Informazione
1. KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, La voce del Kosovo impossibile.
2. FARNESINA/BALCANI, L'Italia in fuga dal Kosovo.
3. FATTI D'EUROPA EST - Presevo, Albania, Vienna, Romania,
Armenia-Azerbajan
(dal Manifesto, 30 novembre 2000)
----------------------------------------
La voce del Kosovo impossibile
Intervista a Oliver Ivanovic, leader del Consiglio nazionale
serbo in Kosovo.
MARIO BOCCIA - KOSOVSKA MITROVICA
"Libertà di movimento, sicurezza, diritto al ritorno": parole
ricorrenti, persino abusate nei discorsi dei governatori-
rappresentanti della comunità internazionale in Kosovo. Parole
svuotate di contenuto dai fatti.
A due anni dalla firma degli accordi di Kumanovo, la guerra
continua contro le minoranze, l'economia è drogata dalla presenza
delle organizzazioni umanitarie e/o militari, la mafia impone i
suoi diktat su chiunque voglia mettere in piedi un attività
autonoma. Eppure su queste parole-speranze si gioca il futuro del
Kosovo e di quella parte dei suoi "nativi" che ne sono
attualmente esclusi.
Le parole cambiano di senso a seconda della bocca che le
pronuncia, sembra dire Oliver Ivanovic (leader del Consiglio
nazionale serbo e autorevole interlocutore del governo
dell'Unmik) mentre sottolinea con la penna le parti del discorso
del 20 novembre di Bernard Kouchner che lo irritano di più. Non
sono i rimbrotti diplomatici ("...sebbene questa non sia un
assemblea di membri eletti...") ma i passaggi nei quali il
governatore si dice cosciente di "non aver fatto abbastanza per i
serbi", promette di "intensificare gli sforzi per garantire a
tutti libertà di movimento", si impegna a far tornare "tutti
coloro che han lasciato il Kosovo, inclusi i serbi".
Eppure si era trattato di un discorso importante, fatto "a nome
del segretario generale Kofi Annan", alla cerimonia inaugurale
delle quattro assemblee comunali autocostituite di Mitrovica-
nord, Zvecan, Zubin Potok e Leposavic (dove è avvenuto
l'incontro): vale a dire i comuni dove vive la maggioranza dei
serbi residenti in Kosovo. Un territorio "privilegiato" per la
continuità territoriale con la Serbia e per le sue dimensioni,
rispetto altre comunità più piccole e isolate.
D. Non era scontato che il governatore fosse presente ad una
iniziativa che appariva in contrasto con la consultazione
elettorale da lui voluta e boicottata dalla stragrande
maggioranza dei serbi.
Di che si è trattato, signor Ivanovic?
R. Abbiamo nominato questi consigli comunali per avviare un
processo di normalizzazione che dovrà concludersi con il rientro
di tutti i profughi. Ci siamo mossi nel rispetto delle linee-
guida della risoluzione 1244. I nuovi consigli provvisori sono
stati nominati rispettando la composizione etnica della
popolazione sul territorio e considerando rappresentatività,
ruolo sociale, cultura e popolarità delle persone. Dovranno
svolgere il loro compito naturale in una situazione
straordinaria. Per fare un esempio: a Leposavic abbiamo nominato
14 serbi, due albanesi e 1 musulmano; a Mitrovica (nord), 15
serbi, 2 albanesi, 1 musulmano e 1 rom.
D. I serbi nominati d'ufficio nei consigli comunali eletti con il
voto delle ultime elezioni non si presentano. Quando qualcuno,
serbo o di altre minoranze, accetta di farlo, gli eletti del Pdk
bloccano i lavori abbandonando l'aula. Succederà lo stesso anche
con i vostri "cooptati"?
R. Finora non sappiamo se tutti gli albanesi accetteranno, ci
hanno chiesto tempo per riflettere, noi comunque saremmo
soddisfatti della loro presenza e certi del valore del loro
contributo.
D. Non andando alle "elezioni di Kouchner" e convocando i "suoi"
consigli comunali, il Consiglio nazionale serbo ha deciso di
andare verso la spartizione del Kosovo? La presenza stessa di
Kouchner, che nei primi quattro paragrafi del suo saluto augurale
all'assemblea di Leposavic, ripete quattro volte: "le vostre
municipalità", avalla questa tendenza?
R. Assolutamente no. Quelle elezioni non dovevano essere fatte
perché non c'erano le condizioni minime, elementari per una
libera espressione di voto. Sono state imposte da Kouchner alla
fine del suo mandato, per mascherare il totale fallimento della
sua missione. Hanno dato una verniciatura di normalità ad una
situazione gravissima. Che normalità è senza i profughi? Non
erano solo inutili, ma hanno peggiorato la situazione. Basti
guardare alla violenza che ha insanguinato la campagna
elettorale. Chi ha avuto diritto al voto? Quanti tra quelli che
hanno votato abitano questo paese solo da giugno del '99? Come si
può parlare di volontà popolare se oltre duecentomila profughi
(quelli sì, kosovari) sono fuori dal paese? Come era possibile
fare la campagna elettorale, quando a tutt'oggi in Kosovo non
sono garantiti libertà di movimento, sicurezza per le minoranze e
diritto al ritorno? L'omicidio dei quattro aschkalija che avevano
accettato di rientrare a Dosevac, è un avvertimento a tutti, noi
per primi. Se vengono trucidati anche loro, che parlano la stessa
lingua, che succederà agli altri? Era un rientro concordato e
doveva essere protetto. Chi non lo ha fatto è complice degli
assassini. Lei dice che i serbi rifutano la nomina d'ufficio, è
vero, ma per non mascherare con la loro presenza l'imbroglio che
c'è dietro queste elezioni. Come posso andare alle riunioni del
consiglio comunale che si trova nella parte sud, dove la mia
faccia è esposta per le strade in un manifesto che mi indica come
"criminale di guerra n1"? Comunque le assicuro che, da parte
nostra, non c'è nessuna volontà di separazione. Al contrario: la
nostra priorità è che tutti possano tornare da dove sono stati
cacciati.
D. Dopo che la parte del complesso industriale di Trepca (oltre
40 differenti impianti, anche fuori dal Kosovo) che sta sul
vostro territorio è stata chiusa per motivi "ecologici", cosa ne
è dell'impianto?
R. Le tensioni di allora sono state superate, ma la Trepca di
Zvecan è ferma ed è indispensabile all'economia della regione.
400 operai serbi mantengono l'impianto alle condizioni di
manutenzione minime per impedire il deterioramento e prendono 50
marchi al mese di indennizzo dall'Unmik. Quello dell'inquinamento
è un problema reale e l'impianto deve essere ristrutturato, ma
non tollero che il problema possa essere posto da chi ha
contaminato il nostro territorio con l'uranio impoverito. Perché
non si preoccupano del livello di inquinamento delle centrali
elettriche di Obilic? L'impianto di Zvecan lavorava al 10% delle
sue possibilità per evitare un inquinamento eccessivo. Le accuse
contro il direttore della fabbrica (incriminato per "danni
all'ambiente", per avere incrementato l'attività della Trepca
prima della chiusura messa in atto dalla Kfor ad agosto, alla
vigilia delle elezioni presidenziali in Serbia, ndr) sono false e
ipocrite.
D. In questi giorni si sono svolte manifestazioni e scioperi di
protesta per chiedere la liberazione dei prigionieri albanesi
detenuti in Serbia. Non pensa che un amnistia favorirebbe, se non
la ripresa del dialogo, almeno un raffreddamento della tensione?
R. So che verrà istituita una commissione mista, su modello
sudafricano, che vaglierà caso per caso. Avvocati albanesi sono
già a Belgrado. Ma perché nessuno parla dei 1300 serbi scomparsi?
Dove sono? Sono stati tutti uccisi? Qui da noi ce ne sono 18 in
un carcere sorvegliato dall'Unmik, da otto mesi, senza nessuna
accusa specifica formalizzata. Non possiamo accettare che vengano
giudicati da una corte composta da giudici albanesi. Sono state
violate anche le leggi jugoslave sulla detenzione preventiva, che
prevedono termini di sei mesi.
D. In situazioni come questa, la criminalità trova terreno
fertile. Anche da voi?
R. Noi non abbiamo ancora avuto la possibilità di organizzare una
nostra polizia autonoma e quella internazionale, prima di trovare
i criminali, deve imparare a trovare la strada per tornare in
caserma senza perdersi. Ma il problema del diffondersi della
malavita è essenzialmente un problema sociale. Quello che manca
qui è il lavoro. Se un operaio per vivere è obbligato a
trasformarsi in un "borsaro nero", perde la sua dignità. Manca il
lavoro e la criminalità aumenta, anche se, da noi, la comunità
stessa mette in atto forme di controllo. Comunque il lavoro è la
nostra priorità sociale.
D. Lei è stato descritto come uomo di Milosevic e ora come uomo
di Kostunica dagli stessi giornali, a distanza di pochi mesi. Ma
lei con chi sta?
R. Io non sto con nessuno - ride. Quello che non hanno capito è
che sono il rappresentante riconosciuto di questa comunità e a
questa rispondo delle mie azioni. E' un vizio culturale, una
visione della politica vecchia. Se vogliamo, questo è stato uno
dei nostri principali difetti del passato: una gestione
centralista che non tiene conto delle realtà locali. Noi vogliamo
decidere il nostro futuro, non pretendiamo di avere sempre
ragione, ma vogliamo essere consultati. Nessuna soluzione per il
Kosovo potrà mai essere elaborata senza sentire chi ci vive e chi
ci vuole tornare. Io non sono mai stato eletto, ma credo di
rappresentare tutti, senza distinzioni politiche.
D. Dopo i giudizi duri che lei ha dato sulla politica di Bernard
Kouchner, cosa pensa del suo successore inglese?
R. Venisse anche il diavolo, chiunque sarebbe meglio di Kouchner!
---------------------------------------------------
FARNESINA/BALCANI
L'Italia in fuga dal Kosovo
Si è dimesso Dionisio Spoliti, Governatore di Gnijlane gia'
"numero 2" del Sisde. Dini tace.
TOMMASO DI FRANCESCO
L'area che va dalla Valle di Presevo in Serbia, all'est del
Kosovo, fino al nord-Albania, è di nuovo in fiamme. A Pristina
non si è spenta ancora l'eco delle parole di Ibrahim Rugova ai
funerali del suo più stretto collaboratore, Xhemajl Mustafa,
ucciso la scorsa settimana da settori del formalmente disciolto
Uck: "Con te - ha detto Rugova - hanno ucciso la cultura e il
giornalismo albanese"; nel nord Albania i militanti "democratici"
di Berisha vanno allo scontro armato con i socialisti al governo;
l'area di Presevo e la fascia smilitarizzata di 5 km con la zona
contigua del Kosovo "controllata" dal contingente Kfor-Nato degli
Stati uniti - che nell'area, a Bondsteel, hanno costruito la più
grande base militare dei Balcani - è nel turbine di una nuova
guerra, con 5 agenti serbi uccisi, duemila profughi albanesi,
tank e, solo ora, perquisizioni della Nato. Ieri, dopo una
"tregua concordata", le truppe di Belgrado hanno rioccupato i 4
villaggi presi per giorni dai separatisti albanesi dell'Ucpmb.
Per la Nato l'area è "tra le più pericolose al mondo".
Ci si dovrebbe aspettare un surplus d'iniziativa politica e
diplomatica. Soprattutto da parte di chi, come l'Italia, vanta
una presenza "di valore" in Kosovo. Ma la realtà dimostra il
contrario. Il punto più caldo è Gnijlane, da lì partono le bande
dell'Ucpmb. Il Kosovo è diviso in 5 distretti militari e
amministrativi - Pristina, Mitrovica, Gnijlane, Pec, Prizren -,
sotto controllo di contingenti Nato e governatori Onu.
Governatore di Gnijlane è l'italiano Dionisio Spoliti. Sarebbe
meglio dire era, giacché, proprio di fronte al precipitare della
situazione, non ha trovato di meglio da fare che dimettersi. Del
resto da lui non era venuta nessuna iniziativa diplomatica da
quando s'insediò circa 6 mesi fa: ignorante di diplomazia,
Balcani e lingue, l'ex "numero 2" del Sisde ha brillato per
l'assenza.
Lo aveva inviato il ministro Dini. A fare che? E' possibile che
non abbia niente da dire ora?
Dini tace per abitudine. In Kosovo l'Italia non ha fatto che
dimettersi: nel 1998 non durò 48 ore il dottor Perugini (vice-
questore d'Arezzo) nella missione Osce guidata dall'infido
William Walker; due mesi durò Giovanni Koessler (magistrato di
Bolzano) già nel 1999; cinque mesi a Mitrovica, Mario Morcone
(prefetto di Arezzo). Spie, questurini, prefetti. E nessuno ci
racconti la favola del generale Cabigiosu che in Kosovo comanda
la Kfor: quella è la Nato dove - dopo i raid di Aviano -
l'esercito italiano brilla. A noi, agli albanesi e ai serbi,
interesserebbe il ruolo diplomatico dell'Italia. E quello,
purtroppo, non si vede.
-----------------------------------------------------
FATTI D'EUROPA EST
Presevo, interviene la Nato
In una sorprendente ma non inaspettata inversione dei ruoli e
delle alleanze, la Nato si è detta ieri disponibile alla
collaborazione con Belgrado per intervenire contro le attività
"terroristiche" degli albanesi in Kosovo. Un passo dettato
senz'altro dai migliori rapporti tral l'Alleanza e il nuovo
leader jugoslava, ma anche dalla ormai sempre più chiara
insofferenza dell'Occidente nei confronti del Kosovo. La Nato ha
stabilito un piano in sei punti per risolvere la crisi nella
valle di Presevo. Fra questi una campagna di informazione per
mettere in luce le attività terroristiche degli albanesi a
Presevo, rapporti più stretti tra la Kfor e la polizia serba,
controllo rafforzato sulle linee di confine e massima allerta
contro il traffico di armi.
Tensione in Albania
Iseguaci di Sali Berisha non ci stanno. Martedì sera l'arresto, e
il rilascio dopo qualche ora, del leader dell'opposizione
conservatrice, ha infervorato gli animi, e non solo, di alcuni
albanesi. Scontri sanguinosi si sono verificati a Tropoja, nel
nord del paese, da sempre regione fedele all'ex presidente
Berisha. Alcuni uomini hanno circondato il posto di polizia
locale e poi hanno dato fuoco al tribunale. La tensione è
altissima fin dai giorni delle elezioni amministrative di
ottobre, che avevano visto la sconfitta del partito di Berisha,
anche nella capitale. Da allora quotidianamente i suoi partigiani
manifestano nelle piazze delle principali città albanesi, in modo
sempre più violento. L'altro ieri, proprio nel corso di una di
queste manifestazioni, Berisha era stato fermato dalla polizia e
contemporaneamente esercito e blindati venivano schierati nei
punti chiave della città. Il primo ministro albanese, dal canto
suo, ha lanciato un avvertimento all'opposizione radicale: "Tutti
coloro che attaccheranno le istituzioni dovranno risponderne in
tribunale".
Chirac a Vienna
Non si è trattato esattamente un incontro cordiale, ma pur sempre
un incontro c'è stato. Dopo mesi di reciproca diffidenza, il
presidente francese Jacques Chirac si è recato a Vienna dove ha
stretto la mano al cancelliere austriaco Wolfgang Schüssel. I
colloqui si sono incentrati sullo sviluppo delle istituzioni
comunitarie europee alla vigilia del summit di Nizza. L'Austria,
come tutti i paesi di piccole dimensioni, propende al
mantenimento dell'attuale
status e composizione della commissione, nel timore di perdere, altrimenti,
peso politico in seno all'Europa. Chirac, in qualità di presidente dell'Unione,
ha tenuto a precisare che il significato della visita rientra nell'ambito di un
tour di tutte le capitali europee, e non ha voluto affrontare il problema della
presenza nel governo austriaco del partito di Haider, all'origine di tante
tensioni tra Vienna e Bruxelles.
Romania, elezioni
Il partito della Grande Romania tende la mano ai socialdemocratici. In base ai
risultati ancora provvisori delle elezioni di domenica scorsa, il partito
dell'estrema destra rumena dovrebbe aver ottenuto circa il 28 percento dei
voti, contro il 37 percento del partito socialdemocratico, guidato dall'ex
presidente Ion Iliescu. Il leader del Partito della Grande Romania Vadim Tudor
ha offerto al suo avversario, che finora si è sempre detto contrario, la
collaborazione per un governo di grande coalizione. Ion Iliescu e Vadim Tudor
si affronteranno il 10 dicembre prossimo nel ballottaggio per la carica di
presidente della repubblica.
