suoi telegrammi operativi indirizzati a Badoglio e a Graziani, ad
autorizzare l'impiego massiccio e continuo dei gas asfissianti durante
il conflitto italo-etiopico del 1935-'36. E a chi risale la
responsabilita' dei centomila soldati morti in Russia, se non a
Mussolini, che voleva sostenere a tutti i costi Hitler nei suoi
progetti aggressivi? E di tutti gli altri morti, militari e civili,
della seconda guerra mondiale, a chi risale la colpa se non all'uomo
che il 10 giugno 1940 coinvolse l'Italia in un conflitto gia' perso in
partenza?

- L. S.: Crede ci sia un disegno politico di stampo revisionista dietro
questi proclami, oppure si tratta di esternazioni isolate del premier?

- A. D. B.: E' incredibile come un uomo di Stato, durante un semestre
in cui ha assunto anche responsabilita' europee, rilasci dichiarazioni
cosi' gravi, cosi' infondate, cosi' antistoriche. In un'altra occasione
Berlusconi ha dichiarato che se ne "infischia del politicamente
corretto", e ha sostenuto di avere "il vizio di dire la verita' in
sintonia con cio' che pensano i
cittadini". Ma noi non crediamo affatto che la maggioranza degli
italiani condivida le opinioni stravaganti del Cavaliere, a cominciare
dai suoi giudizi benevoli nei confronti di Mussolini e del suo regime,
giudizi che neppure lo storico piu' revisionista ardirebbe pronunciare.
E alla fine ci chiediamo: perche' queste sortite? Perche' queste
provocazioni offensive?
Quale strategia nascondono? Esse pongono in cattiva luce il nostro
paese, e non sono di alcuna utilita', neppure alla maggioranza di
governo.

Rade Drobac: Američke trupe na Balkanu

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/balkan//2003-09-15_1.html

Gorka poredjenja

OGLEDALO Nedelje: Br. 6
Beograd, 20 avgusta 2003. godine

* Nemačka sa sve vise autoriteta i snage traži povlačenje američkih
vojnika, izmedju ostalog i da bi dokazala svoj autoritet, samostalnost
i značaj * Nasa vlast, nažalost, jedva čeka dolazak američkih vojnika,
iako njihovo prisustvo predstavlja gubitak nezavisnosti, teritorijalnog
integriteta i slobode * Koja zla prate strane trupe *

Medjunarodni nezavisni mediji, tipa "Slobodna Evropa" i slični, sve
češće najavljuju preseljenje američkih trupa iz Nemačke na Balkan.
Istovremeno, često možemo čuti i pročitati da će SAD postepeno povući
svoje trupe iz sastava medjunarodnih snaga stacioniranih u BiH i na
Kosovu, pa i u Makedoniji.
I jedno i drugo ne može biti tačno a istina je samo jedna.
Od pada SSSR-a, odnosno od ujedinjenja dve Nemačke, SAD su suočene sa
pritiskom da se njihove brojne trupe povuku iz ove zemlje. I to iz više
razloga.
Prvo, jer je nestanak SSSR-a otklonio pretnju koju je Varšavski pakt
predstavljao za Evropu, pa je samim tim prestala i potreba da se tako
brojne američke trupe drže u Evropi.
Potom, sve jača, ekonomski ali i politički, Nemačka sa sve više
autoriteta i snage traži povlačenje američkih vojnika , izmedju ostalog
i da bi dokazala svoj autoritet , samostalnost i značaj.
Pored toga, u poslednjih desetak godina, Namačka se afirmisala i kao
prirodni lider EU i ne priliči joj da na njenoj teritoriji postoje
brojne strane trupe.
I napokon, u okviru političkih pitanja stoji i da su SAD I EU sve više
rivali a sve manje partneri.
U takvim okolnostima opstanak američkih trupa u Nemačkoj je nerealan.
Naravno, postoje i vojni i bezbednosni razlozi za zahtevanje odlaska
američkih trupa iz Nemačke, ali to je posebna tema.
S druge strane, SAD imaju vitalne strateškie političke ,ekonomske i
vojne razloge da budu prisutni u Evropi. Ako to nije više moguće u
Nemačkoj i drugim zemljama zapadne Evrope, mogućno je u Jugoistočnoj
Evropi, odnosno na Balkanu.
Balkan predstavlja idealno strateško mesto za istovremenu kontrolu
Evrope, Mediterana, Severne Afrike i Bliskog Istoka i idealan "place
d`armes" za vojne misije u bilo kojoj od navedenih zona, pa i u širem
regionu, sve do Ruske Federacije..
Istovremeno, brojne američke trupe na Balanu predstavljaju i prirodnu
prepreku na putu Nemačke, odnosno EU ka Bliskom Istoku i nafti. Preko
te zone idu značajni evropski koridori 10 i 8. Pored toga, preko te
zone treba da ide i planirani naftovod od Kaspijskog mora do Valone u
Albaniji. Mnogi misle da je rat na Kosovu i Metohiji bio planiran kako
bi američke trupe došle na to područje i direktno obezbedjivale taj
naftovod.
Uostalom, ako SAD planiraju da se povlače sa Balkana, zašto su onda
sagradili vojnu bazu "Bondstil" na KiM, najveću američku bazu u Evropi.
Zašto i dalje kupuju (iznajmljuju) velike površiane zemljišta na KiM
ako planiraju da idu? Zašto traže naše aerodrome i luke ako ne misle
ostati duže?
Američke trupe se sada nalaze u skoro svim zemljama Balkana i sa svima
njima imaju razne vidove političke i vojne saradnje. Sve njih uvlače i
u Partnerstvo za mir i NATO, svoju udarnu pesnicu u Evropi, pa i šire.
Prisustvo američkih trupa na Balkanu daje SAD-u mogućnost da u
značajnoj meri za sebe veže države ovog regiona, kroz direktan uticaj
na njih, izmedju ostalog i zbog ometanja jačanja EU, svog sve
ospasnijeg rivala.
Dakle, kada se sagledaju iznete činjenice jasno je da su priče o
odlasku američkih trupa sa Balkana propagandna magla a da je istina da
SAD planiraju da one ovde ne samo ostanu, već i da svoje prisustvo ovde
zacementiraju što dublje I što jače.
Na tom putu im se niko ozbiljno ne suprotstavlja a naša vlast će to, na
žalost, jedva dočekati.
To što te trupe znače gubitak nezavisnosti, teritorijalnog integriteta,
slobode i dovodjenje u vazalni položaj i {žšto one sa sobom donose
kriminal, korupciju, prostituciju i drogu, očito nikoga ne brine..

