Informazione
Agenzia Non Sempre Affidabile
Ecco come la agenzia di stampa dello Stato italiano ti trasforma Hasim
Thaci - il responsabile della epurazione razziale in Kosovo, quello
soprannominato "il serpente" dai suoi compari dell'UCK, quello che
aveva portato con se le bustine di droga a Rambouillet (*) - in un
bravo ragazzo un po' ribelle, poverino ancora vittima delle
persecuzioni di "Milosevic":
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/kosovo.shtml
KOSOVO: ARRESTATO EX LEADET UCK HASHIM THAQI, TV
(ANSA) - TIRANA, 30 GIU - L'ex leader politico dell'Uck, Hashim Thaqi,
e che ohggiu guida il Partito democratico del Kosovo(al governo) e'
stato arrestato oggi a Budapest. Lo ha riferito la Radio televisione
del Kosovo(Rtk).
Secondo la televisione, che cita fonti del Partito democratico a
Pristina, Hashim Thaqi e' stato catturato a Budapest dove si trovava in
transito, diretto in Francia.
Stando alle stesse fonti, Thaqi sarebbe stato tratto in arresto su
richieste delle autorita' di Belgrado che nel 1993 avevano spiccato nei
suoi confronti ordine di cattura internazionale. (ANSA). BLL
30/06/2003 19:15
KOSOVO: THAQI RIMESSO IN LIBERTA', FONTI TIRANA
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - Il leader del Partito democratico del
Kosovo (Pdk) ed ex comandante politico dell'Uck, Hashim Thaqi,
arrestato oggi a Budapest, e' stato rimesso in liberta'. Lo hanno detto
all'Ansa fonti informate a Tirana.
La notizia del rilascio di Hashim Thaqi e' stata successivamente
confermata anche da Jakup Kransiqi, segretario generale del partito.
Secondo fonti politiche a Pristina il rilascio e' avvenuto anche in
seguito all'intervento del governatore Onu del Kosovo, Michail Steiner,
che ha preso personalmente contatti con il ministero degli esteri
dell'Ungheria.
L'arresto di Thaqi era avvenuto sulla base di un ordine di arresto
emesso nel 1993 dalle autorita' di Belgrado con l'accusa di terrorismo,
ma evidentemente il provvedimento restrittivo non era piu' valido.
Thaqi sarebbe gia' in procinto di lasciare Budapest in direzione di
Parigi dove aveva in programma una visita politica di due giorni.
(ANSA).
BLL 30/06/2003 20:11
KOSOVO: HASHIM THAQI, DA GUERRIGLIERO A CAPO POLITICO / ANSA
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - Hashim Thaqi, 34 anni, e' nato a Buroje,
un piccolo villaggio nella valle della Drenica, regione del Kosovo
centrale che e' stata la roccaforte dell'irredentisimo albanese.
Nel 1992 si e' laureato in storia presso la facolta' di Pristina, ma
in quello stesso anno e' fuggito dal Kosovo per rifugiarsi in
Svizzera, dove si e' in seguito laureato in scienze politiche,
specializzandosi in rapporti internazionali. Dal 1993, dopo che le
autorita' di Belgrado lo incriminarono per terrorismo, Thaqi ha
raggiunto il Kosovo solo clandestinamente, diventando poi comandante
politico dell'Esercito di liberazione(Uck). Pupillo di Madeleine
Albright, nel 1999 e' stato capo della delegazione albanese a
Rambouillet dove ha partecipato ai negoziati con Belgrado il cui
fallimento ha provocato l'intervento della Nato contro il regime di
Slobodan Milosevic. Con la fine della guerra e lo scioglimento
dell'Uck, Thaqi ha fondato il Partito dmeocratico del Kosovo (Pdk) in
aperto antagonismo con la Lega democratica del leader moderato
Ibrahim Rugova. Dopo essere stato a capo del governo provvisorio
(1999), oggi Thaqi e' deputato e presidente del secondo piu'
importante partito della provincia. (ANSA) BLL
30/06/2003 20:42
KOSOVO: ARRESTATO PER ERRORE E SCARCERATO EX LEADER UCK/ANSA
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - La storia e il suo passato gli si sono
parati di fronte inattesi, all'aeroporto di Budapest, mentre si
preparava a raggiungere Parigi in visita ufficiale, nei suoi nuovi
abiti di politico e diplomatico. Hashim Thaqi, 34 anni, ex comandante
della guerriglia albanese in Kosovo (Uck) e oggi capo del secondo
piu' importante partito della provincia, e' finito in manette per un
ordine di arresto firmato nel 1993 dalle autorita' di Belgrado che a
quel tempo lo accusavano di terrorismo. Un disguido chiarito in poche
ore, anche grazie all'intervento del governatore Onu della provincia,
Michail Steiner, che ha immediatamente preso contatti con il ministro
degli esteri dell'Ungheria. Secondo fonti di Pristina e'
intervenuto anche il ministero degli esteri francese che aveva
invitato il leader albanese. Thaqi e' stato liberato ed ha potuto
proseguire il suo viaggio per la Francia. L'arresto sarebbe avvenuto
per un errore del computer presso lo scalo di Budapest il cui
database non era stato evidentemente aggiornato. Due anni fa il
leader albanese era stato in Ungheria per un vertice internazionale,
ma trattandosi di una visita di Stato nessuno si curo' di
controllare il suo passaporto. L'imbarazzante errore informatico ha
cosi' riportato alla luce un pezzo della storia del Kosovo che lo
stesso Thaqi sembrava aver dimenticato. Era il 1992, e la provincia
serba a maggioranza albanese viveva sotto il tallone delle milizie di
Slobodan Milosevic che tre anni prima aveva cancellato l'autonomia
per decreto. Thaqi si era appena laureato con il massimo dei voti in
storia, ma gia' covava il sogno dell'indipendenza. La polizia segreta
di Belgrado lo individuo' come uno dei possibili leader di una
resistenza armata che a quei tempi era ancora in embrione, e cosi'
Thaqi fuggi' in Svizzera. Un anno dopo venne incriminato per
terrorismo e nei suoi confronti venne emesso ordine di cattura
internazionale, lo stesso che gli e' stato notificato oggi. Nel 1997
Thaqi sulla base di quelle accuse era stato condannato in contumacia
a dieci anni di reclusione. Rientrato in Kosovo clandestinamente, lo
studente ribelle nato nella famigerata valle della Drenica, culla
dell'irredentismo albanese, ha cominciato a organizzare la lotta
armata che pero' solo nel 1998 ha iniziato a manifestarsi in vera e
propria guerriglia contro le forze serbe. La svolta avvenne in quegli
stessi mesi, quando Thaqi si fece conoscere dai primi diplomatici
statunitensi che fino ad allora avevano definito l'Esercito di
liberazione del Kosovo (Uck) un ''movimento terrorista''. Lui li
convinse che la resistenza passiva del leader moderato Ibrahim Rugova
era destinata a fallire. L'allora segretario di stato Usa Madeleine
Albright credette in lui e lo volle a capo della delegazione albanese
che negozio' la pace con Belgrado a Rambouillet. Per Milosevic quei
negoziati furono un fallimento, per Hashim Thaqi il trionfo: la Nato
dichiaro' guerra a Belgrado e sostenne l'Uck. Il risultato e' il
Kosovo di oggi, ancora sotto protettorato delle Nazioni Unite e della
Nato, con Thaqi che guida il secondo partito politico della provincia
ma che non e' riuscito a strappare quel consenso popolare che
sperava. Ne' l'indipendenza della provincia, che sogna ancora.(ANSA)
BLL
30/06/2003 21:17
(*) Sulla vicenda delle buste piene di droga scoperte nelle valigie
della delegazione UCK a Rambouillet si legga Ennio Remondino, "La
televisione va alla guerra", ed. ERI/RAI.
Ecco come la agenzia di stampa dello Stato italiano ti trasforma Hasim
Thaci - il responsabile della epurazione razziale in Kosovo, quello
soprannominato "il serpente" dai suoi compari dell'UCK, quello che
aveva portato con se le bustine di droga a Rambouillet (*) - in un
bravo ragazzo un po' ribelle, poverino ancora vittima delle
persecuzioni di "Milosevic":
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/kosovo.shtml
KOSOVO: ARRESTATO EX LEADET UCK HASHIM THAQI, TV
(ANSA) - TIRANA, 30 GIU - L'ex leader politico dell'Uck, Hashim Thaqi,
e che ohggiu guida il Partito democratico del Kosovo(al governo) e'
stato arrestato oggi a Budapest. Lo ha riferito la Radio televisione
del Kosovo(Rtk).
Secondo la televisione, che cita fonti del Partito democratico a
Pristina, Hashim Thaqi e' stato catturato a Budapest dove si trovava in
transito, diretto in Francia.
Stando alle stesse fonti, Thaqi sarebbe stato tratto in arresto su
richieste delle autorita' di Belgrado che nel 1993 avevano spiccato nei
suoi confronti ordine di cattura internazionale. (ANSA). BLL
30/06/2003 19:15
KOSOVO: THAQI RIMESSO IN LIBERTA', FONTI TIRANA
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - Il leader del Partito democratico del
Kosovo (Pdk) ed ex comandante politico dell'Uck, Hashim Thaqi,
arrestato oggi a Budapest, e' stato rimesso in liberta'. Lo hanno detto
all'Ansa fonti informate a Tirana.
La notizia del rilascio di Hashim Thaqi e' stata successivamente
confermata anche da Jakup Kransiqi, segretario generale del partito.
Secondo fonti politiche a Pristina il rilascio e' avvenuto anche in
seguito all'intervento del governatore Onu del Kosovo, Michail Steiner,
che ha preso personalmente contatti con il ministero degli esteri
dell'Ungheria.
L'arresto di Thaqi era avvenuto sulla base di un ordine di arresto
emesso nel 1993 dalle autorita' di Belgrado con l'accusa di terrorismo,
ma evidentemente il provvedimento restrittivo non era piu' valido.
Thaqi sarebbe gia' in procinto di lasciare Budapest in direzione di
Parigi dove aveva in programma una visita politica di due giorni.
(ANSA).
BLL 30/06/2003 20:11
KOSOVO: HASHIM THAQI, DA GUERRIGLIERO A CAPO POLITICO / ANSA
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - Hashim Thaqi, 34 anni, e' nato a Buroje,
un piccolo villaggio nella valle della Drenica, regione del Kosovo
centrale che e' stata la roccaforte dell'irredentisimo albanese.
Nel 1992 si e' laureato in storia presso la facolta' di Pristina, ma
in quello stesso anno e' fuggito dal Kosovo per rifugiarsi in
Svizzera, dove si e' in seguito laureato in scienze politiche,
specializzandosi in rapporti internazionali. Dal 1993, dopo che le
autorita' di Belgrado lo incriminarono per terrorismo, Thaqi ha
raggiunto il Kosovo solo clandestinamente, diventando poi comandante
politico dell'Esercito di liberazione(Uck). Pupillo di Madeleine
Albright, nel 1999 e' stato capo della delegazione albanese a
Rambouillet dove ha partecipato ai negoziati con Belgrado il cui
fallimento ha provocato l'intervento della Nato contro il regime di
Slobodan Milosevic. Con la fine della guerra e lo scioglimento
dell'Uck, Thaqi ha fondato il Partito dmeocratico del Kosovo (Pdk) in
aperto antagonismo con la Lega democratica del leader moderato
Ibrahim Rugova. Dopo essere stato a capo del governo provvisorio
(1999), oggi Thaqi e' deputato e presidente del secondo piu'
importante partito della provincia. (ANSA) BLL
30/06/2003 20:42
KOSOVO: ARRESTATO PER ERRORE E SCARCERATO EX LEADER UCK/ANSA
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - La storia e il suo passato gli si sono
parati di fronte inattesi, all'aeroporto di Budapest, mentre si
preparava a raggiungere Parigi in visita ufficiale, nei suoi nuovi
abiti di politico e diplomatico. Hashim Thaqi, 34 anni, ex comandante
della guerriglia albanese in Kosovo (Uck) e oggi capo del secondo
piu' importante partito della provincia, e' finito in manette per un
ordine di arresto firmato nel 1993 dalle autorita' di Belgrado che a
quel tempo lo accusavano di terrorismo. Un disguido chiarito in poche
ore, anche grazie all'intervento del governatore Onu della provincia,
Michail Steiner, che ha immediatamente preso contatti con il ministro
degli esteri dell'Ungheria. Secondo fonti di Pristina e'
intervenuto anche il ministero degli esteri francese che aveva
invitato il leader albanese. Thaqi e' stato liberato ed ha potuto
proseguire il suo viaggio per la Francia. L'arresto sarebbe avvenuto
per un errore del computer presso lo scalo di Budapest il cui
database non era stato evidentemente aggiornato. Due anni fa il
leader albanese era stato in Ungheria per un vertice internazionale,
ma trattandosi di una visita di Stato nessuno si curo' di
controllare il suo passaporto. L'imbarazzante errore informatico ha
cosi' riportato alla luce un pezzo della storia del Kosovo che lo
stesso Thaqi sembrava aver dimenticato. Era il 1992, e la provincia
serba a maggioranza albanese viveva sotto il tallone delle milizie di
Slobodan Milosevic che tre anni prima aveva cancellato l'autonomia
per decreto. Thaqi si era appena laureato con il massimo dei voti in
storia, ma gia' covava il sogno dell'indipendenza. La polizia segreta
di Belgrado lo individuo' come uno dei possibili leader di una
resistenza armata che a quei tempi era ancora in embrione, e cosi'
Thaqi fuggi' in Svizzera. Un anno dopo venne incriminato per
terrorismo e nei suoi confronti venne emesso ordine di cattura
internazionale, lo stesso che gli e' stato notificato oggi. Nel 1997
Thaqi sulla base di quelle accuse era stato condannato in contumacia
a dieci anni di reclusione. Rientrato in Kosovo clandestinamente, lo
studente ribelle nato nella famigerata valle della Drenica, culla
dell'irredentismo albanese, ha cominciato a organizzare la lotta
armata che pero' solo nel 1998 ha iniziato a manifestarsi in vera e
propria guerriglia contro le forze serbe. La svolta avvenne in quegli
stessi mesi, quando Thaqi si fece conoscere dai primi diplomatici
statunitensi che fino ad allora avevano definito l'Esercito di
liberazione del Kosovo (Uck) un ''movimento terrorista''. Lui li
convinse che la resistenza passiva del leader moderato Ibrahim Rugova
era destinata a fallire. L'allora segretario di stato Usa Madeleine
Albright credette in lui e lo volle a capo della delegazione albanese
che negozio' la pace con Belgrado a Rambouillet. Per Milosevic quei
negoziati furono un fallimento, per Hashim Thaqi il trionfo: la Nato
dichiaro' guerra a Belgrado e sostenne l'Uck. Il risultato e' il
Kosovo di oggi, ancora sotto protettorato delle Nazioni Unite e della
Nato, con Thaqi che guida il secondo partito politico della provincia
ma che non e' riuscito a strappare quel consenso popolare che
sperava. Ne' l'indipendenza della provincia, che sogna ancora.(ANSA)
BLL
30/06/2003 21:17
(*) Sulla vicenda delle buste piene di droga scoperte nelle valigie
della delegazione UCK a Rambouillet si legga Ennio Remondino, "La
televisione va alla guerra", ed. ERI/RAI.