Armenia e Azerbajan
Dopo 13 anni di conflitto, un primo passo verso una possibile distensione tra i
due paesi. Ieri il vicepresidente del parlamento azero si è recato a Yerevan,
capitale dell'Armenia, dove era in corso un forum degli 11 paesi che si
affacciano sul Mar nero. Si tratta della figura istituzionale più importante
che si sia finora mai recata nel paese nemico. Tanto il
parlamentare azero che il suo omologo armeno hanno mostrato una
certa disponibilità a riprendere il dialogo. Armenia e Azerbajan,
due ex repubbliche sovietiche, si contendono la regione del
Nagorno-Karabak, enclave popolata da una maggioranza armena in
territorio azero, che si è dichiarata indipendente nel 1988. Una
tregua nel 1994 ha messo fine ad una guerra che ha fatto oltre
15.000 vittime e un milione di profughi, ma il problema della
sovranità del Nagorno Karbak resta ancora del tutto irrisolto.
-------------------------------------------------
Il Manifesto, 30 novembre 2000
------
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2. FARNESINA/BALCANI, L'Italia in fuga dal Kosovo.
3. FATTI D'EUROPA EST - Presevo, Albania, Vienna, Romania,
Armenia-Azerbajan
(dal Manifesto, 30 novembre 2000)
----------------------------------------
La voce del Kosovo impossibile
Intervista a Oliver Ivanovic, leader del Consiglio nazionale
serbo in Kosovo.
MARIO BOCCIA - KOSOVSKA MITROVICA
"Libertà di movimento, sicurezza, diritto al ritorno": parole
ricorrenti, persino abusate nei discorsi dei governatori-
rappresentanti della comunità internazionale in Kosovo. Parole
svuotate di contenuto dai fatti.
A due anni dalla firma degli accordi di Kumanovo, la guerra
continua contro le minoranze, l'economia è drogata dalla presenza
delle organizzazioni umanitarie e/o militari, la mafia impone i
suoi diktat su chiunque voglia mettere in piedi un attività
autonoma. Eppure su queste parole-speranze si gioca il futuro del
Kosovo e di quella parte dei suoi "nativi" che ne sono
attualmente esclusi.
Le parole cambiano di senso a seconda della bocca che le
pronuncia, sembra dire Oliver Ivanovic (leader del Consiglio
nazionale serbo e autorevole interlocutore del governo
dell'Unmik) mentre sottolinea con la penna le parti del discorso
del 20 novembre di Bernard Kouchner che lo irritano di più. Non
sono i rimbrotti diplomatici ("...sebbene questa non sia un
assemblea di membri eletti...") ma i passaggi nei quali il
governatore si dice cosciente di "non aver fatto abbastanza per i
serbi", promette di "intensificare gli sforzi per garantire a
tutti libertà di movimento", si impegna a far tornare "tutti
coloro che han lasciato il Kosovo, inclusi i serbi".
Eppure si era trattato di un discorso importante, fatto "a nome
del segretario generale Kofi Annan", alla cerimonia inaugurale
delle quattro assemblee comunali autocostituite di Mitrovica-
nord, Zvecan, Zubin Potok e Leposavic (dove è avvenuto
l'incontro): vale a dire i comuni dove vive la maggioranza dei
serbi residenti in Kosovo. Un territorio "privilegiato" per la
continuità territoriale con la Serbia e per le sue dimensioni,
rispetto altre comunità più piccole e isolate.
D. Non era scontato che il governatore fosse presente ad una
iniziativa che appariva in contrasto con la consultazione
elettorale da lui voluta e boicottata dalla stragrande
maggioranza dei serbi.
Di che si è trattato, signor Ivanovic?
R. Abbiamo nominato questi consigli comunali per avviare un
processo di normalizzazione che dovrà concludersi con il rientro
di tutti i profughi. Ci siamo mossi nel rispetto delle linee-
guida della risoluzione 1244. I nuovi consigli provvisori sono
stati nominati rispettando la composizione etnica della
popolazione sul territorio e considerando rappresentatività,
ruolo sociale, cultura e popolarità delle persone. Dovranno
svolgere il loro compito naturale in una situazione
straordinaria. Per fare un esempio: a Leposavic abbiamo nominato
14 serbi, due albanesi e 1 musulmano; a Mitrovica (nord), 15
serbi, 2 albanesi, 1 musulmano e 1 rom.
D. I serbi nominati d'ufficio nei consigli comunali eletti con il
voto delle ultime elezioni non si presentano. Quando qualcuno,
serbo o di altre minoranze, accetta di farlo, gli eletti del Pdk
bloccano i lavori abbandonando l'aula. Succederà lo stesso anche
con i vostri "cooptati"?
R. Finora non sappiamo se tutti gli albanesi accetteranno, ci
hanno chiesto tempo per riflettere, noi comunque saremmo
soddisfatti della loro presenza e certi del valore del loro
contributo.
D. Non andando alle "elezioni di Kouchner" e convocando i "suoi"
consigli comunali, il Consiglio nazionale serbo ha deciso di
andare verso la spartizione del Kosovo? La presenza stessa di
Kouchner, che nei primi quattro paragrafi del suo saluto augurale
all'assemblea di Leposavic, ripete quattro volte: "le vostre
municipalità", avalla questa tendenza?
R. Assolutamente no. Quelle elezioni non dovevano essere fatte
perché non c'erano le condizioni minime, elementari per una
libera espressione di voto. Sono state imposte da Kouchner alla
fine del suo mandato, per mascherare il totale fallimento della
sua missione. Hanno dato una verniciatura di normalità ad una
situazione gravissima. Che normalità è senza i profughi? Non
erano solo inutili, ma hanno peggiorato la situazione. Basti
guardare alla violenza che ha insanguinato la campagna
elettorale. Chi ha avuto diritto al voto? Quanti tra quelli che
hanno votato abitano questo paese solo da giugno del '99? Come si
può parlare di volontà popolare se oltre duecentomila profughi
(quelli sì, kosovari) sono fuori dal paese? Come era possibile
fare la campagna elettorale, quando a tutt'oggi in Kosovo non
sono garantiti libertà di movimento, sicurezza per le minoranze e
diritto al ritorno? L'omicidio dei quattro aschkalija che avevano
accettato di rientrare a Dosevac, è un avvertimento a tutti, noi
per primi. Se vengono trucidati anche loro, che parlano la stessa
lingua, che succederà agli altri? Era un rientro concordato e
doveva essere protetto. Chi non lo ha fatto è complice degli
assassini. Lei dice che i serbi rifutano la nomina d'ufficio, è
vero, ma per non mascherare con la loro presenza l'imbroglio che
c'è dietro queste elezioni. Come posso andare alle riunioni del
consiglio comunale che si trova nella parte sud, dove la mia
faccia è esposta per le strade in un manifesto che mi indica come
"criminale di guerra n1"? Comunque le assicuro che, da parte
nostra, non c'è nessuna volontà di separazione. Al contrario: la
nostra priorità è che tutti possano tornare da dove sono stati
cacciati.
D. Dopo che la parte del complesso industriale di Trepca (oltre
40 differenti impianti, anche fuori dal Kosovo) che sta sul
vostro territorio è stata chiusa per motivi "ecologici", cosa ne
è dell'impianto?
R. Le tensioni di allora sono state superate, ma la Trepca di
Zvecan è ferma ed è indispensabile all'economia della regione.
400 operai serbi mantengono l'impianto alle condizioni di
manutenzione minime per impedire il deterioramento e prendono 50
marchi al mese di indennizzo dall'Unmik. Quello dell'inquinamento
è un problema reale e l'impianto deve essere ristrutturato, ma
non tollero che il problema possa essere posto da chi ha
contaminato il nostro territorio con l'uranio impoverito. Perché
non si preoccupano del livello di inquinamento delle centrali
elettriche di Obilic? L'impianto di Zvecan lavorava al 10% delle
sue possibilità per evitare un inquinamento eccessivo. Le accuse
contro il direttore della fabbrica (incriminato per "danni
all'ambiente", per avere incrementato l'attività della Trepca
prima della chiusura messa in atto dalla Kfor ad agosto, alla
vigilia delle elezioni presidenziali in Serbia, ndr) sono false e
ipocrite.
D. In questi giorni si sono svolte manifestazioni e scioperi di
protesta per chiedere la liberazione dei prigionieri albanesi
detenuti in Serbia. Non pensa che un amnistia favorirebbe, se non
la ripresa del dialogo, almeno un raffreddamento della tensione?
R. So che verrà istituita una commissione mista, su modello
sudafricano, che vaglierà caso per caso. Avvocati albanesi sono
già a Belgrado. Ma perché nessuno parla dei 1300 serbi scomparsi?
Dove sono? Sono stati tutti uccisi? Qui da noi ce ne sono 18 in
un carcere sorvegliato dall'Unmik, da otto mesi, senza nessuna
accusa specifica formalizzata. Non possiamo accettare che vengano
giudicati da una corte composta da giudici albanesi. Sono state
violate anche le leggi jugoslave sulla detenzione preventiva, che
prevedono termini di sei mesi.
D. In situazioni come questa, la criminalità trova terreno
fertile. Anche da voi?
R. Noi non abbiamo ancora avuto la possibilità di organizzare una
nostra polizia autonoma e quella internazionale, prima di trovare
i criminali, deve imparare a trovare la strada per tornare in
caserma senza perdersi. Ma il problema del diffondersi della
malavita è essenzialmente un problema sociale. Quello che manca
qui è il lavoro. Se un operaio per vivere è obbligato a
trasformarsi in un "borsaro nero", perde la sua dignità. Manca il
lavoro e la criminalità aumenta, anche se, da noi, la comunità
stessa mette in atto forme di controllo. Comunque il lavoro è la
nostra priorità sociale.
D. Lei è stato descritto come uomo di Milosevic e ora come uomo
di Kostunica dagli stessi giornali, a distanza di pochi mesi. Ma
lei con chi sta?
R. Io non sto con nessuno - ride. Quello che non hanno capito è
che sono il rappresentante riconosciuto di questa comunità e a
questa rispondo delle mie azioni. E' un vizio culturale, una
visione della politica vecchia. Se vogliamo, questo è stato uno
dei nostri principali difetti del passato: una gestione
centralista che non tiene conto delle realtà locali. Noi vogliamo
decidere il nostro futuro, non pretendiamo di avere sempre
ragione, ma vogliamo essere consultati. Nessuna soluzione per il
Kosovo potrà mai essere elaborata senza sentire chi ci vive e chi
ci vuole tornare. Io non sono mai stato eletto, ma credo di
rappresentare tutti, senza distinzioni politiche.
D. Dopo i giudizi duri che lei ha dato sulla politica di Bernard
Kouchner, cosa pensa del suo successore inglese?
R. Venisse anche il diavolo, chiunque sarebbe meglio di Kouchner!
---------------------------------------------------
FARNESINA/BALCANI
L'Italia in fuga dal Kosovo
Si è dimesso Dionisio Spoliti, Governatore di Gnijlane gia'
"numero 2" del Sisde. Dini tace.
TOMMASO DI FRANCESCO
L'area che va dalla Valle di Presevo in Serbia, all'est del
Kosovo, fino al nord-Albania, è di nuovo in fiamme. A Pristina
non si è spenta ancora l'eco delle parole di Ibrahim Rugova ai
funerali del suo più stretto collaboratore, Xhemajl Mustafa,
ucciso la scorsa settimana da settori del formalmente disciolto
Uck: "Con te - ha detto Rugova - hanno ucciso la cultura e il
giornalismo albanese"; nel nord Albania i militanti "democratici"
di Berisha vanno allo scontro armato con i socialisti al governo;
l'area di Presevo e la fascia smilitarizzata di 5 km con la zona
contigua del Kosovo "controllata" dal contingente Kfor-Nato degli
Stati uniti - che nell'area, a Bondsteel, hanno costruito la più
grande base militare dei Balcani - è nel turbine di una nuova
guerra, con 5 agenti serbi uccisi, duemila profughi albanesi,
tank e, solo ora, perquisizioni della Nato. Ieri, dopo una
"tregua concordata", le truppe di Belgrado hanno rioccupato i 4
villaggi presi per giorni dai separatisti albanesi dell'Ucpmb.
Per la Nato l'area è "tra le più pericolose al mondo".
Ci si dovrebbe aspettare un surplus d'iniziativa politica e
diplomatica. Soprattutto da parte di chi, come l'Italia, vanta
una presenza "di valore" in Kosovo. Ma la realtà dimostra il
contrario. Il punto più caldo è Gnijlane, da lì partono le bande
dell'Ucpmb. Il Kosovo è diviso in 5 distretti militari e
amministrativi - Pristina, Mitrovica, Gnijlane, Pec, Prizren -,
sotto controllo di contingenti Nato e governatori Onu.
Governatore di Gnijlane è l'italiano Dionisio Spoliti. Sarebbe
meglio dire era, giacché, proprio di fronte al precipitare della
situazione, non ha trovato di meglio da fare che dimettersi. Del
resto da lui non era venuta nessuna iniziativa diplomatica da
quando s'insediò circa 6 mesi fa: ignorante di diplomazia,
Balcani e lingue, l'ex "numero 2" del Sisde ha brillato per
l'assenza.
Lo aveva inviato il ministro Dini. A fare che? E' possibile che
non abbia niente da dire ora?
Dini tace per abitudine. In Kosovo l'Italia non ha fatto che
dimettersi: nel 1998 non durò 48 ore il dottor Perugini (vice-
questore d'Arezzo) nella missione Osce guidata dall'infido
William Walker; due mesi durò Giovanni Koessler (magistrato di
Bolzano) già nel 1999; cinque mesi a Mitrovica, Mario Morcone
(prefetto di Arezzo). Spie, questurini, prefetti. E nessuno ci
racconti la favola del generale Cabigiosu che in Kosovo comanda
la Kfor: quella è la Nato dove - dopo i raid di Aviano -
l'esercito italiano brilla. A noi, agli albanesi e ai serbi,
interesserebbe il ruolo diplomatico dell'Italia. E quello,
purtroppo, non si vede.
-----------------------------------------------------
FATTI D'EUROPA EST
Presevo, interviene la Nato
In una sorprendente ma non inaspettata inversione dei ruoli e
delle alleanze, la Nato si è detta ieri disponibile alla
collaborazione con Belgrado per intervenire contro le attività
"terroristiche" degli albanesi in Kosovo. Un passo dettato
senz'altro dai migliori rapporti tral l'Alleanza e il nuovo
leader jugoslava, ma anche dalla ormai sempre più chiara
insofferenza dell'Occidente nei confronti del Kosovo. La Nato ha
stabilito un piano in sei punti per risolvere la crisi nella
valle di Presevo. Fra questi una campagna di informazione per
mettere in luce le attività terroristiche degli albanesi a
Presevo, rapporti più stretti tra la Kfor e la polizia serba,
controllo rafforzato sulle linee di confine e massima allerta
contro il traffico di armi.
Tensione in Albania
Iseguaci di Sali Berisha non ci stanno. Martedì sera l'arresto, e
il rilascio dopo qualche ora, del leader dell'opposizione
conservatrice, ha infervorato gli animi, e non solo, di alcuni
albanesi. Scontri sanguinosi si sono verificati a Tropoja, nel
nord del paese, da sempre regione fedele all'ex presidente
Berisha. Alcuni uomini hanno circondato il posto di polizia
locale e poi hanno dato fuoco al tribunale. La tensione è
altissima fin dai giorni delle elezioni amministrative di
ottobre, che avevano visto la sconfitta del partito di Berisha,
anche nella capitale. Da allora quotidianamente i suoi partigiani
manifestano nelle piazze delle principali città albanesi, in modo
sempre più violento. L'altro ieri, proprio nel corso di una di
queste manifestazioni, Berisha era stato fermato dalla polizia e
contemporaneamente esercito e blindati venivano schierati nei
punti chiave della città. Il primo ministro albanese, dal canto
suo, ha lanciato un avvertimento all'opposizione radicale: "Tutti
coloro che attaccheranno le istituzioni dovranno risponderne in
tribunale".
Chirac a Vienna
Non si è trattato esattamente un incontro cordiale, ma pur sempre
un incontro c'è stato. Dopo mesi di reciproca diffidenza, il
presidente francese Jacques Chirac si è recato a Vienna dove ha
stretto la mano al cancelliere austriaco Wolfgang Schüssel. I
colloqui si sono incentrati sullo sviluppo delle istituzioni
comunitarie europee alla vigilia del summit di Nizza. L'Austria,
come tutti i paesi di piccole dimensioni, propende al
mantenimento dell'attuale
status e composizione della commissione, nel timore di perdere, altrimenti,
peso politico in seno all'Europa. Chirac, in qualità di presidente dell'Unione,
ha tenuto a precisare che il significato della visita rientra nell'ambito di un
tour di tutte le capitali europee, e non ha voluto affrontare il problema della
presenza nel governo austriaco del partito di Haider, all'origine di tante
tensioni tra Vienna e Bruxelles.
