Informazione
" QUANTO ALLA NATO, LE BASI RESTERANNO "
Corriere della Sera
giovedì, 27 novembre, 2003
Pag. 15
Rugova, il Kosovo e la conversione «Simpatia per il cristianesimo»
«E' stata la prima fede del nostro popolo. Le moschee sono venute dopo»
Il «Gandhi dei Balcani» indica come sua priorità la vera tolleranza fra
le confessioni diverse nella provincia serba a maggioranza albanese
Battistini Francesco
DAL NOSTRO INVIATO PRISTINA (Kosovo) - Presidente Rugova, è vero che si
è convertito al cristianesimo? Un sorriso, un lungo silenzio. Ibrahim
Rugova è pur sempre il capo d' uno Stato «multietnico» al 90 per cento
musulmano, sostenuto dai soldi (anche) di molti Paesi islamici. L'
antico allievo di Roland Barthes sa pesare le parole: «Diciamo così:
oggi nutro una certa simpatia nei confronti dell' educazione cristiana
e occidentale».
Possiamo chiamarlo un percorso spirituale, quello che sta compiendo?
«La nostra educazione di provenienza è occidentale. E anche
storicamente, la prima fede praticata dal popolo albanese è stata il
cristianesimo. Le moschee e il resto sono arrivati dopo. Già con gli
Illiri, coi Romani ci furono in questa terra fermenti di cristianesimo.
E invece, con gli Ottomani, una parte di questa popolazione è stata
portata all' Islam con la violenza. Questo è accaduto anche dopo
Skanderbeg e la sua resistenza all' invasione dei Turchi».
Un ritorno alle radici...
«C'è stata una penetrazione musulmana molto profonda e questa, ancora
oggi, si traduce nei nomi e nei costumi del nostro popolo. Cristiani e
musulmani si sono integrati con una
certa armonia. L' unico presupposto della nostra esistenza è la
tolleranza reciproca. Senza questa, saremmo scomparsi: noi kosovari, ma
anche gli albanesi e i macedoni. Così oggi, in questo clima, ciascuno
di noi può scegliere la religione, la tradizione che meglio lo
rappresenta».
Lei però è il presidente del Kosovo...
«Il mio è un interesse culturale e spirituale del tutto personale. Vede
quel quadro? (indica l' olio d' un ritratto su sfondo verde, opera d'
un pittore kosovaro) E' un ritratto di Pjeter Bogdani. Fu un grande
vescovo del Kosovo, nel ' 600 combatté la penetrazione islamica in
questa terra. Una figura straordinaria, molto attuale per chi vuole
capire queste epoche di confronto tra civiltà».
Quando si farà battezzare? Altro sorriso:
«Si vedrà... Ora il mio obbiettivo è soprattutto politico: voglio
mirare a una vera tolleranza fra cristiani e musulmani».
Rugova folgorato sulla via di Pristina. E' da almeno un anno che
circolano voci sulla conversione del «Gandhi dei Balcani», capo storico
contestato dalla leadership kosovara, ma ancora
forte d' una maggioranza politica. Un sacerdote italiano segue questo
cammino di fede fin dal ' 99, dai tempi dell' esilio romano di Rugova,
quando questa terra veniva «serbizzata» dalle truppe di Milosevic e
bombardata dalla Nato: «Se si è convertito? - si schermì il prete, mesi
fa, alla nostra domanda -. Non so se sia opportuno rivelarlo. In ogni
caso, chiedetelo a lui». Fatto: una mattina di novembre il presidente
del Kosovo,
anziché sottrarsi, s' alza dalla sua poltrona rosso impero, primo piano
del palazzo sui colli di Pristina, e ci accompagna in una sala vicina,
davanti al plastico color alabastro d' una cattedrale.
«E' il mio sogno: un mausoleo per Madre Teresa di Calcutta, grande
cristiana e grande albanese. L' hanno disegnato due architetti
italiani, Bruno Valente e Giuseppe Durastanti. Sono stato in Vaticano.
Ho mostrato il progetto anche al vostro ministro Buttiglione».
Ma quei soldi non si potrebbero usare per cose più urgenti?
«Il progetto sarà finanziato con le donazioni individuali. In ogni
caso, a noi servono questi simboli. E non è con la somma destinata a
una chiesa che si cambia l' economia di un Paese».
Quale Paese? Lei parla d'indipendenza e gli americani hanno addirittura
fissato una data (il 2005), ma il Kosovo dipende ancora da Belgrado,
almeno formalmente...
«Saremo indipendenti prima del 2005. E' un' ipotesi realistica».
Però la guerra del'99 fu fatta, si disse, per un Kosovo multietnico:
albanesi musulmani vicino a serbi cristiani. Qui invece è tutto
albanesizzato. Pensa che l' Europa possa accettare un Kosovo senza
serbi?
«Questa diventerà una società multietnica, come l' Europa. E' vero: il
primo impatto è che i cartelli, i monumenti, la parlata sono albanesi,
ma solo perché la maggioranza della popolazione è ormai albanese. Dopo
la guerra, le minoranze serbe, turche, bosniache, rom sono diminuite.
Questo non significa che per loro non ci sarà spazio».
Uno spazio minimo: i serbi vengono presi a fucilate. E anche lei,
quante volte ha incontrato le minoranze?
«Talvolta l' ho fatto. Però sono tenuto a limitare le mie uscite
ufficiali per motivi di sicurezza».
Ma lei è favorevole al ritorno dei serbi in zone come Peja, controllate
dai militari italiani, dove la convivenza appare impossibile?
«Sì. Ne sono già tornati settemila. Questo però dipende dalle scelte
individuali, non dalla propaganda di Belgrado che crea solo
destabilizzazione».
A Vienna, ai primi colloqui tra albanesi e serbi dal ' 99, c' era
soltanto lei. I grandi capi del vecchio Esercito di liberazione del
Kosovo, l' Uck, hanno disertato.
«Io ero là come presidente del Kosovo. Ho constatato che altri hanno
esitato. Ma questo fa parte della normale dialettica in una democrazia».
E' vero che Belgrado è disposta a cedere il Kosovo in cambio di 2
miliardi di dollari e d' una scorciatoia per la Ue?
«Illazioni. Non ne so niente. Per noi, il prezzo pagato è stata la
guerra. Poi, se i serbi vogliono entrare nell' Unione europea, sono
affari loro».
Il Tribunale dell' Aja sta indagando su crimini commessi non solo da
Milosevic, ma anche dagli attuali leader kosovari, Thaci e Agim Ceku in
testa. Glieli consegnerete?
«Il mandato di Carla Del Ponte si estende a tutti i Balcani e anche
all' Occidente. Come tutti i Paesi, noi siamo tenuti a collaborare. Ma
se si tratta di eseguire arresti, questo non è compito nostro: è nelle
competenze dell' Onu, che per il momento amministra questa regione».
Questa parte di Balcani (Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro) è un
quadrilatero del crimine. L' Europa è
preoccupata da tanti traffici di droga, d' armi, d' esseri umani. Come
pensa di rassicurarla?
«Il problema è la libera circolazione nell' area. Ora è limitata, se
sei una persona perbene, mentre è indisturbata se sei un
criminale. Qualcosa non funziona nei controlli. L' Onu, le
organizzazioni europee devono capire che i confini vanno guardati in un
altro modo, non bloccando chi vuole produrre ricchezza lecita. Ad
esempio, io vorrei una grande autostrada da Pristina a Durazzo, per
consentire alle merci di arrivare all' Adriatico senza inerpicarsi
sulle montagne, dove sono i contrabbandieri a fare le regole. Ma è un
progetto difficile da far passare».
Quanto deve durare la presenza internazionale in Kosovo?
«La missione Onu sta già trasferendo molti poteri alle nostre autorità.
Quanto alla Nato, le basi resteranno. Il futuro del Kosovo indipendente
è legato al suo ingresso nella Nato».
Ma come sarà, questo Kosovo indipendente? Che bandiera avrà? E i
confini saranno quelli di adesso? Gli albanesi della Serbia meridionale
vorrebbero annettersi a voi, la piazza di Pristina chiede l' annessione
a Tirana...
«La bandiera è già pronta (Rugova ne mostra una nella sala, vicina a
quella albanese). L' aquila schipetara in un cerchio rosso su sfondo
blu, che è il colore del nostro cielo, della tolleranza e dell' Europa.
Ci sono anche la scritta "Dardania", antico nome del Kosovo, e una
stella a sei punte, quella di Skanderbeg. I confini? No, sono
intoccabili. Se li toccassimo, si riaprirebbero contenziosi in tutti i
Balcani».
La bandiera sventolerà sulla cattedrale di Madre Teresa?
«E' presto per dirlo. Il terreno c'è, la prima pietra della chiesa è
già stata posata. Nel 2004 cominceranno i lavori. Abbiamo fretta di
finirla».
Perché?
«Ho chiesto al Papa di venire a inaugurarla».
Francesco Battistini
Corriere della Sera
giovedì, 27 novembre, 2003
Pag. 15
Rugova, il Kosovo e la conversione «Simpatia per il cristianesimo»
«E' stata la prima fede del nostro popolo. Le moschee sono venute dopo»
Il «Gandhi dei Balcani» indica come sua priorità la vera tolleranza fra
le confessioni diverse nella provincia serba a maggioranza albanese
Battistini Francesco
DAL NOSTRO INVIATO PRISTINA (Kosovo) - Presidente Rugova, è vero che si
è convertito al cristianesimo? Un sorriso, un lungo silenzio. Ibrahim
Rugova è pur sempre il capo d' uno Stato «multietnico» al 90 per cento
musulmano, sostenuto dai soldi (anche) di molti Paesi islamici. L'
antico allievo di Roland Barthes sa pesare le parole: «Diciamo così:
oggi nutro una certa simpatia nei confronti dell' educazione cristiana
e occidentale».
Possiamo chiamarlo un percorso spirituale, quello che sta compiendo?
«La nostra educazione di provenienza è occidentale. E anche
storicamente, la prima fede praticata dal popolo albanese è stata il
cristianesimo. Le moschee e il resto sono arrivati dopo. Già con gli
Illiri, coi Romani ci furono in questa terra fermenti di cristianesimo.
E invece, con gli Ottomani, una parte di questa popolazione è stata
portata all' Islam con la violenza. Questo è accaduto anche dopo
Skanderbeg e la sua resistenza all' invasione dei Turchi».
Un ritorno alle radici...
«C'è stata una penetrazione musulmana molto profonda e questa, ancora
oggi, si traduce nei nomi e nei costumi del nostro popolo. Cristiani e
musulmani si sono integrati con una
certa armonia. L' unico presupposto della nostra esistenza è la
tolleranza reciproca. Senza questa, saremmo scomparsi: noi kosovari, ma
anche gli albanesi e i macedoni. Così oggi, in questo clima, ciascuno
di noi può scegliere la religione, la tradizione che meglio lo
rappresenta».
Lei però è il presidente del Kosovo...
«Il mio è un interesse culturale e spirituale del tutto personale. Vede
quel quadro? (indica l' olio d' un ritratto su sfondo verde, opera d'
un pittore kosovaro) E' un ritratto di Pjeter Bogdani. Fu un grande
vescovo del Kosovo, nel ' 600 combatté la penetrazione islamica in
questa terra. Una figura straordinaria, molto attuale per chi vuole
capire queste epoche di confronto tra civiltà».
Quando si farà battezzare? Altro sorriso:
«Si vedrà... Ora il mio obbiettivo è soprattutto politico: voglio
mirare a una vera tolleranza fra cristiani e musulmani».
Rugova folgorato sulla via di Pristina. E' da almeno un anno che
circolano voci sulla conversione del «Gandhi dei Balcani», capo storico
contestato dalla leadership kosovara, ma ancora
forte d' una maggioranza politica. Un sacerdote italiano segue questo
cammino di fede fin dal ' 99, dai tempi dell' esilio romano di Rugova,
quando questa terra veniva «serbizzata» dalle truppe di Milosevic e
bombardata dalla Nato: «Se si è convertito? - si schermì il prete, mesi
fa, alla nostra domanda -. Non so se sia opportuno rivelarlo. In ogni
caso, chiedetelo a lui». Fatto: una mattina di novembre il presidente
del Kosovo,
anziché sottrarsi, s' alza dalla sua poltrona rosso impero, primo piano
del palazzo sui colli di Pristina, e ci accompagna in una sala vicina,
davanti al plastico color alabastro d' una cattedrale.
«E' il mio sogno: un mausoleo per Madre Teresa di Calcutta, grande
cristiana e grande albanese. L' hanno disegnato due architetti
italiani, Bruno Valente e Giuseppe Durastanti. Sono stato in Vaticano.
Ho mostrato il progetto anche al vostro ministro Buttiglione».
Ma quei soldi non si potrebbero usare per cose più urgenti?
«Il progetto sarà finanziato con le donazioni individuali. In ogni
caso, a noi servono questi simboli. E non è con la somma destinata a
una chiesa che si cambia l' economia di un Paese».
Quale Paese? Lei parla d'indipendenza e gli americani hanno addirittura
fissato una data (il 2005), ma il Kosovo dipende ancora da Belgrado,
almeno formalmente...
«Saremo indipendenti prima del 2005. E' un' ipotesi realistica».
Però la guerra del'99 fu fatta, si disse, per un Kosovo multietnico:
albanesi musulmani vicino a serbi cristiani. Qui invece è tutto
albanesizzato. Pensa che l' Europa possa accettare un Kosovo senza
serbi?
«Questa diventerà una società multietnica, come l' Europa. E' vero: il
primo impatto è che i cartelli, i monumenti, la parlata sono albanesi,
ma solo perché la maggioranza della popolazione è ormai albanese. Dopo
la guerra, le minoranze serbe, turche, bosniache, rom sono diminuite.
Questo non significa che per loro non ci sarà spazio».
Uno spazio minimo: i serbi vengono presi a fucilate. E anche lei,
quante volte ha incontrato le minoranze?
«Talvolta l' ho fatto. Però sono tenuto a limitare le mie uscite
ufficiali per motivi di sicurezza».
Ma lei è favorevole al ritorno dei serbi in zone come Peja, controllate
dai militari italiani, dove la convivenza appare impossibile?
«Sì. Ne sono già tornati settemila. Questo però dipende dalle scelte
individuali, non dalla propaganda di Belgrado che crea solo
destabilizzazione».
A Vienna, ai primi colloqui tra albanesi e serbi dal ' 99, c' era
soltanto lei. I grandi capi del vecchio Esercito di liberazione del
Kosovo, l' Uck, hanno disertato.
«Io ero là come presidente del Kosovo. Ho constatato che altri hanno
esitato. Ma questo fa parte della normale dialettica in una democrazia».
E' vero che Belgrado è disposta a cedere il Kosovo in cambio di 2
miliardi di dollari e d' una scorciatoia per la Ue?
«Illazioni. Non ne so niente. Per noi, il prezzo pagato è stata la
guerra. Poi, se i serbi vogliono entrare nell' Unione europea, sono
affari loro».
Il Tribunale dell' Aja sta indagando su crimini commessi non solo da
Milosevic, ma anche dagli attuali leader kosovari, Thaci e Agim Ceku in
testa. Glieli consegnerete?
«Il mandato di Carla Del Ponte si estende a tutti i Balcani e anche
all' Occidente. Come tutti i Paesi, noi siamo tenuti a collaborare. Ma
se si tratta di eseguire arresti, questo non è compito nostro: è nelle
competenze dell' Onu, che per il momento amministra questa regione».
Questa parte di Balcani (Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro) è un
quadrilatero del crimine. L' Europa è
preoccupata da tanti traffici di droga, d' armi, d' esseri umani. Come
pensa di rassicurarla?
«Il problema è la libera circolazione nell' area. Ora è limitata, se
sei una persona perbene, mentre è indisturbata se sei un
criminale. Qualcosa non funziona nei controlli. L' Onu, le
organizzazioni europee devono capire che i confini vanno guardati in un
altro modo, non bloccando chi vuole produrre ricchezza lecita. Ad
esempio, io vorrei una grande autostrada da Pristina a Durazzo, per
consentire alle merci di arrivare all' Adriatico senza inerpicarsi
sulle montagne, dove sono i contrabbandieri a fare le regole. Ma è un
progetto difficile da far passare».
Quanto deve durare la presenza internazionale in Kosovo?
«La missione Onu sta già trasferendo molti poteri alle nostre autorità.
Quanto alla Nato, le basi resteranno. Il futuro del Kosovo indipendente
è legato al suo ingresso nella Nato».
Ma come sarà, questo Kosovo indipendente? Che bandiera avrà? E i
confini saranno quelli di adesso? Gli albanesi della Serbia meridionale
vorrebbero annettersi a voi, la piazza di Pristina chiede l' annessione
a Tirana...
«La bandiera è già pronta (Rugova ne mostra una nella sala, vicina a
quella albanese). L' aquila schipetara in un cerchio rosso su sfondo
blu, che è il colore del nostro cielo, della tolleranza e dell' Europa.
Ci sono anche la scritta "Dardania", antico nome del Kosovo, e una
stella a sei punte, quella di Skanderbeg. I confini? No, sono
intoccabili. Se li toccassimo, si riaprirebbero contenziosi in tutti i
Balcani».
La bandiera sventolerà sulla cattedrale di Madre Teresa?
«E' presto per dirlo. Il terreno c'è, la prima pietra della chiesa è
già stata posata. Nel 2004 cominceranno i lavori. Abbiamo fretta di
finirla».
Perché?
«Ho chiesto al Papa di venire a inaugurarla».
Francesco Battistini
HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF - 1/2
(la Storia si ripete / prima parte di due)
- The Holocaust in Kosovo
(S. Mac Mathuna and J. Heathcote)
- Genocide in Kosovo: the Albanian Skenderbeg Division
(Carl Kosta Savich)
Per una documentazione in lingua italiana sullo stesso argomento si
veda l'importante articolo PASSATO PRESENTE, di Matthias Kuentzel, alle
URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1029
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1030
---
http://www.kosovo.com/ww2kos.html
---
The Holocaust in Kosovo
Following the German occupation of Yugoslavia in 1941, the the country
was partitioned and a quisling fascist state in Serbia was
established under General Milan Nedic. In May 1941, a large
part of Kosovo, with a population of some 820,000 Serbs,
Montenegrins, Roma, Jews and Albanians was detached from
Serbia and given to the Axis state of Albania, whose leaders had
been installed by Mussolini's fascist regime in Italy. Albania was
one of the first countries in Europe to have a puppet
fascist regime established - in this case by when Mussolini
ordered Italian troops to invade and occupy the country.
This forced the Albanian ruler King Zog I, to flee to Greece
on April 7th, 1939, and Italy then formally annexed the country
and established a military government and viceroy.
The Italian fascists then began a programme to colonize the
country when thousands of settlers emigrated to Albania. An
Albanian Fascist Party was established with Albanian Black
skirts based on Italian models. Albania thus became an Axis
power - sending it troops to fight alongside Italy when Greece
was invaded in 1941. With support of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem,
Haj Amin El Husseini and Bedri Pejani, the Muslim leader of
the Albanian National committee, a call was made for a union
of the new Greater Albania with Bosnia and Herzegovina and
the Sandzak region of Serbia, into a Islamic state. The
Germans, whilst sympathetic to idea, rejected the plan.
As soon as the occupation of Kosovo began in 1941, the
Italian and German army began setting up an Albanian
gendarmerie in Kosovo that composed of some 1000 men, while
another 1000 were registered as armed volunteers, known as Vulnetana,
under the command of local officers. The Italian army also
began organising Albanian units to serve under its command.