E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq!
E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq???
1. COMUNICATI STAMPA dalla newsletter di "Un Ponte per...":
* IRAQ: aiuti umanitari e affari
* IRAQ: Da settembre a Baghdad osservatorio internazionale
sull’occupazione militare
2. Nell'Iraq invaso UN DESERTO CHIAMATO PACE
Il nuovo video di Fulvio Grimaldi... Ed il link alle corrispondenze da
Bagdad censurate da "Liberazione"
3. IAC / International ANSWER - Call to Action
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25
INTERNATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC
- Bring the troops home now
- End the occupation of Iraq
- Money for jobs, education & healthcare - Not war
LINKS:
*** The looters of Iraq:
Names and surnames of the looters of the Iraqi cultural heritage
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2457
The Looting of Iraq
http://english.pravda.ru/printed.html?news_id=9834
How and why the US encouraged looting in Iraq (by Patrick Martin)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/iraq-a15_prn.shtml
*** Some more links:
Analysis: Kosovo's Iraqi lessons - I (by Sam Vaknin)
http://www.upi.com/print.cfm?StoryID=20030410-055943-8531r
Analysis: Kosovo's Iraqi lessons - II (by Sam Vaknin)
http://www.upi.com/print.cfm?StoryID=20030410-060126-7086r
The stage-managed events in Baghdad's Firdos Square:
image-making, lies and the "liberation" of Iraq (by Patrick Martin)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/fird-a12_prn.shtml
Killing the "Unembedded Truth" (by Michel Chossudovsky)
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO304B.html
Biblical Vengeance in the 21st Century (by John Stanton)
http://english.pravda.ru/printed.html?news_id=9574
Chinese Paper Sees Media Manipulation in Iraq War
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200304/07/print20030407_114710.html
Arab News War: Western Journalists Beaten, Starved by Americans (by
Essam Al-Ghalib)
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/GHA304A.html
Washington's colonial regime in waiting for Baghdad (by Peter Symonds)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/iraq-a07_prn.shtml
Who Are the Real Criminals?
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200304/09/print20030409_114824.html
A Report on United States War Crimes Against Iraq (by Ramsey Clark -
1992)
http://www.deoxy.org/wc/wc-toc.htm
American "free press" in action (by Henry Michaels)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/med-a15_prn.shtml
The Attack on Iraq from the Perspective of a Serbian Woman
(english+deutsch)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2482
=== 1 ===
Dalla lista: <This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.>
Per contatti: <posta@...>
COMUNICATO STAMPA
Iraq: aiuti umanitari e affari
Dichiarazione di Fabio Alberti, presidente del "Tavolo di solidarietà
con le popolazioni dell'Iraq"
"Che l'Italia, dopo aver sostenuto la distruzione dell'Iraq, sostenga
un intervento umanitario è il minimo che si possa pretendere. Si
tratterebbe di un risarcimento per il danno
arrecato. Ma un minimo di buon gusto avrebbe voluto che ci si astenesse
dall'inviare altri militari che si aggiungeranno alle già numerose
truppe di occupazione e che si demandasse alle
Nazioni Unite il compito di distribuire gli aiuti.
Non è bello che chi divide la responsabilità di tante vittime si faccia
poi bello del soccorso portato agli scampati.
Invece ci sembra che il Governo italiano stia mettendo in atto un
intervento abborracciato, fuori dal coordinamento Onu e politicamente
finalizzato.
Non sono i militari a servire da protezione agli aiuti, ma sono
piuttosto gli aiuti a servire da copertura all'invio di truppe che
serviranno per sedersi al tavolo su cui si spartiranno i lucrosi
contratti della ricostruzione.
Come Tavolo di solidarietà con le popolazioni dell'Iraq, ci uniamo alla
richiesta di gran parte delle ONG a livello mondiale chiedendo che gli
interventi umanitari non siano gestiti dagli eserciti e dalle nazioni
belligeranti, ma dalle Nazioni Unite. Ci opponiamo all'invio dei
militari.
Chiediamo che tutti i fondi stanziati siano inviati alle agenzie Onu e
alla Croce Rossa e che l'Italia si astenga da ogni intervento diretto. "
(16/4/2003)
COMUNICATO STAMPA
IRAQ: Da settembre a Baghdad osservatorio internazionale
sull’occupazione militare
"Occupation Watch", un osservatorio internazionale sull’occupazione
militare sarà attivo, a partire da settembre, a Baghdad per denunciare
le violazioni dei diritti umani da parte delle forze occupanti,
monitorare la ricostruzione, l’utilizzo del petrolio, il comportamento
delle aziende straniere, il processo democratico in Iraq.
Lo hanno annunciato nella capitale irachena un gruppo di organizzazioni
pacifiste internazionali, tra cui l'italiana "Un Ponte per ..."
Fra i compiti specifici dell’osservatorio, la denuncia dei
comportamenti illegittimi dei militari, degli arresti e delle
detenzioni arbitrarie, dell'uso della forza non necessaria.
Esso dovrà inoltre monitorare gli appalti e i contratti per la
ricostruzione fino ad oggi assegnati tutti a multinazionali
statunitensi "senza gara di appalto e senza trasparenza", come è stato
denunciato da Medea Benjamin di "United for Peace and Justice", una
coalizione di 600 associazioni e comitati pacifisti americani.
"Sinora le forze occupanti – ha affermato Ted Lewis di Global Exchange,
organizzazione di San Francisco - non hanno rispettato gli obblighi
internazionali di assicurare cibo e servizi essenziali alla
popolazione. Non possiamo credere che un paese che ha una tecnologia
così avanzata, che può permettersi di spendere 500 miliardi di dollari
all'anno in armamenti, non sia in grado di riattivare l’energia
elettrica in due mesi"
Per l’associazione "Un Ponte per .... che è tra i promotori
dell’osservatorio, Fabio Alberti ha affermato che: "le forze di
occupazione agiscono in una paese apertamente ostile non tanto perchè
la popolazione ha nostalgia del passato regime , che nessuno rimpiange,
ma quanto perché ogni giorno che passa gli intenti dell'occupazione
militare - il controllo del petrolio e di un area strategica, gli
affari della ricostruzione - appaiono più evidenti".
Nei giorni scorsi il "Tavolo di solidarietà con le popolazioni
dell'Iraq" presieduto da Alberti ha lanciato una petizione popolare per
il ritiro immediato delle truppe italiane.
"L’osservatorio – ha continuato Alberti – avrà grande attenzione nel
monitorare i contratti di subappalto a cui aspirano centinaia di
aziende italiane e degli altri paesi occupanti quali Gran Bretagna e
Polonia".
"Occupation Watch", basato esclusivamente sul volontariato e totalmente
finanziato da associazioni pacifiste, sarà frutto del lavoro di un
gruppo di ricercatori internazionali (tra cui un italiano) e iracheni
che opereranno a Baghdad. I risultati delle ricerche saranno pubblicati
su un sito dedicato.
Roma, 10 luglio 2003
=== 2 ===
Fulvio Grimaldi
nell'Iraq invaso un deserto chiamato pace
Il nuovo video che documenta l'aggressione angloamericana e la
resistenza irachena. Una verità negata dall'informazione ufficiale.
Insieme a Chi vivrà...IRAQ! , il video che illustra vita, storia,
cultura, società dell'Iraq prima dell'invasione, in un'unica cassetta.
Per ordinazioni e presentazioni con l'autore:
e-mail visionando@... tel/fax 06 5896991.
Alla fine di aprile sarà disponibile, al costo di 17 euro, il nuovo
video di FULVIO GRIMALDI
"UN DESERTO CHIAMATO PACE"
Si tratta di un documentario di 45 minuti che testimonia l'invasione e
la resistenza ed è stato messo in testa a "Chi vivrà...IRAQ" (50
minuti), il video che, unico in Italia, illustra la storia, la
cultura, la società dell'Iraq senza pregiudizi, stereotipi, categorie
prefabbricate, eminentemente dal punto di vista negato, quello del
popolo iracheno.
Anche le "lettere dall'Iraq" di Fulvio Grimaldi, censurate da
Liberazione, sono presenti nel "Diario di guerra" che il sito
provinciale della federazione di Savona espone in home page.
L'url è: http://www.rifondazione.it/savona/pigudi00.html
=== 3 ===
Da: <ActionCenter.balkan@...> (Action Center)
Data: Ven 11 Lug 2003 04:22:00 Europe/Rome
A: <ActionCenter.balkan@...>
Oggetto: [IAC]Oct. 25: March on Washington DC
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25
INTERNATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC
CALL TO ACTION
MASS MARCH ON WASHINGTON TO SAY:
- Bring the troops home now
- End the occupation of Iraq
- Money for jobs, education & healthcare - Not war
To ENDORSE the October 25 International March on Washington, fill out
the easy-to-use form at
http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/o25/index.html#endo
The people in Iraq want the U.S. occupation to end. The U.S. soldiers
in Iraq want to come home. On Saturday, October 25, tens of thousands
of people in the U.S., joined by delegations from countries around the
world, will go back into the streets to demand End the Occupation,
Bring the Troops Home Now! Under the banner, "The World Unites Against
U.S. Militarism," the demonstration, marching from the Justice
Department to the White House to the Pentagon, will also demand an end
to the looting and destruction of social programs by the Bush
Administration.
The Bush Administration lied to the people, to the Congress, and to the
United Nations as it raced to wage war against Iraq. The Bush
administration is now carrying out a cover up of its lies and
deceptions.
Every day, people are dying as a consequence of this illegal
occupation. Every day human misery expands in the drive for world
Empire and corporate globalization. Every day, vital social programs
that serve and protect working people in the U.S. are being destroyed
as the Bush administration cynically manipulates the slogan of the "war
on terrorism" to carry out the social transfer of wealth from the
bottom to the top. It has served as a public relations ploy for their
Robin-Hood-in-reverse politics. Stopping Bush's war abroad and his war
at home is a matter of life and death. None of us has the luxury of
waiting. The time to act is now.
Tens of thousands of Iraqis and hundreds of U.S. GIs have been killed
and maimed. As the anger of the Iraqi people will inevitably grow, the
body count on both sides will sharply increase.
As the anti-war movement predicted, the Iraqi people view U.S. forces
as colonial occupiers, not liberators. U.S. troops, frightened by the
hostile environment and encouraged by the racist climate created by the
military brass, are killing and being killed in a war that serves only
the interests of U.S. oil monopolies and corporate elites - George W.
Bush's real constituents. U.S. soldiers and their families are now
realizing that high government officials, mostly millionaires who
shuttle between corporate boardrooms and government posts, are using
U.S. troops as a private security detachment for Corporate America's
plunder of Iraq's oil riches.
The October 25 International March on Washington will include
delegations invited from countries around the world whose banners will
represent resistance to the threat posed by the Bush Administration's
hyper-aggressive "preemptive war" strategy. The Bush Administration
has also just won approval from Congress to proceed with the creation
of a new generation of tactical nuclear weapons explicitly designed to
be used in the Third World in coming conflicts. The march will demand
an immediate end to this new nuclear arms race.
As we continue the movement in opposition to the occupation of Iraq, we
must also oppose the daily threats against the people of Palestine,
Afghanistan, Iran, Korea, Cuba, the Philippines, Colombia, Liberia,
Zimbabwe, and all others that are targets of the Bush administration.
The demonstration will be followed on October 26 by an assembly with
international delegates from the global anti-war movement to assess and
strategize challenging the Bush Administration's war drive and the
component assault on civil rights and civil liberties taking place in
many countries under the cloak of "national security" laws, including
the Patriot Act in the U.S.
THE WAR AT HOME
The Bush administration will spend $2.7 trillion in a vast expansion of
the U.S. military-industrial apparatus, while eliminating or severely
cutting taxes for Corporate America and the one percent of the richest
part of the United States population to the tune of $1 trillion. The
administration is pursuing a calculated strategy to create a fiscal
crisis inside the United States so that lawmakers will be compelled to
cut or eliminate social programs for which there will no longer be
funds.
Pentagon officials now admit that they intend for the U.S. to maintain
at least 150,000 troops in Iraq for the "foreseeable future," while the
cost of the U.S. war in and occupation of Iraq is nearly $4 billion a
month, a "burn rate" that will also continue.
The government of the richest country in human history is spending more
for war than any government in human history and has its troops
stationed in more than 750 military installations and bases located in
more than 130 countries all over the world. This is the means by which
the Bush administration, the Pentagon and Corporate America are
advancing the goal of Empire.