Romania, elezioni
Il partito della Grande Romania tende la mano ai socialdemocratici. In base ai
risultati ancora provvisori delle elezioni di domenica scorsa, il partito
dell'estrema destra rumena dovrebbe aver ottenuto circa il 28 percento dei
voti, contro il 37 percento del partito socialdemocratico, guidato dall'ex
presidente Ion Iliescu. Il leader del Partito della Grande Romania Vadim Tudor
ha offerto al suo avversario, che finora si è sempre detto contrario, la
collaborazione per un governo di grande coalizione. Ion Iliescu e Vadim Tudor
si affronteranno il 10 dicembre prossimo nel ballottaggio per la carica di
presidente della repubblica.
Armenia e Azerbajan
Dopo 13 anni di conflitto, un primo passo verso una possibile distensione tra i
due paesi. Ieri il vicepresidente del parlamento azero si è recato a Yerevan,
capitale dell'Armenia, dove era in corso un forum degli 11 paesi che si
affacciano sul Mar nero. Si tratta della figura istituzionale più importante
che si sia finora mai recata nel paese nemico. Tanto il
parlamentare azero che il suo omologo armeno hanno mostrato una
certa disponibilità a riprendere il dialogo. Armenia e Azerbajan,
due ex repubbliche sovietiche, si contendono la regione del
Nagorno-Karabak, enclave popolata da una maggioranza armena in
territorio azero, che si è dichiarata indipendente nel 1988. Una
tregua nel 1994 ha messo fine ad una guerra che ha fatto oltre
15.000 vittime e un milione di profughi, ma il problema della
sovranità del Nagorno Karbak resta ancora del tutto irrisolto.
-------------------------------------------------
Il Manifesto, 30 novembre 2000
------
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-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Notizie dalla Zastava
Data: Wed, 29 Nov 2000 05:13:10 +0100
Da: "Rossi Alma" <alma@...>
A: "0 -CGIL-Lomb-Lino" <rosolino_anelli.cgil_regionale@...>
Le notizie che ci vengono dalla Jugoslavia parlano di una situazione
niente
affatto ‘normalizzata’.
Alla Zastava-automobili di Kragujevac dovevano tenersi il 24 novembre le
elezioni per il rinnovo dei delegati sindacali del Samostalni Sindikat
(il
più grande sindacato jugoslavo).
Le elezioni sono state boicottate e sospese a causa dell'ennesima azione
intimidatoria da parte della componente del sindacato che fa riferimento
al
DOS.
Come è noto, nei giorni immediatamente successivi al 5 ottobre, alla
Zastava-Iveco, erano stati già
aggrediti, e costretti alle dimissioni, il segretario Sekula e il
vicesegretario Milan Doncic del sindacato Zastava Iveco.
Gli stessi agressori nominavano successivamente, nelle cariche sindacali
rimaste "vacanti", elementi iscritti al DOS, a partire dalla teoria che
essendo cambiato il governo dovevano cambiare anche le rappresentanze
sindacali in fabbrica. Il tutto, come evidente, al di fuori di qualsiasi
legalità, tanto è vero che (come succederebbe in ogni organizzazione
sindacale) la struttura nazionale del sindacato e la stessa segreteria
nazionale del sindacato dei metalmeccanici invalidavano l'operazione, in
quanto avvenuta senza alcuna votazione da parte dei lavoratori della
zastava-iveco, ed imposta con procedure illegali ed arbitrarie.
Sempre nella stessa occasione era invece fallito il tentativo di imporre
con
la forza le dimissioni del
presidente del sindacato della Zastava, Ruzica Milosavljevic, per la
ferma e
decisa risposta di quest’ultima.
In risposta all’ondata di violenze scatenata dagli appartenenti alla
DOS, la
presidente del sindacato Zastava proponeva quindi di andare ad una
consultazione tra i lavoratori iscritti per il rinnovo di tutti gli
incarichi sindacali all’interno del Samostalni della Zastava, attraverso
congressi ed elezioni, secondo il regolamento statutario e procedure
democratiche.
Le elezioni vengono fissate per il 24 novembre
Nelle settimane precedenti si svolgono riunioni ed assemblee nei singoli
reparti della fabbrica per la designazione dei candidati. Alcuni ex
delegati
del Samostalni della Zastav decidono di non ricandidarsi
proprio per non dare adito ad alcuna accusa di “occupazione delle
poltrone”,
e favorire così un rinnovo delle cariche sindacali in un clima di minore
tensione.
Ma questo evidentemente non basta ai membri DOS della Zastava.
Da lunedì 20 novembre un gruppo di loro ha iniziato un’agitazione nei
reparti che è divenuta sempre più violenta e aggressiva. L'iniziativa
punta
esplicitamente ad impedire la presentazione di candidature di quanti non
si
riconoscono nella corrente della DOS ed è sostenuta da vere e proprie
minacce di linciaggio e con la devastazione degli uffici sindacali.
Il culmine delle agressioni e delle violenze si è registrato giovedì 23
novembre, con l'occupazione degli uffici sindacali della Zastava-auto e
con
l'aperto boicottaggio delle elezioni convocate il giorno successivo.
Venerdì 24 la TV privata locale di Kragujevac, “Canale 9”, annuncia l’
annullamento delle elezioni sindacali previste per il 24. E questo senza
che
nessuno dei componenti le comissioni elettorali precedentemente
istituite in
zastava avesse comunicato alcunchè a riguardo.
La decisione di boicottare le elezioni è quindi chiaramente stata decisa
altrove, non certo in fabbrica.
L'inasprimento delle violenze, fino al boicottaggio, nasce da una
valutazione su come sono andate le assemblee precongressuali di reparto
(una
specie di elezioni primarie) dove gran parte delle candidature espresse
dai
lavoratori iscritti al sindacato zastava (il 94% dei lavoratori della
fabbrica) non risultavano probabilmente gradite alla componente della
DOS
che non era riuscita ad imporsi come avrebbe voluto in occasione di
queste
assemblee precongressuali di reparto.
Subito dopo il boiccotaggio delle elezioni (boicottaggio riuscito grazie
ad
una ben orientata campagna di stampa su giornali e TV private locali e
grazie ad una presenza minacciosa di militanti del DOS davanti alla
fabbrica
per scoraggiare quanti si presentavano alle urne) la componente DOS, che
si
è rifiutata di confrontarsiin una democratica verifica elettorale, ha
iniziato una raccolta di firme per chiedere una sostituzione d'ufficio,
degli attuali rappresentanti sindacali.
Ogni lavoratore viene avvicinato singolarmente da un gruppo di militanti
della DOS che si è nominato "Comitato rivoluzionario per la difesa della
democrazia". Molti lavoratori, a casa perchè ancora senza lavoro,
vengono
cercati nelle loro abitazioni e "costretti a firmare" pena l'essere
etichettati "Filo Milosevic" e quindi minacciati di ritorsione sulle
loro
aspettative di tornare al lavoro o di avere i sussidi comunali e
governativi.
Così, i lavoratori, sono privati del loro diritto democratico ad
esprimere
le loro preferenze sulle candidature sindacali e sulla stessa linea
sindacale proprio in un momento importante della lotta per la
sopravvivenza
della fabbrica.
Il nuovo governo transitorio della repubblica serba e quello della
Federazione non stanno mantenendo gli impegni assunti dal precedente
governo, che aveva destinato molte risorse per la ricostruzione della
grande
fabbrica automobilistica.
La mancata erogazione negli ultimi due mesi dei fondi previsti ha
bloccato
praticamente la produzione. Per pagare i salari sono stati “mangiati” i
fondi destinati all’investimento: 1.100.000 DM che servivano a
finanziare la
fase 2 del programma di ricostruzione, ed erano destinati al reparto
verniciatura.
Sta saltando in tal modo il programma di ricostruzione brillantemente
realizzato nei mesi precedenti con grandi sacrifici e lavoro degli
operai e
che faceva prevedere una produzione di 20.000 vetture entro la fine del
2000. Ora, invece, non si produce, e non si vende.
Di questo passo, si prevede che tra qualche mese non sarà possibile più
pagare i salari. Agitazione e malcontento diffusi tra i lavoratori
potrebbero sfociare in clamorose azioni di lotta. E’ per questo che la
DOS
vuol buttare fuori i compagni del Samostalni oggi impegnati
sull'obiettivo
di aprire una vertenza col governo per il rilancio della fabbrica ?
Se non c’è una chiara inversione di tendenza nella politica del governo
serbo e della Federazione, tra qualche mese la situazione si farà
drammatica, col rischio di bancarotta della fabbrica.
Ma i segnali che sono venuti sinora dal nuovo governo vanno in senso
opposto: la produzione e la vendita delle autovetture della Zastava non
vengono più protette dallo Stato. Dinkic, il leader del G-17 plus (il
gruppo
di economisti neoliberisti che ha stilato il programma economico della
DOS),
dichiara di voler ridurre le tasse sull’importazione di autovetture
straniere. E per quelle usate, il limite massimo di anzianità viene
elevato
da 4 a 6 anni. Inoltre, vengono fortemente abbassati i controlli sulle
auto
provenienti dal Montenegro (in sostanza, sarà più facile riciclare in
Serbia
le auto rubate...).
All’aeroporto di Belgrado è esposta una fiammante Peugeot, l’impresa
automobilistica francese, che, secondo notizie diffuse da radio e
televisione di Kragujevac ai primi di ottobre, avrebbe acquisito gli
stabilimenti della Zastava. Ma su di essi sembra riaffacciarsi
l’attenzione
della FIAT.
Che intendono fare le multinazionali?
Nel comitato di gestione (upravni odbor) della Zastava sono entrati due
rappresentanti del minuscolo partito democristiano, conquistando
addirittura
la presidenza con Milorad Savicevic. Qualche giornale di Kragujevac ha
anche
ironizzato, con qualche preoccupazione, sul peso eccessivo che ha
ottenuto
nella grande fabbrica un partito che nella coalizione della DOS non
conta
molto. Anche questo sembra essere un cattivo segnale per le prospettive
di
sopravvivenza della grande fabbrica.
In queste condizioni, con un consiglio d’amministrazione controllato
dagli
“amici” della DOS e un sindacato, i cui dirigenti più combattivi e
vicini ai
lavoratori vengono allontanati con la violenza, le multinazionali
possono
imporre prezzi stracciati per l’acquisto della grande fabbrica. Per
farne
che? Forse semplicemente comprarla per farla chiudere definitivamente,
eliminando il più grande produttore di auto nell’area balcanica: è così
che
l’Europa “entra” in Serbia, imponendo le sue merci...
Oppure per ristrutturarne qualche reparto, mantenendo al più un migliaio
di
lavoratori e “mettendo in libertà” tutti gli altri.
E’ per questo probabilmente che si scatena l’offensiva contro gli
attuali
rappresentanti del sindacato Zastava. Le multinazionali - è noto -
tollerano
al più un sindacato giallo, non un sindacato che si opponga alla loro
penetrazione.
Queste notizie sono state raccolte sulla base di testimonianze di alcuni
delegati zastava, di lavoratori della zastava che, per via
dell'iniziativa
di adozioni a distanza sono in contatto con alcune famiglie italiane, e
della testimonianza di Andrea Catone della associazione "un ponte per ..
in
terra di Bari" presente a Kragujevac proprio nei giorni precedenti il 24
novembre per consegnare le quote relative a 270 adozioni a distanza
raccolte
in Puglia.
Una delegazione del Coordinamento nazionale delle RSU andrà a Kragujevac
nei
giorni 8 e 9 dicembre.
Faremo il punto della situazione al ritorno
ciao alma
Alma Rossi - email - alma@...
indirizzo email del coordinamento RSU - coord.naz.rsu@...
indirizzo internet del Coordinamento RSU - http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/
---
Questo e' il bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'".
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per contributi e segnalazioni: <jugocoord@...>
Archivio di JUGOINFO:
> http://www.ecircle.it/an_ecircle/articles?ecircleid=91979 oppure
> http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
Sito WEB del Coordinamento:
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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Oggetto: Notizie dalla Zastava
Data: Wed, 29 Nov 2000 05:13:10 +0100
Da: "Rossi Alma" <alma@...>
A: "0 -CGIL-Lomb-Lino" <rosolino_anelli.cgil_regionale@...>
Le notizie che ci vengono dalla Jugoslavia parlano di una situazione
niente
affatto ‘normalizzata’.
Alla Zastava-automobili di Kragujevac dovevano tenersi il 24 novembre le
elezioni per il rinnovo dei delegati sindacali del Samostalni Sindikat
(il
più grande sindacato jugoslavo).
Le elezioni sono state boicottate e sospese a causa dell'ennesima azione
intimidatoria da parte della componente del sindacato che fa riferimento
al
DOS.
Come è noto, nei giorni immediatamente successivi al 5 ottobre, alla
Zastava-Iveco, erano stati già
aggrediti, e costretti alle dimissioni, il segretario Sekula e il
vicesegretario Milan Doncic del sindacato Zastava Iveco.
Gli stessi agressori nominavano successivamente, nelle cariche sindacali
rimaste "vacanti", elementi iscritti al DOS, a partire dalla teoria che
essendo cambiato il governo dovevano cambiare anche le rappresentanze
sindacali in fabbrica. Il tutto, come evidente, al di fuori di qualsiasi
legalità, tanto è vero che (come succederebbe in ogni organizzazione
sindacale) la struttura nazionale del sindacato e la stessa segreteria
nazionale del sindacato dei metalmeccanici invalidavano l'operazione, in
quanto avvenuta senza alcuna votazione da parte dei lavoratori della
zastava-iveco, ed imposta con procedure illegali ed arbitrarie.
Sempre nella stessa occasione era invece fallito il tentativo di imporre
con
la forza le dimissioni del
presidente del sindacato della Zastava, Ruzica Milosavljevic, per la
ferma e
decisa risposta di quest’ultima.
In risposta all’ondata di violenze scatenata dagli appartenenti alla
DOS, la
presidente del sindacato Zastava proponeva quindi di andare ad una
consultazione tra i lavoratori iscritti per il rinnovo di tutti gli
incarichi sindacali all’interno del Samostalni della Zastava, attraverso
congressi ed elezioni, secondo il regolamento statutario e procedure
democratiche.
Le elezioni vengono fissate per il 24 novembre
Nelle settimane precedenti si svolgono riunioni ed assemblee nei singoli
reparti della fabbrica per la designazione dei candidati. Alcuni ex
delegati
del Samostalni della Zastav decidono di non ricandidarsi
proprio per non dare adito ad alcuna accusa di “occupazione delle
poltrone”,
e favorire così un rinnovo delle cariche sindacali in un clima di minore
tensione.
Ma questo evidentemente non basta ai membri DOS della Zastava.
Da lunedì 20 novembre un gruppo di loro ha iniziato un’agitazione nei
reparti che è divenuta sempre più violenta e aggressiva. L'iniziativa
punta
esplicitamente ad impedire la presentazione di candidature di quanti non
si
riconoscono nella corrente della DOS ed è sostenuta da vere e proprie
minacce di linciaggio e con la devastazione degli uffici sindacali.
Il culmine delle agressioni e delle violenze si è registrato giovedì 23
novembre, con l'occupazione degli uffici sindacali della Zastava-auto e
con
l'aperto boicottaggio delle elezioni convocate il giorno successivo.
Venerdì 24 la TV privata locale di Kragujevac, “Canale 9”, annuncia l’
annullamento delle elezioni sindacali previste per il 24. E questo senza
che
nessuno dei componenti le comissioni elettorali precedentemente
istituite in
zastava avesse comunicato alcunchè a riguardo.
La decisione di boicottare le elezioni è quindi chiaramente stata decisa
altrove, non certo in fabbrica.
L'inasprimento delle violenze, fino al boicottaggio, nasce da una
valutazione su come sono andate le assemblee precongressuali di reparto
(una
specie di elezioni primarie) dove gran parte delle candidature espresse
dai
lavoratori iscritti al sindacato zastava (il 94% dei lavoratori della
fabbrica) non risultavano probabilmente gradite alla componente della
DOS
che non era riuscita ad imporsi come avrebbe voluto in occasione di
queste
assemblee precongressuali di reparto.
Subito dopo il boiccotaggio delle elezioni (boicottaggio riuscito grazie
ad
una ben orientata campagna di stampa su giornali e TV private locali e
grazie ad una presenza minacciosa di militanti del DOS davanti alla
fabbrica
per scoraggiare quanti si presentavano alle urne) la componente DOS, che
si
è rifiutata di confrontarsiin una democratica verifica elettorale, ha
iniziato una raccolta di firme per chiedere una sostituzione d'ufficio,
degli attuali rappresentanti sindacali.
Ogni lavoratore viene avvicinato singolarmente da un gruppo di militanti
della DOS che si è nominato "Comitato rivoluzionario per la difesa della
democrazia". Molti lavoratori, a casa perchè ancora senza lavoro,
vengono
cercati nelle loro abitazioni e "costretti a firmare" pena l'essere
etichettati "Filo Milosevic" e quindi minacciati di ritorsione sulle
loro
aspettative di tornare al lavoro o di avere i sussidi comunali e
governativi.