Albanian quislings who had formed the so-called Kosovo
Committee, returned from exile, and according to Miranda
Vickers, writing in her book Between Serb and Albanian: A
History of Kosovo (Hurst, London, England, 1998):
Played an important role in collaborating with the
occupation forces, who were able to present themselves as
liberators of the Albanians and creators of a unified
Albania (p 122). These Albanian collaborators participated in the
forced deportation of thousands of Slavs, many of whom were
sent to forced labour camps. In scenes similar to those in
1999 and 2000, many thousands more were killed and scores of
villages were burnt down and their occupants (an estimated
10,000) were expelled. The Italian occupation forces encouraged
an extensive settlement of up to 72,000 Albanians from Albania to
Kosovo, according to Vickers (p123).
The SS set up the Skanderbeg division
Who was Skanderbeg the legendary hero of Albania who the SS
named a division after ? A Christian by birth, George
Kastrioti Skanderbeg (1405-1468), was given as a hostage to
the Ottoman Sultan Murat II to be brought up as a Muslim at
Adrianople (Edrine) when he was a child. He became an
officer in the Ottoman Turkish army and led them in many victories
over European armies. The Sultan was impressed with him that he
gave him the title Iskander Bey in Turkish, from "Iskander",
(Aleksander the Great, or prince Aleksander), and "Bey",
Master. The name was shortened to Skanderbeg, beg being the
local variant of bey. Later Kastrioti renounced Islam and
converted back to Christianity. Soon afterwards, he led a
revolt against the Ottomans in 1442. Sultan Mohammed II sent
Turkish armies to quell the uprising, but they were unable initially
to put down the Albanian revolt. However, after Kastrioti died
in 1468 the Turks soon occupied Albania and finally
established control over the territory. Albania would remain
part of the Ottoman Empire until 1912, when it finally won
independence.
On September 3rd, 1943, when Italy capitulated the German
were forced to occupy Albania. They sent in the 100th Jaeger
Division from Greece and the 297th Infantry Division from
Serbia and the German 1st Mountain Division to occupy
Albania, including Kosovo. These troops were organized into the XXI
Mountain Corps which was under the command of General Paul
Bader. However, the German's realised that additional
security forces for Kosovo were needed, as Germans troops
would be need for for defense of Albania's coastline. Thus,
the decision was made to form Albanian Skanderbeg division
for this purpose. Acting upon instructions of the SS war criminal
Henrich Himmler, the SS ordered the formation of the
Albanian Skanderbeg SS Division on April 17th, 1944. The SS
Command in Albania, in conduction with the Albanian National
Committee, found some 11,398 possible recruits for the
Skanderbeg SS division - most of whom were from Albanian gendarmes,
special police and para-military units in Kosovo that were under
the direct control of the Albanian Interior Minister Xhafer
Deva.
The official German designation for the division was 21
Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg" (Albanische Nr
1). The Albanians in the Skanderbeg Division were mostly
Muslims, of the Bektashi and Sunni sects of Islam. The division
however, contained several hundred Albanian Catholics,
followers of Jon Marko Joni. The SS designed a distinctive
arm patch for the division, consisting of a black
double-headed eagle on a red background, the national symbol
of Albania. The word "Skanderbeg", embroidered in white, appeared
above the eagle and was worn on the left sleeve. The right collar
patch consisted of a helmet with a goat's head on top, the
helmet supposedly worn by Skanderbeg.
They were helped by the newly formed Albanian Nazi party,
known as the Balli Kombetar (BK) which has been established
through the efforts of Ernst Kaltenbrunner (later executed
as a war criminal after the war). Like with the KLA (Kosovo
Liberation Army) today, they wanted the establishment of a Greater
Albanian state within the 1941 borders (including Kosovo) set up
by the Axis powers. Many of its leaders and supporters were
drawn from rich landowners in Albania, who saw fascism as a
political system that would protect their privileges in a
"unified" Albania.
According to Vickers, the Skanderbeg division - which was
stationed and operated in Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro -
"indiscriminately killed Serbs and Montenegrins" in Kosovo.
The actions of these Albanian quislings led to the departure
of another estimated 10,000 Slavs from the province. Altogether it is
estimated that at least 50-60,000 Slavs were expelled from
Kosovo during the Second World War. This however, does not
excuse the terror unleashed by the Yugoslav state both in
1945 under Tito and later in the 1990's under under
Milosevic, when, thousands of Albanian civilians were either
murdered, or their houses burnt down or were expelled from Kosovo. Like
in 1945, many who remained were subjected to gross
violations of human rights including unfair trials, torture
and extra-judicial executions.
In June 1944, the Skanderbeg SS Division was based in
Montenegro, whilst other parts of the division were based in
the Kosovo towns of Pristina, Pec, Jakova and Prizren. The
first major action of the division occurred in August, 1944
in Kosovo, and in September, the Skanderbeg SS Division occupied
part of Macedonia, and helped to garrison the capital Skopje. It
was also active in the southern part of the puppet state of
Serbia.
Although some 6,500 Albanian volunteers had come forward to
join the SS Saknderbeg division, by October 1944 desertions
were rife: Over two-thirds of the volunteers were declared
unfit for military service and the Division suffered some
3,500 desertions within its first two months of operation. The high
desertion rate resulted in the unit being disbanded and reformed
with the German SS officers forming Kampfgruppe "Skanderbeg"
which joined up with the SS "Prinz Eugen" regiment in
Yugoslavia. This battle group was was in action in December
1944/January 1945 around Zwornik, Bjellina and Brcko. On
30th January 1945, a small number of Germans and Albanians
from this unit were transferred to 32nd SS-Panzer
grenadier-Division on 30th January 1945 and sent to the Oder front in
1945. German forces had fled Kosovo by November 1944, leaving
the BK (then numbering some 9,000 members) to fend for
itself. Albanian fascists continued to resist partisans
representing Tito's emerging government until the spring of
1945.
Albanian extremists target the Jews of Kosovo
At the beginning of the second world war, Kosovo had a
population of 550 Jews. Altogether, 210 perished in German
concentration camps - the only Jews to be killed in the war
in Kosovo - representing 38.18% of the Jewish population.
This compares with Belgrade, were only 1,115 survived the
war out of almost 12,000 (9%), and Croatia, where an estimated
25% of the Jewish population survived. Thus, you were more likely to
survive the war if you were Jewish and lived in Albania or
Kosovo rather than Belgrade or Croatia. However, this is not
to say that it was any easier for Jews, Roma or Slavs - the
three national groups designated by the Nazi's as "subhuman
races", and top of their list for extermination or
deportation by the Nazis or their quislings in Croatia,
Serbia and Kosovo.
In fact, one of the first acts of the SS Skanderbeg division
in April 1944 was the arresting of 281 Jews in Pristina, and
"510 Jews, Communists, Partisans and individual suspects".
According to Bernard J. Fischer, writing in Albania at War,
1939-1945 (Purdue University Press, West Lafayette, Indians,
USA, 1999, p. 187). All 281 Jews were deported to Germany -
probably to Bergen-Belsen death camp. However, the German occupation
authorities allowed Albania an unusual degree of autonomy and,
for the most part, refrained from deporting and/or murdering
the majority of Albanian Jews. Most of the tiny Jewish
population of "old Albania" (about 200) survived the
Holocaust. The Germans, however, confiscated most
Jewish-owned property in 1943-1944.
Indeed, Albania is the only country occupied by Germany in
which the Jewish population actually grew during the war and
was larger than when the war started in 1939. There were
some 1,800 Jews in Albania by war's end, mostly escapees
from the Holocaust in Greece and Yugoslavia. Albanians sheltered
them and were later honored by the Israel for their efforts.
As the war drew to a close, Yugoslav Partisans launched a
large-scale military campaign in Kosovo to consolidate their
rule and the Albanians reacted with a general insurrection,
that forced the new authorities to declare martial law in
the region in 1945. Because of their co-operation with the Germans,
the Kosovo Albanians were seen as politically unreliable and
thus a possible threat to the stability and territorial
integrity of the new Communist Yugoslavia. Thus, Kosovo
emerged from the war in a state of siege, with its
population seen as a threat rather than as an asset.
Following the war, the post war population of Jews in Kosovo
dwindled considerably after the war to only 35 who were
registered as living in Pristina in 1989 and 41 in 1995.
Most reports now suggest that Albanian extremists have
driven them out since NATO drove out the Yugoslav army in 1999. The
Jewish population of Yugoslavia today is estimated to be 2500
with most of them living in Belgrade. The recent conflict in
Kosovo has ironically led to the exodus of the last of the
remaining Jews of Kosovo - something that didn't even happen
in the last war in 1941.
Sean Mac Mathuna and John Heathcote
original text and more information
http://www.flamemag.dircon.co.uk/skanderbeg.htm
More about Kosovo Albanian Nazism during the WW2
http://www.kosovo.com/hist2.html#fascist
---
http://www.kosovo.com/skenderbeyss.html
---
Albanian Nazi troops in WW2 Launched a Wide Spread Terror Against
Kosovo Serbs
Second World War
by Carl Kosta Savich
Genocide in Kosovo
Albanian Skenderbeg Division
The historical and political precedents for the creation of a greater
Sqiperia or Greater Albania was set during World War II when
the Kosovo and Metohija regions along with territory
Southwest of lake Skutari from Montenegro and the western
region of Southern Serbia, or Juzna Srbija (now part of
Macedonija), were annexed to Albania by the Axis powers led by Fascist
Italy and Nazi Germany, under a plan devised by Benito
Mussolini and Adolf Hitler to dismember and to destroy the
Serbian Nation and people, which the Germans and Italians
perceived as the main threat to the axis powers and to the
Third Reich in the Balkan.
On April 7, 1939, Italian troops invaded and occupied
Albania forcing the Albanian ruler King Zog I Ahmed Bey
Zogu, to flee to Greece. Italy formally annexed into the
Kingdom of Italy under the Italian king Victor Immanuel and
established a military government and viceroy. The Italian began
a program to colonize the country when thousands of settlers
emigrated to Albania. An Albanian Fascist Party was
established with Albanian Black skirts based on Italian
models. The Albanian Army consisted of three infantry
brigades of 12 000 men.
On October 28 1940, Italy invaded Greece from Albania with
10 Italian divisions and the Albanian Army but were driven
back.
Germany sought to assist the Italian-Albanian offensive by
operation Alpine Violet, a plan to move a corps of tree
German mountain divisions to Albania by air and sea. Instead
German built up a heavy concentration of the German Twelfth
Army on the northwest Greek Border with Bulgaria, from where
the German invasion was launched.
On April 6, 1941, Nazi Germany and the axis powers invaded
Yugoslavia, Operation Punishment, and Greece forcing the
capitulation of Yugoslavia on the 17th, and Greece on the
23rd. Yugoslavia was subsequently occupied and dismembered.
The Axis powers established a greater Albania or greater
Shqiperia at the expense of Serbia and Montenegro. Territory from
Montenegro was annexed to Greater Albania. From Serbia, the
Kosovo and Metohija were ceded to greater Albania, along
with the western part of Southern Serbia (Juzna Srbija), now
part of Macedonia, an area which was part of Stara Srbija
(Ancient Old Serbia). This Kosovo-metohija region and the
surrounding territory annexed to Greater Albania was called "New
Albania".
To create an ethnically pure Shqiptar Kosovo, which Albanian
called "Kosova", the Shqiptari (Albanians) launched a
widescale campaigns of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Ethnic
Serbs in the Kosovo-Metohija regions were massacred, and
their homes were burned, and survivors were brutally driven out
and expelled in policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide.
The Balli Kombetar (BK or National Union) was an Albanian
nationalist group led by Midhat Fresheri and Ali Klissura
whose political objective was to in incorporate
Kosovo-Metohija into a Greater Albania and to ethnically
cleanse the region of Orthodox Serbs
The Abanian Committee of Kosovo organized massive campaigns
of ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox
Serbian inhabitants of Kosovo- Metohuja. A contemporary
report described the ethnic cleansing and genocide of Serbs
as follows:
Armed with material supplied by the Italians, the Albanians
hurled themselves against helpless settlers in their homes
and villages. According to the most reliable sources, the
Albanian burned many Serbian settlements, killing some of
the people and driving out others who escaped to the
mountains. At present other Serbian settlement are being attacked and
the property of individuals and of communities is either being
confiscated or destroyed. It is not possible to ascertain at
the present time the exact number of victims of those
atrocities, but it may be estimated that at least between
30.000 and 40.000 perished.
Bedri Pejani, the Muslim leader of the Albanian National
committee, called for the extermination of Ortodox Serbian
Cristians in Kosovo Metohija and for a union of a Greater
Albania with Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Rashka (Sandzak)
region of Serbia, into a great Islamic state. The grand
Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin El Husseini was presented to Pejani
a plan which he approved as a being in the interest of Islam. The
Germans however rejected the plan.
On September 3, 1943, Italy capitulated by signing an
armistice with the Allies. The German were now forced to
occupy Albania with the collapse of the Italian forces. The
Germans sent the 100th Jaeger Division from Greece and the
297th Infantry Division from Serbia and the German 1st
Mountain Division to occupy Albania. These troops were organized into
the XXI Mountain Corps which was under the command of General
Paul Bader.
Additional security forces for the interior were needed,
however, to free up Germans troops for defense of the
coastline. The decision was made to form an Albanian SS
mountain division for this purpose. In April in 1944, recruitment
for the Albanian SS division began under direction of the newly
formed Albanian Nazi party, which has been formed through
the efforts of Ernst Kaltenbrunner. Acting upon instructions
of Reichsfuehrer SS Henrich Himmler, the SS main office
ordered the formation of an Albanian volunteer mountain
division on April 17, 1944. SS Brigadefuehrern and Generalmajor
of the Waffen SS Josef Fitzhum, who Headed the Higher SS and Police
Command in Albania, oversaw the forming and training of the
division.
The SS high Command planed to create a mountain division of
10.000 men. The Higher SS and Police Command in Albania, in
conduction with the Albanian National Committee, listed
11.398 possible recruits for the Waffen SS mountain
division. Most of these recruits were "kossovars", shqiptar
Ghegs from Kosovo Metohija in Serbia. The Shqiptar Tosks were
found mainly in southern Albania. Most of the Shqiptar collaborators
with the nazi forces were theNazi forces were the so-called
Kossovars, ethnic Shqiptars from the Kosmet of Serbia. The
Nazi German-sponsored Albanian gendarmes, special police and
para-military units were made up by Kossovars. The Kossovars
were under the direct control of the Albanian Interior
Minister Xhafer Deva.
The Skanderbeg Division was formed and trained in Kosovo and
was made up mostly of muslim Shqiptar Kossovars. There were
only a small number of Albanians from Albania proper in the
division. The Skanderbeg Mountain Division of the Wafen SS
was thus essentially a Kosovo or Kosmet Division. The
Division was stationed and operated in Kosovo and other Serbian
regions almost exclusively.
Of the 11.398 recruits listed for the Division, 9.275 were
ascertained to be suitable to draft in the Waffen SS. Of
those suitable to be drafted, 6.491 Albanian were chosen and
inducted into the Skanderbeg Division. To this Albanian core
were added veteran German troops primarily Reichdeutsche
from Austria and Volkdeutcshe officers, NCOs, and enlisted men,
transferred from the 7th SS Mountain Division "Prinz Eugen"
which was stationed in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Kosovo
Albanian 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg"
consisted in total of 8.500 - 9.000 men of all ranks. The
6.491 Shqiptar recruits were assembled at depots in Kosovo
where the formation and the training of the division began.
The official designation for the division was 21 Waffen
Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg" (Albanische Nr 1). The
SS Main Office designed a distinctive arm patch for the
division, consisting of a black double-headed eagle on a red
background, the national symbol of Albania. The word
"Skanderbeg", embroidered in white, appeared above the eagle
and was warn on the left sleeve. The right collar patch consisted
of a helmet with a goat's head on top, the helmet supposedly worn
by George Kastrioti Skanderbeg, after whom the division was
named. The Shqiptars recruits in the division wore a white
skullcap, the national attire of the Shqiptar Ghegs. The SS
main office also issued gray skullcaps with the Totenkopf
(death's head) insignia sewn on the front below the
Hoheitszeichen (the national symbol of Nazi Germany, consisting of a
white eagle over a Nazi swastika).
Division was named after George Kastrioti, or Gjergj
Kastriota, also as Kastriotis (1405-1468), national hero of
Albania, who fought for the Ottoman Turks. As a child,
Kastrioti was given as a hostage to Sultan Murat II to be
brought as a Muslim at Adrianople (Edrine). Kastrioti became an officer
in the Ottoman Turkish army and led the Turkish forces in
many victories over Christian troops. Murat II was impressed
with his valor and bravery in his battle for Islam and gave
him the name Iskander Bey in Turkish, from "Iskander",
Aleksander the Great, or prince Aleksander, and "bey",
master. The name was shortened to Skanderbeg, beg being the
local variant of bey. Later Kastrioti renounced Islam and
converted to Christianity and attacked his former Ottoman Turkish
masters. He captured the Albanian capital Kroja from the
Turkish governor and proclaimed a revolt against the Turks
in 1442. Sultan Mohammed II sent Turkish armies to defeat
the renegade Kastrioti, but he was able to defeat Turkish
forces, wich besieged Kroja but could not capture it.
Kastrioti died in 1468. Kroja surrendered in 1479 and the Turks
occupied Albania.
The Albanians in the Skanderbeg Division were mostly
Muslims, of the Bektashi and Sunni sects of Islam. The
division contained several hundred Albanian Catholics,
followers of Jon Marko Joni.
The first commander of the Skandereg division was SS
Brigadefuehrer Generalmajor of the Waffen SS Josef Fitshum,
who commanded the division from April to June 1944. After
the Juli 20, assassination plot against Hitler, Fitzhum was
appointed supreme commander in Albania. In June, SS Stardentenfuehrer
August Schmidhuber was appointed division commander, a post
would hold until August 1944. On June 21, 1944, Schmidhuber
was promoted to SS Oberfuehrer and later in the war, he
would be promoted to SS Brigadefuhrer. SS
Oberstrumbannfuhrer Alfred Graf commanded the reorganized remnants
of the Skanderbeg Division from August 1944, to may, 1945.
The Shultzstaffel or SS was created in the period 1923-1925
and was initially known as the Stosstrupp (Shock troop)
"Adolf Hitler". On Januari 16, 1929, Hitler appointed
Heinrich Himmler leader of SS, Reichsfuehrer SS. The SS was
envisioned as an elite troop of the Party, a praetorian
bodyguard to Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The SS was a formation
"composed of the best physically, the most dependable, and the
most faithful men in the Nazi movement. In 1940, combat units
of the SS were formed, collectively termed the Waffen SS.
Approximately 30-40 Waffen SS divisions were formed during
the war, divided into three groupings, Waffen divisions made
by Germans, those made up of ethnic Germans outside the
Reich, and those made up of non-Germans. "Divisions der SS",
Divisions of the SS.
On September 27,1939, Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler as
Chief of German Police consolidated the Gestapo, Kripo, and
SD under an SS Main Office of Reich Security, or the RSHA.
The RSHA was the actual body entrusted with the overall
administration of the final solution at the Jewish Problem,
what became known as the Holocaust. The SS Economic and administrative
Main Office or WVHA, run the concentration camp system. Nazi
concentration camp personnel and guards, althout not under
the command of the Army or the Kommandoamt der Waffen SS,
neverthless, wore Waffen SS uniforms and received Waffen SS
paybooks. Reichfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler oversaw a program
that resulted in the extermination of millions of men, women
and children. Himmler was the Arhictect of genocide and of the
Holocaust and the Wafen SS was his "private army", the black
angels".