The rapid expansion of U.S. militarism under the Bush administration is
not only a threat to the people of the world, it is a calculated
assault on the standard of living and rights of working people. Bush,
Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz have a plan to destroy every social reform
that has been achieved since the 1930s. What are they seeking to
destroy or privatize? Social security, medicare, medicaid, public
education, affirmative action, civil rights, women's rights,
reproductive health, l/g/b/t rights, environmental protections, and any
other programs or social rights that are perceived as either a
restriction on corporate power and profits or are a focus of attack by
the ultra-right's political program. Under the Bush Administration, the
war at home has also meant a rise in attacks against communities of
color. Police brutality against the African American and Latino
communities in particular have escalated, from New York City to Ohio
and across the country.
The October 25-26 weekend is also the second anniversary of the signing
of the so-called Patriot Act authorizing political arrests, indefinite
detentions and domestic spying. As the Bush administration - which only
came to power due to massive racist disenfranchisement and voting fraud
-- violates international law it has been systematically engaged in a
campaign of division and repression in the United States including a
wholesale assault on the Bill of Rights, institutionalization of racial
profiling, and aggregation of near dictatorial powers to the Executive
branch. The demonstration will be a political challenge to the attack
on civil rights and civil liberties and the expansion of the system of
repression in the U.S. and in countries around the world which have
also adopted new repressive National Security laws.
The people of the world went into the streets unparalleled global
mobilizations before the war started. On October 25, we will go into
the streets again. The anti-war, civil rights and social justice
movement, whose ranks are being joined in ever increasing numbers by
the family members of military personnel and U.S. veterans, can create
the effective political force that will end the occupation of Iraq and
bring the troops home immediately. It was only the people's movement
that ended the invasion and occupation of Vietnam and it will be the
global people's anti-war movement that will help end the U.S.
occupation of Iraq.
To ENDORSE the October 25 International March on Washington, fill out
the easy-to-use form at
http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/o25/index.html#endo
***************
The A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition was formed in the days after September 11 by
progressive organizations and people in the United States who
recognized the need to take immediate action in response to the Bush
administration's headlong rush to war and the racist attacks against
the Arab and Muslim communities in the U.S. The Coalition organized the
first national demonstration against war and racism following September
11 on September 29, 2001, which brought 25,000 people into the streets
of Washington DC and 15,000 in San Francisco. The Coalition has worked
to build an anti-racist, peace and social justice movement, including
mass mobilizations on April 20, 2002 (in support of justice for
Palestine) and October 26, 2002 (the first demonstration in opposition
to the war drive against Iraq), and the first global day of action
against the war in Iraq, January 18, 2003, when millions of people
around the world took part in simultaneous demonstrations, including a
half a million people in Washington DC. The Coalition coinued to
organize mass demonstrations in February and March and began the
campaign against U.S. occupation of Iraq in April, 2003.
Its national steering committee represents major national organizations
that have campaigned against U.S. militarism and intervention in Latin
America, the Caribbean, the Middle East and Asia, and organizations
that work towards social and economic justice and civil rights for
people inside the United States.
-------------------------------------
FOR MORE INFORMATION:
http://www.InternationalANSWER.org
http://www.VoteNoWar.org
info@...
New York 212-633-6646
Washington 202-544-3389
Los Angeles 213-487-2368
San Francisco 415-821-6545
To make a tax-deductible donation, go to
http://www.internationalanswer.org/donate.html
Sign up to receive updates (low volume):
http://www.internationalanswer.org/subscribelist.html
------------------
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This is the IAC announcement
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E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq???
1. COMUNICATI STAMPA dalla newsletter di "Un Ponte per...":
* IRAQ: aiuti umanitari e affari
* IRAQ: Da settembre a Baghdad osservatorio internazionale
sull’occupazione militare
2. Nell'Iraq invaso UN DESERTO CHIAMATO PACE
Il nuovo video di Fulvio Grimaldi... Ed il link alle corrispondenze da
Bagdad censurate da "Liberazione"
3. IAC / International ANSWER - Call to Action
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25
INTERNATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC
- Bring the troops home now
- End the occupation of Iraq
- Money for jobs, education & healthcare - Not war
LINKS:
*** The looters of Iraq:
Names and surnames of the looters of the Iraqi cultural heritage
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2457
The Looting of Iraq
http://english.pravda.ru/printed.html?news_id=9834
How and why the US encouraged looting in Iraq (by Patrick Martin)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/iraq-a15_prn.shtml
*** Some more links:
Analysis: Kosovo's Iraqi lessons - I (by Sam Vaknin)
http://www.upi.com/print.cfm?StoryID=20030410-055943-8531r
Analysis: Kosovo's Iraqi lessons - II (by Sam Vaknin)
http://www.upi.com/print.cfm?StoryID=20030410-060126-7086r
The stage-managed events in Baghdad's Firdos Square:
image-making, lies and the "liberation" of Iraq (by Patrick Martin)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/fird-a12_prn.shtml
Killing the "Unembedded Truth" (by Michel Chossudovsky)
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO304B.html
Biblical Vengeance in the 21st Century (by John Stanton)
http://english.pravda.ru/printed.html?news_id=9574
Chinese Paper Sees Media Manipulation in Iraq War
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200304/07/print20030407_114710.html
Arab News War: Western Journalists Beaten, Starved by Americans (by
Essam Al-Ghalib)
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/GHA304A.html
Washington's colonial regime in waiting for Baghdad (by Peter Symonds)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/iraq-a07_prn.shtml
Who Are the Real Criminals?
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200304/09/print20030409_114824.html
A Report on United States War Crimes Against Iraq (by Ramsey Clark -
1992)
http://www.deoxy.org/wc/wc-toc.htm
American "free press" in action (by Henry Michaels)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/med-a15_prn.shtml
The Attack on Iraq from the Perspective of a Serbian Woman
(english+deutsch)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2482
=== 1 ===
Dalla lista: <This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.>
Per contatti: <posta@...>
COMUNICATO STAMPA
Iraq: aiuti umanitari e affari
Dichiarazione di Fabio Alberti, presidente del "Tavolo di solidarietà
con le popolazioni dell'Iraq"
"Che l'Italia, dopo aver sostenuto la distruzione dell'Iraq, sostenga
un intervento umanitario è il minimo che si possa pretendere. Si
tratterebbe di un risarcimento per il danno
arrecato. Ma un minimo di buon gusto avrebbe voluto che ci si astenesse
dall'inviare altri militari che si aggiungeranno alle già numerose
truppe di occupazione e che si demandasse alle
Nazioni Unite il compito di distribuire gli aiuti.
Non è bello che chi divide la responsabilità di tante vittime si faccia
poi bello del soccorso portato agli scampati.
Invece ci sembra che il Governo italiano stia mettendo in atto un
intervento abborracciato, fuori dal coordinamento Onu e politicamente
finalizzato.
Non sono i militari a servire da protezione agli aiuti, ma sono
piuttosto gli aiuti a servire da copertura all'invio di truppe che
serviranno per sedersi al tavolo su cui si spartiranno i lucrosi
contratti della ricostruzione.
Come Tavolo di solidarietà con le popolazioni dell'Iraq, ci uniamo alla
richiesta di gran parte delle ONG a livello mondiale chiedendo che gli
interventi umanitari non siano gestiti dagli eserciti e dalle nazioni
belligeranti, ma dalle Nazioni Unite. Ci opponiamo all'invio dei
militari.
Chiediamo che tutti i fondi stanziati siano inviati alle agenzie Onu e
alla Croce Rossa e che l'Italia si astenga da ogni intervento diretto. "
(16/4/2003)
COMUNICATO STAMPA
IRAQ: Da settembre a Baghdad osservatorio internazionale
sull’occupazione militare
"Occupation Watch", un osservatorio internazionale sull’occupazione
militare sarà attivo, a partire da settembre, a Baghdad per denunciare
le violazioni dei diritti umani da parte delle forze occupanti,
monitorare la ricostruzione, l’utilizzo del petrolio, il comportamento
delle aziende straniere, il processo democratico in Iraq.
Lo hanno annunciato nella capitale irachena un gruppo di organizzazioni
pacifiste internazionali, tra cui l'italiana "Un Ponte per ..."
Fra i compiti specifici dell’osservatorio, la denuncia dei
comportamenti illegittimi dei militari, degli arresti e delle
detenzioni arbitrarie, dell'uso della forza non necessaria.
Esso dovrà inoltre monitorare gli appalti e i contratti per la
ricostruzione fino ad oggi assegnati tutti a multinazionali
statunitensi "senza gara di appalto e senza trasparenza", come è stato
denunciato da Medea Benjamin di "United for Peace and Justice", una
coalizione di 600 associazioni e comitati pacifisti americani.
"Sinora le forze occupanti – ha affermato Ted Lewis di Global Exchange,
organizzazione di San Francisco - non hanno rispettato gli obblighi
internazionali di assicurare cibo e servizi essenziali alla
popolazione. Non possiamo credere che un paese che ha una tecnologia
così avanzata, che può permettersi di spendere 500 miliardi di dollari
all'anno in armamenti, non sia in grado di riattivare l’energia
elettrica in due mesi"
Per l’associazione "Un Ponte per .... che è tra i promotori
dell’osservatorio, Fabio Alberti ha affermato che: "le forze di
occupazione agiscono in una paese apertamente ostile non tanto perchè
la popolazione ha nostalgia del passato regime , che nessuno rimpiange,
ma quanto perché ogni giorno che passa gli intenti dell'occupazione
militare - il controllo del petrolio e di un area strategica, gli
affari della ricostruzione - appaiono più evidenti".
Nei giorni scorsi il "Tavolo di solidarietà con le popolazioni
dell'Iraq" presieduto da Alberti ha lanciato una petizione popolare per
il ritiro immediato delle truppe italiane.
"L’osservatorio – ha continuato Alberti – avrà grande attenzione nel
monitorare i contratti di subappalto a cui aspirano centinaia di
aziende italiane e degli altri paesi occupanti quali Gran Bretagna e
Polonia".
"Occupation Watch", basato esclusivamente sul volontariato e totalmente
finanziato da associazioni pacifiste, sarà frutto del lavoro di un
gruppo di ricercatori internazionali (tra cui un italiano) e iracheni
che opereranno a Baghdad. I risultati delle ricerche saranno pubblicati
su un sito dedicato.
Roma, 10 luglio 2003
=== 2 ===
Fulvio Grimaldi
nell'Iraq invaso un deserto chiamato pace
Il nuovo video che documenta l'aggressione angloamericana e la
resistenza irachena. Una verità negata dall'informazione ufficiale.
Insieme a Chi vivrà...IRAQ! , il video che illustra vita, storia,
cultura, società dell'Iraq prima dell'invasione, in un'unica cassetta.
Per ordinazioni e presentazioni con l'autore:
e-mail visionando@... tel/fax 06 5896991.
Alla fine di aprile sarà disponibile, al costo di 17 euro, il nuovo
video di FULVIO GRIMALDI
"UN DESERTO CHIAMATO PACE"
Si tratta di un documentario di 45 minuti che testimonia l'invasione e
la resistenza ed è stato messo in testa a "Chi vivrà...IRAQ" (50
minuti), il video che, unico in Italia, illustra la storia, la
cultura, la società dell'Iraq senza pregiudizi, stereotipi, categorie
prefabbricate, eminentemente dal punto di vista negato, quello del
popolo iracheno.
Anche le "lettere dall'Iraq" di Fulvio Grimaldi, censurate da
Liberazione, sono presenti nel "Diario di guerra" che il sito
provinciale della federazione di Savona espone in home page.
L'url è: http://www.rifondazione.it/savona/pigudi00.html
=== 3 ===
Da: <ActionCenter.balkan@...> (Action Center)
Data: Ven 11 Lug 2003 04:22:00 Europe/Rome
A: <ActionCenter.balkan@...>
Oggetto: [IAC]Oct. 25: March on Washington DC
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25
INTERNATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC
CALL TO ACTION
MASS MARCH ON WASHINGTON TO SAY:
- Bring the troops home now
- End the occupation of Iraq
- Money for jobs, education & healthcare - Not war
To ENDORSE the October 25 International March on Washington, fill out
the easy-to-use form at
http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/o25/index.html#endo
The people in Iraq want the U.S. occupation to end. The U.S. soldiers
in Iraq want to come home. On Saturday, October 25, tens of thousands
of people in the U.S., joined by delegations from countries around the
world, will go back into the streets to demand End the Occupation,
Bring the Troops Home Now! Under the banner, "The World Unites Against
U.S. Militarism," the demonstration, marching from the Justice
Department to the White House to the Pentagon, will also demand an end
to the looting and destruction of social programs by the Bush
Administration.
The Bush Administration lied to the people, to the Congress, and to the
United Nations as it raced to wage war against Iraq. The Bush
administration is now carrying out a cover up of its lies and
deceptions.
Every day, people are dying as a consequence of this illegal
occupation. Every day human misery expands in the drive for world
Empire and corporate globalization. Every day, vital social programs
that serve and protect working people in the U.S. are being destroyed
as the Bush administration cynically manipulates the slogan of the "war
on terrorism" to carry out the social transfer of wealth from the
bottom to the top. It has served as a public relations ploy for their
Robin-Hood-in-reverse politics. Stopping Bush's war abroad and his war
at home is a matter of life and death. None of us has the luxury of
waiting. The time to act is now.
Tens of thousands of Iraqis and hundreds of U.S. GIs have been killed
and maimed. As the anger of the Iraqi people will inevitably grow, the
body count on both sides will sharply increase.
As the anti-war movement predicted, the Iraqi people view U.S. forces
as colonial occupiers, not liberators. U.S. troops, frightened by the
hostile environment and encouraged by the racist climate created by the
military brass, are killing and being killed in a war that serves only
the interests of U.S. oil monopolies and corporate elites - George W.
Bush's real constituents. U.S. soldiers and their families are now
realizing that high government officials, mostly millionaires who
shuttle between corporate boardrooms and government posts, are using
U.S. troops as a private security detachment for Corporate America's
plunder of Iraq's oil riches.
The October 25 International March on Washington will include
delegations invited from countries around the world whose banners will
represent resistance to the threat posed by the Bush Administration's
hyper-aggressive "preemptive war" strategy. The Bush Administration
has also just won approval from Congress to proceed with the creation
of a new generation of tactical nuclear weapons explicitly designed to
be used in the Third World in coming conflicts. The march will demand
an immediate end to this new nuclear arms race.