Così, i lavoratori, sono privati del loro diritto democratico ad
esprimere
le loro preferenze sulle candidature sindacali e sulla stessa linea
sindacale proprio in un momento importante della lotta per la
sopravvivenza
della fabbrica.
Il nuovo governo transitorio della repubblica serba e quello della
Federazione non stanno mantenendo gli impegni assunti dal precedente
governo, che aveva destinato molte risorse per la ricostruzione della
grande
fabbrica automobilistica.
La mancata erogazione negli ultimi due mesi dei fondi previsti ha
bloccato
praticamente la produzione. Per pagare i salari sono stati “mangiati” i
fondi destinati all’investimento: 1.100.000 DM che servivano a
finanziare la
fase 2 del programma di ricostruzione, ed erano destinati al reparto
verniciatura.
Sta saltando in tal modo il programma di ricostruzione brillantemente
realizzato nei mesi precedenti con grandi sacrifici e lavoro degli
operai e
che faceva prevedere una produzione di 20.000 vetture entro la fine del
2000. Ora, invece, non si produce, e non si vende.
Di questo passo, si prevede che tra qualche mese non sarà possibile più
pagare i salari. Agitazione e malcontento diffusi tra i lavoratori
potrebbero sfociare in clamorose azioni di lotta. E’ per questo che la
DOS
vuol buttare fuori i compagni del Samostalni oggi impegnati
sull'obiettivo
di aprire una vertenza col governo per il rilancio della fabbrica ?
Se non c’è una chiara inversione di tendenza nella politica del governo
serbo e della Federazione, tra qualche mese la situazione si farà
drammatica, col rischio di bancarotta della fabbrica.
Ma i segnali che sono venuti sinora dal nuovo governo vanno in senso
opposto: la produzione e la vendita delle autovetture della Zastava non
vengono più protette dallo Stato. Dinkic, il leader del G-17 plus (il
gruppo
di economisti neoliberisti che ha stilato il programma economico della
DOS),
dichiara di voler ridurre le tasse sull’importazione di autovetture
straniere. E per quelle usate, il limite massimo di anzianità viene
elevato
da 4 a 6 anni. Inoltre, vengono fortemente abbassati i controlli sulle
auto
provenienti dal Montenegro (in sostanza, sarà più facile riciclare in
Serbia
le auto rubate...).
All’aeroporto di Belgrado è esposta una fiammante Peugeot, l’impresa
automobilistica francese, che, secondo notizie diffuse da radio e
televisione di Kragujevac ai primi di ottobre, avrebbe acquisito gli
stabilimenti della Zastava. Ma su di essi sembra riaffacciarsi
l’attenzione
della FIAT.
Che intendono fare le multinazionali?
Nel comitato di gestione (upravni odbor) della Zastava sono entrati due
rappresentanti del minuscolo partito democristiano, conquistando
addirittura
la presidenza con Milorad Savicevic. Qualche giornale di Kragujevac ha
anche
ironizzato, con qualche preoccupazione, sul peso eccessivo che ha
ottenuto
nella grande fabbrica un partito che nella coalizione della DOS non
conta
molto. Anche questo sembra essere un cattivo segnale per le prospettive
di
sopravvivenza della grande fabbrica.
In queste condizioni, con un consiglio d’amministrazione controllato
dagli
“amici” della DOS e un sindacato, i cui dirigenti più combattivi e
vicini ai
lavoratori vengono allontanati con la violenza, le multinazionali
possono
imporre prezzi stracciati per l’acquisto della grande fabbrica. Per
farne
che? Forse semplicemente comprarla per farla chiudere definitivamente,
eliminando il più grande produttore di auto nell’area balcanica: è così
che
l’Europa “entra” in Serbia, imponendo le sue merci...
Oppure per ristrutturarne qualche reparto, mantenendo al più un migliaio
di
lavoratori e “mettendo in libertà” tutti gli altri.
E’ per questo probabilmente che si scatena l’offensiva contro gli
attuali
rappresentanti del sindacato Zastava. Le multinazionali - è noto -
tollerano
al più un sindacato giallo, non un sindacato che si opponga alla loro
penetrazione.
Queste notizie sono state raccolte sulla base di testimonianze di alcuni
delegati zastava, di lavoratori della zastava che, per via
dell'iniziativa
di adozioni a distanza sono in contatto con alcune famiglie italiane, e
della testimonianza di Andrea Catone della associazione "un ponte per ..
in
terra di Bari" presente a Kragujevac proprio nei giorni precedenti il 24
novembre per consegnare le quote relative a 270 adozioni a distanza
raccolte
in Puglia.
Una delegazione del Coordinamento nazionale delle RSU andrà a Kragujevac
nei
giorni 8 e 9 dicembre.
Faremo il punto della situazione al ritorno
ciao alma
Alma Rossi - email - alma@...
indirizzo email del coordinamento RSU - coord.naz.rsu@...
indirizzo internet del Coordinamento RSU - http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/
---
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http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/index-n.htm
The Fifth Extraordinary Congress
25 november 2000
The Fifth Extraordinary Congress
Address of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic,
Chairman of the Socialist Party of
Serbia to the Fifth Extraordinary
Congress of the Party
Belgrade, 25 November 2000
Comrades,
In the elements for the discussion of SPS members, in the
preparation for this Congress, dramatic and highly
unfavorable circumstances, internal and external, were
pointed out marking the conditions in which the 2000
elections were held. At the same time, anyone in this hall is
fully aware what kind of violence and lawlessness prevailed
after the 5 October coup – setting on fire the Federal
Parliament and the national TV. The background of these
events and the continuation of the occupation of Yugoslavia,
which started several years ago, as was revealed in
Rambouillet and during the last year’s war, will be something
that both the contemporaries and the generations to come
will discuss.
War against this country, is now a money war. We have
large-scale corruption at works here. A lot of money is in
circulation and great privileges are granted to those who
should accept all that is against this country – loss of
independence, separation of Montenegro, Kosovo and
Vojvodina, humiliation and annihilation of the Serb people,
handing the national heroes to the new Gestapo
headquartered in The Hague. Thanks to that money, the
media are in the hands of foreign intelligence services.
But the war against our country is also waged through
intimidation. The SPS headquarters in Belgrade were burnt
down, its leadership is threatened, they are being
eavesdropped, blackmailed and falsely accused.
The biggest force in the defense of the State and national
interests is the SPS and that is why is it now targeted for
major attacks. Its ruin or at least destabilization is a priority
task of the enemies of our State.
That task is being carried out in a perfidious manner, from
the inside, seeking to pit as many people as possible against
each other. But through direct and brutal pressures – sacking
and humiliating people, the party officials are often
pressured into leaving the party.
At the same time, there is an absurd – all those that defended
the country and were in the country during the war, are now
labeled as enemies, while those who fled, supported the
bombing campaign and cooperated with the aggressors, are
now playing the part of patriots and saviors of the country.
Thieves are saying that honest people are thieves.
These difficult times require that all those who may take
responsibility do so. That is why the SPS has to reinforce its
unity and reaffirm itself as a major factor in the defense of
the State and national interests.
Therefore, the SPS has nothing more important to do than
close its ranks in defending this program, in defending the
interests of citizens and the people. This is a task that this
Congress has to perform.
At the Fourth Congress, we concluded that the country was
threatened. Our primary task concerned the unity and the
need to mobilize "all patriotic parties and people". I also
emphasize "in this time this is a priority task for this
country". It was also assessed then that:
"Now the country is defending itself from the evil that is
hovering above and we should have the left and the right join
forces, believers and atheists, highly educated and those
who are not, the old and the young, those that did not get
along and spoke to each other, those who think that they
have forever and for better parted their ways. They all have
one thing in common – the love of their country. And they feel
an obligation to defend it from becoming a colony where
foreign armies will march in, whose economy will be in the
function of development of other countries’ development,
whose culture will be done away with, whose past will be
wiped out and whose leaders will be bribed or blackmailed
swindlers that every nation has even when the going is good,
particularly so when the going gets tough".
The idea of the Government of national unity was
successfully realized for entire seven years.
The tragic fault of the entire patriotic block which is the main
cause for the current crisis was its inability to preserve the
unity.
The lack of unity within the patriotic block, which
successfully cooperated in the Government of the national
unity for years, was brought about only partially due to
narrow-mindedness of our party leadership, to a lesser
extent and to a more extent due to immoderate demands of
the Radical Party. In any case, the weakness of the patriotic
block expressed through its inability to preserve the unity,
was the main cause. And then the pressures exerted on the
party only to look for its negative traits, even when there are
none, and it surely has less of those than all the others.
Speaking of narrow-mindedness, as our weakness that came
to the fore before the elections, I would like to say that this is
the weakness that we did not manage to get rid of either in
the preparations for this extraordinary Congress. Due to that
weakness, our list for the party leadership does not include
young people, farmers or women to the extent it is necessary
in the SPS, despite our statutory norms.
Comrades,
Only nine months ago, we held the regular Fourth Congress
of our party. We advanced a concept of further development
of our society on the whole, as well as in certain fields,
particularly in the economy. Our party prepared well for a
Congress conceived in such way, because we wanted to
confront the party and the widest public with responses that
related to the perspectives of the society, which almost for a
decade faced huge outside pressures and coped with many
internal difficulties and the consequences of such pressures.
And then, only a few months before the Congress, the war
NATO fought against Yugoslavia, mostly in the territory of
Serbia, ended.
In view of all of that, the Socialist Party of Serbia took as its
task at the Congress to confront all citizens, the entire
people, with the responses related to freedom,
independence, economic development, social stability,
international cooperation, situation in the region, our future,
and partially the future in general.
Now, the same as then, I consider that the Congress was an
invaluable contribution to the future of our country, and
above all that it provided the answers that concerned other
countries and peoples with which we enter the 21st century.
These are not merely my assessments or the assessments of
our party at the Fourth Congress of the Socialist Party of
Serbia. Similar or identical assessments were made by many
prominent international politicians and guests who attended
the Congress and there were, as you know, the
representatives from more than 100 parties from all over the
world. Positive assessments of the Congress could be found
in many international media, months later.
We have been, for many reasons, convinced that despite the
difficulties that continued, primarily in the form of outside
pressures, we are entering a period of renewal, reforms and
development, hopeful that we shall find a common language
with the international community, primarily with those
democratic, progressive and human factors in the
international community and start to shake off the pressure,
blackmail and threats which for a decade have made our life
difficult and tied our hands in terms of development,
prosperity above all.
Immediately after the war, with great enthusiasm and great
achievements we entered a period of the reconstruction of
the country, rebuilding all that was destroyed in the war and
we almost completed the reconstruction before the elections
took place in September. Our public responded well to the
reconstruction and its achievements, the international public
followed it and where it commented it, the comments were
very positive. How else could one comment a quick,
successful and self-reliant reconstruction of the country
ravaged by the war, without outside assistance and war
reparations.
At the federal elections held in September, the Socialist
Party of Serbia and its coalition partners – Yugoslav Left
(JUL) and Socialist Peoples Party of Montenegro (SNP), could
have won majority in Parliament. But, without its coalition
partners, it could not win the majority in Parliament and it did
not enter the Federal Government. It was the will of the SNP
of Montenegro. In doing so, at the level of the Federal State,
the Socialist Party of Serbia found itself in the role of
opposition party. Among other things, we are having this
Congress in order to prepare for the role of an opposition
party in the Federal State and to assess the situation in the
Federal State where we are opposition. But also to
consolidate our party on the eve of the elections in Serbia.
The party that has for ten years been a ruling one, cannot
possibly overnight, be it alone or with other parties, at the
level of the Federal State or at the republican level, quickly
and easily switch from the ruling to the opposition party.
Many parties in the world, particularly in Europe following a
long or longer periods of rule had to adapt to the role of
opposition. In this period, they usually lose members, but
sometimes their old members returned after a while, there
were tensions in the leadership which manifested through
seeking justified or often unjustified responsibility, the
changed or only considered that they had to change
something, anything – program, name, leadership, structure
of organization, approach to media, symbols ... believing that
these changes would heal the wounds that the party suffered
assuming the role of the opposition.
The countries with longer multi-party traditions have gained
all these experiences long ago. They have not been followed
attentively in our party, although I think that they have not
been followed in other parties and our society on the whole,
because since the Second World War until 1990, we lived in a
different, one-party system. Now we need to learn about the
experience of other parties in the world which faced a similar
situation and take advantage of them to the extent they are
good for us.
By all accounts, in such circumstances, the major tasks of
any party
include establishing its identity, preserving its current
identity but changing it somewhat or much, but insistence on
the party’s identity is its major task. I think that in this
respect, our party should maintain the concept of the
development of society it embraced at its Fourth Congress in
February, and to be an opposition from the point of view of
that concept, to all that is taking place in the Yugoslav
society now, to the extent it is contrary to our perception of
the interests of the Yugoslav society.
As at the previous Congress, we shall continue to advocate
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a common State of two
equal republics – Serbia and Montenegro. We shall therefore
be against the so-called "community" of Serbia and
Montenegro, as a state solution for these two republics.
As at the previous Congress, we shall advocate our positions
on Kosovo, firmly believing that they are principled, genuine
and just.
Of all the wounds we suffered, Kosovo is the most serious.
The former Yugoslavia started to die in Kosovo. Perhaps, in
the beginning of 1980s, maybe 1970s or even 1960s, but
surely in Kosovo.
Its independence and secession, fuelling of hatred between
the Serb and Albanian people, ill-intentioned attempts at
domination of one over the other, outside financial support,
outside Yugoslavia, to trigger mutual conflicts – this is how
the former Yugoslavia entered a tragic crisis.
But the same Kosovo story is the greatest wound of the
present-day Yugoslavia. Outside factors did all they can so
that the wound may never heal. These efforts resulted in fear
that all living in Kosovo had to endure for years – Serbs and
Albanians alike, in poverty engulfing all in Kosovo – Serbs
and Albanians, in bombing that was killing all in Kosovo –
Serbs and Albanians, in evil hovering over the heads of all
children – Serb and Albanian.
One part of the international community blamed the Serbs
and the authorities in Serbia for the alleged genocide against
the Albanians. However, it is thanks to them, to that part of
the international community, that genocide was committed
against the Serbs. They have left Kosovo for most part. They
are walking, as greatest European destitute, along the
periphery of the territory where until recently their houses
used to be and still are, the territory that used to be their
native land and their centuries' old homeland. Those that
remained, became the greatest martyrs and the greatest
heroes of this century, and at this moment perhaps the
greatest martyrs and greatest heroes in the entire world. In
any case, the greatest patriots of all.
For more than a decade, the authorities in Serbia invested
outstanding efforts to prove to the world, angry and
unbelieving, that Kosovo is a part of Serbia. For themselves,
it does not even have to be neither holy or the most
important part. But we, the Serbs, have every right to see it
like that if that is the case. It is up to us and no one else. The
French have the Notre Dame and the Arch of Triumph, the
Russians have the Kremlin and the Battle of Borodin, the
Americans have their Empire State building, the Greeks have
Acropolis and the Serbs have Gracanica, Gazimestan and the
Patriarchate of Pec.
That is why the violence against Kosovo is violence against
Serbia. Violence against the Serbs from Kosovo is violence
against all Serbs. All the Serbs know that - even those that
have been paid to forget. They know it when they return
home, when they are by themselves and no one is watching.
But the Albanians in Kosovo, even those that currently enjoy
the support of some powers which resulted in the Serbs
being expelled from Kosovo, not even them are living a happy
life. Even those that are filled with hatred and violence
cannot possibly choose to live with that hatred and violence.
Particularly when that choice was not a result of their own
will and emotions but for foreign interests. These interests
use Albanians as an instrument to break-up yet another
country and occupy yet another territory.
SPS is advocating a free Kosovo in free Serbia, a free Serbia
in free Yugoslavia, free Yugoslavia in free Balkans, where all
Balkan countries and their people should live in peace. SPS
is advocating freedom for each country and all people in the
world.
If such political platform is undemocratic and inhuman, than
the membership of this party seeks that a text of democratic
and human platform be read.
Comrades,
I dwelled on the issue of Kosovo and Metohija since I felt that
the dramatic situation in Kosovo required that.
Now, let me continue to explain the SPS platform and the
policies that it should lead on the basis of this platform in the
current circumstances.
Therefore, as at the previous Congress will shall advocate
the independence of Yugoslavia since that was a historical
principle in line with which the people of Serbia and
Montenegro functioned throughout their entire history. We
shall also advocate the sovereignty of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, not questioning the need to cooperate in all
fields (economic, cultural, scientific, technological, political)
with the entire world, with all countries, with all people on
the basis of equality. The preservation of the sovereignty of
one country and its cooperation with other countries are
really possible only if among those countries there exist the
relations of equality and basic mutual trust. That is why the
Socialist Party of Serbia will be against those political,
economic, national, cultural, technological and other
concessions that the authorities of the FRY will make under
the pretext of cooperation with the world, to the detriment of
independence and sovereignty of the country.