In Jun,1944, The Skanderbeg Waffen SS Mountain Division
engaged in large-scale field maneuvers in the area between
the towns of Berane and Adrijevica in Monte Negro (Crna
Gora). Garrisons of Skanderbeg division were established in
Kosovo towns of Pec, Jakova, Prizren, and Pristina. Further training
of the division continued in August as new recruits were
inducted in the division. An artillery battalion of the
division, consisting of two batteries, was located in
Gnjilane.
The first major action of the division occurred in August,
144 in Kosovo. In September, 1944, the Skanderbeg division
occupied the Southern Serbia (Juzna Srbija) region now part
of the communist created republic of Macedonia, and helped
to garrison the region. The Skanderberg division was ordered
into the areas surrounding the towns Skoplje (or Skopje),
Kumanovo Presevo and Bujanovac. Sanderbeg operated in Stara Serbija
(old and Ancient Serbia) region, in the towns of Pec,
Gnjilane,Djakovica, Tetovo Gostivar, and Kosovska Mitrovica,
then part of Kosovo Metohija and Southern Serbia.
In November, 1944, when the German armies in the Balkan were
retreating from Yugoslavia and the Balkans, the Skanderbeg
division remnants were reorganized into Regimentegruppe 21
SS Gebirgs "Skanderbeg" and was transferred to Skoplje,
according to one account of the movements of the Battle
group. This SS Kampfgrupe "Skanderbeg", along with the prinz
Eugen Divisin, defended the Vardar valley. The battle group
"Skanderbeg" and Prinz Eugen held the Vardar area because it
was the sole corridor of escape for the retreating German armies
in Alexander Loehr's Army Group E, which was retreating from Greece
and Aegean Islands.
The Skanderbeg Battle Group along with the Prinz Eugen
Division retreated to the to the Brcko region of
Bosnia-Herzegovina by mid-january 1945. At this time the
remaining Skanderbeg personnel were incorporated into the
14th SS Volonteer Mountain Infantry Regiment of the 7th SS division
Prinz Eugen. The remnants of the Skanderbeg Division fought in
this formation until the end of the war, retreating to
Austria in May, 1945.
The Skanderbeg division engaged in a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Serbian Orthodox
Christian populations of the regions under occupation by the
division in Kosovo Metohija, Montenegro, and southern
Serbia. Balkan Historian Robert Lee Wolff, in the "Balkans in Our
time", described the genocide committed against Kosovo Serbs by
the Shqiptar 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS Skenderbeg as
follows:
In the regions annexed by the Albanians, their so-called
Skanderbeg division, made up of members of the Albanian
minority in Yugoslavia, massacred Serbs with impunity.
Historian L.H. Stavrianos, in "The Balkan Since 1453",
described the genocide committed against Orthodox Serbs by
the Shqiptar Skanderbeg Division in these terms: Yugoslav
Albanians, organized in their fascist Skanderbeg Division,
conducted an indiscriminate massacre of Serbians.
The Skanderbeg Division played a role in the Holocaust, the
genocide if European Jewry, by rounding up scores of Kosovo
Jews in a group roughly 500 persons deemed enemies of the
Third Reich when the division occupied Prizren in Kosovo
Metohija. The division sought to create ethnically pure
Kosovo, ethnically cleansed of Orthodox Serbs, Jews and Gypsies
the untermenschen (subhuman), who were targeted for extermination.
The Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal declared the Shutzstaffel
or SS criminal organization and every individual member of
SS was found to Be a war criminal guilty of "planning and
carrying out crimes against humanity". The Shqiptar Kosovars
in the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division "Skanderbeg" committed
war crimes and genocide against the Orthodox Serbian population
of Kosovo. The Shqiptar planed and carried out crimes against
humanity in Kosovo. Orthodox Serbians of Kosovo were the
victims of ethnic cleansing and genocide. This genocide
would contribute in the Shqiptar goal and policy to create
an ethnically pure, Shqiptar Kosovo, in an attempt to create
a greater Shqiperia or greater Albania. Following World war
II, the Yugoslav Communist dictatorship allowed the policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox Serbs to continue,
and indeed, gave greater impetus and legitimacy to the
policy.
---
During World War II, the Axis powers dismembered and
occupied Yugoslavia and created a greater Albania by
annexing the Serbian region of Kosovo-Metohija by Nazi
Germany, Germany formed a Shqiptar "Kosovar" Waffen SS
Division, the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg"
which engaged in a policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide against
the Orthodox Serbian population of Kosovo. The result was
that the Shqiptars, with the help of Germany, were able to
virtually exterminate the Serbian and Jews populations of
Kosovo, thereby creating an ethnically pure, Nazi
German-sponsored Greater Albania or Greater Shqiperia.
One more text on the same subject by C. Savich
Kosovo During World War II, 1941-1945...
Genocide in Kosovo: The Skenderbeg SS Division
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/004.shtml
by Carl Savich
November 28, 2000
Historical evidence demonstrates that genocide and ethnic cleansing
were perpetrated upon the Serbian population of Kosovo and
Metohija, first by theY Ottoman Turks, by Albanian leaders
and the populace , then during the occupation by fascist
Italy and Nazi Germany by Albanian fascists and Nazis, and
continued throughout the Communist period , during which
periods the ethnic Serbian population was forced to emigrate...
The historical and political precedent for the creation of a
Greater Albania or Greater ShqiperiaY was set during World
War II when the Kosovo and Metohija regions, along with
territory southwest of Lake Scutari from Montenegro and the
western region of Macedonia,, which was then southern
Serbia, or Juzna Srbija, were annexed to Albania by the Axis powers,
led by fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, under a plan devised by
Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler which sought to dismemberY
the Serbian nation and people, which the Germans and
Italians perceived as the main threat to the Axis powers and
to the Third Reich in the Balkans.
On April 7, 1939, Italian troops invaded and occupied
Albania, forcing the Albanian ruler King Zog I, Ahmed Bey
Zogu, to flee to Greece.Italy next formally annexed Albania
into the Kingdom of Italy under the Italian King Victor
Immanuel and established a military government and Viceroy.The
Italians began a program to colonize the country when thousands of
settlers emigrated to Albania.An Albanian Fascist Party was
established with Albanian Blackshirts basedY on the Italian
models.The Albanian army consisted of three infantry
brigades of 12,000 men.
On October 28, 1940, Italy invaded Greece from Albania with
10 Italian divisions and the Albanian army but were driven
back.
Germany sought to assist the Italian-Albanian offensive by
Operation Alpine Violet, a plan to move a corps of three
German mountain divisions to Albania by air and sea.
Instead, the Germans built up a heavy concentration of the
German Twelfth Army on the northwest Greek border with Bulgaria,
from where the German invasion was launched.
On April 6, l941, Nazi Germany and the Axis powers invaded
Yugoslavia, Operation Punishment, and Greece, forcing the
capitulation of Yugoslavia on the 17th and Greece on the
23rd.Yugoslavia was subsequently occupied and
dismembered.The Axis powers established a Greater Albania or Greater
Shqiperia at the expense of Serbia and Montenegro. Territory
from Montenegro was annexed to Greater Albania. From Serbia,
the Kosovo and Metohija regions were ceded to Greater
Albania, along with the western part of southern Serbia
(Juzna Srbija), now part of Macedonia, an area which was
part of Stara Srbija (Ancient or Old Serbia).This Kosovo-Metohija
region and the durrounding territory annexed to Greater Albania
was called iNew Albaniai.
To create an ethnically pure Albanian Kosovo, which the
Albanians called iKosovai,theY Albanians (Shqiptari)
launched a widescale campaigns of ethnic cleansing and
genocide.Ethnic Serbs in the Kosovo-Metohija regions were
massacred, and their homes were burned, and the survivors were
brutally driven out and expelled in a policy of ethnic cleansing and
genocide.
The Balli Kombetar (BK or National Union) was an Albanian
nationalist group led by Midhat Frasheri and Ali Klissura
whose political objective was to incorporate Kosovo-Metohija
into a Greater Albania and to ethnically cleanse the region
of Orthodox Serbs.
The Albanian Committee of Kosovo organized massive campaigns
of ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox
Serbian inhabitants of Kosovo-Metohija.A contemporary report
described the ethnic cleansing and genocide of Serbs as
follows:
Armed with material supplied by the Italians, the Albanians
hurled themselves against the helpless settlers in their
homes and villages. Accoring to the most reliables sources
the Albanians burned many Serbian settlements, killing some
of the people and driving out others who escaped to the
mountains. At present other Serbian settlements are being attacked and
the property of indviduals and of communities is either being
confiscated or destroyed. It is not possible to ascertain at
the present the exact number of victims of those atrocities,
but it may be estimated that at least between 30,000 and
50,000 perished.
Bedri Pejani, the Muslim leader of the Albanian National
Committee, called for the extermination of Orthodox Serbian
Christians in Kosovo-Metohija and for a union of a Greater
Albania with Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Rashka (Sandzak)
region of Serbia into a Greater Islamic State. The Grand
Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el Husseini, was presented the Pejani
plan which he approved as being in the interest of Islam. The
Germans,however, rejected the plan.
On September 3, 1943, Italy capitulated by signing an
armistice with the Allies. The Germans were then forced to
occupy Albania with the collapse of the Italian forces.The
Germans sent he 100th Jaeger Division from Greece and the
297th Infantry Division from Serbia and the German 1st
Mountain Division to occupy Albania.Y These troops were organized into
the XXI Mountain Corps, which was under the command of
General Paul Bader.
Bedri Pejani organized and headed the Second Albanian League
of Prizren in 1943, which sought to revive the goals of the
First League of Prizren in 1878, whiich were to unite all
the lands where Albanians lived into a single, unified
Greater Albania. The Second Albanian League,like the First,
was reactionary, anti-democratic, racist, authoritarian, and
allied with Nazi Germany. Pejani found an ardent supporter of the
Second League in Heinrich Himmler, the iarchitect of
genocidei and the person who oversaw the Final Solution to
the Jewish Problem. The Second League fit perfectly into
Hitleris New Order in Europe. Moreover, Italian anthropological
research had revealed that the Ghegs were Aryans or Nordic, the
herrenvolk or master race like the Germans.Pejani and the
Second League opposed democracy and human rights but sought
to create a Greater Albania through genocide and ethnic
cleansing. The 21st Waffen SS Division Skanderbeg resulted
from the efforts of the Second League of Prizren.
Germany re-occupied Albania and Kosovo in 1943. Additional
security forces for the interior were needed,however, to
free up German troops for defense of the coastline. The
decision was made to form an Albanian SS mountain division
for this purpose. In April, 1944, recruitment for the Albanian
SS Division began under the direction of the newly formed Albanian
Nazi Party, which had been formed through the efforts of
Ernst Kaltenbrunner. Acting upon the instructions of
Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler, the SS Main Office
ordered the formation of an Albanian Volunteer mountain
Division on April 17,1944. Himmler planned to create two Albanian SS
divisions. SS Brigadefuehrer and Generalmajor of the Waffen SS
Josef Fitzhum, who headed the Higher SS and Police Command
in Albania, oversaw the formation and training of the
division.
The SS High Command planned to create a mountain division of
10,000 men. The Higher SS and Police Command in Albania, in
conjunction with the Albanian National Committee, listed
11,398 possible recruits for the Waffen SS mountain
division. Most of these recruits, roughly two-thirds were
Kosovars, Albanian (Shqiptar) Ghegs from Kosovo-Metohija in Serbia.
The Shqiptar Tosks were found mainly in southern Albania. Most
of the Shqiptar collaborators with the Nazi forces were the
so-called Kosovars, ethnic Shqiptars from the Kosmet of
Serbia. The Albanian gendarmes, special police, and
para-military units were Kosovars. The Kosovars were under
the direct control of the Albanian Interior Minister, Xhafer
Deva.
The Skanderbeg Division was formed and trained in Kosovo and
was made up mostly of Muslim Shqiptar Kosovars.There were
only a small number of Albanians from Albania proper in the
division, about one-third.Y The Skanderbeg Mountain Division
of the Waffen SS was thus essentially a Kosovo or Kosmet
division. The division was stationed and operated in Kosovo
and other Serbian regions almost exclusively.
Of the 11,398 recruits listed for the division, 9,275 were
ascertained to be suitable to draft in the Waffen SS. Of
those suitable to be drafted, 6,491 Albanians were chosen
and inducted into the Skanderbeg Division. To this Albanian
core were added veteran German troops, primarily Reichdeutsche
from Austria and Volkdeutsche officers, NCOs, and enlisted men,
transferred from the 7th SS Mountain Division iPrinz Eugeni
which was stationed in Bosnia-Hercegovina.The Kosovo
Albanian 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi
consisted in total of 8,500-9,000 men of all ranks.The 6,491
Albanian recruits were assembled at depots in Kosovo where the
formation and the training of the division began.
The official designation for the division was 21. Waffen
Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi (Albanische Nr.1).The
SS Main Office designed a distinctive arm patch for the
division, consisting of a black, double-headed eagle on a
red background, the national symbol for Albania. The word
iSkanderbegi , embroidered in white, appeared above the eagle and was
worn on the left sleeve.The left collar patch consisted of a
helmet with a goatis head on the top, the helmet supposedly
worn by George Kastrioti, Skanderbeg, after whom the
division was named. The Shqiptar recruits in the division
wore a white skullcap, the national attire of the Shqiptar
Ghegs. The SS Main Office also issued gray skullcaps with
the Totenkopf (Deathis Head) insignia sewn on the front below the
Hoheitzeichen (the national symbol of Nazi Germany, consisting of
a white eagle over a Nazi swastika).
The division was named after George Kastrioti, or Gjergj
Kastriota, also as Kastriotis (1405-1468), a national hero
of Albania, who fought against the Ottoman Turks.As a child,
Kastrioti was given as a hostage to Sultan Murad II to be
brought us as a Muslim at Adrianople (Edirne).Kastrioti
became an officer in the Ottoman Turkish army and led the Turkish
forces in many victories over Christian troops.Murad II was
impressed with his valor and bravery in his battles for
Islam and gave him the name Iskander Bey in Turkish, from
iIskanderi, Alexander the Great, or Prince Alexander, and
iBeyi, master.
The nameY was shortened to Skanderbeg, beg being the local
variant of beg.Later, Kastrioti renounced Islam and
converted to Christianity and attacking his former Ottoman
Turkish masters. He captured the Albanian capital Kruja from
the Turkish governor and proclaimed a revolt against the
Turks in 1442.Sultan Mohammed II sent Turkish armies to defeat the
renegade Kastrioti, but he was able to defeat the Turkish
forces, which besieged Kruja but could not capture it.
Kastrioti died in 1468. Kruja surrendered in 1479 and the
Turks occupied Albania.
The Albanians in the Skanderbeg Division were mostly
Muslims, of the Bektashi and Sunni sects of IslamThe
division contained several hundred Albanian Catholics,
followers of Jon Marko Joni.
The first commander of the Skanderbeg division was SS
Brigadefuehrer and Generalmajor of the Waffen SS Josef
Fitzhum, who commanded the division from April to June,
1944. After the July 20, 1944 assassination plot against
Hitler, Fitzhum was appointed supreme commander in Albania.
In June, SS Standartenfuehrer August Schmidhuber, who had been a member
of the 7th SS Mountain Division iPrinz Eugeni, was appointed
commander of the division, a post he would hold until
August, 1944. On June 21, 1944, Schmidhuber was promoted to
SS Oberfuehrer, and later in the war, he would be promoted
to SS Brigadefuehrer. SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Alfred Graf
commanded the reorganized remnants of the Skanderbeg Division from
August, 1944, to May, 1945.
The Schutzstaffel or SS was created in the period 1923-1925
and was initially known as the Stosstrupp (Shock Troop)
iAdolf Hitleri. On January 16, 1929, Hitler appointed
Heinrich Himmler leader of the SS, Reichsfuehrer SS. The SS
was envisioned as an elite troop of the Party, a Praetorian
bodyguard to Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The SS was a formation
icomposed of the best physically, the most dependable, and the
most faithful men in the Nazi movement.i In 1940, combat
units of the SS were formed, collectively termed the Waffen
SS. Approximately 30-40 Waffen SS divisions were formed
during the war,divided into three groupings, Waffen SS
divisions made up of Germans, those made up of ethnic Germans
outside the Reich, and those made up of non-Germans, iDivisions der
SS, Divisions of the SS.
On September 27, 1939, Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler as
Chief of German Police consolidated the Gestapo, Kripo, and
SD under an SS Main Office of Reich Security, or the RSHA.
The RSHA was the actual body entrusted with the overall
administration of the Final Solution of the Jewish Problem,
what became known as the Holocaust. The SS Economic and Administrative
Main Office, or WVHA, ran the concentration camp system. Nazi
concentration camp personnel and guards, although not under
the command of the Army or the Kommandoamt der Waffen SS,
nevertheless, wore Waffen SS uniforms and received Waffen SS
paybooks. Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler oversaw a
program that resulted in the extermination of millions of men, women,
and children. Himmler was the architect of genocide and of the
Holocaust and the Waffen SS was his iprivate armyi, the
iblack angelsi. As part of the Skanderbeg Waffen SS
Division, Kosovar Albanians would play a role in the Final
Solution, the Holocaust. Kosovo Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies
would be victims.
In June, 1944, the Skanderbeg Waffen SS Mountain Division
engaged in large-scale field maneuvers in the area between
the towns of Berane and Andrijevica in Montenegro ( Crna
Gora). Garrisons of the Skanderbeg division were established
in the Kosovo towns of Pec, Djakovica, Prizren, and Pristina.
Further training of the divisionY continued in August as new recruits
were inducted in the division. An artillery battalion of the
division, consisting of two batteries, was located in
Gnjilane.
The first major action of the division occurred in August,
1944 in Kosovo. In September, 1944, the Skanderbeg Division
occupied Macedonia, then denoted as southern Serbia, and
helped to garrison the region. The Skanderbeg Division was
ordered into the areas surrounding the towns of Skopje,
Kumanovo, Presevo, and Bujanovac. Skanderbeg operated in the Stara
Srbija (Old Serbia) region, in the Kosovo-Metohija towns of
Pec, Gnjilane, Djakovica, Kosovska Mitrovica, and the
Macedonian towns of Tetovo and Gostivar. The city of Tetovo
was a major base for the Skanderbeg Division.
In November, 1944, when the German armies in the Balkans
were retreating from Yugoslavia and Greece, the Skanderbeg
Division remnants were reorganized into Regimentgruppe 21.
SS Gebirgs iSkanderbegi and was transferred to Skopje,
according to an account of the movements of the Battle Group.
This SS Kampfgruppe iSkanderbegi, along with the Prinz Eugen Division,
defended the Vardar valley. The Battle Group iSkanderbegi
and Prinz Eugen held the Vardar area because it was the sole
corridor of escape for the retreating German armies in
Alexander Loehris Army Group E, which was then retreating
from Greece and the Aegean Islands.
The Skanderbeg Battle Group along with the Prinz Eugen
Division retreated to the Brcko region of Bosnia-Hercegovina
by mid-January, 1945. At this time, the remaining Skanderbeg
personnel were incorporated into the 14th SS Volunteer
Mountain infantry Regiment of the 7th SS Division Prinz
Eugen. The remnants of the Skanderbeg division fought in this
formation until the end of the war, retreating to Austria in May, 1945.
The Skanderbeg Division engaged in a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Serbian Orthodox
population of the regions under occupation by the division
in Kosovo-Metohija, Montenegro, and Macedonia. Balkan
historian Robert Lee Wolff, in The Balkans in Our Time, described the
genocide committed against Kosovo Serbs by the Albanian 21st
Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi as follows:
In the regions annexed by the Albanians, their so-called
Skanderbeg division,
made up of members of the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia,
massacred Serbs with impunity..