As we continue the movement in opposition to the occupation of Iraq, we
must also oppose the daily threats against the people of Palestine,
Afghanistan, Iran, Korea, Cuba, the Philippines, Colombia, Liberia,
Zimbabwe, and all others that are targets of the Bush administration.
The demonstration will be followed on October 26 by an assembly with
international delegates from the global anti-war movement to assess and
strategize challenging the Bush Administration's war drive and the
component assault on civil rights and civil liberties taking place in
many countries under the cloak of "national security" laws, including
the Patriot Act in the U.S.
THE WAR AT HOME
The Bush administration will spend $2.7 trillion in a vast expansion of
the U.S. military-industrial apparatus, while eliminating or severely
cutting taxes for Corporate America and the one percent of the richest
part of the United States population to the tune of $1 trillion. The
administration is pursuing a calculated strategy to create a fiscal
crisis inside the United States so that lawmakers will be compelled to
cut or eliminate social programs for which there will no longer be
funds.
Pentagon officials now admit that they intend for the U.S. to maintain
at least 150,000 troops in Iraq for the "foreseeable future," while the
cost of the U.S. war in and occupation of Iraq is nearly $4 billion a
month, a "burn rate" that will also continue.
The government of the richest country in human history is spending more
for war than any government in human history and has its troops
stationed in more than 750 military installations and bases located in
more than 130 countries all over the world. This is the means by which
the Bush administration, the Pentagon and Corporate America are
advancing the goal of Empire.
The rapid expansion of U.S. militarism under the Bush administration is
not only a threat to the people of the world, it is a calculated
assault on the standard of living and rights of working people. Bush,
Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz have a plan to destroy every social reform
that has been achieved since the 1930s. What are they seeking to
destroy or privatize? Social security, medicare, medicaid, public
education, affirmative action, civil rights, women's rights,
reproductive health, l/g/b/t rights, environmental protections, and any
other programs or social rights that are perceived as either a
restriction on corporate power and profits or are a focus of attack by
the ultra-right's political program. Under the Bush Administration, the
war at home has also meant a rise in attacks against communities of
color. Police brutality against the African American and Latino
communities in particular have escalated, from New York City to Ohio
and across the country.
The October 25-26 weekend is also the second anniversary of the signing
of the so-called Patriot Act authorizing political arrests, indefinite
detentions and domestic spying. As the Bush administration - which only
came to power due to massive racist disenfranchisement and voting fraud
-- violates international law it has been systematically engaged in a
campaign of division and repression in the United States including a
wholesale assault on the Bill of Rights, institutionalization of racial
profiling, and aggregation of near dictatorial powers to the Executive
branch. The demonstration will be a political challenge to the attack
on civil rights and civil liberties and the expansion of the system of
repression in the U.S. and in countries around the world which have
also adopted new repressive National Security laws.
The people of the world went into the streets unparalleled global
mobilizations before the war started. On October 25, we will go into
the streets again. The anti-war, civil rights and social justice
movement, whose ranks are being joined in ever increasing numbers by
the family members of military personnel and U.S. veterans, can create
the effective political force that will end the occupation of Iraq and
bring the troops home immediately. It was only the people's movement
that ended the invasion and occupation of Vietnam and it will be the
global people's anti-war movement that will help end the U.S.
occupation of Iraq.
To ENDORSE the October 25 International March on Washington, fill out
the easy-to-use form at
http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/o25/index.html#endo
***************
The A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition was formed in the days after September 11 by
progressive organizations and people in the United States who
recognized the need to take immediate action in response to the Bush
administration's headlong rush to war and the racist attacks against
the Arab and Muslim communities in the U.S. The Coalition organized the
first national demonstration against war and racism following September
11 on September 29, 2001, which brought 25,000 people into the streets
of Washington DC and 15,000 in San Francisco. The Coalition has worked
to build an anti-racist, peace and social justice movement, including
mass mobilizations on April 20, 2002 (in support of justice for
Palestine) and October 26, 2002 (the first demonstration in opposition
to the war drive against Iraq), and the first global day of action
against the war in Iraq, January 18, 2003, when millions of people
around the world took part in simultaneous demonstrations, including a
half a million people in Washington DC. The Coalition coinued to
organize mass demonstrations in February and March and began the
campaign against U.S. occupation of Iraq in April, 2003.
Its national steering committee represents major national organizations
that have campaigned against U.S. militarism and intervention in Latin
America, the Caribbean, the Middle East and Asia, and organizations
that work towards social and economic justice and civil rights for
people inside the United States.
-------------------------------------
FOR MORE INFORMATION:
http://www.InternationalANSWER.org
http://www.VoteNoWar.org
info@...
New York 212-633-6646
Washington 202-544-3389
Los Angeles 213-487-2368
San Francisco 415-821-6545
To make a tax-deductible donation, go to
http://www.internationalanswer.org/donate.html
Sign up to receive updates (low volume):
http://www.internationalanswer.org/subscribelist.html
------------------
Send replies to iacenter@...
This is the IAC announcement
list. Anyone can subscribe by sending any message to
<ActionCenter.balkan-subscribe@...>
To unsubscribe <ActionCenter.balkan-off@...>
We will never give up asking for
JUSTICE FOR YUGOSLAVIA !
1. How the battle lies were drawn (Neil Clark)
The current furor in Britain over Iraq's missing WMD has a precedent in
the Blair administration's justifications for war against Yugoslavia...
2. Kosovo Déjà Vu (James Bovard)
As the world looks on at the growing mess in postwar Iraq, it is time
to recall the U.S. government’s bombing campaign against Serbia.
There are many similarities to the recent campaign in Iraq...
MORE LINKS:
March 24, 1999: NATO's Humanitarian Trigger
(by Diana Johnstone)
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/Kosovo/Kosovo-controversies16.html
The Rational Destruction of Yugoslavia
(by Michael Parenti)
http://www.michaelparenti.org/yugoslavia.html
VERY IMPORTANT WEB PAGES
ABOUT THE 1999 NATO DESTRUCTION OF YUGOSLAVIA:
http://otan99.chiffonrouge.org
les deux volumes du livre blanc des crimes de l’OTAN en Yougoslavie
1999
http://www.justiceyugoslavia.org
http://www.sramota.com/nato
two summaries of NATO destructions, with many photos
=== 1 ===
http://www.infowar-monitor.net/
modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=356&mode=thread&order=
0&thold=0
The current furor in Britain over Iraq's missing WMD has a precedent in
the Blair administration's justifications for war against Yugoslavia,
argues Neil Clark in The Spectator.
From The Spectator
http://www.spectator.co.uk/
article.php3?table=old§ion=current&issue=2003-
06-14&id=3195
The Spectator
June 14, 2003
How the battle lies were drawn
Neil Clark
The WMDs haven’t turned up. In 1999 there was no genocide in Kosovo.
But, says Neil Clark, Tony Blair has never allowed the facts to get in
the way of a good war.
If you ever get to Belgrade Zoo, don’t miss the snake house. There, in
nicely heated tanks, you will see two rather fearsome-looking pythons,
one named Warren and the
other Madeleine. The names of Bill Clinton’s secretaries of state —
Warren Christopher and Madeleine Albright — will not be forgotten
quickly in the capital of the former Yugoslavia. Seeing the two pythons
slithering in their tanks reminded me
of the murderous foreign policy of the Clinton administration and the
enthusiastic support it received from New Labour.
For amid the present furore over the no-show of Iraqi WMDs, let us
remember that in Kosovo our humanitarian Prime Minister dragged this
country into an illegal, US- sponsored war on grounds which later
proved to be fraudulent. In 2003 Tony’s Big Whopper was that Saddam’s
WMDs ‘could be activated within 45 minutes’.
In 1999 it was that Slobodan Milosevic’s Yugoslavia was ‘set on a
Hitler-style genocide equivalent to the extermination of the Jews
during World War Two’.
Clare Short now complains that the Prime Minister ‘duped’ the public
over the non-existent Iraqi threat.
But four years ago, Short and her fellow Cabinet resigner Robin Cook
were enthusiastic collaborators in Blair’s equally squalid campaign to
‘dupe’ the British public over Kosovo. Cook’s role in the war on
Yugoslavia was described by the late
Auberon Waugh as a ‘national disgrace’.
A closer examination of the part played by the former foreign secretary
in the military conflict makes you wonder why he too did not end up
commemorated in a Belgrade snake house.
Consider his role in the farcical ‘peace negotiations’ at Rambouillet —
the successful conclusion of which Washington and London desired as
much as they wanted Hans Blix’s weapons inspectors to be able to
complete their mission in Iraq.
Cook claimed that ‘the reason they [the Serbs] refused to agree to the
peace process was that they were not willing to agree to the autonomy
of Kosovo, or for that autonomy to be guaranteed by an international
military presence at all’.
In fact, the Yugoslavs had by February 1999 already agreed to most of
the autonomy proposals and had assented to a UN (but not Nato)
peacekeeping team entering Kosovo.
It was the unwelcome prospect of Milosevic signing up to a peace deal
and thereby depriving the US of its casus belli that caused Secretary
of State Albright, with the connivance of Cook, to insert new terms
into the Rambouillet accord purposely designed to be rejected by
Belgrade.
Appendix B to chapter seven of the document provided not only for the
Nato occupation of Kosovo, but also for ‘unrestricted access’ for Nato
aircraft, tanks and troops throughout Yugoslavia. The full text of the
Rambouillet document was kept secret from the public and came to light
only when published in Le Monde Diplomatique on 17 April. By this
time, the war was almost a month old and the asting of Milosevic as
the ‘aggressor’ had lready successfully been achieved.
The Kosovan war was, we were repeatedly old, fought ‘to stop a
humanitarian catastrophe’. ‘It is no exaggeration to say that what is
happening is racial genocide’ — claimed the British Prime Minister
‘something we had hoped we would never again experience in Europe.
Thousands have been murdered, 100,000 men are missing and hundreds
forced to flee their homes and the country.’
The Serbs were, according to the US State Department, ‘conducting a
campaign of forced population movement not seen in Europe since WW2’.
One US Information Agency ‘fact’ sheet claimed that the number of
Albanians massacred could be as high as 400,000. Undeterred by the
complete lack of evidence to back up the claims of Washington and
London, political pundits, from Lady Thatcher to Ken Livingstone,
weighed in with op-ed pieces comparing Slobodan Milosevic to Adolf
Hitler.
But despite its overwhelming military superiority, Nato’s assault on
Yugoslavia did not go according to plan. The second week of April was
a particularly bad news week for the humanitarian interventionists. On
12 April Nato bombers hit a passenger train in southern Serbia,
killing 10 civilians and injuring 16 others.
It was also revealed that the alliance was, despite earlier denials,
using depleted uranium. And, worst of all for the hawks in the US and
Britain, EU leaders were due to meet to discuss a German peace plan
which would involve a 24-hour suspension of bombing and UN
peacekeepers entering Kosovo.
With public support for war faltering, and a Downing Street spokesman
talking of a ‘public-relations meltdown’, it was time for the Lie
Machine to go into overdrive. Dr. Johnson believed patriotism to be
the last refuge of the scoundrel. He clearly hadn’t considered the
invention of enemy rape camps. On 13 April an ashen-faced Robin Cook
told journalists of ‘fresh evidence’ that ‘young women are being
separated from the refugee columns and forced to undergo systematic
rape in an army camp at Djakovica near the Albanian border’.
In fact, Cook’s ‘evidence’ (which was founded solely on uncorroborated
claims by Albanian refugees) was not ‘fresh’ at all, but had first been
presented by US defense spokesman Kenneth Bacon at a press conference
the week before. Not to be outdone by her Cabinet colleague, Clare
Short also joined in enthusiastically to add breaches of women’s rights
to the long litany of Serb sins.
‘The actual rape reports are still in the hundreds‚’ claimed the
International Development Secretary, ‘but they’re deliberate and
organised and designed to humiliate, often in front of fathers and
husbands and children, you know, just to give
anguish and humiliation to the whole family.’ For the record, the UNHCR
found no evidence of a rape camp at Djakovica and even Human Rights
Watch, the George Soros-financed NGO hardly known for its pro-Yugoslav
stance, announced that it was ‘concerned that Nato’s use of rape camps
to bolster support for the war relied on unconfirmed accounts’. The
hysteria over Serb rape camps rallied support for the war,
even though the next day an attack by a Nato plane on a convoy of
Albanians killed 64 and wounded 20.
Apologists for the government now claim that we should not jump to
hasty conclusions over the failure of coalition forces to find any
Iraqi WMD. But as far as Kosovo is concerned, we have already had
plenty of time to discover the truth. When
John Laughland, writing in The Spectator in November 1999, claimed that
the mass graves in Kosovo were a ‘myth’, he was loudly denounced by
Francis Wheen, Noel Malcolm and a whole host of Nato apologists and
lap-top bombardiers.
Four years on, it is Wheen and the supporters of intervention in Kosovo
who have the explaining to do.
At the Trepca mine, where Nato told us that up to 700 bodies had been
dumped in acid and whose name the Daily Mirror predicted would ‘live
alongside those of Belsen, Auschwitz and Treblinka’, UN investigators
found absolutely nothing, a pattern
repeated at one Nato mass-grave site after another. To date, the total
body count of civilians killed in Kosovo in the period 1997–99 is
still fewer than 3,000, a figure that includes not only those killed
in open fighting and during Nato air strikes, but also an unidentified
number of Serbs. Clearly it was an exaggeration — of Munchausenian
proportions — for the Prime Minister to describe what happened in
Kosovo as ‘racial
genocide’.
In both Kosovo and Iraq, the government’s war strategy seems to have
been threefold:
1. In order to whip up public support for war, tell lies so outrageous
that most people will believe that no one would have dared to make
them up.
2. When the conflict is over, dismiss questions about the continued
lack of evidence as ‘irrelevant’ and stress alternative ‘benefits’
from the military action, e.g., ‘liberation’ of the people.