When those concessions are made (which is already the
case), they are impossible to see immediately, i.e. it is not
possible to see that these are concessions, and that
interests of the State and its citizens are at stake. Facing the
consequences of these concessions is something that
comes later, often when it is difficult to remove the
consequences.
The Socialist Party of Serbia has been warning to that for an
entire decade. The composition of the Federal Government
has prevented the SPS from protecting the State and its
citizens from the position of power from dangers posed to
their livelihood, in the wake of these concessions. But as an
opposition party in Yugoslavia it will do all it can so that the
broad public, the entire people be warned on the dangers to
its survival, particularly for sound and successful
development of society in case this practice of limiting the
sovereignty and questioning the independence of the
country be continued.
As was the case at the previous Congress, the Socialist Party
of Serbia will advocate economic development in line with
the principles of market economy and diversity of ownership
relations which combined will provide for a better standard of
the society and citizens. We do not have a problem with
private ownership. But we do have a problem with all those
forms of ownership that are manifested as depletion of
national and individual assets, as give-away of the State and
material and moral degradation of citizens that acquired their
property for a long time and legally. At this moment, this
process of (alleged) ownership transformation threatens to
turn into something that the Socialist Party of Serbia feared
might happen and what it warned might happen - selling of
the State and social property at give-away prices to foreign
and domestic buyers, foreign investments of dubious
character without a possibility to control and assess to what
extent are those investments in the national interest or
perhaps contrary to it.
Hence the first consequences of the policies pursued in this
field by a new Government such as huge price increases,
particularly of basic staples, food, shortage of electricity
(which we had even in the most difficult period of the
sanctions and the war when during night the were bombs
dropped on electricity supply systems, but tomorrow, we had
enough power supply in the entire territory of the Republic as
well as during the entire time after the war until the moment
when these affairs fell into the hands of new authorities),
increases in the price of electricity, increases in the price of
medicines making them unavailable to a great number of
sick people, great and sudden unemployment. In short, the
fall of living standards.
In that respect, unemployment is not only a consequence of
wrongful economic policies, but it also has a political
dimension. A large number of people was sacked exclusively
on political grounds. In the 21st century in Europe it should
be inadmissible that the authorities professionally degrade
people of different political views. Sacking people with
different political views is a practice linked to the darkest
experiences of terror against people in the 20th century.
However, speaking of violence, it is not manifested only
through sacking and professional and human degradation at
workplace, but it is manifested as violent physical removal of
people from executive positions to which they were
appointed by Governments, assemblies, or where they were
elected by managing boards; the property of people of
different political views is seized as well as that of parties
and lastly, this also included physical violence towards
people who hold different political views.
At first glance it may look unnecessary, but it is essentially
necessary to emphasize that the Socialist Party throughout
all these ten long and difficult years fraught with all the evils
in this world, hovering above our small country and small
people, managed to preserve not only the country, and
ensure a relatively decent life for its citizens, but also
managed to ensure the functioning of all institutions on
which the State relies, guaranteeing citizens personal and
property security. Today, the functioning of these institutions
is threatened. They are in the hands of the forces that do not
recognize the Constitution, laws and often not even
elementary moral norms. Hundreds of directors, university
deans, rectors, directors of hospitals, presidents of managing
boards are thrown out from their offices and sacked from
their positions to which they were appointed by assemblies
and governments, under the threat of various groups or
sufficiently angry people in the face of which legally elected
or legally appointed people had to give way - to take a sick
leave, without being sick, early retirement, or to take a
holiday they do not need or even become really sick... Most
of these people are prominent experts, honorable citizens,
often with long professional and life experience.
Committed to the democratic functioning of the State and
democratic society, the Socialist Party of Serbia not only
expresses it deep concern for the fate of its beliefs, but
expresses its most profound concern for the respect of
fundamental human and civil rights in conditions when such
rights are not protected by the competent institutions, but
unidentified force will do all it can to suspend those
institutions.
As at the Fourth Congress, the Socialist Party of Serbia
remains committed to a multi-party system and free
expression of different political views. Moreover, the SPS has
initiated the introduction of a multi-party system in Serbia. In
that sense, SPS shall oppose the practice that at the current
moment threatens to start its unusual, awkward life - to ban
and discriminate against the political parties that are
opposition just for being opposition. In all its documents,
particularly from the Fourth Congress, SPS
emphasized the need for a free, true and responsible
management of the media. The Socialist Party of Serbia
waged a long-term war with the media financed from abroad,
whose task was to misinform the citizens of Serbia and
Yugoslavia, to demoralize them, to discredit them and falsely
accuse all for whom they assess are not sufficiently loyal to
the interests outside Yugoslavia to limit the country's
sovereignty. Consistently committed to such position until
the present day, the Socialist Party of Serbia has to express
its deepest concern with the fate of the society in which the
media exclude different opinions and advocate only one
opinion. Even if that one and only opinion were an expression
of an absolute domination of a political party in the
Assembly, the media which care about the principles of truth,
freedom and responsibility, should not deprive their public of
different opinions, even if they belonged to small parties,
non-parliamentary parties or even individual political and
intellectual views of the realities and future developments.
So, when I said that one of the most important tasks of our
party at the present time was to establish its identity, I
thought, let me repeat, that SPS should remain committed to
all those values its has been committed to since its very
inception, throughout this turbulent decade - freedom,
independence, economic prosperity, free cultural
development, constant improvement of standards,
integration with the rest of the world, cooperation on an
equal footing with all nations and peoples. SPS should also
remain committed to the vision of the development of society
advanced at the Fourth Congress. In addition, it should add
to its identity an obligation of critical evaluation of the
reality, in an analytical, principled, public and argumented
manner, the reality that is contrary to, today even absolutely
contrary to the commitments of SPS and the documents from
the party's Fourth Congress.
The second task of the SPS in the present circumstances is
not only the preservation of the party network, but expansion
of its structure and of course, an accurate evaluation of its
membership. After the announcement of election results, as
well as after setting up majority in the Assembly contrary to
pre-election campaign promises, after setting up the Federal
Government with one leftist party and one coalition of 18
political groupings of different political affiliations, the
membership of the Socialist Party of Serbia reacted painfully,
and there was even some commotion, justified confusion,
disappointment ... This is all a normal reaction from political
and human aspect. I think that the initial thrust of such
reactions is over and that the membership in all local and
municipal organizations for most part gathered around their
program and their obligations under the program, preparing
themselves for the republican elections scheduled a year
ahead causing justified surprise of its membership and
probably justified discontent of the membership. Of course,
now that the elections were called, the SPS has to prepare
for them. In conditions of the media blockade this will be
difficult. However, even if there were no elections, our party
has a second great and important obligation - to consolidate
the membership and activate and expand the network with a
view to presenting the reality as it is and for the umpteenth
time in a new and old and any way, say where the reality is
leading the society and the citizens. If it is not to be
changed.
As for its membership, some its members are
leaving the party, in the first place from
the
leadership ranks. We should not of course,
mourn them. It is now obvious that they
joined
the party because it was in power and that they stayed there
while it was in power. For the first time when it is not, they
are leaving. If only they were to do so quietly, as profiteering
cowards... However, they are leaving it with a lot of noise,
demonstrating that their departure from the party in whose
leadership they were is also a departure from the policies to
which they paid lip service until a month ago and it is still
ringing in the ears of those who listened them on dozens of
TV and radio stations. But not only words. They advocated
the policies with which they now part with in deeds as well,
before the very eyes of all SPS members and all citizens,
because they did not take place three decades ago but three
months ago. In turbulently parting ways with our party they
are just buying a ticket for a new midst where they expect
some profit, first of all material, then in terms of status and
privileges and perhaps protection of assets they illegally and
unlawfully seized.
The current analysis of political situation in the country will
not be faced with a difficult task if they should seek to
identify the radical changes that the political elite in this
country has gone through in this country. A decade ago, it
was not the easiest job to find documents indicating who
was a member of the Crown Council from 1992 and
euphorically wrote on socialist self-management as a
necessary outcome in 1976. Such research efforts should
now be very easy to undertake. In the course of one autumn
alone, the same persons spoke volumes of the resistance to
NATO aggression, while only a few days after the coup they
supported European social-democracy whose governments,
as is well-known, took part in NATO aggression. Not to
mention those fierce national freedom-fighters of the Serbian
people from early 1990s who now renounce their
participation in that struggle, claiming that this national story
is overtaken and now they see themselves as citizens of
Europe.
Difficult times exist, among other things, so that a man may
prove his worth - whether in difficult times he will remain with
those with whom he was when the going was good or will
they now join others so that they may again have a good and
prosperous time. In politics, the same as in life, there are
people who are ready to always move to places where it is
nice and sunny, particularly where the authorities are. But in
life, the same as in politics, there are others who see that
and should speak about that, not on account of those who
move towards the authorities but for the authorities
themselves. Because all authorities wishing well to its
people, have to beware of the candidates who want to be
peoples representatives, who present themselves as
candidates for any authorities, those who are essentially
interested only in representing themselves.
I am appealing the delegates of this Congress, to all
members of SPS, to all those that can hear or read my words:
the interest of our country is to be free, independent,
developed and integrated with the rest of the world. The
interest of our citizens is to live in peace and freedom, not
fearing for their life and property, so that all of them can work
and live well and better from their work, to respect their
history and have a better future.
The Socialist Party of Serbia has a task - to protect,
represent and realize such interests of the country and its
people.
It is therefore not important how big it will be but what it will
look like. The greatest party is the best party.
The Socialist Party of Serbia used to be that for ten years,
may it continue to be like that in the future.
Copyright © 1997-2000SPS
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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The Fifth Extraordinary Congress
25 november 2000
The Fifth Extraordinary Congress
Address of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic,
Chairman of the Socialist Party of
Serbia to the Fifth Extraordinary
Congress of the Party
Belgrade, 25 November 2000
Comrades,
In the elements for the discussion of SPS members, in the
preparation for this Congress, dramatic and highly
unfavorable circumstances, internal and external, were
pointed out marking the conditions in which the 2000
elections were held. At the same time, anyone in this hall is
fully aware what kind of violence and lawlessness prevailed
after the 5 October coup – setting on fire the Federal
Parliament and the national TV. The background of these
events and the continuation of the occupation of Yugoslavia,
which started several years ago, as was revealed in
Rambouillet and during the last year’s war, will be something
that both the contemporaries and the generations to come
will discuss.
War against this country, is now a money war. We have
large-scale corruption at works here. A lot of money is in
circulation and great privileges are granted to those who
should accept all that is against this country – loss of
independence, separation of Montenegro, Kosovo and
Vojvodina, humiliation and annihilation of the Serb people,
handing the national heroes to the new Gestapo
headquartered in The Hague. Thanks to that money, the
media are in the hands of foreign intelligence services.
But the war against our country is also waged through
intimidation. The SPS headquarters in Belgrade were burnt
down, its leadership is threatened, they are being
eavesdropped, blackmailed and falsely accused.
The biggest force in the defense of the State and national
interests is the SPS and that is why is it now targeted for
major attacks. Its ruin or at least destabilization is a priority
task of the enemies of our State.
That task is being carried out in a perfidious manner, from
the inside, seeking to pit as many people as possible against
each other. But through direct and brutal pressures – sacking
and humiliating people, the party officials are often
pressured into leaving the party.
At the same time, there is an absurd – all those that defended
the country and were in the country during the war, are now
labeled as enemies, while those who fled, supported the
bombing campaign and cooperated with the aggressors, are
now playing the part of patriots and saviors of the country.
Thieves are saying that honest people are thieves.
These difficult times require that all those who may take
responsibility do so. That is why the SPS has to reinforce its
unity and reaffirm itself as a major factor in the defense of
the State and national interests.
Therefore, the SPS has nothing more important to do than
close its ranks in defending this program, in defending the
interests of citizens and the people. This is a task that this
Congress has to perform.
At the Fourth Congress, we concluded that the country was
threatened. Our primary task concerned the unity and the
need to mobilize "all patriotic parties and people". I also
emphasize "in this time this is a priority task for this
country". It was also assessed then that:
"Now the country is defending itself from the evil that is
hovering above and we should have the left and the right join
forces, believers and atheists, highly educated and those
who are not, the old and the young, those that did not get
along and spoke to each other, those who think that they
have forever and for better parted their ways. They all have
one thing in common – the love of their country. And they feel
an obligation to defend it from becoming a colony where
foreign armies will march in, whose economy will be in the
function of development of other countries’ development,
whose culture will be done away with, whose past will be
wiped out and whose leaders will be bribed or blackmailed
swindlers that every nation has even when the going is good,
particularly so when the going gets tough".
The idea of the Government of national unity was
successfully realized for entire seven years.
The tragic fault of the entire patriotic block which is the main
cause for the current crisis was its inability to preserve the
unity.
The lack of unity within the patriotic block, which
successfully cooperated in the Government of the national
unity for years, was brought about only partially due to
narrow-mindedness of our party leadership, to a lesser
extent and to a more extent due to immoderate demands of
the Radical Party. In any case, the weakness of the patriotic
block expressed through its inability to preserve the unity,
was the main cause. And then the pressures exerted on the
party only to look for its negative traits, even when there are
none, and it surely has less of those than all the others.
Speaking of narrow-mindedness, as our weakness that came
to the fore before the elections, I would like to say that this is
the weakness that we did not manage to get rid of either in
the preparations for this extraordinary Congress. Due to that
weakness, our list for the party leadership does not include
young people, farmers or women to the extent it is necessary
in the SPS, despite our statutory norms.
Comrades,
Only nine months ago, we held the regular Fourth Congress
of our party. We advanced a concept of further development
of our society on the whole, as well as in certain fields,
particularly in the economy. Our party prepared well for a
Congress conceived in such way, because we wanted to
confront the party and the widest public with responses that
related to the perspectives of the society, which almost for a
decade faced huge outside pressures and coped with many
internal difficulties and the consequences of such pressures.
And then, only a few months before the Congress, the war
NATO fought against Yugoslavia, mostly in the territory of
Serbia, ended.
In view of all of that, the Socialist Party of Serbia took as its
task at the Congress to confront all citizens, the entire
people, with the responses related to freedom,
independence, economic development, social stability,
international cooperation, situation in the region, our future,
and partially the future in general.
Now, the same as then, I consider that the Congress was an
invaluable contribution to the future of our country, and
above all that it provided the answers that concerned other
countries and peoples with which we enter the 21st century.
These are not merely my assessments or the assessments of
our party at the Fourth Congress of the Socialist Party of
Serbia. Similar or identical assessments were made by many
prominent international politicians and guests who attended
the Congress and there were, as you know, the
representatives from more than 100 parties from all over the
world. Positive assessments of the Congress could be found
in many international media, months later.
We have been, for many reasons, convinced that despite the
difficulties that continued, primarily in the form of outside
pressures, we are entering a period of renewal, reforms and
development, hopeful that we shall find a common language
with the international community, primarily with those
democratic, progressive and human factors in the
international community and start to shake off the pressure,
blackmail and threats which for a decade have made our life
difficult and tied our hands in terms of development,
prosperity above all.
Immediately after the war, with great enthusiasm and great
achievements we entered a period of the reconstruction of
the country, rebuilding all that was destroyed in the war and
we almost completed the reconstruction before the elections
took place in September. Our public responded well to the
reconstruction and its achievements, the international public
followed it and where it commented it, the comments were
very positive. How else could one comment a quick,
successful and self-reliant reconstruction of the country
ravaged by the war, without outside assistance and war
reparations.
At the federal elections held in September, the Socialist
Party of Serbia and its coalition partners – Yugoslav Left
(JUL) and Socialist Peoples Party of Montenegro (SNP), could
have won majority in Parliament. But, without its coalition
partners, it could not win the majority in Parliament and it did
not enter the Federal Government. It was the will of the SNP
of Montenegro. In doing so, at the level of the Federal State,
the Socialist Party of Serbia found itself in the role of
opposition party. Among other things, we are having this
Congress in order to prepare for the role of an opposition
party in the Federal State and to assess the situation in the
Federal State where we are opposition. But also to
consolidate our party on the eve of the elections in Serbia.
The party that has for ten years been a ruling one, cannot
possibly overnight, be it alone or with other parties, at the
level of the Federal State or at the republican level, quickly
and easily switch from the ruling to the opposition party.
Many parties in the world, particularly in Europe following a
long or longer periods of rule had to adapt to the role of
opposition. In this period, they usually lose members, but
sometimes their old members returned after a while, there
were tensions in the leadership which manifested through
seeking justified or often unjustified responsibility, the
changed or only considered that they had to change
something, anything – program, name, leadership, structure
of organization, approach to media, symbols ... believing that
these changes would heal the wounds that the party suffered
assuming the role of the opposition.
The countries with longer multi-party traditions have gained
all these experiences long ago. They have not been followed
attentively in our party, although I think that they have not
been followed in other parties and our society on the whole,
because since the Second World War until 1990, we lived in a
different, one-party system. Now we need to learn about the
experience of other parties in the world which faced a similar
situation and take advantage of them to the extent they are
good for us.