Historian L.S. Stavrianos, in The Balkans Since 1453,
described the genocide committed against Orthodox Kosovo
Serbs by the Skanderbeg Division in these terms:
Yugoslav Albanians, organized in their fascist Skanderbeg
Division, conducted an indiscriminate massacre of Serbians.
The Skanderbeg Division played a role in the Holocaust, the
genocide of European Jewry. In Kosovo: A Short History, Noel
Malcolm noted that in the Djakovica region of
Kosovo-Metohija, the Skanderbeg Division engaged in ithe
round-up and deportation of 281 Jewsi to the
concentration-extermination camps in May, 1944. According to
Malcolm, ithey took part in the most shameful episode of
Kosovois wartime history.i p310 Skanderbeg rounded up scores
of Jews in a group of approximately 500 Kosovans deemed enemies
of the Third Reich when the Division occupied Prizren in
Kosovo-Metohija. The division sought to create an ethnically
pure Kosovo, ethnically cleansed of Orthodox Serbs, Jews,
and Gypsies,Y the untermenschen (subhumans), not part of the
so-called West, who were targeted for extermination.
According to Miranda Vickers in Between Serb and Albanian: A
History of Kosovo, the Kosovo Albanian Skanderbeg SS
Division ethnically cleansed an estimated 10,000 Kosovo
Serbian families, most of whom fled as refugees to Serbia
while Albanian colonists from Albania entered Kosovo and took over
their lands and homes:
Until the first months of 1944 there were continued waves of
migration from Kosovo of Serbs and Montenegrins,forced to
flee following intimidation....TheY 21stSS eSkanderbeg
Divisioni (consisting, as already mentioned, of two
battalions) formed out of Albanian volunteers in the spring of 1944,
indiscriminately killed Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo. This
led to the emigration of an estimated 10,000 Slav families,
most of whom went to Serbia...replaced by new colonists from
the poorer regions of northern Albania.
The Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal declared the Schutzstaffel
or SS a criminal organization and every individual member of
the SS was found to be a war criminal guilty of iplanning
and carrying out crimes against humanity.i The Albanian
Kosovars in the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi
committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic
cleansing, and genocide against the Orthodox Serbian
population of Kosovo.This genocide would contribute to the
Kosovar goal and policy to create an ethnically pure Kosova,
in a attempt to create a Greater Albania.
During World War II, the Axis powers dismembered and
occupied Yugoslavia and created a Greater Albania by
annexing Kosovo-Metohija to Albania. During the occupation
of Kosovo-Metohija by Nazi Germany, Germany formed an
Albanian Kosovar Waffen SS Division, the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division
der SS iSkanderbegi which engaged in a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox Serbian
population of Kosovo. The result was that with the
Albanians, with the help of Germany, were able to either
kill or drive out entire Serbian families and to round up and
deport Kosovo Jews to the extermination camps, thereby creating during
World War II an ethnically pure, Nazi German-sponsored
Greater Albania.
end
More about the Nazism among Kosovo Albanians in WW2
http://www.kosovo.com/hist2.html#fascist
(la Storia si ripete / prima parte di due)
- The Holocaust in Kosovo
(S. Mac Mathuna and J. Heathcote)
- Genocide in Kosovo: the Albanian Skenderbeg Division
(Carl Kosta Savich)
Per una documentazione in lingua italiana sullo stesso argomento si
veda l'importante articolo PASSATO PRESENTE, di Matthias Kuentzel, alle
URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1029
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1030
---
http://www.kosovo.com/ww2kos.html
---
The Holocaust in Kosovo
Following the German occupation of Yugoslavia in 1941, the the country
was partitioned and a quisling fascist state in Serbia was
established under General Milan Nedic. In May 1941, a large
part of Kosovo, with a population of some 820,000 Serbs,
Montenegrins, Roma, Jews and Albanians was detached from
Serbia and given to the Axis state of Albania, whose leaders had
been installed by Mussolini's fascist regime in Italy. Albania was
one of the first countries in Europe to have a puppet
fascist regime established - in this case by when Mussolini
ordered Italian troops to invade and occupy the country.
This forced the Albanian ruler King Zog I, to flee to Greece
on April 7th, 1939, and Italy then formally annexed the country
and established a military government and viceroy.
The Italian fascists then began a programme to colonize the
country when thousands of settlers emigrated to Albania. An
Albanian Fascist Party was established with Albanian Black
skirts based on Italian models. Albania thus became an Axis
power - sending it troops to fight alongside Italy when Greece
was invaded in 1941. With support of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem,
Haj Amin El Husseini and Bedri Pejani, the Muslim leader of
the Albanian National committee, a call was made for a union
of the new Greater Albania with Bosnia and Herzegovina and
the Sandzak region of Serbia, into a Islamic state. The
Germans, whilst sympathetic to idea, rejected the plan.
As soon as the occupation of Kosovo began in 1941, the
Italian and German army began setting up an Albanian
gendarmerie in Kosovo that composed of some 1000 men, while
another 1000 were registered as armed volunteers, known as Vulnetana,
under the command of local officers. The Italian army also
began organising Albanian units to serve under its command.
Albanian quislings who had formed the so-called Kosovo
Committee, returned from exile, and according to Miranda
Vickers, writing in her book Between Serb and Albanian: A
History of Kosovo (Hurst, London, England, 1998):
Played an important role in collaborating with the
occupation forces, who were able to present themselves as
liberators of the Albanians and creators of a unified
Albania (p 122). These Albanian collaborators participated in the
forced deportation of thousands of Slavs, many of whom were
sent to forced labour camps. In scenes similar to those in
1999 and 2000, many thousands more were killed and scores of
villages were burnt down and their occupants (an estimated
10,000) were expelled. The Italian occupation forces encouraged
an extensive settlement of up to 72,000 Albanians from Albania to
Kosovo, according to Vickers (p123).
The SS set up the Skanderbeg division
Who was Skanderbeg the legendary hero of Albania who the SS
named a division after ? A Christian by birth, George
Kastrioti Skanderbeg (1405-1468), was given as a hostage to
the Ottoman Sultan Murat II to be brought up as a Muslim at
Adrianople (Edrine) when he was a child. He became an
officer in the Ottoman Turkish army and led them in many victories
over European armies. The Sultan was impressed with him that he
gave him the title Iskander Bey in Turkish, from "Iskander",
(Aleksander the Great, or prince Aleksander), and "Bey",
Master. The name was shortened to Skanderbeg, beg being the
local variant of bey. Later Kastrioti renounced Islam and
converted back to Christianity. Soon afterwards, he led a
revolt against the Ottomans in 1442. Sultan Mohammed II sent
Turkish armies to quell the uprising, but they were unable initially
to put down the Albanian revolt. However, after Kastrioti died
in 1468 the Turks soon occupied Albania and finally
established control over the territory. Albania would remain
part of the Ottoman Empire until 1912, when it finally won
independence.
On September 3rd, 1943, when Italy capitulated the German
were forced to occupy Albania. They sent in the 100th Jaeger
Division from Greece and the 297th Infantry Division from
Serbia and the German 1st Mountain Division to occupy
Albania, including Kosovo. These troops were organized into the XXI
Mountain Corps which was under the command of General Paul
Bader. However, the German's realised that additional
security forces for Kosovo were needed, as Germans troops
would be need for for defense of Albania's coastline. Thus,
the decision was made to form Albanian Skanderbeg division
for this purpose. Acting upon instructions of the SS war criminal
Henrich Himmler, the SS ordered the formation of the
Albanian Skanderbeg SS Division on April 17th, 1944. The SS
Command in Albania, in conduction with the Albanian National
Committee, found some 11,398 possible recruits for the
Skanderbeg SS division - most of whom were from Albanian gendarmes,
special police and para-military units in Kosovo that were under
the direct control of the Albanian Interior Minister Xhafer
Deva.
The official German designation for the division was 21
Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg" (Albanische Nr
1). The Albanians in the Skanderbeg Division were mostly
Muslims, of the Bektashi and Sunni sects of Islam. The division
however, contained several hundred Albanian Catholics,
followers of Jon Marko Joni. The SS designed a distinctive
arm patch for the division, consisting of a black
double-headed eagle on a red background, the national symbol
of Albania. The word "Skanderbeg", embroidered in white, appeared
above the eagle and was worn on the left sleeve. The right collar
patch consisted of a helmet with a goat's head on top, the
helmet supposedly worn by Skanderbeg.
They were helped by the newly formed Albanian Nazi party,
known as the Balli Kombetar (BK) which has been established
through the efforts of Ernst Kaltenbrunner (later executed
as a war criminal after the war). Like with the KLA (Kosovo
Liberation Army) today, they wanted the establishment of a Greater
Albanian state within the 1941 borders (including Kosovo) set up
by the Axis powers. Many of its leaders and supporters were
drawn from rich landowners in Albania, who saw fascism as a
political system that would protect their privileges in a
"unified" Albania.
According to Vickers, the Skanderbeg division - which was
stationed and operated in Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro -
"indiscriminately killed Serbs and Montenegrins" in Kosovo.
The actions of these Albanian quislings led to the departure
of another estimated 10,000 Slavs from the province. Altogether it is
estimated that at least 50-60,000 Slavs were expelled from
Kosovo during the Second World War. This however, does not
excuse the terror unleashed by the Yugoslav state both in
1945 under Tito and later in the 1990's under under
Milosevic, when, thousands of Albanian civilians were either
murdered, or their houses burnt down or were expelled from Kosovo. Like
in 1945, many who remained were subjected to gross
violations of human rights including unfair trials, torture
and extra-judicial executions.
In June 1944, the Skanderbeg SS Division was based in
Montenegro, whilst other parts of the division were based in
the Kosovo towns of Pristina, Pec, Jakova and Prizren. The
first major action of the division occurred in August, 1944
in Kosovo, and in September, the Skanderbeg SS Division occupied
part of Macedonia, and helped to garrison the capital Skopje. It
was also active in the southern part of the puppet state of
Serbia.
Although some 6,500 Albanian volunteers had come forward to
join the SS Saknderbeg division, by October 1944 desertions
were rife: Over two-thirds of the volunteers were declared
unfit for military service and the Division suffered some
3,500 desertions within its first two months of operation. The high
desertion rate resulted in the unit being disbanded and reformed
with the German SS officers forming Kampfgruppe "Skanderbeg"
which joined up with the SS "Prinz Eugen" regiment in
Yugoslavia. This battle group was was in action in December
1944/January 1945 around Zwornik, Bjellina and Brcko. On
30th January 1945, a small number of Germans and Albanians
from this unit were transferred to 32nd SS-Panzer
grenadier-Division on 30th January 1945 and sent to the Oder front in
1945. German forces had fled Kosovo by November 1944, leaving
the BK (then numbering some 9,000 members) to fend for
itself. Albanian fascists continued to resist partisans
representing Tito's emerging government until the spring of
1945.
Albanian extremists target the Jews of Kosovo
At the beginning of the second world war, Kosovo had a
population of 550 Jews. Altogether, 210 perished in German
concentration camps - the only Jews to be killed in the war
in Kosovo - representing 38.18% of the Jewish population.
This compares with Belgrade, were only 1,115 survived the
war out of almost 12,000 (9%), and Croatia, where an estimated
25% of the Jewish population survived. Thus, you were more likely to
survive the war if you were Jewish and lived in Albania or
Kosovo rather than Belgrade or Croatia. However, this is not
to say that it was any easier for Jews, Roma or Slavs - the
three national groups designated by the Nazi's as "subhuman
races", and top of their list for extermination or
deportation by the Nazis or their quislings in Croatia,
Serbia and Kosovo.
In fact, one of the first acts of the SS Skanderbeg division
in April 1944 was the arresting of 281 Jews in Pristina, and
"510 Jews, Communists, Partisans and individual suspects".
According to Bernard J. Fischer, writing in Albania at War,
1939-1945 (Purdue University Press, West Lafayette, Indians,
USA, 1999, p. 187). All 281 Jews were deported to Germany -
probably to Bergen-Belsen death camp. However, the German occupation
authorities allowed Albania an unusual degree of autonomy and,
for the most part, refrained from deporting and/or murdering
the majority of Albanian Jews. Most of the tiny Jewish
population of "old Albania" (about 200) survived the
Holocaust. The Germans, however, confiscated most
Jewish-owned property in 1943-1944.
Indeed, Albania is the only country occupied by Germany in
which the Jewish population actually grew during the war and
was larger than when the war started in 1939. There were
some 1,800 Jews in Albania by war's end, mostly escapees
from the Holocaust in Greece and Yugoslavia. Albanians sheltered
them and were later honored by the Israel for their efforts.
As the war drew to a close, Yugoslav Partisans launched a
large-scale military campaign in Kosovo to consolidate their
rule and the Albanians reacted with a general insurrection,
that forced the new authorities to declare martial law in
the region in 1945. Because of their co-operation with the Germans,
the Kosovo Albanians were seen as politically unreliable and
thus a possible threat to the stability and territorial
integrity of the new Communist Yugoslavia. Thus, Kosovo
emerged from the war in a state of siege, with its
population seen as a threat rather than as an asset.
Following the war, the post war population of Jews in Kosovo
dwindled considerably after the war to only 35 who were
registered as living in Pristina in 1989 and 41 in 1995.
Most reports now suggest that Albanian extremists have
driven them out since NATO drove out the Yugoslav army in 1999. The
Jewish population of Yugoslavia today is estimated to be 2500
with most of them living in Belgrade. The recent conflict in
Kosovo has ironically led to the exodus of the last of the
remaining Jews of Kosovo - something that didn't even happen
in the last war in 1941.
Sean Mac Mathuna and John Heathcote
original text and more information
http://www.flamemag.dircon.co.uk/skanderbeg.htm
More about Kosovo Albanian Nazism during the WW2
http://www.kosovo.com/hist2.html#fascist
---
http://www.kosovo.com/skenderbeyss.html
---
Albanian Nazi troops in WW2 Launched a Wide Spread Terror Against
Kosovo Serbs
Second World War
by Carl Kosta Savich
Genocide in Kosovo
Albanian Skenderbeg Division
The historical and political precedents for the creation of a greater
Sqiperia or Greater Albania was set during World War II when
the Kosovo and Metohija regions along with territory
Southwest of lake Skutari from Montenegro and the western
region of Southern Serbia, or Juzna Srbija (now part of
Macedonija), were annexed to Albania by the Axis powers led by Fascist
Italy and Nazi Germany, under a plan devised by Benito
Mussolini and Adolf Hitler to dismember and to destroy the
Serbian Nation and people, which the Germans and Italians
perceived as the main threat to the axis powers and to the
Third Reich in the Balkan.
On April 7, 1939, Italian troops invaded and occupied
Albania forcing the Albanian ruler King Zog I Ahmed Bey
Zogu, to flee to Greece. Italy formally annexed into the
Kingdom of Italy under the Italian king Victor Immanuel and
established a military government and viceroy. The Italian began
a program to colonize the country when thousands of settlers
emigrated to Albania. An Albanian Fascist Party was
established with Albanian Black skirts based on Italian
models. The Albanian Army consisted of three infantry
brigades of 12 000 men.
On October 28 1940, Italy invaded Greece from Albania with
10 Italian divisions and the Albanian Army but were driven
back.
Germany sought to assist the Italian-Albanian offensive by
operation Alpine Violet, a plan to move a corps of tree
German mountain divisions to Albania by air and sea. Instead
German built up a heavy concentration of the German Twelfth
Army on the northwest Greek Border with Bulgaria, from where
the German invasion was launched.
On April 6, 1941, Nazi Germany and the axis powers invaded
Yugoslavia, Operation Punishment, and Greece forcing the
capitulation of Yugoslavia on the 17th, and Greece on the
23rd. Yugoslavia was subsequently occupied and dismembered.
The Axis powers established a greater Albania or greater
Shqiperia at the expense of Serbia and Montenegro. Territory from
Montenegro was annexed to Greater Albania. From Serbia, the
Kosovo and Metohija were ceded to greater Albania, along
with the western part of Southern Serbia (Juzna Srbija), now
part of Macedonia, an area which was part of Stara Srbija
(Ancient Old Serbia). This Kosovo-metohija region and the
surrounding territory annexed to Greater Albania was called "New
Albania".
To create an ethnically pure Shqiptar Kosovo, which Albanian
called "Kosova", the Shqiptari (Albanians) launched a
widescale campaigns of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Ethnic
Serbs in the Kosovo-Metohija regions were massacred, and
their homes were burned, and survivors were brutally driven out
and expelled in policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide.
The Balli Kombetar (BK or National Union) was an Albanian
nationalist group led by Midhat Fresheri and Ali Klissura
whose political objective was to in incorporate
Kosovo-Metohija into a Greater Albania and to ethnically
cleanse the region of Orthodox Serbs
The Abanian Committee of Kosovo organized massive campaigns
of ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox
Serbian inhabitants of Kosovo- Metohuja. A contemporary
report described the ethnic cleansing and genocide of Serbs
as follows:
Armed with material supplied by the Italians, the Albanians
hurled themselves against helpless settlers in their homes
and villages. According to the most reliable sources, the
Albanian burned many Serbian settlements, killing some of
the people and driving out others who escaped to the
mountains. At present other Serbian settlement are being attacked and
the property of individuals and of communities is either being
confiscated or destroyed. It is not possible to ascertain at
the present time the exact number of victims of those
atrocities, but it may be estimated that at least between
30.000 and 40.000 perished.
Bedri Pejani, the Muslim leader of the Albanian National
committee, called for the extermination of Ortodox Serbian
Cristians in Kosovo Metohija and for a union of a Greater
Albania with Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Rashka (Sandzak)
region of Serbia, into a great Islamic state. The grand
Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin El Husseini was presented to Pejani
a plan which he approved as a being in the interest of Islam. The
Germans however rejected the plan.
On September 3, 1943, Italy capitulated by signing an
armistice with the Allies. The German were now forced to
occupy Albania with the collapse of the Italian forces. The
Germans sent the 100th Jaeger Division from Greece and the
297th Infantry Division from Serbia and the German 1st
Mountain Division to occupy Albania. These troops were organized into
the XXI Mountain Corps which was under the command of General
Paul Bader.
Additional security forces for the interior were needed,
however, to free up Germans troops for defense of the
coastline. The decision was made to form an Albanian SS
mountain division for this purpose. In April in 1944, recruitment
for the Albanian SS division began under direction of the newly
formed Albanian Nazi party, which has been formed through
the efforts of Ernst Kaltenbrunner. Acting upon instructions
of Reichsfuehrer SS Henrich Himmler, the SS main office
ordered the formation of an Albanian volunteer mountain
division on April 17, 1944. SS Brigadefuehrern and Generalmajor
of the Waffen SS Josef Fitzhum, who Headed the Higher SS and Police
Command in Albania, oversaw the forming and training of the
division.
The SS high Command planed to create a mountain division of
10.000 men. The Higher SS and Police Command in Albania, in
conduction with the Albanian National Committee, listed
11.398 possible recruits for the Waffen SS mountain
division. Most of these recruits were "kossovars", shqiptar
Ghegs from Kosovo Metohija in Serbia. The Shqiptar Tosks were
found mainly in southern Albania. Most of the Shqiptar collaborators
with the nazi forces were theNazi forces were the so-called
Kossovars, ethnic Shqiptars from the Kosmet of Serbia. The
Nazi German-sponsored Albanian gendarmes, special police and
para-military units were made up by Kossovars. The Kossovars
were under the direct control of the Albanian Interior
Minister Xhafer Deva.
The Skanderbeg Division was formed and trained in Kosovo and
was made up mostly of muslim Shqiptar Kossovars. There were
only a small number of Albanians from Albania proper in the
division. The Skanderbeg Mountain Division of the Wafen SS
was thus essentially a Kosovo or Kosmet Division. The
Division was stationed and operated in Kosovo and other Serbian
regions almost exclusively.