3. Much later on, when the truth is finally revealed, rely on the fact
that most people have lost interest and are now concentrating on the
threat posed by the next new Hitler.
An admission of the government’s culpability for the Kosovan war only
slipped out in July 2000, when Lord Gilbert, the ex-defence minister,
told the House of Commons that the Rambouillet terms offered to the
Yugoslav delegation had been ‘absolutely intolerable’ and expressly
designed to rovoke war. Gilbert’s bombshell warranted scarcely line
in the mainstream British media, which ad been so keen to label the
Yugoslavs the uilty party a year before.
Last week, to the party’s eternal shame, only 1 Labour MPs voted for an
independent judicial investigation into the way the British rime
Minister led us into war against Iraq.
But, important as such an inquiry would be, it will not be enough. What
is also needed is a similar, concurrent investigation into how the
Blair government also deceived the
nation over Kosovo. New Labour, of course, would rather we all forgot
about non-existent mass graves, mythical rape camps and phantom WMDs.
The interests of democracy and accountable government — to say nothing
of those killed in two
shameful conflicts — mean that we must never do so.
=== 2 ===
http://www.fff.org/freedom/fd0307d.asp
Freedom Daily
Kosovo Déjà Vu
by James Bovard, May 16, 2003
As the world looks on at the growing mess in postwar Iraq, it is time
to recall the U.S. government’s bombing campaign against Serbia.
There are many similarities to the recent campaign in Iraq. President
Bill Clinton’s war against Serbia epitomized his moralism, his
arrogance, his refusal to respect law, and his fixation on proving his
virtue by using deadly force, regardless of how many innocent people
died in the
process.
Ethnic conflicts exploded throughout the former Yugoslavia in the
early 1990s. The casualty toll was highest in Bosnia. In 1995, the
Clinton administration backed a sweep by the U.S.-trained Croatian
army to recapture Serb-held territory in Croatia.
More than a quarter-million Serb civilians were turned into refugees
by this attack; much of Croatia was ethnically cleansed in the
process, as journalist Doug Bandow
reported at the time. The U.S. government made no protest and refused
to recognize the plight of Serb refugees.
By 1998, full-scale civil war was raging in Kosovo, a province of
Serbia the size of Connecticut. The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
controlled about 40 percent of the territory of the province. Both
sides used brutal tactics. For instance, at the State Department daily
press briefing for March 4, 1998, department spokesman James Rubin
announced that the U.S. government “called on the leaders of the
Kosovar-Albanians to condemn terrorist action by the so-called Kosovo
Liberation Army.”
The KLA was known to be heavily involved in drug trafficking and had
close ties to Osama bin Laden, allegedly the worst terrorist
mastermind in the world.
A cease-fire was negotiated between the Serbian government and the KLA
in late 1998, but it did not stop the fighting. According to former
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, 80 percent of the cease-fire
violations in the months before the NATO bombing campaign began were
committed by the KLA.
The United States and its NATO partners pressured the Serbian
government to agree to a set of demands that purported to end the
ethnic violence in Kosovo. When
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic refused, NATO bombed. In a speech
on March 24, 1999, the day the bombing began, Clinton denounced
Milosevic for rejecting “the balanced and fair peace accords that our
allies and partners, including Russia, proposed last month, a peace
agreement that Kosovo’s ethnic Albanians courageously accepted.”
However, at negotiations in Rambouillet, France, NATO effectively
demanded the equivalent of unconditional surrender from the
Yugoslavian government. As John Pilger reported in the British New
Statesman,
Anyone scrutinizing the Rambouillet document is left in little doubt
that the excuses given for the subsequent bombing were fabricated.
The peace negotiations were stage-managed, and the Serbs were told:
Surrender and be occupied, or don’t surrender and be destroyed. The
impossible terms, published in full in Le Monde Diplomatique, but not
in Britain, show that NATO’s aim was the occupation not only of
Kosovo, but effectively all of Yugoslavia.
A moral imperative to kill
Launching the bombing of Serbia was a family affair in the Clinton
White House.
Hillary Clinton revealed to an interviewer in the summer of 1999, “I
urged him to bomb. You cannot let this go on at the end of a century
that has seen the major holocaust of our time. What do we have NATO
for if not to defend our way of life?”
There was no fact that could not be brushed aside or twisted to
sanctify the bombing. In a March 27, 1999, radio address, Clinton
announced,
Through two world wars and a long cold war we saw that it was a short
step from a small brush fire to an inferno, especially in the
tinderbox of the Balkans. The time to put out a fire is before it
spreads and burns down the neighborhood.
The implication that World War II started in the Balkans would
surprise Poles who recalled the Nazi invasion of September 1, 1939.
In a special videotape address to the Serbian people on March 25,
1999, Clinton declared that the Serbian attack “was not simply a war
against armed Kosovar forces but also a campaign of violence in which
tanks and artillery were unleashed against unarmed civilians.” But a
campaign against unarmed civilians from planes far overhead was
different because NATO had a “moral imperative.”
The longer the bombing went on, the more brazenly NATO ignored the
limits it had initially imposed on its targets. The Los Angeles Times
detailed many of the “mistakes” made by U.S. and British war planes:
April 5 — An attack on a residential area in the mining town of
Aleksinac kills 17 people.
April 12 — NATO missiles striking a railroad bridge near the Serbian
town of Grdelica hit a passenger train, killing 17.
April 14 — 75 ethnic Albanian refugees die in an attack on a convoy
near Djakovica.
April 27 — A missile strike in the Serbian town of Surdulica kills at
least 20 civilians.
May 1 — A missile hits a bus crossing a bridge north of Pristina,
killing 47.
May 7 — A cluster bomb attack damages a marketplace and the grounds of
a hospital in Nis, killing at least 15.
May 8 — Fighter pilots using outdated maps attack the Chinese embassy
in Belgrade, killing 3 journalists and injuring 20 other people.
May 13 — 87 ethnic Albanian refugees are killed and more than 100
injured in a late-night NATO bombing of a Kosovo village, Korisa.
May 20 — At least 3 people are killed when NATO missiles hit a
hospital in Belgrade.
May 21 — NATO bombs a Kosovo jail, killing at least 19 people and
injuring scores.
May 31 — NATO missiles slam into a bridge crowded with market-goers
and cars in central Serbia, killing at least 9 people and wounding 28.
NATO spokesmen responded to each new fiasco by bragging even louder
about how smart the bombs were that they were dropping — like
defending some mass murderer by talking about his high SAT scores. If
Serbian terrorists had blown up
hospitals, bridges, neighborhoods, and old folks’ homes in the United
States at the same rate that NATO hit such targets in Serbia,
Americans would have viewed the war differently.
NATO repeatedly dropped cluster bombs into marketplaces, hospitals,
and other civilian areas. Cluster bombs are anti-personnel devices
designed to be scattered across enemy troop formations. NATO dropped
more than 1,300 cluster bombs on Serbia and Kosovo and each bomb
contained 208 separate bomblets that floated to earth by parachute.
Bomb experts estimated that more than 10,000 unexploded
bomblets were scattered around the landscape when the bombing ended.
NATO worked overtime to explain away its “mistakes.” On April 12, a
NATO pilot sent a missile into a passenger train on a railway bridge,
killing 14 people. Gen. Wesley Clark, supreme commander of NATO, took
to the press podium to show the video from the nose of the missile,
stressing that the pilot was focused on the bridge “when all of a
sudden, at the very last instant, with less than a second to go, he
caught a flash of movement that came into a screen and it was the
train coming in. Unfortunately, he couldn’t dump the bomb at that
point. It was locked, it was going into the target and it was an
unfortunate incident which he and the crew and all of us very much
regret.”
The video was endlessly replayed on Western television stations,
driving home the point that, with the speed of modern missiles, there
was sometimes nothing pilots could do to avoid catastrophe.
However, in January 2000, the Frankfurter Rundschau revealed that the
video was shown at the NATO press conference at triple the actual
speed, thus making the
attack on civilians look far more inevitable than it actually was.
NATO officials had become aware of the deceptive nature of the video
several months earlier but saw “no reason” to publicly admit the
error, according to a U.S. Air Force spokesman.
On April 14, 1999, NATO bombs repeatedly hit a column of ethnic
Albanian refugees a few miles from the Albanian border, killing 75
people. NATO spokesmen initially claimed that Serb planes carried out
the attack and used the incident to further inflame anti-Serbian
opinion. Five days later, NATO spokesmen admitted that the deaths had
been caused by NATO forces. NATO then released the audio tape from the
debriefing of a pilot identified as involved in the attack.
As Newsday reported,
According to officials, the American pilot was selected because he
gave a graphic account of Milosevic’s forces torching a series of
ethnic Albanian villages near the Kosovo town of Dakojvica Wednesday.
The pilot told how he selected a three-truck military convoy for a
laser-guided bomb strike when he saw it pulling away from a village
where fires were just starting.
However, this gambit backfired when high-ranking military officers
protested that NATO, at General Clark’s urging, had released the tape
of a pilot who had nothing to do with bombing the refugee column. The
pilot’s words were a red herring to distract attention from the
carnage inflicted on the refugees.
The main achievement of the war was that, instead of Serbs terrorizing
ethnic Albanians, ethnic Albanians terrorized Serbs; instead of
refugees fleeing south and west, refugees headed north. This result
may not have been entirely unwelcome to
NATO. British Defense Minister George Robertson declared in March 1999
that the goal of the operation was “Serbs out, NATO in, refugees
back.”
Unfortunately, few Americans paid close enough attention to the Kosovo
war to recognize the danger of permitting the U.S. government to go
crusading with bombs dropped from 15,000 feet.
President George W. Bush used similar rhetoric to justify the war
against Iraq. As White House senior advisor Karl Rove told Washington
Post editor Bob Woodward last year regarding the war on terrorism:
“Everything will be measured by results.
The victor is always right. History ascribes to the victor qualities
that may or may not actually have been there. And similarly to the
defeated.”
At some point, “history” is going to catch up with the U.S. government.
James Bovard is author of Lost Rights (1994) and the forthcoming
Terrorism and Tyranny: How Bush's Crusade is Sabotaging Peace, Justice,
and Freedom (St. Martin's Press, September 2003) and serves as a policy
advisor for The Future of Freedom Foundation.
JUSTICE FOR YUGOSLAVIA !
1. How the battle lies were drawn (Neil Clark)
The current furor in Britain over Iraq's missing WMD has a precedent in
the Blair administration's justifications for war against Yugoslavia...
2. Kosovo Déjà Vu (James Bovard)
As the world looks on at the growing mess in postwar Iraq, it is time
to recall the U.S. government’s bombing campaign against Serbia.
There are many similarities to the recent campaign in Iraq...
MORE LINKS:
March 24, 1999: NATO's Humanitarian Trigger
(by Diana Johnstone)
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/Kosovo/Kosovo-controversies16.html
The Rational Destruction of Yugoslavia
(by Michael Parenti)
http://www.michaelparenti.org/yugoslavia.html
VERY IMPORTANT WEB PAGES
ABOUT THE 1999 NATO DESTRUCTION OF YUGOSLAVIA:
http://otan99.chiffonrouge.org
les deux volumes du livre blanc des crimes de l’OTAN en Yougoslavie
1999
http://www.justiceyugoslavia.org
http://www.sramota.com/nato
two summaries of NATO destructions, with many photos
=== 1 ===
http://www.infowar-monitor.net/
modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=356&mode=thread&order=
0&thold=0
The current furor in Britain over Iraq's missing WMD has a precedent in
the Blair administration's justifications for war against Yugoslavia,
argues Neil Clark in The Spectator.
From The Spectator
http://www.spectator.co.uk/
article.php3?table=old§ion=current&issue=2003-
06-14&id=3195
The Spectator
June 14, 2003
How the battle lies were drawn
Neil Clark
The WMDs haven’t turned up. In 1999 there was no genocide in Kosovo.
But, says Neil Clark, Tony Blair has never allowed the facts to get in
the way of a good war.
If you ever get to Belgrade Zoo, don’t miss the snake house. There, in
nicely heated tanks, you will see two rather fearsome-looking pythons,
one named Warren and the
other Madeleine. The names of Bill Clinton’s secretaries of state —
Warren Christopher and Madeleine Albright — will not be forgotten
quickly in the capital of the former Yugoslavia. Seeing the two pythons
slithering in their tanks reminded me
of the murderous foreign policy of the Clinton administration and the
enthusiastic support it received from New Labour.
For amid the present furore over the no-show of Iraqi WMDs, let us
remember that in Kosovo our humanitarian Prime Minister dragged this
country into an illegal, US- sponsored war on grounds which later
proved to be fraudulent. In 2003 Tony’s Big Whopper was that Saddam’s
WMDs ‘could be activated within 45 minutes’.
In 1999 it was that Slobodan Milosevic’s Yugoslavia was ‘set on a
Hitler-style genocide equivalent to the extermination of the Jews
during World War Two’.
Clare Short now complains that the Prime Minister ‘duped’ the public
over the non-existent Iraqi threat.
But four years ago, Short and her fellow Cabinet resigner Robin Cook
were enthusiastic collaborators in Blair’s equally squalid campaign to
‘dupe’ the British public over Kosovo. Cook’s role in the war on
Yugoslavia was described by the late
Auberon Waugh as a ‘national disgrace’.
A closer examination of the part played by the former foreign secretary
in the military conflict makes you wonder why he too did not end up
commemorated in a Belgrade snake house.
Consider his role in the farcical ‘peace negotiations’ at Rambouillet —
the successful conclusion of which Washington and London desired as
much as they wanted Hans Blix’s weapons inspectors to be able to
complete their mission in Iraq.
Cook claimed that ‘the reason they [the Serbs] refused to agree to the
peace process was that they were not willing to agree to the autonomy
of Kosovo, or for that autonomy to be guaranteed by an international
military presence at all’.
In fact, the Yugoslavs had by February 1999 already agreed to most of
the autonomy proposals and had assented to a UN (but not Nato)
peacekeeping team entering Kosovo.