By all accounts, in such circumstances, the major tasks of
any party
include establishing its identity, preserving its current
identity but changing it somewhat or much, but insistence on
the party’s identity is its major task. I think that in this
respect, our party should maintain the concept of the
development of society it embraced at its Fourth Congress in
February, and to be an opposition from the point of view of
that concept, to all that is taking place in the Yugoslav
society now, to the extent it is contrary to our perception of
the interests of the Yugoslav society.
As at the previous Congress, we shall continue to advocate
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a common State of two
equal republics – Serbia and Montenegro. We shall therefore
be against the so-called "community" of Serbia and
Montenegro, as a state solution for these two republics.
As at the previous Congress, we shall advocate our positions
on Kosovo, firmly believing that they are principled, genuine
and just.
Of all the wounds we suffered, Kosovo is the most serious.
The former Yugoslavia started to die in Kosovo. Perhaps, in
the beginning of 1980s, maybe 1970s or even 1960s, but
surely in Kosovo.
Its independence and secession, fuelling of hatred between
the Serb and Albanian people, ill-intentioned attempts at
domination of one over the other, outside financial support,
outside Yugoslavia, to trigger mutual conflicts – this is how
the former Yugoslavia entered a tragic crisis.
But the same Kosovo story is the greatest wound of the
present-day Yugoslavia. Outside factors did all they can so
that the wound may never heal. These efforts resulted in fear
that all living in Kosovo had to endure for years – Serbs and
Albanians alike, in poverty engulfing all in Kosovo – Serbs
and Albanians, in bombing that was killing all in Kosovo –
Serbs and Albanians, in evil hovering over the heads of all
children – Serb and Albanian.
One part of the international community blamed the Serbs
and the authorities in Serbia for the alleged genocide against
the Albanians. However, it is thanks to them, to that part of
the international community, that genocide was committed
against the Serbs. They have left Kosovo for most part. They
are walking, as greatest European destitute, along the
periphery of the territory where until recently their houses
used to be and still are, the territory that used to be their
native land and their centuries' old homeland. Those that
remained, became the greatest martyrs and the greatest
heroes of this century, and at this moment perhaps the
greatest martyrs and greatest heroes in the entire world. In
any case, the greatest patriots of all.
For more than a decade, the authorities in Serbia invested
outstanding efforts to prove to the world, angry and
unbelieving, that Kosovo is a part of Serbia. For themselves,
it does not even have to be neither holy or the most
important part. But we, the Serbs, have every right to see it
like that if that is the case. It is up to us and no one else. The
French have the Notre Dame and the Arch of Triumph, the
Russians have the Kremlin and the Battle of Borodin, the
Americans have their Empire State building, the Greeks have
Acropolis and the Serbs have Gracanica, Gazimestan and the
Patriarchate of Pec.
That is why the violence against Kosovo is violence against
Serbia. Violence against the Serbs from Kosovo is violence
against all Serbs. All the Serbs know that - even those that
have been paid to forget. They know it when they return
home, when they are by themselves and no one is watching.
But the Albanians in Kosovo, even those that currently enjoy
the support of some powers which resulted in the Serbs
being expelled from Kosovo, not even them are living a happy
life. Even those that are filled with hatred and violence
cannot possibly choose to live with that hatred and violence.
Particularly when that choice was not a result of their own
will and emotions but for foreign interests. These interests
use Albanians as an instrument to break-up yet another
country and occupy yet another territory.
SPS is advocating a free Kosovo in free Serbia, a free Serbia
in free Yugoslavia, free Yugoslavia in free Balkans, where all
Balkan countries and their people should live in peace. SPS
is advocating freedom for each country and all people in the
world.
If such political platform is undemocratic and inhuman, than
the membership of this party seeks that a text of democratic
and human platform be read.
Comrades,
I dwelled on the issue of Kosovo and Metohija since I felt that
the dramatic situation in Kosovo required that.
Now, let me continue to explain the SPS platform and the
policies that it should lead on the basis of this platform in the
current circumstances.
Therefore, as at the previous Congress will shall advocate
the independence of Yugoslavia since that was a historical
principle in line with which the people of Serbia and
Montenegro functioned throughout their entire history. We
shall also advocate the sovereignty of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, not questioning the need to cooperate in all
fields (economic, cultural, scientific, technological, political)
with the entire world, with all countries, with all people on
the basis of equality. The preservation of the sovereignty of
one country and its cooperation with other countries are
really possible only if among those countries there exist the
relations of equality and basic mutual trust. That is why the
Socialist Party of Serbia will be against those political,
economic, national, cultural, technological and other
concessions that the authorities of the FRY will make under
the pretext of cooperation with the world, to the detriment of
independence and sovereignty of the country.
When those concessions are made (which is already the
case), they are impossible to see immediately, i.e. it is not
possible to see that these are concessions, and that
interests of the State and its citizens are at stake. Facing the
consequences of these concessions is something that
comes later, often when it is difficult to remove the
consequences.
The Socialist Party of Serbia has been warning to that for an
entire decade. The composition of the Federal Government
has prevented the SPS from protecting the State and its
citizens from the position of power from dangers posed to
their livelihood, in the wake of these concessions. But as an
opposition party in Yugoslavia it will do all it can so that the
broad public, the entire people be warned on the dangers to
its survival, particularly for sound and successful
development of society in case this practice of limiting the
sovereignty and questioning the independence of the
country be continued.
As was the case at the previous Congress, the Socialist Party
of Serbia will advocate economic development in line with
the principles of market economy and diversity of ownership
relations which combined will provide for a better standard of
the society and citizens. We do not have a problem with
private ownership. But we do have a problem with all those
forms of ownership that are manifested as depletion of
national and individual assets, as give-away of the State and
material and moral degradation of citizens that acquired their
property for a long time and legally. At this moment, this
process of (alleged) ownership transformation threatens to
turn into something that the Socialist Party of Serbia feared
might happen and what it warned might happen - selling of
the State and social property at give-away prices to foreign
and domestic buyers, foreign investments of dubious
character without a possibility to control and assess to what
extent are those investments in the national interest or
perhaps contrary to it.
Hence the first consequences of the policies pursued in this
field by a new Government such as huge price increases,
particularly of basic staples, food, shortage of electricity
(which we had even in the most difficult period of the
sanctions and the war when during night the were bombs
dropped on electricity supply systems, but tomorrow, we had
enough power supply in the entire territory of the Republic as
well as during the entire time after the war until the moment
when these affairs fell into the hands of new authorities),
increases in the price of electricity, increases in the price of
medicines making them unavailable to a great number of
sick people, great and sudden unemployment. In short, the
fall of living standards.
In that respect, unemployment is not only a consequence of
wrongful economic policies, but it also has a political
dimension. A large number of people was sacked exclusively
on political grounds. In the 21st century in Europe it should
be inadmissible that the authorities professionally degrade
people of different political views. Sacking people with
different political views is a practice linked to the darkest
experiences of terror against people in the 20th century.
However, speaking of violence, it is not manifested only
through sacking and professional and human degradation at
workplace, but it is manifested as violent physical removal of
people from executive positions to which they were
appointed by Governments, assemblies, or where they were
elected by managing boards; the property of people of
different political views is seized as well as that of parties
and lastly, this also included physical violence towards
people who hold different political views.
At first glance it may look unnecessary, but it is essentially
necessary to emphasize that the Socialist Party throughout
all these ten long and difficult years fraught with all the evils
in this world, hovering above our small country and small
people, managed to preserve not only the country, and
ensure a relatively decent life for its citizens, but also
managed to ensure the functioning of all institutions on
which the State relies, guaranteeing citizens personal and
property security. Today, the functioning of these institutions
is threatened. They are in the hands of the forces that do not
recognize the Constitution, laws and often not even
elementary moral norms. Hundreds of directors, university
deans, rectors, directors of hospitals, presidents of managing
boards are thrown out from their offices and sacked from
their positions to which they were appointed by assemblies
and governments, under the threat of various groups or
sufficiently angry people in the face of which legally elected
or legally appointed people had to give way - to take a sick
leave, without being sick, early retirement, or to take a
holiday they do not need or even become really sick... Most
of these people are prominent experts, honorable citizens,
often with long professional and life experience.
Committed to the democratic functioning of the State and
democratic society, the Socialist Party of Serbia not only
expresses it deep concern for the fate of its beliefs, but
expresses its most profound concern for the respect of
fundamental human and civil rights in conditions when such
rights are not protected by the competent institutions, but
unidentified force will do all it can to suspend those
institutions.
As at the Fourth Congress, the Socialist Party of Serbia
remains committed to a multi-party system and free
expression of different political views. Moreover, the SPS has
initiated the introduction of a multi-party system in Serbia. In
that sense, SPS shall oppose the practice that at the current
moment threatens to start its unusual, awkward life - to ban
and discriminate against the political parties that are
opposition just for being opposition. In all its documents,
particularly from the Fourth Congress, SPS
emphasized the need for a free, true and responsible
management of the media. The Socialist Party of Serbia
waged a long-term war with the media financed from abroad,
whose task was to misinform the citizens of Serbia and
Yugoslavia, to demoralize them, to discredit them and falsely
accuse all for whom they assess are not sufficiently loyal to
the interests outside Yugoslavia to limit the country's
sovereignty. Consistently committed to such position until
the present day, the Socialist Party of Serbia has to express
its deepest concern with the fate of the society in which the
media exclude different opinions and advocate only one
opinion. Even if that one and only opinion were an expression
of an absolute domination of a political party in the
Assembly, the media which care about the principles of truth,
freedom and responsibility, should not deprive their public of
different opinions, even if they belonged to small parties,
non-parliamentary parties or even individual political and
intellectual views of the realities and future developments.
So, when I said that one of the most important tasks of our
party at the present time was to establish its identity, I
thought, let me repeat, that SPS should remain committed to
all those values its has been committed to since its very
inception, throughout this turbulent decade - freedom,
independence, economic prosperity, free cultural
development, constant improvement of standards,
integration with the rest of the world, cooperation on an
equal footing with all nations and peoples. SPS should also
remain committed to the vision of the development of society
advanced at the Fourth Congress. In addition, it should add
to its identity an obligation of critical evaluation of the
reality, in an analytical, principled, public and argumented
manner, the reality that is contrary to, today even absolutely
contrary to the commitments of SPS and the documents from
the party's Fourth Congress.
The second task of the SPS in the present circumstances is
not only the preservation of the party network, but expansion
of its structure and of course, an accurate evaluation of its
membership. After the announcement of election results, as
well as after setting up majority in the Assembly contrary to
pre-election campaign promises, after setting up the Federal
Government with one leftist party and one coalition of 18
political groupings of different political affiliations, the
membership of the Socialist Party of Serbia reacted painfully,
and there was even some commotion, justified confusion,
disappointment ... This is all a normal reaction from political
and human aspect. I think that the initial thrust of such
reactions is over and that the membership in all local and
municipal organizations for most part gathered around their
program and their obligations under the program, preparing
themselves for the republican elections scheduled a year
ahead causing justified surprise of its membership and
probably justified discontent of the membership. Of course,
now that the elections were called, the SPS has to prepare
for them. In conditions of the media blockade this will be
difficult. However, even if there were no elections, our party
has a second great and important obligation - to consolidate
the membership and activate and expand the network with a
view to presenting the reality as it is and for the umpteenth
time in a new and old and any way, say where the reality is
leading the society and the citizens. If it is not to be
changed.
As for its membership, some its members are
leaving the party, in the first place from
the
leadership ranks. We should not of course,
mourn them. It is now obvious that they
joined
the party because it was in power and that they stayed there
while it was in power. For the first time when it is not, they
are leaving. If only they were to do so quietly, as profiteering
cowards... However, they are leaving it with a lot of noise,
demonstrating that their departure from the party in whose
leadership they were is also a departure from the policies to
which they paid lip service until a month ago and it is still
ringing in the ears of those who listened them on dozens of
TV and radio stations. But not only words. They advocated
the policies with which they now part with in deeds as well,
before the very eyes of all SPS members and all citizens,
because they did not take place three decades ago but three
months ago. In turbulently parting ways with our party they
are just buying a ticket for a new midst where they expect
some profit, first of all material, then in terms of status and
privileges and perhaps protection of assets they illegally and
unlawfully seized.
The current analysis of political situation in the country will
not be faced with a difficult task if they should seek to
identify the radical changes that the political elite in this
country has gone through in this country. A decade ago, it
was not the easiest job to find documents indicating who
was a member of the Crown Council from 1992 and
euphorically wrote on socialist self-management as a
necessary outcome in 1976. Such research efforts should
now be very easy to undertake. In the course of one autumn
alone, the same persons spoke volumes of the resistance to
NATO aggression, while only a few days after the coup they
supported European social-democracy whose governments,
as is well-known, took part in NATO aggression. Not to
mention those fierce national freedom-fighters of the Serbian
people from early 1990s who now renounce their
participation in that struggle, claiming that this national story
is overtaken and now they see themselves as citizens of
Europe.
Difficult times exist, among other things, so that a man may
prove his worth - whether in difficult times he will remain with
those with whom he was when the going was good or will
they now join others so that they may again have a good and
prosperous time. In politics, the same as in life, there are
people who are ready to always move to places where it is
nice and sunny, particularly where the authorities are. But in
life, the same as in politics, there are others who see that
and should speak about that, not on account of those who
move towards the authorities but for the authorities
themselves. Because all authorities wishing well to its
people, have to beware of the candidates who want to be
peoples representatives, who present themselves as
candidates for any authorities, those who are essentially
interested only in representing themselves.
I am appealing the delegates of this Congress, to all
members of SPS, to all those that can hear or read my words:
the interest of our country is to be free, independent,
developed and integrated with the rest of the world. The
interest of our citizens is to live in peace and freedom, not
fearing for their life and property, so that all of them can work
and live well and better from their work, to respect their
history and have a better future.
The Socialist Party of Serbia has a task - to protect,
represent and realize such interests of the country and its
people.
It is therefore not important how big it will be but what it will
look like. The greatest party is the best party.
The Socialist Party of Serbia used to be that for ten years,
may it continue to be like that in the future.
Copyright © 1997-2000SPS
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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http://www.ecircle.it/ad196236/www.ecircle.it
URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/ivkovic1.htm
Serbian Minister of Science Speaks out:
An Interview with Bane Ivkovic
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
Bane Ivkovic is Serbian Minister of Science and Technology. He was
forced
from this position after the Oct. 5 coup d'etat.
Mr. Ivkovic had been in charge of the highly successful program of
rebuilding
bridges, factories and homes destroyed by the NATO bombing.
We interviewed Mr. Ivkovic at the end of October and again in early
November.
This is the first interview. The interviewer is Jared Israel, editor of
www.tenc.net
Interview with Bane Ivkovic
Israel: I understand you were in charge of reconstruction after the
bombing.
Ivkovic: Yes. For four years I had been Serbian Minister of Construction
and
then starting in 1998 I was Minister for Science and Technology. During
the
bombing I organized a special group to help the 130,000 workers left
jobless
by NATO bombing their factories. We wanted to do more than just rebuild;
we
tried at the same time to restructure our economy, to increase the
number of
small and medium enterprises. We were able to set up 1050 such
businesses.
This created 33,000 new jobs.
Israel: Private or public sector?
Ivkovic: Mainly private. The Ministry developed relations between the
[scientific and technical] Institutes and these displaced workers. We
collected 2900 plans for small and medium businesses, programs to
produce
goods using Serbian resources instead of importing these products. To
finance
these new businesses, after the bombing we collected money by asking
everyone
with a job to give one or two day's pay and using this as well as money
from
the Serbian government we offered the displaced workers five year loans
at
excellent rates so they could set up their own production facilities.
Israel: So these businesses were privately owned by groups of employees?
Ivkovic: Yes. Up until then we had relatively few small and medium
enterprises. We wanted to strengthen the small business sector,
especially in
the villages. It's our opinion that these small, profitable businesses
are
the way to stop the flow of young people to the towns.
Israel: Just to get clear, these enterprises were privately owned by the
people who worked there?
Ivkovic: Yes.
Israel: Not just by one man?
Ivkovic: No no no by the people. Each unemployed worker could take a
loan for
himself, but several workers could get a collective loan and apply it to
one
business. 50 of them could get 50 times more money.
Israel: So they could start something of some size.
Ivkovic: Yes, but it would be their own. Their own factory. Their own
enterprise.
Israel: You know the Western propaganda says Yugoslavia was run so that
a few
people made a lot of money and everybody else got nothing.
Ivkovic: It's not true. You must understand a couple of things here.
First of
all, there is private business in Serbia, and this is nothing new. After
1945
we had people who owned land in the villages, people who owned private
enterprises. Not so much in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. But in the
1970s and
1980s this became far more common. A lot of these people established
their
own small offices, markets, enterprises and factories and now I think
50% of
our economic life is in the private sector and it's a very profitable
private
sector. These owners are people of varying political viewpoints.