Of the 11.398 recruits listed for the Division, 9.275 were
ascertained to be suitable to draft in the Waffen SS. Of
those suitable to be drafted, 6.491 Albanian were chosen and
inducted into the Skanderbeg Division. To this Albanian core
were added veteran German troops primarily Reichdeutsche
from Austria and Volkdeutcshe officers, NCOs, and enlisted men,
transferred from the 7th SS Mountain Division "Prinz Eugen"
which was stationed in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Kosovo
Albanian 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg"
consisted in total of 8.500 - 9.000 men of all ranks. The
6.491 Shqiptar recruits were assembled at depots in Kosovo
where the formation and the training of the division began.
The official designation for the division was 21 Waffen
Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg" (Albanische Nr 1). The
SS Main Office designed a distinctive arm patch for the
division, consisting of a black double-headed eagle on a red
background, the national symbol of Albania. The word
"Skanderbeg", embroidered in white, appeared above the eagle
and was warn on the left sleeve. The right collar patch consisted
of a helmet with a goat's head on top, the helmet supposedly worn
by George Kastrioti Skanderbeg, after whom the division was
named. The Shqiptars recruits in the division wore a white
skullcap, the national attire of the Shqiptar Ghegs. The SS
main office also issued gray skullcaps with the Totenkopf
(death's head) insignia sewn on the front below the
Hoheitszeichen (the national symbol of Nazi Germany, consisting of a
white eagle over a Nazi swastika).
Division was named after George Kastrioti, or Gjergj
Kastriota, also as Kastriotis (1405-1468), national hero of
Albania, who fought for the Ottoman Turks. As a child,
Kastrioti was given as a hostage to Sultan Murat II to be
brought as a Muslim at Adrianople (Edrine). Kastrioti became an officer
in the Ottoman Turkish army and led the Turkish forces in
many victories over Christian troops. Murat II was impressed
with his valor and bravery in his battle for Islam and gave
him the name Iskander Bey in Turkish, from "Iskander",
Aleksander the Great, or prince Aleksander, and "bey",
master. The name was shortened to Skanderbeg, beg being the
local variant of bey. Later Kastrioti renounced Islam and
converted to Christianity and attacked his former Ottoman Turkish
masters. He captured the Albanian capital Kroja from the
Turkish governor and proclaimed a revolt against the Turks
in 1442. Sultan Mohammed II sent Turkish armies to defeat
the renegade Kastrioti, but he was able to defeat Turkish
forces, wich besieged Kroja but could not capture it.
Kastrioti died in 1468. Kroja surrendered in 1479 and the Turks
occupied Albania.
The Albanians in the Skanderbeg Division were mostly
Muslims, of the Bektashi and Sunni sects of Islam. The
division contained several hundred Albanian Catholics,
followers of Jon Marko Joni.
The first commander of the Skandereg division was SS
Brigadefuehrer Generalmajor of the Waffen SS Josef Fitshum,
who commanded the division from April to June 1944. After
the Juli 20, assassination plot against Hitler, Fitzhum was
appointed supreme commander in Albania. In June, SS Stardentenfuehrer
August Schmidhuber was appointed division commander, a post
would hold until August 1944. On June 21, 1944, Schmidhuber
was promoted to SS Oberfuehrer and later in the war, he
would be promoted to SS Brigadefuhrer. SS
Oberstrumbannfuhrer Alfred Graf commanded the reorganized remnants
of the Skanderbeg Division from August 1944, to may, 1945.
The Shultzstaffel or SS was created in the period 1923-1925
and was initially known as the Stosstrupp (Shock troop)
"Adolf Hitler". On Januari 16, 1929, Hitler appointed
Heinrich Himmler leader of SS, Reichsfuehrer SS. The SS was
envisioned as an elite troop of the Party, a praetorian
bodyguard to Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The SS was a formation
"composed of the best physically, the most dependable, and the
most faithful men in the Nazi movement. In 1940, combat units
of the SS were formed, collectively termed the Waffen SS.
Approximately 30-40 Waffen SS divisions were formed during
the war, divided into three groupings, Waffen divisions made
by Germans, those made up of ethnic Germans outside the
Reich, and those made up of non-Germans. "Divisions der SS",
Divisions of the SS.
On September 27,1939, Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler as
Chief of German Police consolidated the Gestapo, Kripo, and
SD under an SS Main Office of Reich Security, or the RSHA.
The RSHA was the actual body entrusted with the overall
administration of the final solution at the Jewish Problem,
what became known as the Holocaust. The SS Economic and administrative
Main Office or WVHA, run the concentration camp system. Nazi
concentration camp personnel and guards, althout not under
the command of the Army or the Kommandoamt der Waffen SS,
neverthless, wore Waffen SS uniforms and received Waffen SS
paybooks. Reichfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler oversaw a program
that resulted in the extermination of millions of men, women
and children. Himmler was the Arhictect of genocide and of the
Holocaust and the Wafen SS was his "private army", the black
angels".
In Jun,1944, The Skanderbeg Waffen SS Mountain Division
engaged in large-scale field maneuvers in the area between
the towns of Berane and Adrijevica in Monte Negro (Crna
Gora). Garrisons of Skanderbeg division were established in
Kosovo towns of Pec, Jakova, Prizren, and Pristina. Further training
of the division continued in August as new recruits were
inducted in the division. An artillery battalion of the
division, consisting of two batteries, was located in
Gnjilane.
The first major action of the division occurred in August,
144 in Kosovo. In September, 1944, the Skanderbeg division
occupied the Southern Serbia (Juzna Srbija) region now part
of the communist created republic of Macedonia, and helped
to garrison the region. The Skanderberg division was ordered
into the areas surrounding the towns Skoplje (or Skopje),
Kumanovo Presevo and Bujanovac. Sanderbeg operated in Stara Serbija
(old and Ancient Serbia) region, in the towns of Pec,
Gnjilane,Djakovica, Tetovo Gostivar, and Kosovska Mitrovica,
then part of Kosovo Metohija and Southern Serbia.
In November, 1944, when the German armies in the Balkan were
retreating from Yugoslavia and the Balkans, the Skanderbeg
division remnants were reorganized into Regimentegruppe 21
SS Gebirgs "Skanderbeg" and was transferred to Skoplje,
according to one account of the movements of the Battle
group. This SS Kampfgrupe "Skanderbeg", along with the prinz
Eugen Divisin, defended the Vardar valley. The battle group
"Skanderbeg" and Prinz Eugen held the Vardar area because it
was the sole corridor of escape for the retreating German armies
in Alexander Loehr's Army Group E, which was retreating from Greece
and Aegean Islands.
The Skanderbeg Battle Group along with the Prinz Eugen
Division retreated to the to the Brcko region of
Bosnia-Herzegovina by mid-january 1945. At this time the
remaining Skanderbeg personnel were incorporated into the
14th SS Volonteer Mountain Infantry Regiment of the 7th SS division
Prinz Eugen. The remnants of the Skanderbeg Division fought in
this formation until the end of the war, retreating to
Austria in May, 1945.
The Skanderbeg division engaged in a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Serbian Orthodox
Christian populations of the regions under occupation by the
division in Kosovo Metohija, Montenegro, and southern
Serbia. Balkan Historian Robert Lee Wolff, in the "Balkans in Our
time", described the genocide committed against Kosovo Serbs by
the Shqiptar 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS Skenderbeg as
follows:
In the regions annexed by the Albanians, their so-called
Skanderbeg division, made up of members of the Albanian
minority in Yugoslavia, massacred Serbs with impunity.
Historian L.H. Stavrianos, in "The Balkan Since 1453",
described the genocide committed against Orthodox Serbs by
the Shqiptar Skanderbeg Division in these terms: Yugoslav
Albanians, organized in their fascist Skanderbeg Division,
conducted an indiscriminate massacre of Serbians.
The Skanderbeg Division played a role in the Holocaust, the
genocide if European Jewry, by rounding up scores of Kosovo
Jews in a group roughly 500 persons deemed enemies of the
Third Reich when the division occupied Prizren in Kosovo
Metohija. The division sought to create ethnically pure
Kosovo, ethnically cleansed of Orthodox Serbs, Jews and Gypsies
the untermenschen (subhuman), who were targeted for extermination.
The Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal declared the Shutzstaffel
or SS criminal organization and every individual member of
SS was found to Be a war criminal guilty of "planning and
carrying out crimes against humanity". The Shqiptar Kosovars
in the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division "Skanderbeg" committed
war crimes and genocide against the Orthodox Serbian population
of Kosovo. The Shqiptar planed and carried out crimes against
humanity in Kosovo. Orthodox Serbians of Kosovo were the
victims of ethnic cleansing and genocide. This genocide
would contribute in the Shqiptar goal and policy to create
an ethnically pure, Shqiptar Kosovo, in an attempt to create
a greater Shqiperia or greater Albania. Following World war
II, the Yugoslav Communist dictatorship allowed the policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox Serbs to continue,
and indeed, gave greater impetus and legitimacy to the
policy.
---
During World War II, the Axis powers dismembered and
occupied Yugoslavia and created a greater Albania by
annexing the Serbian region of Kosovo-Metohija by Nazi
Germany, Germany formed a Shqiptar "Kosovar" Waffen SS
Division, the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg"
which engaged in a policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide against
the Orthodox Serbian population of Kosovo. The result was
that the Shqiptars, with the help of Germany, were able to
virtually exterminate the Serbian and Jews populations of
Kosovo, thereby creating an ethnically pure, Nazi
German-sponsored Greater Albania or Greater Shqiperia.
One more text on the same subject by C. Savich
Kosovo During World War II, 1941-1945...
Genocide in Kosovo: The Skenderbeg SS Division
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/004.shtml
by Carl Savich
November 28, 2000
Historical evidence demonstrates that genocide and ethnic cleansing
were perpetrated upon the Serbian population of Kosovo and
Metohija, first by theY Ottoman Turks, by Albanian leaders
and the populace , then during the occupation by fascist
Italy and Nazi Germany by Albanian fascists and Nazis, and
continued throughout the Communist period , during which
periods the ethnic Serbian population was forced to emigrate...
The historical and political precedent for the creation of a
Greater Albania or Greater ShqiperiaY was set during World
War II when the Kosovo and Metohija regions, along with
territory southwest of Lake Scutari from Montenegro and the
western region of Macedonia,, which was then southern
Serbia, or Juzna Srbija, were annexed to Albania by the Axis powers,
led by fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, under a plan devised by
Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler which sought to dismemberY
the Serbian nation and people, which the Germans and
Italians perceived as the main threat to the Axis powers and
to the Third Reich in the Balkans.
On April 7, 1939, Italian troops invaded and occupied
Albania, forcing the Albanian ruler King Zog I, Ahmed Bey
Zogu, to flee to Greece.Italy next formally annexed Albania
into the Kingdom of Italy under the Italian King Victor
Immanuel and established a military government and Viceroy.The
Italians began a program to colonize the country when thousands of
settlers emigrated to Albania.An Albanian Fascist Party was
established with Albanian Blackshirts basedY on the Italian
models.The Albanian army consisted of three infantry
brigades of 12,000 men.
On October 28, 1940, Italy invaded Greece from Albania with
10 Italian divisions and the Albanian army but were driven
back.
Germany sought to assist the Italian-Albanian offensive by
Operation Alpine Violet, a plan to move a corps of three
German mountain divisions to Albania by air and sea.
Instead, the Germans built up a heavy concentration of the
German Twelfth Army on the northwest Greek border with Bulgaria,
from where the German invasion was launched.
On April 6, l941, Nazi Germany and the Axis powers invaded
Yugoslavia, Operation Punishment, and Greece, forcing the
capitulation of Yugoslavia on the 17th and Greece on the
23rd.Yugoslavia was subsequently occupied and
dismembered.The Axis powers established a Greater Albania or Greater
Shqiperia at the expense of Serbia and Montenegro. Territory
from Montenegro was annexed to Greater Albania. From Serbia,
the Kosovo and Metohija regions were ceded to Greater
Albania, along with the western part of southern Serbia
(Juzna Srbija), now part of Macedonia, an area which was
part of Stara Srbija (Ancient or Old Serbia).This Kosovo-Metohija
region and the durrounding territory annexed to Greater Albania
was called iNew Albaniai.
To create an ethnically pure Albanian Kosovo, which the
Albanians called iKosovai,theY Albanians (Shqiptari)
launched a widescale campaigns of ethnic cleansing and
genocide.Ethnic Serbs in the Kosovo-Metohija regions were
massacred, and their homes were burned, and the survivors were
brutally driven out and expelled in a policy of ethnic cleansing and
genocide.
The Balli Kombetar (BK or National Union) was an Albanian
nationalist group led by Midhat Frasheri and Ali Klissura
whose political objective was to incorporate Kosovo-Metohija
into a Greater Albania and to ethnically cleanse the region
of Orthodox Serbs.
The Albanian Committee of Kosovo organized massive campaigns
of ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox
Serbian inhabitants of Kosovo-Metohija.A contemporary report
described the ethnic cleansing and genocide of Serbs as
follows:
Armed with material supplied by the Italians, the Albanians
hurled themselves against the helpless settlers in their
homes and villages. Accoring to the most reliables sources
the Albanians burned many Serbian settlements, killing some
of the people and driving out others who escaped to the
mountains. At present other Serbian settlements are being attacked and
the property of indviduals and of communities is either being
confiscated or destroyed. It is not possible to ascertain at
the present the exact number of victims of those atrocities,
but it may be estimated that at least between 30,000 and
50,000 perished.
Bedri Pejani, the Muslim leader of the Albanian National
Committee, called for the extermination of Orthodox Serbian
Christians in Kosovo-Metohija and for a union of a Greater
Albania with Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Rashka (Sandzak)
region of Serbia into a Greater Islamic State. The Grand
Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el Husseini, was presented the Pejani
plan which he approved as being in the interest of Islam. The
Germans,however, rejected the plan.
On September 3, 1943, Italy capitulated by signing an
armistice with the Allies. The Germans were then forced to
occupy Albania with the collapse of the Italian forces.The
Germans sent he 100th Jaeger Division from Greece and the
297th Infantry Division from Serbia and the German 1st
Mountain Division to occupy Albania.Y These troops were organized into
the XXI Mountain Corps, which was under the command of
General Paul Bader.
Bedri Pejani organized and headed the Second Albanian League
of Prizren in 1943, which sought to revive the goals of the
First League of Prizren in 1878, whiich were to unite all
the lands where Albanians lived into a single, unified
Greater Albania. The Second Albanian League,like the First,
was reactionary, anti-democratic, racist, authoritarian, and
allied with Nazi Germany. Pejani found an ardent supporter of the
Second League in Heinrich Himmler, the iarchitect of
genocidei and the person who oversaw the Final Solution to
the Jewish Problem. The Second League fit perfectly into
Hitleris New Order in Europe. Moreover, Italian anthropological
research had revealed that the Ghegs were Aryans or Nordic, the
herrenvolk or master race like the Germans.Pejani and the
Second League opposed democracy and human rights but sought
to create a Greater Albania through genocide and ethnic
cleansing. The 21st Waffen SS Division Skanderbeg resulted
from the efforts of the Second League of Prizren.
Germany re-occupied Albania and Kosovo in 1943. Additional
security forces for the interior were needed,however, to
free up German troops for defense of the coastline. The
decision was made to form an Albanian SS mountain division
for this purpose. In April, 1944, recruitment for the Albanian
SS Division began under the direction of the newly formed Albanian
Nazi Party, which had been formed through the efforts of
Ernst Kaltenbrunner. Acting upon the instructions of
Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler, the SS Main Office
ordered the formation of an Albanian Volunteer mountain
Division on April 17,1944. Himmler planned to create two Albanian SS
divisions. SS Brigadefuehrer and Generalmajor of the Waffen SS
Josef Fitzhum, who headed the Higher SS and Police Command
in Albania, oversaw the formation and training of the
division.
The SS High Command planned to create a mountain division of
10,000 men. The Higher SS and Police Command in Albania, in
conjunction with the Albanian National Committee, listed
11,398 possible recruits for the Waffen SS mountain
division. Most of these recruits, roughly two-thirds were
Kosovars, Albanian (Shqiptar) Ghegs from Kosovo-Metohija in Serbia.
The Shqiptar Tosks were found mainly in southern Albania. Most
of the Shqiptar collaborators with the Nazi forces were the
so-called Kosovars, ethnic Shqiptars from the Kosmet of
Serbia. The Albanian gendarmes, special police, and
para-military units were Kosovars. The Kosovars were under
the direct control of the Albanian Interior Minister, Xhafer
Deva.
The Skanderbeg Division was formed and trained in Kosovo and
was made up mostly of Muslim Shqiptar Kosovars.There were
only a small number of Albanians from Albania proper in the
division, about one-third.Y The Skanderbeg Mountain Division
of the Waffen SS was thus essentially a Kosovo or Kosmet
division. The division was stationed and operated in Kosovo
and other Serbian regions almost exclusively.
Of the 11,398 recruits listed for the division, 9,275 were
ascertained to be suitable to draft in the Waffen SS. Of
those suitable to be drafted, 6,491 Albanians were chosen
and inducted into the Skanderbeg Division. To this Albanian
core were added veteran German troops, primarily Reichdeutsche
from Austria and Volkdeutsche officers, NCOs, and enlisted men,
transferred from the 7th SS Mountain Division iPrinz Eugeni
which was stationed in Bosnia-Hercegovina.The Kosovo
Albanian 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi
consisted in total of 8,500-9,000 men of all ranks.The 6,491
Albanian recruits were assembled at depots in Kosovo where the
formation and the training of the division began.
The official designation for the division was 21. Waffen
Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi (Albanische Nr.1).The
SS Main Office designed a distinctive arm patch for the
division, consisting of a black, double-headed eagle on a
red background, the national symbol for Albania. The word
iSkanderbegi , embroidered in white, appeared above the eagle and was
worn on the left sleeve.The left collar patch consisted of a
helmet with a goatis head on the top, the helmet supposedly
worn by George Kastrioti, Skanderbeg, after whom the
division was named. The Shqiptar recruits in the division
wore a white skullcap, the national attire of the Shqiptar
Ghegs. The SS Main Office also issued gray skullcaps with
the Totenkopf (Deathis Head) insignia sewn on the front below the
Hoheitzeichen (the national symbol of Nazi Germany, consisting of
a white eagle over a Nazi swastika).
The division was named after George Kastrioti, or Gjergj
Kastriota, also as Kastriotis (1405-1468), a national hero
of Albania, who fought against the Ottoman Turks.As a child,
Kastrioti was given as a hostage to Sultan Murad II to be
brought us as a Muslim at Adrianople (Edirne).Kastrioti
became an officer in the Ottoman Turkish army and led the Turkish
forces in many victories over Christian troops.Murad II was
impressed with his valor and bravery in his battles for
Islam and gave him the name Iskander Bey in Turkish, from
iIskanderi, Alexander the Great, or Prince Alexander, and
iBeyi, master.
The nameY was shortened to Skanderbeg, beg being the local
variant of beg.Later, Kastrioti renounced Islam and
converted to Christianity and attacking his former Ottoman
Turkish masters. He captured the Albanian capital Kruja from
the Turkish governor and proclaimed a revolt against the
Turks in 1442.Sultan Mohammed II sent Turkish armies to defeat the
renegade Kastrioti, but he was able to defeat the Turkish
forces, which besieged Kruja but could not capture it.
Kastrioti died in 1468. Kruja surrendered in 1479 and the
Turks occupied Albania.
The Albanians in the Skanderbeg Division were mostly
Muslims, of the Bektashi and Sunni sects of IslamThe
division contained several hundred Albanian Catholics,
followers of Jon Marko Joni.