It was the unwelcome prospect of Milosevic signing up to a peace deal
and thereby depriving the US of its casus belli that caused Secretary
of State Albright, with the connivance of Cook, to insert new terms
into the Rambouillet accord purposely designed to be rejected by
Belgrade.
Appendix B to chapter seven of the document provided not only for the
Nato occupation of Kosovo, but also for ‘unrestricted access’ for Nato
aircraft, tanks and troops throughout Yugoslavia. The full text of the
Rambouillet document was kept secret from the public and came to light
only when published in Le Monde Diplomatique on 17 April. By this
time, the war was almost a month old and the asting of Milosevic as
the ‘aggressor’ had lready successfully been achieved.
The Kosovan war was, we were repeatedly old, fought ‘to stop a
humanitarian catastrophe’. ‘It is no exaggeration to say that what is
happening is racial genocide’ — claimed the British Prime Minister
‘something we had hoped we would never again experience in Europe.
Thousands have been murdered, 100,000 men are missing and hundreds
forced to flee their homes and the country.’
The Serbs were, according to the US State Department, ‘conducting a
campaign of forced population movement not seen in Europe since WW2’.
One US Information Agency ‘fact’ sheet claimed that the number of
Albanians massacred could be as high as 400,000. Undeterred by the
complete lack of evidence to back up the claims of Washington and
London, political pundits, from Lady Thatcher to Ken Livingstone,
weighed in with op-ed pieces comparing Slobodan Milosevic to Adolf
Hitler.
But despite its overwhelming military superiority, Nato’s assault on
Yugoslavia did not go according to plan. The second week of April was
a particularly bad news week for the humanitarian interventionists. On
12 April Nato bombers hit a passenger train in southern Serbia,
killing 10 civilians and injuring 16 others.
It was also revealed that the alliance was, despite earlier denials,
using depleted uranium. And, worst of all for the hawks in the US and
Britain, EU leaders were due to meet to discuss a German peace plan
which would involve a 24-hour suspension of bombing and UN
peacekeepers entering Kosovo.
With public support for war faltering, and a Downing Street spokesman
talking of a ‘public-relations meltdown’, it was time for the Lie
Machine to go into overdrive. Dr. Johnson believed patriotism to be
the last refuge of the scoundrel. He clearly hadn’t considered the
invention of enemy rape camps. On 13 April an ashen-faced Robin Cook
told journalists of ‘fresh evidence’ that ‘young women are being
separated from the refugee columns and forced to undergo systematic
rape in an army camp at Djakovica near the Albanian border’.
In fact, Cook’s ‘evidence’ (which was founded solely on uncorroborated
claims by Albanian refugees) was not ‘fresh’ at all, but had first been
presented by US defense spokesman Kenneth Bacon at a press conference
the week before. Not to be outdone by her Cabinet colleague, Clare
Short also joined in enthusiastically to add breaches of women’s rights
to the long litany of Serb sins.
‘The actual rape reports are still in the hundreds‚’ claimed the
International Development Secretary, ‘but they’re deliberate and
organised and designed to humiliate, often in front of fathers and
husbands and children, you know, just to give
anguish and humiliation to the whole family.’ For the record, the UNHCR
found no evidence of a rape camp at Djakovica and even Human Rights
Watch, the George Soros-financed NGO hardly known for its pro-Yugoslav
stance, announced that it was ‘concerned that Nato’s use of rape camps
to bolster support for the war relied on unconfirmed accounts’. The
hysteria over Serb rape camps rallied support for the war,
even though the next day an attack by a Nato plane on a convoy of
Albanians killed 64 and wounded 20.
Apologists for the government now claim that we should not jump to
hasty conclusions over the failure of coalition forces to find any
Iraqi WMD. But as far as Kosovo is concerned, we have already had
plenty of time to discover the truth. When
John Laughland, writing in The Spectator in November 1999, claimed that
the mass graves in Kosovo were a ‘myth’, he was loudly denounced by
Francis Wheen, Noel Malcolm and a whole host of Nato apologists and
lap-top bombardiers.
Four years on, it is Wheen and the supporters of intervention in Kosovo
who have the explaining to do.
At the Trepca mine, where Nato told us that up to 700 bodies had been
dumped in acid and whose name the Daily Mirror predicted would ‘live
alongside those of Belsen, Auschwitz and Treblinka’, UN investigators
found absolutely nothing, a pattern
repeated at one Nato mass-grave site after another. To date, the total
body count of civilians killed in Kosovo in the period 1997–99 is
still fewer than 3,000, a figure that includes not only those killed
in open fighting and during Nato air strikes, but also an unidentified
number of Serbs. Clearly it was an exaggeration — of Munchausenian
proportions — for the Prime Minister to describe what happened in
Kosovo as ‘racial
genocide’.
In both Kosovo and Iraq, the government’s war strategy seems to have
been threefold:
1. In order to whip up public support for war, tell lies so outrageous
that most people will believe that no one would have dared to make
them up.
2. When the conflict is over, dismiss questions about the continued
lack of evidence as ‘irrelevant’ and stress alternative ‘benefits’
from the military action, e.g., ‘liberation’ of the people.
3. Much later on, when the truth is finally revealed, rely on the fact
that most people have lost interest and are now concentrating on the
threat posed by the next new Hitler.
An admission of the government’s culpability for the Kosovan war only
slipped out in July 2000, when Lord Gilbert, the ex-defence minister,
told the House of Commons that the Rambouillet terms offered to the
Yugoslav delegation had been ‘absolutely intolerable’ and expressly
designed to rovoke war. Gilbert’s bombshell warranted scarcely line
in the mainstream British media, which ad been so keen to label the
Yugoslavs the uilty party a year before.
Last week, to the party’s eternal shame, only 1 Labour MPs voted for an
independent judicial investigation into the way the British rime
Minister led us into war against Iraq.
But, important as such an inquiry would be, it will not be enough. What
is also needed is a similar, concurrent investigation into how the
Blair government also deceived the
nation over Kosovo. New Labour, of course, would rather we all forgot
about non-existent mass graves, mythical rape camps and phantom WMDs.
The interests of democracy and accountable government — to say nothing
of those killed in two
shameful conflicts — mean that we must never do so.
=== 2 ===
http://www.fff.org/freedom/fd0307d.asp
Freedom Daily
Kosovo Déjà Vu
by James Bovard, May 16, 2003
As the world looks on at the growing mess in postwar Iraq, it is time
to recall the U.S. government’s bombing campaign against Serbia.
There are many similarities to the recent campaign in Iraq. President
Bill Clinton’s war against Serbia epitomized his moralism, his
arrogance, his refusal to respect law, and his fixation on proving his
virtue by using deadly force, regardless of how many innocent people
died in the
process.
Ethnic conflicts exploded throughout the former Yugoslavia in the
early 1990s. The casualty toll was highest in Bosnia. In 1995, the
Clinton administration backed a sweep by the U.S.-trained Croatian
army to recapture Serb-held territory in Croatia.
More than a quarter-million Serb civilians were turned into refugees
by this attack; much of Croatia was ethnically cleansed in the
process, as journalist Doug Bandow
reported at the time. The U.S. government made no protest and refused
to recognize the plight of Serb refugees.
By 1998, full-scale civil war was raging in Kosovo, a province of
Serbia the size of Connecticut. The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
controlled about 40 percent of the territory of the province. Both
sides used brutal tactics. For instance, at the State Department daily
press briefing for March 4, 1998, department spokesman James Rubin
announced that the U.S. government “called on the leaders of the
Kosovar-Albanians to condemn terrorist action by the so-called Kosovo
Liberation Army.”
The KLA was known to be heavily involved in drug trafficking and had
close ties to Osama bin Laden, allegedly the worst terrorist
mastermind in the world.
A cease-fire was negotiated between the Serbian government and the KLA
in late 1998, but it did not stop the fighting. According to former
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, 80 percent of the cease-fire
violations in the months before the NATO bombing campaign began were
committed by the KLA.
The United States and its NATO partners pressured the Serbian
government to agree to a set of demands that purported to end the
ethnic violence in Kosovo. When
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic refused, NATO bombed. In a speech
on March 24, 1999, the day the bombing began, Clinton denounced
Milosevic for rejecting “the balanced and fair peace accords that our
allies and partners, including Russia, proposed last month, a peace
agreement that Kosovo’s ethnic Albanians courageously accepted.”
However, at negotiations in Rambouillet, France, NATO effectively
demanded the equivalent of unconditional surrender from the
Yugoslavian government. As John Pilger reported in the British New
Statesman,
Anyone scrutinizing the Rambouillet document is left in little doubt
that the excuses given for the subsequent bombing were fabricated.
The peace negotiations were stage-managed, and the Serbs were told:
Surrender and be occupied, or don’t surrender and be destroyed. The
impossible terms, published in full in Le Monde Diplomatique, but not
in Britain, show that NATO’s aim was the occupation not only of
Kosovo, but effectively all of Yugoslavia.
A moral imperative to kill
Launching the bombing of Serbia was a family affair in the Clinton
White House.
Hillary Clinton revealed to an interviewer in the summer of 1999, “I
urged him to bomb. You cannot let this go on at the end of a century
that has seen the major holocaust of our time. What do we have NATO
for if not to defend our way of life?”
There was no fact that could not be brushed aside or twisted to
sanctify the bombing. In a March 27, 1999, radio address, Clinton
announced,
Through two world wars and a long cold war we saw that it was a short
step from a small brush fire to an inferno, especially in the
tinderbox of the Balkans. The time to put out a fire is before it
spreads and burns down the neighborhood.
The implication that World War II started in the Balkans would
surprise Poles who recalled the Nazi invasion of September 1, 1939.
In a special videotape address to the Serbian people on March 25,
1999, Clinton declared that the Serbian attack “was not simply a war
against armed Kosovar forces but also a campaign of violence in which
tanks and artillery were unleashed against unarmed civilians.” But a
campaign against unarmed civilians from planes far overhead was
different because NATO had a “moral imperative.”
The longer the bombing went on, the more brazenly NATO ignored the
limits it had initially imposed on its targets. The Los Angeles Times
detailed many of the “mistakes” made by U.S. and British war planes:
April 5 — An attack on a residential area in the mining town of
Aleksinac kills 17 people.
April 12 — NATO missiles striking a railroad bridge near the Serbian
town of Grdelica hit a passenger train, killing 17.
April 14 — 75 ethnic Albanian refugees die in an attack on a convoy
near Djakovica.
April 27 — A missile strike in the Serbian town of Surdulica kills at
least 20 civilians.
May 1 — A missile hits a bus crossing a bridge north of Pristina,
killing 47.
May 7 — A cluster bomb attack damages a marketplace and the grounds of
a hospital in Nis, killing at least 15.
May 8 — Fighter pilots using outdated maps attack the Chinese embassy
in Belgrade, killing 3 journalists and injuring 20 other people.
May 13 — 87 ethnic Albanian refugees are killed and more than 100
injured in a late-night NATO bombing of a Kosovo village, Korisa.
May 20 — At least 3 people are killed when NATO missiles hit a
hospital in Belgrade.
May 21 — NATO bombs a Kosovo jail, killing at least 19 people and
injuring scores.
May 31 — NATO missiles slam into a bridge crowded with market-goers
and cars in central Serbia, killing at least 9 people and wounding 28.
NATO spokesmen responded to each new fiasco by bragging even louder
about how smart the bombs were that they were dropping — like
defending some mass murderer by talking about his high SAT scores. If
Serbian terrorists had blown up
hospitals, bridges, neighborhoods, and old folks’ homes in the United
States at the same rate that NATO hit such targets in Serbia,
Americans would have viewed the war differently.
NATO repeatedly dropped cluster bombs into marketplaces, hospitals,
and other civilian areas. Cluster bombs are anti-personnel devices
designed to be scattered across enemy troop formations. NATO dropped
more than 1,300 cluster bombs on Serbia and Kosovo and each bomb
contained 208 separate bomblets that floated to earth by parachute.
Bomb experts estimated that more than 10,000 unexploded
bomblets were scattered around the landscape when the bombing ended.
NATO worked overtime to explain away its “mistakes.” On April 12, a
NATO pilot sent a missile into a passenger train on a railway bridge,
killing 14 people. Gen. Wesley Clark, supreme commander of NATO, took
to the press podium to show the video from the nose of the missile,
stressing that the pilot was focused on the bridge “when all of a
sudden, at the very last instant, with less than a second to go, he
caught a flash of movement that came into a screen and it was the
train coming in. Unfortunately, he couldn’t dump the bomb at that
point. It was locked, it was going into the target and it was an
unfortunate incident which he and the crew and all of us very much
regret.”
The video was endlessly replayed on Western television stations,
driving home the point that, with the speed of modern missiles, there
was sometimes nothing pilots could do to avoid catastrophe.
However, in January 2000, the Frankfurter Rundschau revealed that the
video was shown at the NATO press conference at triple the actual
speed, thus making the
attack on civilians look far more inevitable than it actually was.
NATO officials had become aware of the deceptive nature of the video
several months earlier but saw “no reason” to publicly admit the
error, according to a U.S. Air Force spokesman.
On April 14, 1999, NATO bombs repeatedly hit a column of ethnic
Albanian refugees a few miles from the Albanian border, killing 75
people. NATO spokesmen initially claimed that Serb planes carried out
the attack and used the incident to further inflame anti-Serbian
opinion. Five days later, NATO spokesmen admitted that the deaths had
been caused by NATO forces. NATO then released the audio tape from the
debriefing of a pilot identified as involved in the attack.
As Newsday reported,
According to officials, the American pilot was selected because he
gave a graphic account of Milosevic’s forces torching a series of
ethnic Albanian villages near the Kosovo town of Dakojvica Wednesday.
The pilot told how he selected a three-truck military convoy for a
laser-guided bomb strike when he saw it pulling away from a village
where fires were just starting.
However, this gambit backfired when high-ranking military officers
protested that NATO, at General Clark’s urging, had released the tape
of a pilot who had nothing to do with bombing the refugee column. The
pilot’s words were a red herring to distract attention from the
carnage inflicted on the refugees.