The second thing is, we have been under a United States imposed embargo
for 8
years and during that embargo some people who had previously been
criminals
went into business exporting or importing goods which were under
embargo, and
they made a lot of money. Those people are not the socialist party. We
are a
party of over 500,000 people, mainly ordinary working people. Of course
whenever a party is in power it attracts some opportunists, some who are
there for reasons other than principle; but those people have left us or
are
leaving us now and as for the ones who remain, what possible gain is
there in
it for them?
Foreign investment
Ivkovic: When I was Serbian Minister for Construction I proposed a
Federal
Law On Foreign investment. On the [Serbian] Republican level we have a
concession law and a law for ownership transformation. But then came the
embargo and we couldn't do as much as we wanted at that time.
Israel: So you want foreign investment?
Ivkovic: Yes, why not? In the past I was involved in negotiations with
several very powerful groups of foreign investors about concessions in
road
construction and electric power production. Unfortunately everything
that
happened with Kosovo and Metohija put a halt to those negotiations.
[Kosovo
and Metohija is the Serbian name for what the West calls 'Kosovo.']
Israel: I don't know if you read the piece that Chossudovsky and I wrote
about the IMF and the World Bank and their harmful effects.
Ivkovic: Yes.
Israel: We argued that when the IMF and the World Bank enter a country
it is
subjected to piracy - you know, basically stripped.
Ivkovic: It's a problem for me to express myself in English. The IMF and
the
World Bank have some special propositions which, how shall I say, cover
a
country with a very strong hand. This can put a country in a very bad
position. I prefer that foreign investors come here with their own
money. If
we were covered by the World Bank we would be in chains.
Israel: They're sharks.
Ivkovic: Yes. That is true. That is true. You see Bulgaria and Romania
are
now in a worse position than Yugoslavia. We had sanctions and we were
bombed
yet we are in a better position than Bulgaria and Romania because they
have
been put into IMF chains and now, in addition to being worse off, they
will
also have to repay loans for the next 20 or 30 years. Repay with
interest.
[The interview continued with the addition of a translator.]
Israel: Is it your opinion that the IMF and World Bank should be kept
out of
Yugoslavia?
Ivkovic: Yes. We've been living through hard times. Eight years of
sanctions
plus last year's bombardment made our lives very harsh. The level of
production in our country is 40% of 1990. We're certainly in a need of a
fresh injection of money. To help this situation we passed a Federal law
on
foreign investments and a law covering ownership transformation. And on
the
Republican level, the Republic of Serbia passed a law on foreign
concessions.
There are some related laws regarding taxes and customs regulations.
These
laws are designed to allow foreign investments but at the same time to
make
sure the profit drawn from such investments are reinvested in the
country.
Israel: So it can't be taken out?
Ivkovic: Right. We are by current law [i.e., laws passed before the
October
5th coup] open to foreign investments. We have developed a very
extensive and
detailed plan for utilizing our resources such as energy, roads,
highways,
railways and waterways and also agricultural land for
industrial-agricultural
exploitation. We had all these plans in place but the sanctions and last
year's bombing and destruction hindered our ability to go ahead.
Speaking as a citizen, I am inclined to accept capital or investment
coming
from corporations rather than from the International Monetary Fund and
World
Bank. It is my opinion that both the IMF and the World Bank set up
stringent
rules that bring a country close to colonial status.
Israel: Perhaps that's why they don't like you.
Ivkovic: At this time in particular it would be extremely dangerous for
these
two banks to enter our country. But corporations and other financial
groups
would be more welcome. We and they both would benefit.
We are still a very rich and resourceful country despite all our
difficulties
and ordeals. We have a huge amount of state and public assets that have
not
been privatized. In 1966 we sold Italian and Greek partners 49% of our
telecommunications industry. That brought in one billion 750 million
Deutschmark. About 800 million dollars.
Israel: Isn't that a little low for half your telecommunications
industry?
Ivkovic: Well I would say we did better than the Hungarians who sold
similar
facilities for a much larger portion of ownership and got less.
The electrical energy system and the ownership of electrical energy
assets,
meaning production and distribution, has not been privatized. For
example
consider the thermoelectric power plant called Kolubara. The state
invested
500,000,000 dollars in this plant. It's run on coal. There is room for
another three hundred million dollars investment, open to foreign
capital as
well.
Israel: Would you keep the majority of ownership?
Ivkovic: Look, Jared, this is an interesting deal. The investment would
be OK
if the foreign investors got 100% providing there was a time limit on
foreign
control. It could be five years; it could be ten years. It depends on
the
mutually accepted conditions. So the foreign investors could be given
the
biggest chunk providing their period of control was limited by mutual
agreement.
Regarding the oil industry, in our country, privatization hasn't touched
it
but it's a huge prospect for investments. The same goes for the
exploitation
of railroad traffic. Regarding the development of highway communications
there is great potential for foreign investment considering our
geostrategic
and commercial position in the Balkans, as a connection to the Middle
East.
We developed a privatization law regarding large state run facilities
like
the machine facility in Trstenik which used to manufacture hydraulic
equipment for Boeing. There are so many such valuable assets intact in
Serbia, untouched by privatization, free for very lucrative investments.
We
had that all worked out before the sanctions and aerial destruction
stopped
further progress.
We developed detailed plans that could apportion part of the profit from
these foreign investments into pension and other social funds so it
would be
just. At te same time our plans involve reinvestment of profit within
the
country.
Yugoslavia has a very rich pool, a highly educated working class and
technical class, ready to get to work, to produce.
Israel: If foreigners invest in Yugoslavia, and if in return they get a
facility which previously was socially owned, doesn't the country become
a
colony?
Ivkovic: We have legal restraints to prevent accepting conditions that
would
make us a colony. Foreign investors have to agree to abide by our laws
as
part of any deal.
Our country has around 2 billion dollars frozen in foreign banks as a
result
of the sanctions imposed on us and we would like to get this returned
with
interest accrued. We expect the international community to show
understanding
for our plight and to relieve us from credit and debts to some extent
and
give us some priority in that regard.
Israel: Are you saying you expect that or that in a just situation it
would
happen?
Ivkovic: That has been our request. We would request these concessions
but
I'm personally pretty pessimistic about them doing it.
Israel: When you say you're going to request these concessions, or when
you
say that you have these laws, you beg the question of the political
situation, this semi-coup d'etat.
Let me spell out my own view.
I see President Kostunica as a fundamentally illegal figure who is and
could
only be in power because of international intrigue which created a
subversive
apparatus that committed crimes against people and property. People in
government and business have been intimidated and forced to sign
documents
under pressure, turning state or private property over to what amounts
to
thugs and gangsters, and this has been glorified by the Western media
which
has suddenly discovered that it loves popular revolutions. In the
present
situation to give this interview is an act of heroism. Therefore you are
not
talking about carrying out these measures in the present tense. You are
talking about what the legal government had planned. A plan you would
like to
return to. Is that correct?
Ivkovic: Let us say that in the present circumstances of instability and
turmoil foreign investors may not be much attracted to our country.
Israel: Sharks will be attracted. Sharks like turmoil. It justifies an
iron
hand and you can steal a lot in the midst of confusion.
.Ivkovic: In regard to what you say, the Bulgarian and Romanian examples
are
very educational for our future. I agree that the coup d'etat was well
organized and conducted with the participation of certain parts of the
so-called international community.
Israel: Isn't 'international community' a great euphemism? The United
States,
Germany, Britain and a few hangers-on = the international community. In
'Der
Spiegel' magazine they had this article which reported all of them
boasting
and competing over how much money they gave the 'Yugoslav democratic
process.' Nothing like a well-financed democratic process. Of course the
article said the U.S. government gave, but then it quoted the Germans
saying,
'We gave too!' and then Norway piped in: "Us too, us too!" This was the
Oct.
7 'Der Spiegel'. The article also said that Kostunica was actually
picked to
run for President by U.S. Secretary of State Albright and German Foreign
Minister Fischer at a meeting, I believe it was in December.
You know, Yugoslavia is a beautiful fish and all the sharks want a
chunk. So
even though it politically hurts their various proxies in DOS [the
pro-Western parties that now control the Yugoslav government] and the
civil
society groups and the independent media, even though having these
foreign
powers boast that they funded these guys hurts them, the foreign powers
have
to boast because they all want to stake their claim.
So the sharks say, "We did it!" and meanwhile their local quislings say
"No
no, we're independent! We resent your help!" And then the sharks say
"Yes!
You're right! You're independent! We don't even like you because you are
extremely nationalistic!" You see?
Ivkovic: [Laughs] I see everything. Each is striving each to get a head
of
the others. They made such a grave mistake. They boasted that they
planned
the details of this coup d'etat five or six months before it took place
which
means of course that the coup had nothing to do with the outcome of the
Presidential elections.
Factors Leading up to the Coup
Ivkovic: Unfortunately, the proper authorities did not counter this
vicious
plan. We know that Mr. Montgomery, the US envoy in Budapest, provided an
immense pool of money for the coup. Money flowed in like water. But
these
illegal activities were not properly dealt with.
There are two more things I must say. The Socialist Party made some
mistakes
in the election campaign. Apart from that and the unprecedented external
interference, the economic sanctions and the NATO bombardment had a big
effect. They caused the standard of living to drop considerably and at
the
same time, because of the bombardment we had to apportion much of the
budget,
which otherwise would have gone for salaries for teachers, professors
and
other social employees, into rebuilding bridges, roads and
infrastructure
which the bombing destroyed, as well as building housing and setting up
businesses. This created a lot of dissatisfaction. The diversion of
resources, amidst harsh circumstances, was cunningly exploited by the
DOS
people leading up to and during the election, providing a social basis
for
carrying out the coup d'etat.
Political Situation Since the Coup
Ivkovic: The elections were Federal [Yugoslav] but the coup d'etat
affected
the Republican structure as well.
Israel: How?
Ivkovic: The opposition commandos forced their way into offices and
production facilities or government facilities in a systematic way,
kicked
out the tenants or official employees and replaced them with their own.
And
the Interior Ministry authorities did not interfere..
Israel: Is that terror still going on?
Ivkovic: Because of all these circumstances we had to compromise our
position
and accept DOS as a part of the administration. They filled up some
departments they'd never been in before. But we insisted that they agree
to
return all the kicked-out officials to their positions again, to restore
the
condition of legality and order we had before.
Israel: Has that happened?
Ivkovic: This is on the promise level now.
Israel: Who made the promise and what did the Socialist Party give in
exchange?
Ivkovic: The agreement was signed by Kostunica for DOS, by the President
of
the Republic of Serbia, Milutinovic, from the Socialist Party and by the
Serbian Renewal Party. The Socialists let DOS into Serbian government
positions and in exchange DOS promised to restore order and return all
those
who had been kicked out to their positions.
Israel: Have they been returned?
Ivkovic: Well there have been no returns but they did stop some of the
harassment. It's amazing how they persecute. They have developed an
atmosphere of suspicion, spying, investigation. Everybody is suspicious,
everyone is investigating everyone else. The most critical problem is
the
media outlets. It's much worse than what they claimed when the Socialist
Party was in power. I think many journalists will be kicked out and left
jobless.
Effects on the Press
In the past we could buy Politika and Politika Ekspres, two major
Belgrade
papers pulling to the Left. At the same time we could purchase Glas,
which
means Voice, and Blic, both on the Right, and we used to buy Novosti,
'Evening News' in the Center. So everybody had a chance to find the
truth.
Now journalists will be jobless because we have just one paper: all
papers
publish the same stories, written the same. You can switch 20 TV
channels and
you just see DOS.
I watch only TV ANEM and listen to radio B2-92. It used to be the most
fierce
opposition voice; to be honest they are still in opposition; they are
the
only station I can go and talk on. Also the other radio, student radio,
called INDEX.
Israel: That's wacky. B2-92 is funded by the U.S.
Ivkovic: That's right. But now they are the only outlet for the truth.
Israel: Unbelievable.
Ivkovic: On the TV station ANEM the journalists seem somewhat
independent.
Israel: But that was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy.
Ivkovic: Yes yes yes. Jared, imagine what the other TV outlets are like
when
these two are considered the most open to different views.
Israel: Sounds like the U.S.
Ivkovic: [Laughs.]
Jared: Here's my concern. In terms of this agreement that Milutinovic
has
signed, this DOS promise to restore law and order, I am afraid that DOS'
masters, the US and Germany, want the job finished. The big problem the
pro-U.S. and pro-German forces have is they didn't succeed in turning
the
army. Now they want to get into a position where they can take more
extreme
action.
Ivkovic: Yes that's also my major concern: how the army will position
itself.
In our country an open market is the place where all the politics are
loudly
and openly expressed but now the market is silent - no whisper - people
are
very depressed - they move from one channel on the radio and TV to
another
and they see the same exact news presented in the same way and now it is
dawning on them where they have arrived.
We have agreed to elections for the Serbian Parliament, for December
23rd.
Israel: Won't those elections take place in a situation where the
parties
opposed to Kostunica have no media?
Ivkovic: That is quite correct. And these elections were initiated under
heavy pressure. We have no media access. Holding these elections a year
earlier than required was agreed to under pressure. Following the coup
d'etat
pressure was brought to bear on the Republican level regarding
Parliament and
the Serbian government.
Israel: So all the anti-DOS parties, the Socialist Party, the
nationalists,
the Radical Party and others - all their media is gone?
Ivkovic: They are allowed one hour a day. DOS seized all TV and radio
outlets
with armed units. There are only a few left untouched, a few newspapers,
a
few TV and radio stations in the interior.
Israel: But they haven't seized control of the Army by force. Is that
correct?
Ivkovic: There have been no changes in the Army ranks so far.
Israel: Aren't there laws in Yugoslavia that make it illegal for foreign
agents like Djindjic to take money from foreign countries and distribute
it
to over-throw the government?
Ivkovic: Of course. It's all punishable under the law.
Israel: In other words since the so-called civil society groups like the
Committee for Free and Fair Elections, the G-17 so called economists,
the
Women in Black, you know Vesna Pesic and the others, the Civic Union
gang,
this Mayor Ilic from Cacak - on the internet a researcher found news
articles
where he is described as meeting with U.S. Special Balkans Robert
Gelbard
seven times - when you have all these groups funded and organized and
trained
by the U.S. and Germany with massive foreign bribes, why were these
foreign
agents permitted to operate? Is there any country in the world where
such
people would not have been jailed?
Ivkovic: Jared, I agree this is a very strange situation. Why some
people in
the Ministry of the Interior did not do the job, as required by the law,
remains to be investigated.
***
Further reading
Concerning the terror directed against socialists and nationalists since
the
Oct. 5 coup, please see:
* 'On the list, they had me marked as a nationalist' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/onthelist.htm
Interview conducted the day before the Oct. 5 coup.
* 'These Djindjic people are brown shirts' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/djindjic.htm
An interview conducted after the Oct. 5 coup.
* 'Reign of Terror in Serbia', at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/attack.htm
Statement of Serbian Socialist Party on nationwide attack on their
offices.
For more on the general situation in Yugoslavia now, see:
Concerning the U.S. creation of a subversive apparatus in Yugoslavia,
see
'U.S. Arrogance and Yugoslav Elections' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
For more on what's been happening in Yugoslavia now, see:
* 'Djindjic Calls for Complete Yugoslav Submission to U.S.' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/submit.htm
Discusses the consequences of turning Yugoslavia into a U.S.
protectorate
* 'The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
On the G-17 group of economists and what they have planned for
Yugoslavia.
* 'Kostunica Coalition Drives Up Prices & Blames...Milosevic' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/triples.htm
***
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http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/ivkovic1.htm
Serbian Minister of Science Speaks out:
An Interview with Bane Ivkovic
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
Bane Ivkovic is Serbian Minister of Science and Technology. He was
forced
from this position after the Oct. 5 coup d'etat.
Mr. Ivkovic had been in charge of the highly successful program of
rebuilding
bridges, factories and homes destroyed by the NATO bombing.
We interviewed Mr. Ivkovic at the end of October and again in early
November.
This is the first interview. The interviewer is Jared Israel, editor of
www.tenc.net
Interview with Bane Ivkovic
Israel: I understand you were in charge of reconstruction after the
bombing.
Ivkovic: Yes. For four years I had been Serbian Minister of Construction
and
then starting in 1998 I was Minister for Science and Technology. During
the
bombing I organized a special group to help the 130,000 workers left
jobless
by NATO bombing their factories. We wanted to do more than just rebuild;
we
tried at the same time to restructure our economy, to increase the
number of
small and medium enterprises. We were able to set up 1050 such
businesses.
This created 33,000 new jobs.
Israel: Private or public sector?
Ivkovic: Mainly private. The Ministry developed relations between the
[scientific and technical] Institutes and these displaced workers. We
collected 2900 plans for small and medium businesses, programs to
produce
goods using Serbian resources instead of importing these products. To
finance
these new businesses, after the bombing we collected money by asking
everyone
with a job to give one or two day's pay and using this as well as money
from
the Serbian government we offered the displaced workers five year loans
at
excellent rates so they could set up their own production facilities.