The first commander of the Skanderbeg division was SS
Brigadefuehrer and Generalmajor of the Waffen SS Josef
Fitzhum, who commanded the division from April to June,
1944. After the July 20, 1944 assassination plot against
Hitler, Fitzhum was appointed supreme commander in Albania.
In June, SS Standartenfuehrer August Schmidhuber, who had been a member
of the 7th SS Mountain Division iPrinz Eugeni, was appointed
commander of the division, a post he would hold until
August, 1944. On June 21, 1944, Schmidhuber was promoted to
SS Oberfuehrer, and later in the war, he would be promoted
to SS Brigadefuehrer. SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Alfred Graf
commanded the reorganized remnants of the Skanderbeg Division from
August, 1944, to May, 1945.
The Schutzstaffel or SS was created in the period 1923-1925
and was initially known as the Stosstrupp (Shock Troop)
iAdolf Hitleri. On January 16, 1929, Hitler appointed
Heinrich Himmler leader of the SS, Reichsfuehrer SS. The SS
was envisioned as an elite troop of the Party, a Praetorian
bodyguard to Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The SS was a formation
icomposed of the best physically, the most dependable, and the
most faithful men in the Nazi movement.i In 1940, combat
units of the SS were formed, collectively termed the Waffen
SS. Approximately 30-40 Waffen SS divisions were formed
during the war,divided into three groupings, Waffen SS
divisions made up of Germans, those made up of ethnic Germans
outside the Reich, and those made up of non-Germans, iDivisions der
SS, Divisions of the SS.
On September 27, 1939, Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler as
Chief of German Police consolidated the Gestapo, Kripo, and
SD under an SS Main Office of Reich Security, or the RSHA.
The RSHA was the actual body entrusted with the overall
administration of the Final Solution of the Jewish Problem,
what became known as the Holocaust. The SS Economic and Administrative
Main Office, or WVHA, ran the concentration camp system. Nazi
concentration camp personnel and guards, although not under
the command of the Army or the Kommandoamt der Waffen SS,
nevertheless, wore Waffen SS uniforms and received Waffen SS
paybooks. Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler oversaw a
program that resulted in the extermination of millions of men, women,
and children. Himmler was the architect of genocide and of the
Holocaust and the Waffen SS was his iprivate armyi, the
iblack angelsi. As part of the Skanderbeg Waffen SS
Division, Kosovar Albanians would play a role in the Final
Solution, the Holocaust. Kosovo Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies
would be victims.
In June, 1944, the Skanderbeg Waffen SS Mountain Division
engaged in large-scale field maneuvers in the area between
the towns of Berane and Andrijevica in Montenegro ( Crna
Gora). Garrisons of the Skanderbeg division were established
in the Kosovo towns of Pec, Djakovica, Prizren, and Pristina.
Further training of the divisionY continued in August as new recruits
were inducted in the division. An artillery battalion of the
division, consisting of two batteries, was located in
Gnjilane.
The first major action of the division occurred in August,
1944 in Kosovo. In September, 1944, the Skanderbeg Division
occupied Macedonia, then denoted as southern Serbia, and
helped to garrison the region. The Skanderbeg Division was
ordered into the areas surrounding the towns of Skopje,
Kumanovo, Presevo, and Bujanovac. Skanderbeg operated in the Stara
Srbija (Old Serbia) region, in the Kosovo-Metohija towns of
Pec, Gnjilane, Djakovica, Kosovska Mitrovica, and the
Macedonian towns of Tetovo and Gostivar. The city of Tetovo
was a major base for the Skanderbeg Division.
In November, 1944, when the German armies in the Balkans
were retreating from Yugoslavia and Greece, the Skanderbeg
Division remnants were reorganized into Regimentgruppe 21.
SS Gebirgs iSkanderbegi and was transferred to Skopje,
according to an account of the movements of the Battle Group.
This SS Kampfgruppe iSkanderbegi, along with the Prinz Eugen Division,
defended the Vardar valley. The Battle Group iSkanderbegi
and Prinz Eugen held the Vardar area because it was the sole
corridor of escape for the retreating German armies in
Alexander Loehris Army Group E, which was then retreating
from Greece and the Aegean Islands.
The Skanderbeg Battle Group along with the Prinz Eugen
Division retreated to the Brcko region of Bosnia-Hercegovina
by mid-January, 1945. At this time, the remaining Skanderbeg
personnel were incorporated into the 14th SS Volunteer
Mountain infantry Regiment of the 7th SS Division Prinz
Eugen. The remnants of the Skanderbeg division fought in this
formation until the end of the war, retreating to Austria in May, 1945.
The Skanderbeg Division engaged in a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Serbian Orthodox
population of the regions under occupation by the division
in Kosovo-Metohija, Montenegro, and Macedonia. Balkan
historian Robert Lee Wolff, in The Balkans in Our Time, described the
genocide committed against Kosovo Serbs by the Albanian 21st
Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi as follows:
In the regions annexed by the Albanians, their so-called
Skanderbeg division,
made up of members of the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia,
massacred Serbs with impunity..
Historian L.S. Stavrianos, in The Balkans Since 1453,
described the genocide committed against Orthodox Kosovo
Serbs by the Skanderbeg Division in these terms:
Yugoslav Albanians, organized in their fascist Skanderbeg
Division, conducted an indiscriminate massacre of Serbians.
The Skanderbeg Division played a role in the Holocaust, the
genocide of European Jewry. In Kosovo: A Short History, Noel
Malcolm noted that in the Djakovica region of
Kosovo-Metohija, the Skanderbeg Division engaged in ithe
round-up and deportation of 281 Jewsi to the
concentration-extermination camps in May, 1944. According to
Malcolm, ithey took part in the most shameful episode of
Kosovois wartime history.i p310 Skanderbeg rounded up scores
of Jews in a group of approximately 500 Kosovans deemed enemies
of the Third Reich when the Division occupied Prizren in
Kosovo-Metohija. The division sought to create an ethnically
pure Kosovo, ethnically cleansed of Orthodox Serbs, Jews,
and Gypsies,Y the untermenschen (subhumans), not part of the
so-called West, who were targeted for extermination.
According to Miranda Vickers in Between Serb and Albanian: A
History of Kosovo, the Kosovo Albanian Skanderbeg SS
Division ethnically cleansed an estimated 10,000 Kosovo
Serbian families, most of whom fled as refugees to Serbia
while Albanian colonists from Albania entered Kosovo and took over
their lands and homes:
Until the first months of 1944 there were continued waves of
migration from Kosovo of Serbs and Montenegrins,forced to
flee following intimidation....TheY 21stSS eSkanderbeg
Divisioni (consisting, as already mentioned, of two
battalions) formed out of Albanian volunteers in the spring of 1944,
indiscriminately killed Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo. This
led to the emigration of an estimated 10,000 Slav families,
most of whom went to Serbia...replaced by new colonists from
the poorer regions of northern Albania.
The Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal declared the Schutzstaffel
or SS a criminal organization and every individual member of
the SS was found to be a war criminal guilty of iplanning
and carrying out crimes against humanity.i The Albanian
Kosovars in the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division der SS iSkanderbegi
committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic
cleansing, and genocide against the Orthodox Serbian
population of Kosovo.This genocide would contribute to the
Kosovar goal and policy to create an ethnically pure Kosova,
in a attempt to create a Greater Albania.
During World War II, the Axis powers dismembered and
occupied Yugoslavia and created a Greater Albania by
annexing Kosovo-Metohija to Albania. During the occupation
of Kosovo-Metohija by Nazi Germany, Germany formed an
Albanian Kosovar Waffen SS Division, the 21st Waffen Gebirgs Division
der SS iSkanderbegi which engaged in a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Orthodox Serbian
population of Kosovo. The result was that with the
Albanians, with the help of Germany, were able to either
kill or drive out entire Serbian families and to round up and
deport Kosovo Jews to the extermination camps, thereby creating during
World War II an ethnically pure, Nazi German-sponsored
Greater Albania.
end
More about the Nazism among Kosovo Albanians in WW2
http://www.kosovo.com/hist2.html#fascist
> Da: news@...
> Data: Gio 27 Nov 2003 21:24:34 Europe/Rome
> A: jugocoord
> Oggetto: Newsletter vom 27.11.2003: Fachtagung über ,,Regionalisierung
> im östlichen Europa´´
>
>
> Nachrichten 28.11.2003
> Nachhaltiger Einfluß
> LEIPZIG (Eigener Bericht) Die ,,Deutsche Gesellschaft für
> Osteuropakunde´´ (DGO), eine Berliner Spitzenorganisation für die
> verwissenschaftlichte Ausforschung der slawischen Territorialgebiete,
> lädt zu einer Fachtagung über ,,Regionalisierung im östlichen Europa´´
> ein. Das am 6.Dezember stattfindende Treffen wird von zwei
> ausgewiesenen Experten für deutsch - völkische
> Destabilisierungspolitik geleitet, die über umfangreiche Erfahrungen
> bei der ethnischen Parzellierung Südosteuropas verfügen.
> mehr
> (http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/
> 1069974000.php?PHPSESSID=29bfd681d2f01d3127bf9e47bddda149)
Nachhaltiger Einfluß
LEIPZIG (Eigener Bericht) Die ,,Deutsche Gesellschaft für
Osteuropakunde´´ (DGO), eine Berliner Spitzenorganisation für die
verwissenschaftlichte Ausforschung der slawischen Territorialgebiete,
lädt zu einer Fachtagung über ,,Regionalisierung im östlichen Europa´´
ein. Das am 6.Dezember stattfindende Treffen wird von zwei
ausgewiesenen Experten für deutsch - völkische Destabilisierungspolitik
geleitet, die über umfangreiche Erfahrungen bei der ethnischen
Parzellierung Südosteuropas verfügen.
Die DGO gehört zu den größten deutschen Fachorganisationen, deren
Spezialinteresse den traditionellen Gebieten deutscher Ostexpansion
gilt. Bereits im Kaiserreich zog Berlin die Vorläufer der DGO für
imperialistische Zielplanungen heran. Über diese Tradition weiß die DGO
in einer aktuellen Selbstdarstellung zu berichten, sie habe , ,, (s)eit
1913 als renommiertes Forum für die wissenschaftlich-publizistische
Erörterung der politischen, ökonomischen und kulturellen Entwicklungen
im Osten Europas´´ gewirkt und dabei einen angeblichen ,,Dialog
zwischen Ost und West´´ betrieben. Tatsächlich beteiligten sich die der
DGO nahestehenden Kreise an wiederholten Versuchen der deutschen
Aussenpolitik, Osteuropa zu unterwerfen und die dortigen Staaten durch
Ethnisierung und Regionalisierung zu spalten. Heute steht der DGO die
ehemalige Bundestagpräsidentin Rita Süssmuth vor. Geschäftsführendes
Vorstandsmitglied ist Franz-Lothar Altmann, zugleich Leiter der ,
,,Forschungsgruppe Westlicher Balkan´´ bei der Stiftung Wissenschaft
und Politik (SWP), einer der wichtigsten Vorfeldorganisationen der
Berliner Außenpolitik.
Seit 100 Jahren ...
Neben Altmann treten Repräsentanten des Leipzigers ,,Instituts für
Länderkunde´´ (IfL) als Veranstalter der Regionalisierungstreffens auf.
Das IfL ist eine staatlich finanzierte Einrichtung für die
Verwissenschaftlichung politischer Territorialplanungen unter der Ägide
des Berliner Ministeriums für Verkehr, Bau und Wohnungswesen. Es
beschäftigt sich seit längerem mit ,,Raumuntersuchungen´´ und
konzentriert seine Untersuchungstätigkeit u.a. auf Polen, Weißrußland
und auf Teile der GUS 1). Die behandelten ,,Regionen´´ gehören seit
über 100 Jahren zu den bevorzugten Territorialobjekten deutscher
Hegemonialpolitik, die an Schwachstellen benachbarter Nationalstaaten
ansetzt und dabei insbesondere Grenzregionen aus dem jeweiligen
Staatsverband herauszulösen trachtet 2).
... ,,subnational´´ ...
Das kommende Regionalisierungstreffen will die osteuropäischen
,,Regionen´´ als ,,ökonomische Handlungsräume" untersuchen und der
Frage nachgehen, welche Strategien geeignet sind, die von Berlin
vorangetriebene ,,Regionalisierung´´ im östlichen Europa ,,nachhaltig
zu beeinflussen´´. Dabei bedürfe es ,,subnationaler, regionaler
Kontexte´´ und ,,einer subnationalen, regionalen Perspektive". Das
Themenspektrum reicht von der Funktion ,,Grenzüberschreitender
regionaler Netzwerke´´ bis zur ,,Hanse´´ (der mittelalterlichen
Ostkolonisation) 3).
... und subversiv
Geleitet werden die entsprechenden Arbeitsgruppen von zwei
ausgewiesenen Experten: Neben Altmann, aktiv an der Durchsetzung eines
Balkan der ,,Volksgruppen´´ und Regionen beteiligt, hat sich Stefan
Troebst angekündigt. Troebst ist Gründungsdirektor des Europäischen
Zentrums für Minderheitenfragen (EZM), einer weiteren Berliner
Vorfeldorganisation für die Parzellierung der kontinentalen
Staatenwelt. Er wurde in den 1990er Jahren beschuldigt, das
,,Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker´´ zum Vorwand zu nehmen, um die
Zerlegung Südosteuropas in Kleinstaaten vorzubereiten 4).
1) s. auch Raum im Werden
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1051048800.php%5d
und ,,Mitteleuropa´´: Deutscher ,,Lebensraum´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1035846002.php%5d
2) s. auch Zentralisierung und Dezentralisierung
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1066860000.php%5d
sowie ,,Den Regionen das Kommando´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1045954800.php%5d
und ,,Neuer Regionalismus´´ in Polen
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1059953380.php%5d
3) s. auch Hintergrundbericht: Das deutsche ,,Netzwerk
raumwissenschaftlicher Forschungseinrichtungen´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1034799017.php%5d
und Mittelalterliche ,,deutsche Ostkolonisation´´ als Vorbild -
Forderungen nach Wiederbelebung der
,,Hanse´´[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/
1019426400.php]
4) s. auch Berlin: Balkan der ,,Volksgruppen´´ und Regionen
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1029067012.php%5d
und Balkan: ,,Opening-Up´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1022524816.php%5d
sowie Hintergrundbericht: Das Europäische Zentrum für
Minderheitenfragen
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1043452541.php%5d
und ,,Osterweiterung des Südosteuropabegriffes´´ - Deutsche
Wissenschaft hat Kaukasus im Fokus
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1019592603.php%5d
s. auch Deutscher Raum
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1054418401.php%5d
und ,,Nachgiebige und biegsame deutsche Hegemonie´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1041548400.php%5d
Quelle:
Gemeinsame DGO-Fachtagung Geographie und Wirtschaftswissenschaften:
Region und Regionalisierung im östlichen Europa – Konzepte, Prozesse
und politische Strategien; /www.ifl-leipzig.com
Informationen zur Deutschen Außenpolitik
© www.german-foreign-policy.com
> Da: news@...
> Data: Ven 14 Nov 2003 23:24:50 Europe/Rome
> A: jugocoord@...
> Oggetto: Newsletter vom 15.11.2003: Deutsche Presse in Osteuropa
> Rispondere-A: news@...
>
>
> ,,Wie im Protektorat"
>
> WARSZAWA/PRAHA/SKOPJE - Die immer stärkere Kontrolle des
> osteuropäischen Pressemarktes durch deutsche und andere ausländische
> Medienkonzerne wird von der Europäischen Journalistenvereinigung als
> ,,große Gefahr für den unabhängigen Journalismus" bezeichnet. In der
> Tschechischen Republik, die nur noch über eine einzige seriöse
> Tageszeitung in tschechischem Besitz verfügt, ziehen Kritiker
> inzwischen Vergleiche zur Situation der Presse während der deutschen
> Protektoratsherrschaft.
> mehr
> http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1068850800.php
>
,,Wie im Protektorat"
WARSZAWA/PRAHA/SKOPJE - Die immer stärkere Kontrolle des
osteuropäischen Pressemarktes durch deutsche und andere ausländische
Medienkonzerne wird von der Europäischen Journalistenvereinigung als
,,große Gefahr für den unabhängigen Journalismus" bezeichnet. In der
Tschechischen Republik, die nur noch über eine einzige seriöse
Tageszeitung in tschechischem Besitz verfügt, ziehen Kritiker
inzwischen Vergleiche zur Situation der Presse während der deutschen
Protektoratsherrschaft.
Ähnlich wie in den meisten ost- und südosteuropäischen Staaten sind in
Tschechien nicht nur die überregionalen Zeitungen, sondern auch die
Lokalblätter überwiegend in deutschem Besitz; 82 Prozent der Anteile am
tschechischen Pressemarkt gehören deutschen Konzernen. Wie Kritiker
beklagen, bezieht die ,,deutsche Presse in tschechischer Sprache"
eindeutig pro-deutsche Positionen, etwa in den Auseinandersetzungen um
die so genannten ,,Sudetendeutschen".1) Die Berichterstattung sei
teilweise ,,wie im (NS-)Protektorat", empören sich kritische Tschechen
gegenüber ausländischen Journalisten.
Deutsche Presse...
Heftige Vorwürfe sind auch in Polen zu hören, wo die Lokalpresse
besonders in Gebieten deutscher ,,Vertriebenen"-Ansprüche
ausschließlich oder mehrheitlich in deutschem Besitz ist, so etwa in
Wroclaw (früher Breslau), Poznan (früher Posen), Gdansk (ehemals
Danzig) oder Katowice (Kattowitz). Die Monopolstellung der Deutschen
sei inzwischen ,,sogar stärker als in der Zeit der Teilung Polens, in
der ein Teil des Landes zu Preußen gehörte", schreibt das
Nachrichtenmagazin ,,Wprost", eine der wenigen Zeitschriften, die noch
nicht von Deutschen aufgekauft wurden.2)
... in vielen Sprachen
Die Europäische Journalistenvereinigung warnt inzwischen vor
ausländischen Pressemonopolen, die sie offen mit dem ,,alten
Monopolsystem" der realsozialistischen Staaten vergleicht. 85 Prozent
des Medienmarktes in Osteuropa werden durch ausländisches Kapital
kontrolliert, drei Viertel davon von deutschen Konzernen. Deutsche
Unternehmen teilen sich inzwischen mehr als die Hälfte des gesamten
osteuropäischen Pressemarktes, darunter 75 Prozent der ungarischen
Presse. Allein die Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) kontrolliert
70 Prozent der kroatischen Zeitungen und - gemessen an der Auflage - 80
Prozent der bulgarischen Tagespresse.3)
Kritische Öffentlichkeit
In Bosnien-Herzegowina werden Presselizenzen von einer staatlichen
Medienaufsicht vergeben, die ein EU-Beauftragter leitet. Erster
Repräsentant war 1998 der Deutsche Freimut Duve, SPD-Politiker mit
engen Kontakten zur deutschen Medien-Szene und ihren Konzernen.4) In
Mazedonien verfügt allein die WAZ, deren Südosteuropa-Geschäft der
ehemalige deutsche EU-Koordinator für den
,,Südosteuropa-Stabilitätspakt", Hombach, leitet, über 90 Prozent der
Anteile auf dem Pressemarkt. Die Monopolkommission in Skopje hat
inzwischen ein Verfahren eingeleitet, in dem das Pressemonopol des
deutschen Konzerns auf seine Zulässigkeit überprüft werden soll. Da die
unter deutscher Kontrolle befindliche Presse das spektakuläre Verfahren
bisher ignoriert, unterbleibt eine kritische Debatte über die deutsche
Mediendominanz.