The main achievement of the war was that, instead of Serbs terrorizing
ethnic Albanians, ethnic Albanians terrorized Serbs; instead of
refugees fleeing south and west, refugees headed north. This result
may not have been entirely unwelcome to
NATO. British Defense Minister George Robertson declared in March 1999
that the goal of the operation was “Serbs out, NATO in, refugees
back.”
Unfortunately, few Americans paid close enough attention to the Kosovo
war to recognize the danger of permitting the U.S. government to go
crusading with bombs dropped from 15,000 feet.
President George W. Bush used similar rhetoric to justify the war
against Iraq. As White House senior advisor Karl Rove told Washington
Post editor Bob Woodward last year regarding the war on terrorism:
“Everything will be measured by results.
The victor is always right. History ascribes to the victor qualities
that may or may not actually have been there. And similarly to the
defeated.”
At some point, “history” is going to catch up with the U.S. government.
James Bovard is author of Lost Rights (1994) and the forthcoming
Terrorism and Tyranny: How Bush's Crusade is Sabotaging Peace, Justice,
and Freedom (St. Martin's Press, September 2003) and serves as a policy
advisor for The Future of Freedom Foundation.
E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq! (3)
1. SKANDAL OKO “SADAMOVOG ORUZJA”
2. URAN, KOGA NIJE BILO
by ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA
=== 1 ===
SKANDAL OKO “SADAMOVOG ORUZJA”
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/krizna_zarista/2003-06-06_3.html
Moskva, 04. juna 2003.godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel-Geopolitiku
Vladimir SIMONOV, politicki komentator RIA “Novosti”
Vasington i London su zajednicki zapodenuli rat protiv Iraka. Danas su
oni prinudjeni da se zajednicki pravdaju pred javnoscu svojih zemalja,
koja trazi odgovor na jedno te isto, po mnogo cemu, najvaznije pitanje:
gde je to strassno oruzje za masovno unistavanje, kojim je Sadam
Husein, toboze, pretio celokupnom miroljubivom covecanstvu?
Skoro istovremeno dva senatska komiteta u SAD i dva parlamentarna u
Velikoj Britaniji pristupila su istrazi, koja bi trebalo da rasvetli da
li je bila falsifikovana, podmetnuta ili zlonamerno izvrnuta
obavestajna informacija o postojanju oruzja za masovno unistavanje u
Iraku. Zaista, ko se ne seca spektakla koji je priredio drzavni
sekretar SAD Kolin Pauel u Savetu bezbednosti OUN 5. februara. Drzavni
sekretar SAD tada je “bombardovao” prisutne dramaticnim multimedijalnim
ssouom u kome su se fotografije iz kosmosa smenjiale sa snimcima
uhvacenih telefonskih razgovora irackih vojnika i agenturnih izvestaja
CIA. Sa svoje strane, britanska MI6, “majka” Dzemsa Bonda i, kako kazu,
najbolja obavestajna sluzba sveta, satvorila je dosije sa jos
potpunijim kompleksom snimaka i analitickih upliva u djavolju sustinu
Sadama Huseina. Celokupni taj Everest, po prvi put iznetih u javnost na
obe strane Atlantika obavestajnih informacija imao je za cilj da
dokaze: eto to je ono oruzje irackog tiranina, to su one smrtonosne
rakete, gasovi i mikrobi. Tu strasnu opasnost po svet moze zaustaviti
jedino sila.
Danas je rat u proslosti, pobedjeni Irak je kao na dlanu, okupaciona
vojska vrslja po njegovim dvoristima i pesscanim dinama sa
mikroskopima, ali niceg sto bi makar liccilo na oruzje za masovno
unistavanje, sem dva razbijena teretnjaka vise nalik na pokretne
bravarske radionice nego na laboratorije, zasad ne mogu da otkriju. Cak
stavise, mnogi “korpus delikti” obavestajnih sluzbi SAD i Britanije su
razobliceni kao falsifikati.
Skandal ce postati predmet javnog razmatranja pred televizijskim
kamerama u komitetima Senata SAD za pitanja oruzanih snaga i
obavestajni rad krajem ovog meseca. Ton tih izlaganja vec je dalo pismo
koje je uputio poznati kalifornijski demokrata predsedniku SAD. “Ni do
dana danasnjeg, - pise kongresmen Henri Voksman, - vi niste predoccili
nikakva objasnjenja, zasto ste vi i vasi visokopostavljeni cinovnici
iznosili u vise navrata optuzbe (protiv Iraka), zasnovane na
falsifikovanim dokumentima.
Voksmen je malo u zabludi. Jedan visokopostavljeni savetnik ipak je
predoccio objasnjenja. U svom nedavnom intervjuu casopisu Vanity Fair
zamenik ministra odbrane Pol Vulfovic je sa njemu svojstvenom
poslovicnom otvorenoscu priznao: odluka americke administracije da
svoje pretenzije prema Bagdadu fokusira na oruzje za masovno
unistavanje doneta je delimicno i “iz birokratskih razloga”. U prevodu
na dostupni nam jezik to znaci, da je polazna obavestajna informacija
frizirana po ukusu neokonzervativnih birokrata u okruzenju Dzordza
Bussa, koji su bili zzedni Sadamove krvi.
Ocekuje se, da ce u senat biti pozvani u svojstvu svedoka Kolin Pauel i
ministar odbrane Donald Ramsfeld. Poslednji vec priprema odstupnicu,
stavljajuci na znanje u svojim govorima da je, kao, i bez oruzja za
masovno unistavanje bagdadski rezim kriv zbog tolikog broja tajnih
masovnih grobnica i da je zasluzio kaznjavanje ratom. Problem oruzja se
na taj nacin raskossno zamenjuje covekovim pravima.
Jos se burniji skandal oko irackog oruzja za masovno unistavanje
rasplamsava u Velikoj Britaniji. Preko 70 parlamentaraca vladajuce
Laburisticke partije potpisalo je zahtev da se objavi celokupna
informacija o irackom naoruzanju, kojom raspolaze vlada. Toni Bler i
dalje “stoprocentno” veruje u autenticnost tih podataka. To ipak nije
smetalo ministru za drustveni razvoj Kler Ssort da optuzi premijera za
“uvlacenje zemlje u rat obmanom”, a ministru inostranih poslova u senci
Majklu Ankramu da izjavi, da skandal oko oruzja za masovno unistavanje
“nanosi udarac poverenju kako prema vladi, tako i prema obavestajnim
sluzbama”.
Da li je rezim Sadama Huseina imao oruzje ili nije krajnje je vazno
znati makar iz dva razloga. Prvi, pretpostavljano postojanje oruzja za
masovno unistavanje, koje je Bagdad, toboze, mogao upotrebiti, prema
nezaboravnim recima Tonija Blera “u roku od 45 minuta”, koricseno je
kao impresionirajuci argument u korist rata.
Na taj nacin, opasnost koju je predstavljao Irak, bila je, izgleda,
namerno i grubo preuvelicana. Iraccani, Amerikanci i Englezi su ginuli
za datu ideju.
Drugo, vreme je da se najzad razjasni koliko su postene same pred sobom
i pred drustvom zapadne specijalne sluzbe. Drugim recima, u kojoj meri
se njihove metode prikupljanja informacija i analize determinisu
teznjama da se sazna tajna, a u kojoj meri da se saopsti vrhussci ono
sto ona zeli da ccuje.
Obavestajnim sluzbama danas se daje izuzetno vazna uloga u borbi protiv
medjunarodnog terorizma koja se nastavlja i u naporima svetske
zajednice da ojaca rezim nesirenja nuklearnog oruzja. Ne bismo zeleli
da dzejms bondovi saopste “patku” ratobornim birokratama iz okruzenja
predsednika i premijera, samo zato sto bi oni to zeleli da cuju.
=== 2 ===
URAN, KOGA NIJE BILO
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/krizna_zarista/2003-07-09_2.html
Moskva, 09. jula 2003.godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel-Geopoliitku
Vladimir SIMONOV, politiccki komentator RIA “Novosti”
Motiv rata protiv Iraka, koji su upotrebili Vasington i London,
umnogome je bio zasnovan na nespretnom, bezobzirnom falsifikatu
Zvaniccno priznanje Bele kuce s tim u vezi sustiglo je Dzordza Bussa u
toku njegove posete Africi. Zanimljivo pitanje sada se sastoji u
sledecem: da li je to novost za americckog predsednika, ili je on to
znao duzze od jedne godine i svesno ukljuccio evidentnu lazz u svoju
januarsku poruku “O situaciji u zemlji”?
U utorak su dvojica predstavnika administracije SAD slozzno priznala:
ccuvena Bussova izjava da je Irak, tobozze, pokussavao da kupi uran u
Nigeru, kako bi stvorio nuklearno oruzzje, zasnovana je na
falsifikovanim dokumentima, koje su dobile americcka i britanska
obavesstajna sluzzba.
Medjutim, priznajuci samu ccinjenicu falsifikata, Ari Flejsser,
portparol Bele kuce, i Majkl Anton, portparol Saveta za nacionalnu
bezbednost SAD, pokussali su stvoriti utisak da Buss sa tim nema
nikakve veze. Predsednik je, kao, bio zzrtva gresske dve obavesstajne
sluzzbe, koje su, opet, sa svoje strane, bile zzrtve nekog tamo
nedobronamernog izvora.
Flejsser je delovao narocito fatalisticcki: “Izjava predsednika
bazirala se na tvrdnji o “zzutom kolaccu” (uranu) iz Nigera, - kazao je
on. – Posto se saopstenje o “zzutom kolaccu” ispostavilo netaccnim, ta
ccinjenica se odrazila na ssirem planu na izjavu predsednika”.
Tojest, Bussa su prevarili. A to sto se ta ccinjenica – ako je ona i
zaista to – odrazila na ssirem planu na sudbinu 18-milionskog
stanovnisstva suverene drzave, zasute bombama i lissene muzejskih
vrednosti, na kraju krajeva, okupirane od strane tragaoca za
nepostojecim uranom, Flejsser je precutao.
Majkl Anton je bio jos precizniji. “Da smo mi tada znali ono sto sada
znamo, - priznao je on, - onda pominjanja o pokussajima Iraka da kupi
uran u Africi ne bi bilo u poruci “O situaciji u zemlji”.
Nije nego! Tek isplivala na povrsinu u americckoj i britanskoj stampi
otkrica omogucavaju ne samo da se posumnja u stvarnu neinformisanost
americcke administracije, nego bacaju tamnu senku podozrenja na Dzordza
Bussa licno. Sudeci po svemu, predsednik je morao znati da se obraca
zemlji, a u ssirem smislu celom svetu, koji je zamro u issccekivanju
ishoda iraccke krize sa obiccnom, banalnom i zato tako nezamislivom u
tom presudnom trenutku lazzi.
Reprodukujmo hronolosski sled dogadjaja. 28. januar 2003. godine.
Dzordz Buss u svoju poruku naciji stavlja sledecu frazu: “Britanska
vlada je saznala, da je Sadam Husein nedavno hteo da kupi u Africi
znaccajnu koliccinu urana”.
Trebalo je da bude jasno kao dan: djavolski rezzim pravi atomsku bombu.
Postavlja se pitanje: kakvi su joss potrebni dokazi o celishodnosti
hitnog preventivnog udara po Bagdadu, pre nego sto on udari po
ccoveccanstvu svojom nukleaernom rukotovorinom od africcke sirovine?
Medjutim, 7. marta 2003. godine direktor MAGATE Mohamed El Baradej
kategoriccki je demantovao glavnu pretpostavku te teze u svom
izvesstaju Savetu bezbdnosti OUN. “Oslanjajuci se na detaljnu analizu,
MAGATE se slozzila sa misljenjem nezavisnih eksperata u zakljuccku da
ti dokumenti, koji ccine osnovu saopstenja o nedavnoj isporuci urana iz
Nigera u Irak, u stvarnosti nisu autenticcni, - zakljuccuje Baradej.
Medjutim, Savet bezbednosti za Vasington u tom trenutku vec nije
merodavan. Sa vassingtonskog aspekta, recci koje stizzu iz nebodera na
njujorsskom Ist-riveru nisu nista visse od bespomocno brbljanje
medjunarodne zajednice, kojoj je doslo vreme da se podccini volji
visseg razuma u liku Sjedinjenih Drzzava. Vojna massinerija koalicije
se pokrece. Nezavisna zemlja postaje meta na mapama Pentagona.
Sada, u julu 2003. godine, mozze se i priznati da su ti nevessti
obavesstajci pomutili mozak predsedniku pa je on tako i dopustio da u
obracanju zemlji upotrebi frazu koja je sluccajno odigrala ulogu
temeljnog razloga za rat. Pobednicima se ne sudi, zar ne?
E, nije tako, smatra sve ssiri krug americckih demokrata i poneko od
uticajnih republikanaca.
Danas je isplivalo na povrssinu i joss nessto: ispostavilo se da je
joss prossle godine CIA tajno uputila u Niger bivseg americckog
ambasadora u Gabonu Dzozefa Vilsona, kako bi se on na licu mesta uverio
da li je zaista Irak pokussavao da dobije, ili je makar ssetkao okolo i
oblizivao se na ovdassnji uran. Vilson je imao na desetine razgovora sa
visokopostavljenim ccinovnicima Nigera, pustili su ga da poseti
zatvorene rudnike i skladissta, i on je nedvosmisleno zakljuccio: ma
nema tu mesta ni za ssta slicno.
Diplomata je svoj zakljuccak saopstio CIA. A dalje se dessava nessto
izuzetno znacajno za celokupnu tu uransku storiju. Kako je ovih dana
izjavio anonimni visokopostavljeni saradnik CIA dopisniku Bi-bi-si,
izvesstaj koji je pripremio Vilson bio je upuccen u Belu kucu jos marta
2002. godine.