Israel: So these businesses were privately owned by groups of employees?
Ivkovic: Yes. Up until then we had relatively few small and medium
enterprises. We wanted to strengthen the small business sector,
especially in
the villages. It's our opinion that these small, profitable businesses
are
the way to stop the flow of young people to the towns.
Israel: Just to get clear, these enterprises were privately owned by the
people who worked there?
Ivkovic: Yes.
Israel: Not just by one man?
Ivkovic: No no no by the people. Each unemployed worker could take a
loan for
himself, but several workers could get a collective loan and apply it to
one
business. 50 of them could get 50 times more money.
Israel: So they could start something of some size.
Ivkovic: Yes, but it would be their own. Their own factory. Their own
enterprise.
Israel: You know the Western propaganda says Yugoslavia was run so that
a few
people made a lot of money and everybody else got nothing.
Ivkovic: It's not true. You must understand a couple of things here.
First of
all, there is private business in Serbia, and this is nothing new. After
1945
we had people who owned land in the villages, people who owned private
enterprises. Not so much in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. But in the
1970s and
1980s this became far more common. A lot of these people established
their
own small offices, markets, enterprises and factories and now I think
50% of
our economic life is in the private sector and it's a very profitable
private
sector. These owners are people of varying political viewpoints.
The second thing is, we have been under a United States imposed embargo
for 8
years and during that embargo some people who had previously been
criminals
went into business exporting or importing goods which were under
embargo, and
they made a lot of money. Those people are not the socialist party. We
are a
party of over 500,000 people, mainly ordinary working people. Of course
whenever a party is in power it attracts some opportunists, some who are
there for reasons other than principle; but those people have left us or
are
leaving us now and as for the ones who remain, what possible gain is
there in
it for them?
Foreign investment
Ivkovic: When I was Serbian Minister for Construction I proposed a
Federal
Law On Foreign investment. On the [Serbian] Republican level we have a
concession law and a law for ownership transformation. But then came the
embargo and we couldn't do as much as we wanted at that time.
Israel: So you want foreign investment?
Ivkovic: Yes, why not? In the past I was involved in negotiations with
several very powerful groups of foreign investors about concessions in
road
construction and electric power production. Unfortunately everything
that
happened with Kosovo and Metohija put a halt to those negotiations.
[Kosovo
and Metohija is the Serbian name for what the West calls 'Kosovo.']
Israel: I don't know if you read the piece that Chossudovsky and I wrote
about the IMF and the World Bank and their harmful effects.
Ivkovic: Yes.
Israel: We argued that when the IMF and the World Bank enter a country
it is
subjected to piracy - you know, basically stripped.
Ivkovic: It's a problem for me to express myself in English. The IMF and
the
World Bank have some special propositions which, how shall I say, cover
a
country with a very strong hand. This can put a country in a very bad
position. I prefer that foreign investors come here with their own
money. If
we were covered by the World Bank we would be in chains.
Israel: They're sharks.
Ivkovic: Yes. That is true. That is true. You see Bulgaria and Romania
are
now in a worse position than Yugoslavia. We had sanctions and we were
bombed
yet we are in a better position than Bulgaria and Romania because they
have
been put into IMF chains and now, in addition to being worse off, they
will
also have to repay loans for the next 20 or 30 years. Repay with
interest.
[The interview continued with the addition of a translator.]
Israel: Is it your opinion that the IMF and World Bank should be kept
out of
Yugoslavia?
Ivkovic: Yes. We've been living through hard times. Eight years of
sanctions
plus last year's bombardment made our lives very harsh. The level of
production in our country is 40% of 1990. We're certainly in a need of a
fresh injection of money. To help this situation we passed a Federal law
on
foreign investments and a law covering ownership transformation. And on
the
Republican level, the Republic of Serbia passed a law on foreign
concessions.
There are some related laws regarding taxes and customs regulations.
These
laws are designed to allow foreign investments but at the same time to
make
sure the profit drawn from such investments are reinvested in the
country.
Israel: So it can't be taken out?
Ivkovic: Right. We are by current law [i.e., laws passed before the
October
5th coup] open to foreign investments. We have developed a very
extensive and
detailed plan for utilizing our resources such as energy, roads,
highways,
railways and waterways and also agricultural land for
industrial-agricultural
exploitation. We had all these plans in place but the sanctions and last
year's bombing and destruction hindered our ability to go ahead.
Speaking as a citizen, I am inclined to accept capital or investment
coming
from corporations rather than from the International Monetary Fund and
World
Bank. It is my opinion that both the IMF and the World Bank set up
stringent
rules that bring a country close to colonial status.
Israel: Perhaps that's why they don't like you.
Ivkovic: At this time in particular it would be extremely dangerous for
these
two banks to enter our country. But corporations and other financial
groups
would be more welcome. We and they both would benefit.
We are still a very rich and resourceful country despite all our
difficulties
and ordeals. We have a huge amount of state and public assets that have
not
been privatized. In 1966 we sold Italian and Greek partners 49% of our
telecommunications industry. That brought in one billion 750 million
Deutschmark. About 800 million dollars.
Israel: Isn't that a little low for half your telecommunications
industry?
Ivkovic: Well I would say we did better than the Hungarians who sold
similar
facilities for a much larger portion of ownership and got less.
The electrical energy system and the ownership of electrical energy
assets,
meaning production and distribution, has not been privatized. For
example
consider the thermoelectric power plant called Kolubara. The state
invested
500,000,000 dollars in this plant. It's run on coal. There is room for
another three hundred million dollars investment, open to foreign
capital as
well.
Israel: Would you keep the majority of ownership?
Ivkovic: Look, Jared, this is an interesting deal. The investment would
be OK
if the foreign investors got 100% providing there was a time limit on
foreign
control. It could be five years; it could be ten years. It depends on
the
mutually accepted conditions. So the foreign investors could be given
the
biggest chunk providing their period of control was limited by mutual
agreement.
Regarding the oil industry, in our country, privatization hasn't touched
it
but it's a huge prospect for investments. The same goes for the
exploitation
of railroad traffic. Regarding the development of highway communications
there is great potential for foreign investment considering our
geostrategic
and commercial position in the Balkans, as a connection to the Middle
East.
We developed a privatization law regarding large state run facilities
like
the machine facility in Trstenik which used to manufacture hydraulic
equipment for Boeing. There are so many such valuable assets intact in
Serbia, untouched by privatization, free for very lucrative investments.
We
had that all worked out before the sanctions and aerial destruction
stopped
further progress.
We developed detailed plans that could apportion part of the profit from
these foreign investments into pension and other social funds so it
would be
just. At te same time our plans involve reinvestment of profit within
the
country.
Yugoslavia has a very rich pool, a highly educated working class and
technical class, ready to get to work, to produce.
Israel: If foreigners invest in Yugoslavia, and if in return they get a
facility which previously was socially owned, doesn't the country become
a
colony?
Ivkovic: We have legal restraints to prevent accepting conditions that
would
make us a colony. Foreign investors have to agree to abide by our laws
as
part of any deal.
Our country has around 2 billion dollars frozen in foreign banks as a
result
of the sanctions imposed on us and we would like to get this returned
with
interest accrued. We expect the international community to show
understanding
for our plight and to relieve us from credit and debts to some extent
and
give us some priority in that regard.
Israel: Are you saying you expect that or that in a just situation it
would
happen?
Ivkovic: That has been our request. We would request these concessions
but
I'm personally pretty pessimistic about them doing it.
Israel: When you say you're going to request these concessions, or when
you
say that you have these laws, you beg the question of the political
situation, this semi-coup d'etat.
Let me spell out my own view.
I see President Kostunica as a fundamentally illegal figure who is and
could
only be in power because of international intrigue which created a
subversive
apparatus that committed crimes against people and property. People in
government and business have been intimidated and forced to sign
documents
under pressure, turning state or private property over to what amounts
to
thugs and gangsters, and this has been glorified by the Western media
which
has suddenly discovered that it loves popular revolutions. In the
present
situation to give this interview is an act of heroism. Therefore you are
not
talking about carrying out these measures in the present tense. You are
talking about what the legal government had planned. A plan you would
like to
return to. Is that correct?
Ivkovic: Let us say that in the present circumstances of instability and
turmoil foreign investors may not be much attracted to our country.
Israel: Sharks will be attracted. Sharks like turmoil. It justifies an
iron
hand and you can steal a lot in the midst of confusion.
.Ivkovic: In regard to what you say, the Bulgarian and Romanian examples
are
very educational for our future. I agree that the coup d'etat was well
organized and conducted with the participation of certain parts of the
so-called international community.
Israel: Isn't 'international community' a great euphemism? The United
States,
Germany, Britain and a few hangers-on = the international community. In
'Der
Spiegel' magazine they had this article which reported all of them
boasting
and competing over how much money they gave the 'Yugoslav democratic
process.' Nothing like a well-financed democratic process. Of course the
article said the U.S. government gave, but then it quoted the Germans
saying,
'We gave too!' and then Norway piped in: "Us too, us too!" This was the
Oct.
7 'Der Spiegel'. The article also said that Kostunica was actually
picked to
run for President by U.S. Secretary of State Albright and German Foreign
Minister Fischer at a meeting, I believe it was in December.
You know, Yugoslavia is a beautiful fish and all the sharks want a
chunk. So
even though it politically hurts their various proxies in DOS [the
pro-Western parties that now control the Yugoslav government] and the
civil
society groups and the independent media, even though having these
foreign
powers boast that they funded these guys hurts them, the foreign powers
have
to boast because they all want to stake their claim.
So the sharks say, "We did it!" and meanwhile their local quislings say
"No
no, we're independent! We resent your help!" And then the sharks say
"Yes!
You're right! You're independent! We don't even like you because you are
extremely nationalistic!" You see?
Ivkovic: [Laughs] I see everything. Each is striving each to get a head
of
the others. They made such a grave mistake. They boasted that they
planned
the details of this coup d'etat five or six months before it took place
which
means of course that the coup had nothing to do with the outcome of the
Presidential elections.
Factors Leading up to the Coup
Ivkovic: Unfortunately, the proper authorities did not counter this
vicious
plan. We know that Mr. Montgomery, the US envoy in Budapest, provided an
immense pool of money for the coup. Money flowed in like water. But
these
illegal activities were not properly dealt with.
There are two more things I must say. The Socialist Party made some
mistakes
in the election campaign. Apart from that and the unprecedented external
interference, the economic sanctions and the NATO bombardment had a big
effect. They caused the standard of living to drop considerably and at
the
same time, because of the bombardment we had to apportion much of the
budget,
which otherwise would have gone for salaries for teachers, professors
and
other social employees, into rebuilding bridges, roads and
infrastructure
which the bombing destroyed, as well as building housing and setting up
businesses. This created a lot of dissatisfaction. The diversion of
resources, amidst harsh circumstances, was cunningly exploited by the
DOS
people leading up to and during the election, providing a social basis
for
carrying out the coup d'etat.
Political Situation Since the Coup
Ivkovic: The elections were Federal [Yugoslav] but the coup d'etat
affected
the Republican structure as well.
Israel: How?
Ivkovic: The opposition commandos forced their way into offices and
production facilities or government facilities in a systematic way,
kicked
out the tenants or official employees and replaced them with their own.
And
the Interior Ministry authorities did not interfere..
Israel: Is that terror still going on?
Ivkovic: Because of all these circumstances we had to compromise our
position
and accept DOS as a part of the administration. They filled up some
departments they'd never been in before. But we insisted that they agree
to
return all the kicked-out officials to their positions again, to restore
the
condition of legality and order we had before.
Israel: Has that happened?
Ivkovic: This is on the promise level now.
Israel: Who made the promise and what did the Socialist Party give in
exchange?
Ivkovic: The agreement was signed by Kostunica for DOS, by the President
of
the Republic of Serbia, Milutinovic, from the Socialist Party and by the
Serbian Renewal Party. The Socialists let DOS into Serbian government
positions and in exchange DOS promised to restore order and return all
those
who had been kicked out to their positions.
Israel: Have they been returned?
Ivkovic: Well there have been no returns but they did stop some of the
harassment. It's amazing how they persecute. They have developed an
atmosphere of suspicion, spying, investigation. Everybody is suspicious,
everyone is investigating everyone else. The most critical problem is
the
media outlets. It's much worse than what they claimed when the Socialist
Party was in power. I think many journalists will be kicked out and left
jobless.
Effects on the Press
In the past we could buy Politika and Politika Ekspres, two major
Belgrade
papers pulling to the Left. At the same time we could purchase Glas,
which
means Voice, and Blic, both on the Right, and we used to buy Novosti,
'Evening News' in the Center. So everybody had a chance to find the
truth.
Now journalists will be jobless because we have just one paper: all
papers
publish the same stories, written the same. You can switch 20 TV
channels and
you just see DOS.
I watch only TV ANEM and listen to radio B2-92. It used to be the most
fierce
opposition voice; to be honest they are still in opposition; they are
the
only station I can go and talk on. Also the other radio, student radio,
called INDEX.
Israel: That's wacky. B2-92 is funded by the U.S.
Ivkovic: That's right. But now they are the only outlet for the truth.
Israel: Unbelievable.
Ivkovic: On the TV station ANEM the journalists seem somewhat
independent.
Israel: But that was funded by the National Endowment for Democracy.
Ivkovic: Yes yes yes. Jared, imagine what the other TV outlets are like
when
these two are considered the most open to different views.
Israel: Sounds like the U.S.
Ivkovic: [Laughs.]
Jared: Here's my concern. In terms of this agreement that Milutinovic
has
signed, this DOS promise to restore law and order, I am afraid that DOS'
masters, the US and Germany, want the job finished. The big problem the
pro-U.S. and pro-German forces have is they didn't succeed in turning
the
army. Now they want to get into a position where they can take more
extreme
action.
Ivkovic: Yes that's also my major concern: how the army will position
itself.
In our country an open market is the place where all the politics are
loudly
and openly expressed but now the market is silent - no whisper - people
are
very depressed - they move from one channel on the radio and TV to
another
and they see the same exact news presented in the same way and now it is
dawning on them where they have arrived.
We have agreed to elections for the Serbian Parliament, for December
23rd.
Israel: Won't those elections take place in a situation where the
parties
opposed to Kostunica have no media?
Ivkovic: That is quite correct. And these elections were initiated under
heavy pressure. We have no media access. Holding these elections a year
earlier than required was agreed to under pressure. Following the coup
d'etat
pressure was brought to bear on the Republican level regarding
Parliament and
the Serbian government.
Israel: So all the anti-DOS parties, the Socialist Party, the
nationalists,
the Radical Party and others - all their media is gone?
Ivkovic: They are allowed one hour a day. DOS seized all TV and radio
outlets
with armed units. There are only a few left untouched, a few newspapers,
a
few TV and radio stations in the interior.
Israel: But they haven't seized control of the Army by force. Is that
correct?
Ivkovic: There have been no changes in the Army ranks so far.
Israel: Aren't there laws in Yugoslavia that make it illegal for foreign
agents like Djindjic to take money from foreign countries and distribute
it
to over-throw the government?
Ivkovic: Of course. It's all punishable under the law.
Israel: In other words since the so-called civil society groups like the
Committee for Free and Fair Elections, the G-17 so called economists,
the
Women in Black, you know Vesna Pesic and the others, the Civic Union
gang,
this Mayor Ilic from Cacak - on the internet a researcher found news
articles
where he is described as meeting with U.S. Special Balkans Robert
Gelbard
seven times - when you have all these groups funded and organized and
trained
by the U.S. and Germany with massive foreign bribes, why were these
foreign
agents permitted to operate? Is there any country in the world where
such
people would not have been jailed?
Ivkovic: Jared, I agree this is a very strange situation. Why some
people in
the Ministry of the Interior did not do the job, as required by the law,
remains to be investigated.
***
Further reading
Concerning the terror directed against socialists and nationalists since
the
Oct. 5 coup, please see:
* 'On the list, they had me marked as a nationalist' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/onthelist.htm
Interview conducted the day before the Oct. 5 coup.
* 'These Djindjic people are brown shirts' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/djindjic.htm
An interview conducted after the Oct. 5 coup.
* 'Reign of Terror in Serbia', at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/attack.htm
Statement of Serbian Socialist Party on nationwide attack on their
offices.
For more on the general situation in Yugoslavia now, see:
Concerning the U.S. creation of a subversive apparatus in Yugoslavia,
see
'U.S. Arrogance and Yugoslav Elections' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
For more on what's been happening in Yugoslavia now, see:
* 'Djindjic Calls for Complete Yugoslav Submission to U.S.' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/submit.htm
Discusses the consequences of turning Yugoslavia into a U.S.
protectorate
* 'The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
On the G-17 group of economists and what they have planned for
Yugoslavia.
* 'Kostunica Coalition Drives Up Prices & Blames...Milosevic' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/triples.htm
***
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