Il terrorismo "buono"

6: How we trained al-Qa’eda

See also:
"Al Qaeda's Balkan links" (The Wall Street Journal)
http://www.frontpagemag.com/guestcolumnists/kurop11-02-01p.htm

---

http://www.balkanpeace.org/hed/archive/sep03/hed5999.shtml

http://www.spectator.co.uk/
article.php3?table=old§ion=current&issue=2003-09-13&id=3499&searchText=

The Spectator (UK), September 12, 2003

How we trained al-Qa’eda

Brendan O’Neill says the Bosnian war taught Islamic terrorists to
operate abroad


For all the millions of words written about al-Qa’eda since the 9/11
attacks two years ago, one phenomenon is consistently overlooked - the
role of the Bosnian war in transforming the mujahedin of the 1980s into
the roving Islamic terrorists of today.

Many writers and reporters have traced al-Qa’eda and other terror
groups’ origins back to the Afghan war of 1979-1992, that last gasp of
the Cold War when US-backed mujahedin forces fought against the
invading Soviet army. It is well documented that America played a major
role in creating and sustaining the mujahedin, which included Osama bin
Laden’s Office of Services set up to recruit volunteers from overseas.
Between 1985 and 1992, US officials estimate that 12,500 foreign
fighters were trained in bomb-making, sabotage and guerrilla warfare
tactics in Afghan camps that the CIA helped to set up.

Yet America’s role in backing the mujahedin a second time in the early
and mid-1990s is seldom mentioned - largely because very few people
know about it, and those who do find it prudent to pretend that it
never happened. Following the Russian withdrawal from Afghanistan in
1989 and the collapse of their puppet regime in 1992, the Afghan
mujahedin became less important to the United States; many Arabs, in
the words of the journalist James Buchan, were left stranded in
Afghanistan ‘with a taste for fighting but no cause’. It was not long
before some were provided with a new cause. From 1992 to 1995, the
Pentagon assisted with the movement of thousands of mujahedin and other
Islamic elements from Central Asia into Europe, to fight alongside
Bosnian Muslims against the Serbs.

The Bosnia venture appears to have been very important to the rise of
mujahedin forces, to the emergence of today’s cross-border Islamic
terrorists who think nothing of moving from state to state in the
search of outlets for their jihadist mission. In moving to Bosnia,
Islamic fighters were transported from the ghettos of Afghanistan and
the Middle East into Europe; from an outdated battleground of the Cold
War to the major world conflict of the day; from being yesterday’s men
to fighting alongside the West’s favoured side in the clash of the
Balkans. If Western intervention in Afghanistan created the mujahedin,
Western intervention in Bosnia appears to have globalised it.