E, sad, danas se mozze koliko hocete priccati, kako to ccine spasioci
imidza americcke administracije, da taj papir Vilsona “mozzda i nije ni
stigao” do predsednika. U to je tessko poverovati. Kada se ressavalo
pitanje rata ili mira, ssef SAD i njihovih oruzzanih snaga nije mogao
da ignorisse direktno obavesstajno saopsstenje o glavnom kriminalu,
koji je pripisivan Iraku: tezzi li on da nabavi oruzzje za masovno
unisstavanje.
Ne tezzi – saopstila je obavesstajna sluzzba i to prenela Beloj kuci.
Da, izjavio je predsdenik, koji je godinu dana pre svoje poruke naciji
“O situaciji u zemlji” bio informisan, dokumenti o uranskim isporukama
Iraku iz Nigera su stoprocentni falsifikat.
1. SKANDAL OKO “SADAMOVOG ORUZJA”
2. URAN, KOGA NIJE BILO
by ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA
=== 1 ===
SKANDAL OKO “SADAMOVOG ORUZJA”
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/krizna_zarista/2003-06-06_3.html
Moskva, 04. juna 2003.godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel-Geopolitiku
Vladimir SIMONOV, politicki komentator RIA “Novosti”
Vasington i London su zajednicki zapodenuli rat protiv Iraka. Danas su
oni prinudjeni da se zajednicki pravdaju pred javnoscu svojih zemalja,
koja trazi odgovor na jedno te isto, po mnogo cemu, najvaznije pitanje:
gde je to strassno oruzje za masovno unistavanje, kojim je Sadam
Husein, toboze, pretio celokupnom miroljubivom covecanstvu?
Skoro istovremeno dva senatska komiteta u SAD i dva parlamentarna u
Velikoj Britaniji pristupila su istrazi, koja bi trebalo da rasvetli da
li je bila falsifikovana, podmetnuta ili zlonamerno izvrnuta
obavestajna informacija o postojanju oruzja za masovno unistavanje u
Iraku. Zaista, ko se ne seca spektakla koji je priredio drzavni
sekretar SAD Kolin Pauel u Savetu bezbednosti OUN 5. februara. Drzavni
sekretar SAD tada je “bombardovao” prisutne dramaticnim multimedijalnim
ssouom u kome su se fotografije iz kosmosa smenjiale sa snimcima
uhvacenih telefonskih razgovora irackih vojnika i agenturnih izvestaja
CIA. Sa svoje strane, britanska MI6, “majka” Dzemsa Bonda i, kako kazu,
najbolja obavestajna sluzba sveta, satvorila je dosije sa jos
potpunijim kompleksom snimaka i analitickih upliva u djavolju sustinu
Sadama Huseina. Celokupni taj Everest, po prvi put iznetih u javnost na
obe strane Atlantika obavestajnih informacija imao je za cilj da
dokaze: eto to je ono oruzje irackog tiranina, to su one smrtonosne
rakete, gasovi i mikrobi. Tu strasnu opasnost po svet moze zaustaviti
jedino sila.
Danas je rat u proslosti, pobedjeni Irak je kao na dlanu, okupaciona
vojska vrslja po njegovim dvoristima i pesscanim dinama sa
mikroskopima, ali niceg sto bi makar liccilo na oruzje za masovno
unistavanje, sem dva razbijena teretnjaka vise nalik na pokretne
bravarske radionice nego na laboratorije, zasad ne mogu da otkriju. Cak
stavise, mnogi “korpus delikti” obavestajnih sluzbi SAD i Britanije su
razobliceni kao falsifikati.
Skandal ce postati predmet javnog razmatranja pred televizijskim
kamerama u komitetima Senata SAD za pitanja oruzanih snaga i
obavestajni rad krajem ovog meseca. Ton tih izlaganja vec je dalo pismo
koje je uputio poznati kalifornijski demokrata predsedniku SAD. “Ni do
dana danasnjeg, - pise kongresmen Henri Voksman, - vi niste predoccili
nikakva objasnjenja, zasto ste vi i vasi visokopostavljeni cinovnici
iznosili u vise navrata optuzbe (protiv Iraka), zasnovane na
falsifikovanim dokumentima.
Voksmen je malo u zabludi. Jedan visokopostavljeni savetnik ipak je
predoccio objasnjenja. U svom nedavnom intervjuu casopisu Vanity Fair
zamenik ministra odbrane Pol Vulfovic je sa njemu svojstvenom
poslovicnom otvorenoscu priznao: odluka americke administracije da
svoje pretenzije prema Bagdadu fokusira na oruzje za masovno
unistavanje doneta je delimicno i “iz birokratskih razloga”. U prevodu
na dostupni nam jezik to znaci, da je polazna obavestajna informacija
frizirana po ukusu neokonzervativnih birokrata u okruzenju Dzordza
Bussa, koji su bili zzedni Sadamove krvi.
Ocekuje se, da ce u senat biti pozvani u svojstvu svedoka Kolin Pauel i
ministar odbrane Donald Ramsfeld. Poslednji vec priprema odstupnicu,
stavljajuci na znanje u svojim govorima da je, kao, i bez oruzja za
masovno unistavanje bagdadski rezim kriv zbog tolikog broja tajnih
masovnih grobnica i da je zasluzio kaznjavanje ratom. Problem oruzja se
na taj nacin raskossno zamenjuje covekovim pravima.
Jos se burniji skandal oko irackog oruzja za masovno unistavanje
rasplamsava u Velikoj Britaniji. Preko 70 parlamentaraca vladajuce
Laburisticke partije potpisalo je zahtev da se objavi celokupna
informacija o irackom naoruzanju, kojom raspolaze vlada. Toni Bler i
dalje “stoprocentno” veruje u autenticnost tih podataka. To ipak nije
smetalo ministru za drustveni razvoj Kler Ssort da optuzi premijera za
“uvlacenje zemlje u rat obmanom”, a ministru inostranih poslova u senci
Majklu Ankramu da izjavi, da skandal oko oruzja za masovno unistavanje
“nanosi udarac poverenju kako prema vladi, tako i prema obavestajnim
sluzbama”.
Da li je rezim Sadama Huseina imao oruzje ili nije krajnje je vazno
znati makar iz dva razloga. Prvi, pretpostavljano postojanje oruzja za
masovno unistavanje, koje je Bagdad, toboze, mogao upotrebiti, prema
nezaboravnim recima Tonija Blera “u roku od 45 minuta”, koricseno je
kao impresionirajuci argument u korist rata.
Na taj nacin, opasnost koju je predstavljao Irak, bila je, izgleda,
namerno i grubo preuvelicana. Iraccani, Amerikanci i Englezi su ginuli
za datu ideju.
Drugo, vreme je da se najzad razjasni koliko su postene same pred sobom
i pred drustvom zapadne specijalne sluzbe. Drugim recima, u kojoj meri
se njihove metode prikupljanja informacija i analize determinisu
teznjama da se sazna tajna, a u kojoj meri da se saopsti vrhussci ono
sto ona zeli da ccuje.
Obavestajnim sluzbama danas se daje izuzetno vazna uloga u borbi protiv
medjunarodnog terorizma koja se nastavlja i u naporima svetske
zajednice da ojaca rezim nesirenja nuklearnog oruzja. Ne bismo zeleli
da dzejms bondovi saopste “patku” ratobornim birokratama iz okruzenja
predsednika i premijera, samo zato sto bi oni to zeleli da cuju.
=== 2 ===
URAN, KOGA NIJE BILO
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/krizna_zarista/2003-07-09_2.html
Moskva, 09. jula 2003.godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel-Geopoliitku
Vladimir SIMONOV, politiccki komentator RIA “Novosti”
Motiv rata protiv Iraka, koji su upotrebili Vasington i London,
umnogome je bio zasnovan na nespretnom, bezobzirnom falsifikatu
Zvaniccno priznanje Bele kuce s tim u vezi sustiglo je Dzordza Bussa u
toku njegove posete Africi. Zanimljivo pitanje sada se sastoji u
sledecem: da li je to novost za americckog predsednika, ili je on to
znao duzze od jedne godine i svesno ukljuccio evidentnu lazz u svoju
januarsku poruku “O situaciji u zemlji”?
U utorak su dvojica predstavnika administracije SAD slozzno priznala:
ccuvena Bussova izjava da je Irak, tobozze, pokussavao da kupi uran u
Nigeru, kako bi stvorio nuklearno oruzzje, zasnovana je na
falsifikovanim dokumentima, koje su dobile americcka i britanska
obavesstajna sluzzba.
Medjutim, priznajuci samu ccinjenicu falsifikata, Ari Flejsser,
portparol Bele kuce, i Majkl Anton, portparol Saveta za nacionalnu
bezbednost SAD, pokussali su stvoriti utisak da Buss sa tim nema
nikakve veze. Predsednik je, kao, bio zzrtva gresske dve obavesstajne
sluzzbe, koje su, opet, sa svoje strane, bile zzrtve nekog tamo
nedobronamernog izvora.
Flejsser je delovao narocito fatalisticcki: “Izjava predsednika
bazirala se na tvrdnji o “zzutom kolaccu” (uranu) iz Nigera, - kazao je
on. – Posto se saopstenje o “zzutom kolaccu” ispostavilo netaccnim, ta
ccinjenica se odrazila na ssirem planu na izjavu predsednika”.
Tojest, Bussa su prevarili. A to sto se ta ccinjenica – ako je ona i
zaista to – odrazila na ssirem planu na sudbinu 18-milionskog
stanovnisstva suverene drzave, zasute bombama i lissene muzejskih
vrednosti, na kraju krajeva, okupirane od strane tragaoca za
nepostojecim uranom, Flejsser je precutao.
Majkl Anton je bio jos precizniji. “Da smo mi tada znali ono sto sada
znamo, - priznao je on, - onda pominjanja o pokussajima Iraka da kupi
uran u Africi ne bi bilo u poruci “O situaciji u zemlji”.
Nije nego! Tek isplivala na povrsinu u americckoj i britanskoj stampi
otkrica omogucavaju ne samo da se posumnja u stvarnu neinformisanost
americcke administracije, nego bacaju tamnu senku podozrenja na Dzordza
Bussa licno. Sudeci po svemu, predsednik je morao znati da se obraca
zemlji, a u ssirem smislu celom svetu, koji je zamro u issccekivanju
ishoda iraccke krize sa obiccnom, banalnom i zato tako nezamislivom u
tom presudnom trenutku lazzi.
Reprodukujmo hronolosski sled dogadjaja. 28. januar 2003. godine.
Dzordz Buss u svoju poruku naciji stavlja sledecu frazu: “Britanska
vlada je saznala, da je Sadam Husein nedavno hteo da kupi u Africi
znaccajnu koliccinu urana”.
Trebalo je da bude jasno kao dan: djavolski rezzim pravi atomsku bombu.
Postavlja se pitanje: kakvi su joss potrebni dokazi o celishodnosti
hitnog preventivnog udara po Bagdadu, pre nego sto on udari po
ccoveccanstvu svojom nukleaernom rukotovorinom od africcke sirovine?
Medjutim, 7. marta 2003. godine direktor MAGATE Mohamed El Baradej
kategoriccki je demantovao glavnu pretpostavku te teze u svom
izvesstaju Savetu bezbdnosti OUN. “Oslanjajuci se na detaljnu analizu,
MAGATE se slozzila sa misljenjem nezavisnih eksperata u zakljuccku da
ti dokumenti, koji ccine osnovu saopstenja o nedavnoj isporuci urana iz
Nigera u Irak, u stvarnosti nisu autenticcni, - zakljuccuje Baradej.
Medjutim, Savet bezbednosti za Vasington u tom trenutku vec nije
merodavan. Sa vassingtonskog aspekta, recci koje stizzu iz nebodera na
njujorsskom Ist-riveru nisu nista visse od bespomocno brbljanje
medjunarodne zajednice, kojoj je doslo vreme da se podccini volji
visseg razuma u liku Sjedinjenih Drzzava. Vojna massinerija koalicije
se pokrece. Nezavisna zemlja postaje meta na mapama Pentagona.
Sada, u julu 2003. godine, mozze se i priznati da su ti nevessti
obavesstajci pomutili mozak predsedniku pa je on tako i dopustio da u
obracanju zemlji upotrebi frazu koja je sluccajno odigrala ulogu
temeljnog razloga za rat. Pobednicima se ne sudi, zar ne?
E, nije tako, smatra sve ssiri krug americckih demokrata i poneko od
uticajnih republikanaca.
Danas je isplivalo na povrssinu i joss nessto: ispostavilo se da je
joss prossle godine CIA tajno uputila u Niger bivseg americckog
ambasadora u Gabonu Dzozefa Vilsona, kako bi se on na licu mesta uverio
da li je zaista Irak pokussavao da dobije, ili je makar ssetkao okolo i
oblizivao se na ovdassnji uran. Vilson je imao na desetine razgovora sa
visokopostavljenim ccinovnicima Nigera, pustili su ga da poseti
zatvorene rudnike i skladissta, i on je nedvosmisleno zakljuccio: ma
nema tu mesta ni za ssta slicno.
Diplomata je svoj zakljuccak saopstio CIA. A dalje se dessava nessto
izuzetno znacajno za celokupnu tu uransku storiju. Kako je ovih dana
izjavio anonimni visokopostavljeni saradnik CIA dopisniku Bi-bi-si,
izvesstaj koji je pripremio Vilson bio je upuccen u Belu kucu jos marta
2002. godine.
E, sad, danas se mozze koliko hocete priccati, kako to ccine spasioci
imidza americcke administracije, da taj papir Vilsona “mozzda i nije ni
stigao” do predsednika. U to je tessko poverovati. Kada se ressavalo
pitanje rata ili mira, ssef SAD i njihovih oruzzanih snaga nije mogao
da ignorisse direktno obavesstajno saopsstenje o glavnom kriminalu,
koji je pripisivan Iraku: tezzi li on da nabavi oruzzje za masovno
unisstavanje.
Ne tezzi – saopstila je obavesstajna sluzzba i to prenela Beloj kuci.
Da, izjavio je predsdenik, koji je godinu dana pre svoje poruke naciji
“O situaciji u zemlji” bio informisan, dokumenti o uranskim isporukama
Iraku iz Nigera su stoprocentni falsifikat.