1) s. dazu Tschechische Regierung wehrt sich gegen deutsche
Medien-Dominanz
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1018296777.php%5d
2) s. dazu ,,Drang nach Osten"
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1057183201.php%5d
3) s. auch Deutscher ,,Blitzkrieg" auf dem Pressemarkt
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1029500348.php%5d
und Südosteuropa: Presse unter deutscher Kontrolle
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1055887200.php%5d
sowie Deutsche Medienmacht in Südosteuropa
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1066428000.php%5d
4) s. dazu Rezension: John Rosenthal: Sur un nouvel ethno-nationalisme
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1067903789.php%5d
Quellen:
Neue deutsche Pressekolonie? Immer mehr polnische Zeitungen gehören
deutschen Verlagen; Wprost 26.10.2003
Verkauft. In Mazedonien gehört die unabhängige Presse jetzt der
Westdeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung; Frankfurter Rundschau 31.10.2003
Informationen zur Deutschen Außenpolitik
© www.german-foreign-policy.com
> Data: Gio 27 Nov 2003 21:24:34 Europe/Rome
> A: jugocoord
> Oggetto: Newsletter vom 27.11.2003: Fachtagung über ,,Regionalisierung
> im östlichen Europa´´
>
>
> Nachrichten 28.11.2003
> Nachhaltiger Einfluß
> LEIPZIG (Eigener Bericht) Die ,,Deutsche Gesellschaft für
> Osteuropakunde´´ (DGO), eine Berliner Spitzenorganisation für die
> verwissenschaftlichte Ausforschung der slawischen Territorialgebiete,
> lädt zu einer Fachtagung über ,,Regionalisierung im östlichen Europa´´
> ein. Das am 6.Dezember stattfindende Treffen wird von zwei
> ausgewiesenen Experten für deutsch - völkische
> Destabilisierungspolitik geleitet, die über umfangreiche Erfahrungen
> bei der ethnischen Parzellierung Südosteuropas verfügen.
> mehr
> (http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/
> 1069974000.php?PHPSESSID=29bfd681d2f01d3127bf9e47bddda149)
Nachhaltiger Einfluß
LEIPZIG (Eigener Bericht) Die ,,Deutsche Gesellschaft für
Osteuropakunde´´ (DGO), eine Berliner Spitzenorganisation für die
verwissenschaftlichte Ausforschung der slawischen Territorialgebiete,
lädt zu einer Fachtagung über ,,Regionalisierung im östlichen Europa´´
ein. Das am 6.Dezember stattfindende Treffen wird von zwei
ausgewiesenen Experten für deutsch - völkische Destabilisierungspolitik
geleitet, die über umfangreiche Erfahrungen bei der ethnischen
Parzellierung Südosteuropas verfügen.
Die DGO gehört zu den größten deutschen Fachorganisationen, deren
Spezialinteresse den traditionellen Gebieten deutscher Ostexpansion
gilt. Bereits im Kaiserreich zog Berlin die Vorläufer der DGO für
imperialistische Zielplanungen heran. Über diese Tradition weiß die DGO
in einer aktuellen Selbstdarstellung zu berichten, sie habe , ,, (s)eit
1913 als renommiertes Forum für die wissenschaftlich-publizistische
Erörterung der politischen, ökonomischen und kulturellen Entwicklungen
im Osten Europas´´ gewirkt und dabei einen angeblichen ,,Dialog
zwischen Ost und West´´ betrieben. Tatsächlich beteiligten sich die der
DGO nahestehenden Kreise an wiederholten Versuchen der deutschen
Aussenpolitik, Osteuropa zu unterwerfen und die dortigen Staaten durch
Ethnisierung und Regionalisierung zu spalten. Heute steht der DGO die
ehemalige Bundestagpräsidentin Rita Süssmuth vor. Geschäftsführendes
Vorstandsmitglied ist Franz-Lothar Altmann, zugleich Leiter der ,
,,Forschungsgruppe Westlicher Balkan´´ bei der Stiftung Wissenschaft
und Politik (SWP), einer der wichtigsten Vorfeldorganisationen der
Berliner Außenpolitik.
Seit 100 Jahren ...
Neben Altmann treten Repräsentanten des Leipzigers ,,Instituts für
Länderkunde´´ (IfL) als Veranstalter der Regionalisierungstreffens auf.
Das IfL ist eine staatlich finanzierte Einrichtung für die
Verwissenschaftlichung politischer Territorialplanungen unter der Ägide
des Berliner Ministeriums für Verkehr, Bau und Wohnungswesen. Es
beschäftigt sich seit längerem mit ,,Raumuntersuchungen´´ und
konzentriert seine Untersuchungstätigkeit u.a. auf Polen, Weißrußland
und auf Teile der GUS 1). Die behandelten ,,Regionen´´ gehören seit
über 100 Jahren zu den bevorzugten Territorialobjekten deutscher
Hegemonialpolitik, die an Schwachstellen benachbarter Nationalstaaten
ansetzt und dabei insbesondere Grenzregionen aus dem jeweiligen
Staatsverband herauszulösen trachtet 2).
... ,,subnational´´ ...
Das kommende Regionalisierungstreffen will die osteuropäischen
,,Regionen´´ als ,,ökonomische Handlungsräume" untersuchen und der
Frage nachgehen, welche Strategien geeignet sind, die von Berlin
vorangetriebene ,,Regionalisierung´´ im östlichen Europa ,,nachhaltig
zu beeinflussen´´. Dabei bedürfe es ,,subnationaler, regionaler
Kontexte´´ und ,,einer subnationalen, regionalen Perspektive". Das
Themenspektrum reicht von der Funktion ,,Grenzüberschreitender
regionaler Netzwerke´´ bis zur ,,Hanse´´ (der mittelalterlichen
Ostkolonisation) 3).
... und subversiv
Geleitet werden die entsprechenden Arbeitsgruppen von zwei
ausgewiesenen Experten: Neben Altmann, aktiv an der Durchsetzung eines
Balkan der ,,Volksgruppen´´ und Regionen beteiligt, hat sich Stefan
Troebst angekündigt. Troebst ist Gründungsdirektor des Europäischen
Zentrums für Minderheitenfragen (EZM), einer weiteren Berliner
Vorfeldorganisation für die Parzellierung der kontinentalen
Staatenwelt. Er wurde in den 1990er Jahren beschuldigt, das
,,Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker´´ zum Vorwand zu nehmen, um die
Zerlegung Südosteuropas in Kleinstaaten vorzubereiten 4).
1) s. auch Raum im Werden
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1051048800.php%5d
und ,,Mitteleuropa´´: Deutscher ,,Lebensraum´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1035846002.php%5d
2) s. auch Zentralisierung und Dezentralisierung
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1066860000.php%5d
sowie ,,Den Regionen das Kommando´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1045954800.php%5d
und ,,Neuer Regionalismus´´ in Polen
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1059953380.php%5d
3) s. auch Hintergrundbericht: Das deutsche ,,Netzwerk
raumwissenschaftlicher Forschungseinrichtungen´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1034799017.php%5d
und Mittelalterliche ,,deutsche Ostkolonisation´´ als Vorbild -
Forderungen nach Wiederbelebung der
,,Hanse´´[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/
1019426400.php]
4) s. auch Berlin: Balkan der ,,Volksgruppen´´ und Regionen
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1029067012.php%5d
und Balkan: ,,Opening-Up´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1022524816.php%5d
sowie Hintergrundbericht: Das Europäische Zentrum für
Minderheitenfragen
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1043452541.php%5d
und ,,Osterweiterung des Südosteuropabegriffes´´ - Deutsche
Wissenschaft hat Kaukasus im Fokus
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1019592603.php%5d
s. auch Deutscher Raum
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1054418401.php%5d
und ,,Nachgiebige und biegsame deutsche Hegemonie´´
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1041548400.php%5d
Quelle:
Gemeinsame DGO-Fachtagung Geographie und Wirtschaftswissenschaften:
Region und Regionalisierung im östlichen Europa – Konzepte, Prozesse
und politische Strategien; /www.ifl-leipzig.com
Informationen zur Deutschen Außenpolitik
© www.german-foreign-policy.com
> Da: news@...
> Data: Ven 14 Nov 2003 23:24:50 Europe/Rome
> A: jugocoord@...
> Oggetto: Newsletter vom 15.11.2003: Deutsche Presse in Osteuropa
> Rispondere-A: news@...
>
>
> ,,Wie im Protektorat"
>
> WARSZAWA/PRAHA/SKOPJE - Die immer stärkere Kontrolle des
> osteuropäischen Pressemarktes durch deutsche und andere ausländische
> Medienkonzerne wird von der Europäischen Journalistenvereinigung als
> ,,große Gefahr für den unabhängigen Journalismus" bezeichnet. In der
> Tschechischen Republik, die nur noch über eine einzige seriöse
> Tageszeitung in tschechischem Besitz verfügt, ziehen Kritiker
> inzwischen Vergleiche zur Situation der Presse während der deutschen
> Protektoratsherrschaft.
> mehr
> http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1068850800.php
>
,,Wie im Protektorat"
WARSZAWA/PRAHA/SKOPJE - Die immer stärkere Kontrolle des
osteuropäischen Pressemarktes durch deutsche und andere ausländische
Medienkonzerne wird von der Europäischen Journalistenvereinigung als
,,große Gefahr für den unabhängigen Journalismus" bezeichnet. In der
Tschechischen Republik, die nur noch über eine einzige seriöse
Tageszeitung in tschechischem Besitz verfügt, ziehen Kritiker
inzwischen Vergleiche zur Situation der Presse während der deutschen
Protektoratsherrschaft.
Ähnlich wie in den meisten ost- und südosteuropäischen Staaten sind in
Tschechien nicht nur die überregionalen Zeitungen, sondern auch die
Lokalblätter überwiegend in deutschem Besitz; 82 Prozent der Anteile am
tschechischen Pressemarkt gehören deutschen Konzernen. Wie Kritiker
beklagen, bezieht die ,,deutsche Presse in tschechischer Sprache"
eindeutig pro-deutsche Positionen, etwa in den Auseinandersetzungen um
die so genannten ,,Sudetendeutschen".1) Die Berichterstattung sei
teilweise ,,wie im (NS-)Protektorat", empören sich kritische Tschechen
gegenüber ausländischen Journalisten.
Deutsche Presse...
Heftige Vorwürfe sind auch in Polen zu hören, wo die Lokalpresse
besonders in Gebieten deutscher ,,Vertriebenen"-Ansprüche
ausschließlich oder mehrheitlich in deutschem Besitz ist, so etwa in
Wroclaw (früher Breslau), Poznan (früher Posen), Gdansk (ehemals
Danzig) oder Katowice (Kattowitz). Die Monopolstellung der Deutschen
sei inzwischen ,,sogar stärker als in der Zeit der Teilung Polens, in
der ein Teil des Landes zu Preußen gehörte", schreibt das
Nachrichtenmagazin ,,Wprost", eine der wenigen Zeitschriften, die noch
nicht von Deutschen aufgekauft wurden.2)
... in vielen Sprachen
Die Europäische Journalistenvereinigung warnt inzwischen vor
ausländischen Pressemonopolen, die sie offen mit dem ,,alten
Monopolsystem" der realsozialistischen Staaten vergleicht. 85 Prozent
des Medienmarktes in Osteuropa werden durch ausländisches Kapital
kontrolliert, drei Viertel davon von deutschen Konzernen. Deutsche
Unternehmen teilen sich inzwischen mehr als die Hälfte des gesamten
osteuropäischen Pressemarktes, darunter 75 Prozent der ungarischen
Presse. Allein die Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) kontrolliert
70 Prozent der kroatischen Zeitungen und - gemessen an der Auflage - 80
Prozent der bulgarischen Tagespresse.3)
Kritische Öffentlichkeit
In Bosnien-Herzegowina werden Presselizenzen von einer staatlichen
Medienaufsicht vergeben, die ein EU-Beauftragter leitet. Erster
Repräsentant war 1998 der Deutsche Freimut Duve, SPD-Politiker mit
engen Kontakten zur deutschen Medien-Szene und ihren Konzernen.4) In
Mazedonien verfügt allein die WAZ, deren Südosteuropa-Geschäft der
ehemalige deutsche EU-Koordinator für den
,,Südosteuropa-Stabilitätspakt", Hombach, leitet, über 90 Prozent der
Anteile auf dem Pressemarkt. Die Monopolkommission in Skopje hat
inzwischen ein Verfahren eingeleitet, in dem das Pressemonopol des
deutschen Konzerns auf seine Zulässigkeit überprüft werden soll. Da die
unter deutscher Kontrolle befindliche Presse das spektakuläre Verfahren
bisher ignoriert, unterbleibt eine kritische Debatte über die deutsche
Mediendominanz.
1) s. dazu Tschechische Regierung wehrt sich gegen deutsche
Medien-Dominanz
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1018296777.php%5d
2) s. dazu ,,Drang nach Osten"
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1057183201.php%5d
3) s. auch Deutscher ,,Blitzkrieg" auf dem Pressemarkt
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1029500348.php%5d
und Südosteuropa: Presse unter deutscher Kontrolle
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1055887200.php%5d
sowie Deutsche Medienmacht in Südosteuropa
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1066428000.php%5d
4) s. dazu Rezension: John Rosenthal: Sur un nouvel ethno-nationalisme
[http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/news/article/1067903789.php%5d
Quellen:
Neue deutsche Pressekolonie? Immer mehr polnische Zeitungen gehören
deutschen Verlagen; Wprost 26.10.2003
Verkauft. In Mazedonien gehört die unabhängige Presse jetzt der
Westdeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung; Frankfurter Rundschau 31.10.2003
Informationen zur Deutschen Außenpolitik
© www.german-foreign-policy.com
http://www.politika.co.yu/2003/1127/01_22.htm
POLITIKA (Beograd)
Četvrtak 27. novembar 2003.
Broj 32350 VEK PRVI
---
AVNOJ ŠEZDESET GODINA KASNIJE
Odbrana velikog nasleđa
Juče započela trodnevna rasprava o antifašističkom
narodnooslobodilačkom ratu u Jugoslaviji i savremenosti
U organizaciji Društva za istinu o antifašističkoj borbi u Jugoslaviji
1941-1945. godine, juče je u Beogradu počeo rad okrugli sto
povodom 60. godišnjice AVNOJ-a, jer su 29. novembra 1943.
godine, u Jajcu, postavljeni temelji "druge" Jugoslavije,
izrasle u velikoj antifašističkoj borbi tokom Drugog svetskog
rata.
Razlozi održavanja ovog skupa sadržani su u rečima akademika Branka
Pavićevića da se Društvo za istinu, odmah po osnivanju,
"susrelo sa činjenicom da su još od kraja osamdesetih godina
sad već prošlog stoleća, neke političke stranke i grupacije,
izgrađujući svoju političku ideologiju i program, počele da
čine pokušaje da iz narodnog pamćenja izbrišu istorijska fakta,
po kojima smo kao narodi i države mogli biti identifikovani na gotovo
svakom kutku zemaljske kugle".
Odnos prema nasleđu
Iz tih razloga je akademik Pavićević u svom izlaganju istakao neka od
osnovnih istorijskih obeležja antifašističke borbe
jugoslovenskih naroda i njihovo šire značenje, postavljajući
pitanje da li će neke od tih tekovina, ostavljenih u nasleđe,
biti preuzete, na način na koji to čini "čovečanstvo u svim
velikim prekretnicama".
Zato je potrebno, po rečima akademika Pavićevića, "da oni što će
doći posle nas znaju da pravično i meritorno prosuđuju o velikom
nasleđu koje mi danas pokušavamo da odbranimo od falsifikatora
istorije".
Jovo Ninković, general JNA u penziji govorio je juče o političkoj i
vojnoj strategiji narodnooslobodilačkog rata, dok je o
njegovom istorijskom karakteru i univerzalnoj vrednosti tog
rata izlaganje podneo Branko Mamula, admiral flote u penziji.
Ukazujući na činjenicu da je to bila sinteza narodnooslobodilačke i
revolucionarne borbe u kojoj su komunistička partija i Tito
okupili i ponovo ujedinili sve jugoslovenske narode, admiral
Mamula je naglasio da je rat dobijen vlastitim snagama, na
posebnom ratištu u Jugoslaviji, na frontu koji je spajao
sovjetske armije u Mađarskoj i angloameričke u Italiji, što nije
uspelo nijednoj drugoj porobljenoj zemlji u Evropi.
Pri tome je, po njegovim rečima, "borba na Jadranu u poslednjoj
i odlučujućoj fazi rata presudno uticala na sveukupan ishod NOB-a i
pobedu", jer bi bez uspešne borbe i ovladavanja našim delom
Jadrana, ishod bio drugačiji i na severnoj granici, gde su se
nalazili Sovjeti.
"U ovome je sadržan i odgovor na pitanje: da li je NOVJ bio potreban
Sremski front", naglasio je admiral Mamula, jer bi bez toga
Sovjetima bilo prepušteno da "svojim snagama obrazuju front u
našoj zemlji", čime bi "četvorogodišnji rat i ogromne žrtve
svih jugoslovenskih naroda bile izdane".
Strah i preventivno kažnjavanje
Dotičući se savremenih svetskih problema, admiral Mamula je konstatovao
da "globalne terorističke organizacije prete svim delovima
planete", te da je "stvoreno stanje opasnije od klasičnog
rata", što je doprinelo da "strah obuzme vođe i metropole
svjetske moći i da se izrodi u preventivno kažnjavanje čitavih
zemalja i regiona".
U novim okolnostima, posle terorističkih masakara u Istambulu, Balkan,
po Mamulinom mišljenju, "lako može postati područje novih
unutrašnjih sukoba i spoljnih intervencija", jer je "opterećen
ekstremizmima, ratovima i kriminalom".
Otuda su, zbog osiguranja mira i u zemlji i regionu, potrebne
odgovarajuće dimenzionirane oružane snage svake države. Takve
snage bi, "udružene u koalicije po užim regionima preuzimale
obaveze prema izazovima koji prete, a istovremeno davale
podršku najrazličitijim humanitarnim i ekološkim akcijama
zemalja koje su se udružile", dok bi u "globalnim opasnostima
davale podršku zajedničkim snagama UN ili NATO snagama, u operacijama
pod kontrolom Saveta bezbednosti UN, prema njihovim normama i
doktrinarnim načelima".
Nedorečenost nacionalne politike
Iz tih razloga, zaključuje admiral Branko Mamula, "neodlučnost da
se utvrdi koncept bezbednosti države i strategija odbrane zemlje
ukazuje na nedorečenost celine nacionalne politike, bez koje
se ne može govoriti o stabilnosti i perspektivi državne
zajednice". Pri tome, "pre svih drugih odluka, najvažnije je
utvrditi na kojem historijskom iskustvu treba praviti temelje
nove zajednice", upozorava Mamula, izražavajući uverenje da će
"objektivno vrednovanje ukupnog iskustva pokazati da
narodnoslobodilački antifašistički rat mora dobiti prioritet",
uostalom i zato što je i "Evropa antifašizam ugradila u temelje odnosa
svog modernog ustrojstva i razvitka".
Do trenutka kada ovaj tekst ide u štampu, na okruglom stolu govorili
su i dr Dragoljub Petrović, dr Vukašin Stambolić, a pročitano je
i izlaganje Bogdana Osolnika koji je bio sprečen da
prisustvuje samom skupu, o kome će na ovim stranicama biti još
reči.
Sl. Kljakić
(Foto: A. Vasiljević - Branko Mamula: Objektivno vrednovati iskustvo
narodnoslobodilačkog antifašističkog rata )
POLITIKA (Beograd)
Četvrtak 27. novembar 2003.