As part of the Dutch government’s inquiry into the Srebrenica massacre
of July 1995, Professor Cees Wiebes of Amsterdam University compiled a
report entitled ‘Intelligence and the War in Bosnia’, published in
April 2002. In it he details the secret alliance between the Pentagon
and radical Islamic groups from the Middle East, and their efforts to
assist Bosnia’s Muslims. By 1993, there was a vast amount of weapons-
smuggling through Croatia to the Muslims, organised by ‘clandestine
agencies’ of the USA, Turkey and Iran, in association with a range of
Islamic groups that included Afghan mujahedin and the pro-Iranian
Hezbollah. Arms bought by Iran and Turkey with the financial backing of
Saudi Arabia were airlifted from the Middle East to Bosnia - airlifts
with which, Wiebes points out, the USA was ‘very closely involved’.

The Pentagon’s secret alliance with Islamic elements allowed mujahedin
fighters to be ‘flown in’, though they were initially reserved as shock
troops for particularly hazardous operations against Serb forces.
According to a report in the Los Angeles Times in October 2001, from
1992 as many as 4,000 volunteers from the Middle East, North Africa and
Europe, ‘known as the mujahedin’, arrived in Bosnia to fight with the
Muslims. Richard Holbrooke, America’s former chief Balkans peace
negotiator, has said that the Bosnian Muslims ‘wouldn’t have survived’
without the help of the mujahedin, though he later admitted that the
arrival of the mujahedin was a ‘pact with the devil’ from which Bosnia
is still recovering.

By the end of the 1990s State Department officials were increasingly
worried about the consequences of this pact. Under the terms of the
1995 Dayton peace accord, the foreign mujahedin units were required to
disband and leave the Balkans. Yet in 2000, the State Department raised
concerns about the ‘hundreds of foreign Islamic extremists’ who became
Bosnian citizens after fighting against the Serbs, and who pose a
potential terror threat to Europe and the United States. US officials
claimed that one of bin Laden’s top lieutenants had sent operatives to
Bosnia, and that during the 1990s Bosnia had served as a ‘staging area
and safe haven’ for al-Qa’eda and others. The Clinton administration
had discovered that it is one thing to permit the movement of Islamic
groups across territories; it is quite another to rein them back in
again.

Indeed, for all the Clinton officials’ concern about Islamic
extremists in the Balkans, they continued to allow the growth and
movement of mujahedin forces in Europe through the 1990s. In the late
1990s, in the run-up to Clinton’s and Blair’s Kosovo war of 1999, the
USA backed the Kosovo Liberation Army against Serbia. According to a
report in the Jerusalem Post in 1998, KLA members, like the Bosnian
Muslims before them, had been ‘provided with financial and military
support from Islamic countries’, and had been ‘bolstered by hundreds of
Iranian fighters or mujahedin ...[some of whom] were trained in Osama
bin Laden’s terrorist camps in Afghanistan’. It seems that, for all its
handwringing, the USA just couldn’t break the pact with the devil.

Why is this aspect of the mujahedin’s development so often overlooked?
Some sensible stuff has been written about al-Qa’eda and its
connections in recent months, but the Bosnia connection has been left
largely unexplored. In Jason Burke’s excellent Al-Qa’eda: Casting a
Shadow of Terror, Bosnia is mentioned only in passing. Kimberley
McCloud and Adam Dolnik of the Monterey Institute of International
Studies have written some incisive commentary calling for rational
thinking when assessing al-Qa’eda’s origins and threat - but again,
investigation of the Bosnia link is notable by its absence.

It would appear that when it comes to Bosnia, many in the West have a
moral blind spot. For some commentators, particularly liberal ones,
Western intervention in Bosnia was a Good Thing - except that,
apparently, there was too little of it, offered too late in the
conflict. Many journalists and writers demanded intervention in Bosnia
and Western support for the Muslims. In many ways, this was their war,
where they played an active role in encouraging further intervention to
enforce ‘peace’ among the former Yugoslavia’s warring factions.
Consequently, they often overlook the downside to this intervention and
its divisive impact on the Balkans. Western intervention in Bosnia, it
would appear, has become an unquestionably positive thing, something
that is beyond interrogation and debate.

Yet a cool analysis of today’s disparate Islamic terror groups,
created in Afghanistan and emboldened by the Bosnian experience, would
do much to shed some light on precisely the dangers of such
intervention.

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---

Postovani,
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA vam nudi sveske BEOGRADSKOG FORUMA ZA SVET
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