Broj 32350 VEK PRVI
---
AVNOJ ŠEZDESET GODINA KASNIJE
Odbrana velikog nasleđa
Juče započela trodnevna rasprava o antifašističkom
narodnooslobodilačkom ratu u Jugoslaviji i savremenosti
U organizaciji Društva za istinu o antifašističkoj borbi u Jugoslaviji
1941-1945. godine, juče je u Beogradu počeo rad okrugli sto
povodom 60. godišnjice AVNOJ-a, jer su 29. novembra 1943.
godine, u Jajcu, postavljeni temelji "druge" Jugoslavije,
izrasle u velikoj antifašističkoj borbi tokom Drugog svetskog
rata.
Razlozi održavanja ovog skupa sadržani su u rečima akademika Branka
Pavićevića da se Društvo za istinu, odmah po osnivanju,
"susrelo sa činjenicom da su još od kraja osamdesetih godina
sad već prošlog stoleća, neke političke stranke i grupacije,
izgrađujući svoju političku ideologiju i program, počele da
čine pokušaje da iz narodnog pamćenja izbrišu istorijska fakta,
po kojima smo kao narodi i države mogli biti identifikovani na gotovo
svakom kutku zemaljske kugle".
Odnos prema nasleđu
Iz tih razloga je akademik Pavićević u svom izlaganju istakao neka od
osnovnih istorijskih obeležja antifašističke borbe
jugoslovenskih naroda i njihovo šire značenje, postavljajući
pitanje da li će neke od tih tekovina, ostavljenih u nasleđe,
biti preuzete, na način na koji to čini "čovečanstvo u svim
velikim prekretnicama".
Zato je potrebno, po rečima akademika Pavićevića, "da oni što će
doći posle nas znaju da pravično i meritorno prosuđuju o velikom
nasleđu koje mi danas pokušavamo da odbranimo od falsifikatora
istorije".
Jovo Ninković, general JNA u penziji govorio je juče o političkoj i
vojnoj strategiji narodnooslobodilačkog rata, dok je o
njegovom istorijskom karakteru i univerzalnoj vrednosti tog
rata izlaganje podneo Branko Mamula, admiral flote u penziji.
Ukazujući na činjenicu da je to bila sinteza narodnooslobodilačke i
revolucionarne borbe u kojoj su komunistička partija i Tito
okupili i ponovo ujedinili sve jugoslovenske narode, admiral
Mamula je naglasio da je rat dobijen vlastitim snagama, na
posebnom ratištu u Jugoslaviji, na frontu koji je spajao
sovjetske armije u Mađarskoj i angloameričke u Italiji, što nije
uspelo nijednoj drugoj porobljenoj zemlji u Evropi.
Pri tome je, po njegovim rečima, "borba na Jadranu u poslednjoj
i odlučujućoj fazi rata presudno uticala na sveukupan ishod NOB-a i
pobedu", jer bi bez uspešne borbe i ovladavanja našim delom
Jadrana, ishod bio drugačiji i na severnoj granici, gde su se
nalazili Sovjeti.
"U ovome je sadržan i odgovor na pitanje: da li je NOVJ bio potreban
Sremski front", naglasio je admiral Mamula, jer bi bez toga
Sovjetima bilo prepušteno da "svojim snagama obrazuju front u
našoj zemlji", čime bi "četvorogodišnji rat i ogromne žrtve
svih jugoslovenskih naroda bile izdane".
Strah i preventivno kažnjavanje
Dotičući se savremenih svetskih problema, admiral Mamula je konstatovao
da "globalne terorističke organizacije prete svim delovima
planete", te da je "stvoreno stanje opasnije od klasičnog
rata", što je doprinelo da "strah obuzme vođe i metropole
svjetske moći i da se izrodi u preventivno kažnjavanje čitavih
zemalja i regiona".
U novim okolnostima, posle terorističkih masakara u Istambulu, Balkan,
po Mamulinom mišljenju, "lako može postati područje novih
unutrašnjih sukoba i spoljnih intervencija", jer je "opterećen
ekstremizmima, ratovima i kriminalom".
Otuda su, zbog osiguranja mira i u zemlji i regionu, potrebne
odgovarajuće dimenzionirane oružane snage svake države. Takve
snage bi, "udružene u koalicije po užim regionima preuzimale
obaveze prema izazovima koji prete, a istovremeno davale
podršku najrazličitijim humanitarnim i ekološkim akcijama
zemalja koje su se udružile", dok bi u "globalnim opasnostima
davale podršku zajedničkim snagama UN ili NATO snagama, u operacijama
pod kontrolom Saveta bezbednosti UN, prema njihovim normama i
doktrinarnim načelima".
Nedorečenost nacionalne politike
Iz tih razloga, zaključuje admiral Branko Mamula, "neodlučnost da
se utvrdi koncept bezbednosti države i strategija odbrane zemlje
ukazuje na nedorečenost celine nacionalne politike, bez koje
se ne može govoriti o stabilnosti i perspektivi državne
zajednice". Pri tome, "pre svih drugih odluka, najvažnije je
utvrditi na kojem historijskom iskustvu treba praviti temelje
nove zajednice", upozorava Mamula, izražavajući uverenje da će
"objektivno vrednovanje ukupnog iskustva pokazati da
narodnoslobodilački antifašistički rat mora dobiti prioritet",
uostalom i zato što je i "Evropa antifašizam ugradila u temelje odnosa
svog modernog ustrojstva i razvitka".
Do trenutka kada ovaj tekst ide u štampu, na okruglom stolu govorili
su i dr Dragoljub Petrović, dr Vukašin Stambolić, a pročitano je
i izlaganje Bogdana Osolnika koji je bio sprečen da
prisustvuje samom skupu, o kome će na ovim stranicama biti još
reči.
Sl. Kljakić
(Foto: A. Vasiljević - Branko Mamula: Objektivno vrednovati iskustvo
narodnoslobodilačkog antifašističkog rata )
BEOGRADSKI FORUM:
1) Nacionalni i drzavni prioriteti (?ivadin Jovanovi?)
2) Podska demonstracijama u Hagu 8. novembra 2003. godine
=== 1 ===
BEOGRADSKI FORUM: Nacionalni i drzavni prioriteti
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-11-26_1.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Mi?arska 6, Beograd, tel.-faks: (381 - 11) 3245 601
e - mail: beoforum@...
U Beogradu, 25. novembra 2003. godine
Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih je pokreta? rasprave o nacionalnim
i dr?avnim prioritetima.
O ovoj temi neophodna je naj?ira dru?tvena rasprava, uz uklju?ivanje najodgovornijih
nau?nih, kulturnih, duhovnih i dr?avnih institucija, organizacija i pojedinaca.
Neophodna je mobilizacija naj?ire nacionalne mudrosti. Ne ulaze?i u elaboraciju,
ili rangiranje lista tih interesa , treba da obuhvati slede?e:
- Teritorijalni integritet, nezavisnost i suverenitet dr?ave ?iji su integralni
delovi: Srbija sa pokrajinama Kosovom i Metohijom i Vojvodinom, i Crna Gora.
Krajnje je vreme da se reafirmi?u postoje?e medjunarodnopravno priznate
granice kao dr?avne granice i da svi nacionalni i dr?avni faktori stanu
iza toga. Oblik vladavine - republika, ustavno ustrojstvo: federacija sa
Srbijom i Crnom Gorom, kao ravnopravnim ?lanicama.
- Zaustavljanje svakog separatizma i terorizma sa separatisti?kim predznakom,
zaustavljanje dalje teritorijalne, nacionalne, kulturne fragmentacije i
degradacije naroda i dr?ave.
- Razvijeno dru?tvo socijalne pravde zasnovano na me?ovitoj svojini, uz
o?uvanje dr?avnog vlasni?tva nad nacionalnim prirodnim bogatstvima kao ?to
su vode, ?ume, strate?ki minerali, energetika i sl.
- ?vrste veze matice i dijaspore u kojoj ?ivi tre?ina nacioanlnog korpusa.
Po?i od zajedni?kih interesa za o?uvanje, po?tovanje i napredak dr?ave matice
i srpskog naroda u celini. Zahtevi dijaspore za regulisanje dvojnog dr?avljanstva,
vojnog roka, dopunske nastave, za osnivanje ministarstva za dijasporu, u?e??e
u privrednom razvoju, kao i u?e??e na izborima - su legitimni zahtevi koje
svaka vlast treba da prizna i omogu?i njihovo ostvarenje.
- Neizmenljivost medjunarodno priznatih granica na Balkanu, je nacionalni
i dr?avni prioritet Srbije i Crne Gore. Vi?e od toga, to je interes trajnog
mira, stabilnosti, napretka i saradnje. Neophodno je staviti ta?ku na bilo
kakva nova geopoliti?ka prekrajanja na Balkanu i na sve ideje i strategije
o velikodr?avlju, bez obzira na nacionalne predznake i ma ko ih podr?avao.
- Kosovo i Metohija je autonomna pokrajina Srbije i svako re?enje mora da
polazi od te ?injenice. Pravna upori?ta nalaze se u Zavr?nom dokumentu KEBS-a
(OEBS-a) iz Helsinkija, Povelji UN, mirovnim sporazumima posle prvog i posle
drugog svetskog rata, kao i u rezoluciji SB UN 1244 (1999). Stav da niko
nema prava da preda Kosovo i Metohiju ili da potpi?e bilo kakav dokumenat
o odricanju od Kosova i Metohije, ili da se direktno ili pre?utno saglasi
sa time - neophodno je uzdi?i na nivo nacionalnog principa i Ustavne obaveze.
- Slobodno i bezbedno vra?anje izbeglica, prognanih i raseljenih lica u
biv?e jugoslovenske republike, kao i u srpsku pokrajinu Kosovo i Metohiju
neophodno je uzdi?i u vrh nacionalnih i dr?avnih prioriteta. Iz odnosa dr?avnih
i medjunarodnih ?inilaca prema pravu na slobodan i bezbedan povratak svih
izbeglica i raseljenih lica - proizilazi njihov odnos prema principu nacionalne
ravnopravnosti i prema teritorijalnoj celovitosti Srbije i Crne Gore. Dijalog
o "konkretnim pitanjima" izmedju Beograda i Pri?tine ne sme da se pretvori
u tehnologiju prejudiciranja kona?nog re?enja, pogotovo ne u oja?avanje
pozicija separatisti?kih snaga. Sa kona?nim re?enjem ne sme se ?uriti. Dijalog
o kona?nom re?enju zahteva da se prethodno otvori slobodno i bezbedno vra?anje
vi?e stotina hiljada prognanih Srba i nealbanaca {to je izri~ita obaveza
me|unarodne zajednice utvr|ena rezolucijom SB 1244 (1999), kao i razja?njavanje
sudbine za oko 2.600 likvidiranih ili nestalih Srba i nealbanaca od rame?tanja
KFOR-a i UNMIK-a.
- Odr?ati me|unarodnu konferenciju, mini - OEBS, o granicama i nacionalnim
manjinama na Balkanu sa ciljem reafirmacije i konkretizacije principa dokumenata
OEBS-a, Povelje UN i Saveta Evrope - o granicama i pravima pripadnika nacionalnih
manjina na Balkanu. Uspostaviti jednake standarde prava pripadnika nacionalnih
manjina koji ?e jednako va?iti za sve zemlje regiona.
- Osnivanje asocijacije slobodne trgovine zemalja Balkana (Balkan free Trade
Association - BAFTA), uz slobodno kretanje ljudi, roba, kapitala, informacija.
- Integralna primena rezolucije SB 1244 i Dejtonskog sporazuma, odlu?no
odbijanje otvorenih ili zakulisnih poku?aja revizije ovih dokumenata na
?tetu srpskog naroda.
- O?uvanje nacionalnog, duhovnog i kulturnog identiteta srpskog naroda,
koji su poslednjih godina izlo?eni planskoj degradaciji i razaranju. Kulturno
i duhovno jedinstvo srpskog naroda u matici i dijaspori. Izrada dugoro?nog
programa afirmacije srpske kulture, nauke i umetnosti, intelektualnog i
duhovnog stvarala?tva u Evropi i svetu. Program za?tite i razvoja srpskog
jezika i ?irilice kao pisma ve?inskog naroda Srbije i Crne Gore.
- Zaustavljanje opadanja nataliteta i usvajanje nacionalne strategije za
porast nataliteta (ekonomske, socijalne, kulturne pretpostavke).
- ?lanstvo u Evropskoj uniji pod jednakim uslovima pod kojima se primaju
druge evropske zemlje. Nije dr?avni, niti nacionalni interes slanje vojnih
ili policijskih snaga u bilo kakve druge misije, osim u misije pod mandatom
Ujedinjenih nacija. Nije dr?avni interes jednostrano povla?enje tu?bi ili
protivtu?bi protiv biv?ih jugoslovenskih republika, ili tu?be protiv NATO-a,
pred Medjunarodnim sudom pravde. Dijalog sa NATO-m ne mo?e da se ograni?i
samo na pitanja od interesa za NATO. Taj dijalog kona?no mora da uklju?i
su?tinske interese Srbije i Crne Gore, a to su: po?tovanje i nepovredivost
suvereniteta i teritorijalne celovitosti Srbije, jednak odnos i jasna osuda
albanskog terorizma kao dela medjunarodnog terorizma i organizovanog kriminala,
naknade ratne {?ete, odgovornost NATO-a za ljudske ?rtve i ugro?enu prirodu,
za upotrebu osiroma?enog uranijuma.
- Bezbednost na?a zemlja treba da tra?i - ili uklju?ivanjem u evropski sistem
koleltivne bezbednosti ili u medjunarodnom priznanju aktivne neutralnosti
zemlje.
?ivadin Jovanovi?
=== 2 ===
BEOGRADSKI FORUM: Podska demonstracijama u Hagu 8. novembra 2003. godine
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-11-07.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Beograd, 05.11..2003.
ORGANIZATORIMA I UCESNICIMA DEMONSTRACIJA U HAGU 8. NOVEMBRA 2003. GODINE
Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih, kao nevladino i nestranacko udruzenje
gradjana, ciji je osnovni cilj da promovise ideje mira, ravnopravne saradnje,
demokratskih standarda i prava coveka - izrazava ovim putem punu podrsku
i solidarnost svojih clanova sa organizatorima i ucesnicima demonstracija
u Hagu, 8. novembra 2003. godine.
Vasa humana akcija, inspirisana patriotskim i civilizacijskim vrednostima
izrazava osecanja svih ljudi dobre volje u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, kao i u
svetu. Arbitrarno hapsenje i ilegalno drzanje u zatocenistvu gospodina Slobodana
Milosevica i drugih vojno - politickih licnosti srpskog naroda, od strane
ad hoc Haskog tribunala izrazava politiku osvete NATO pakta i Sjedinjenih
Americkih Drzava prema srpskom narodu zbog njegovog herojskog otpora politici
sile, agresije i krsenja medjunarodnog prava. To je ujedno pretnja svim
drugim narodima koji se bore za slobodu, ravnopravnost i vladavinu prava
u medjunarodnim odnosima.
Haski tribunal nije instrument pravde i zakona vec sredstvo dominacije,
zastrasivanja i diskriminacije. Danas je potpuno jasno da je njegov osnovni
cilj da prikrije i opravda zlocine NATO-a i teroristicke OVK prema srpskom
narodu, a da srpskoj naciji nametne kolektivnu krivicu za gradjanske ratove
i sve posledice jednostranih secesija, obilato podrzavanih iz inostranstva.
Dosadasnje sudjenje gospodinu Slobodanu Milosevicu je pokazalo da je njegova
odgovornost jedino u tome sto je kao nacionalni lider podrzavao mir nasuprot
gradjanskom ratu, zajednicku drzavu nasuprot secesionizmu, multieticnost
nasuprot nacionalnoj zatvorenosti i iskljucivosti. Kao svedok istine, on
se, bez obzira na ozbiljno naruseno zdravlje u zatvoru, i danas nesebicno
bori za iste uzvisene ciljeve, za zastitu dostojanstva srpskog naroda i
njegovih jednakih prava koja imaju i drugi narodi Evrope.
Odbrana zemlje od napada terorista iznutra i agresora spolja nikada i nigde
nisu proglasavani za zlocin. Samoodbrana je jednako pravo svih naroda bez
obzira na njihovu brojnost, ekonomsku ili vojnu moc. Zato Beogradski forum
podrzava zahteve da se prekine svaki dalji progon, hapsenje i predaja ranijih
politickih, vojnih i policijskih predstavnika; da se Slobodan Milosevic
i drugi bivsi rukovodioci odbrane zemlje puste iz zatvora da bi se branili
sa slobode; da se pred lice pravde izvedu odgovorni za hiljade ubijenih
i nestalih Srba, za stotine hiljada proteranih sa njihovih vekovnih ognjista,
za spaljene i porusene spomenike srpske kulture i duhovnosti, za porusene
skole, mostove, bolnice, fabrike, odgovorni za zatrovanu zemlju, vodu i
vazduh.
Za istinu, ravnopravnost i jedinstvo srpskog naroda.
Upravni odbor Beogradskog foruma
Zivadin Jovanovic, predsednik
___
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
11000 Beograd, Misarska 6/II, Jugoslavija
tel/Fax: (++381 11) 3245601
E-Mail: beoforum@...
www.belgrade-forum.org
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
1) Nacionalni i drzavni prioriteti (?ivadin Jovanovi?)
2) Podska demonstracijama u Hagu 8. novembra 2003. godine
=== 1 ===
BEOGRADSKI FORUM: Nacionalni i drzavni prioriteti
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-11-26_1.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Mi?arska 6, Beograd, tel.-faks: (381 - 11) 3245 601
e - mail: beoforum@...
U Beogradu, 25. novembra 2003. godine
Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih je pokreta? rasprave o nacionalnim
i dr?avnim prioritetima.
O ovoj temi neophodna je naj?ira dru?tvena rasprava, uz uklju?ivanje najodgovornijih
nau?nih, kulturnih, duhovnih i dr?avnih institucija, organizacija i pojedinaca.
Neophodna je mobilizacija naj?ire nacionalne mudrosti. Ne ulaze?i u elaboraciju,
ili rangiranje lista tih interesa , treba da obuhvati slede?e:
- Teritorijalni integritet, nezavisnost i suverenitet dr?ave ?iji su integralni
delovi: Srbija sa pokrajinama Kosovom i Metohijom i Vojvodinom, i Crna Gora.
Krajnje je vreme da se reafirmi?u postoje?e medjunarodnopravno priznate
granice kao dr?avne granice i da svi nacionalni i dr?avni faktori stanu
iza toga. Oblik vladavine - republika, ustavno ustrojstvo: federacija sa
Srbijom i Crnom Gorom, kao ravnopravnim ?lanicama.
- Zaustavljanje svakog separatizma i terorizma sa separatisti?kim predznakom,
zaustavljanje dalje teritorijalne, nacionalne, kulturne fragmentacije i
degradacije naroda i dr?ave.
- Razvijeno dru?tvo socijalne pravde zasnovano na me?ovitoj svojini, uz
o?uvanje dr?avnog vlasni?tva nad nacionalnim prirodnim bogatstvima kao ?to
su vode, ?ume, strate?ki minerali, energetika i sl.
- ?vrste veze matice i dijaspore u kojoj ?ivi tre?ina nacioanlnog korpusa.
Po?i od zajedni?kih interesa za o?uvanje, po?tovanje i napredak dr?ave matice
i srpskog naroda u celini. Zahtevi dijaspore za regulisanje dvojnog dr?avljanstva,
vojnog roka, dopunske nastave, za osnivanje ministarstva za dijasporu, u?e??e
u privrednom razvoju, kao i u?e??e na izborima - su legitimni zahtevi koje
svaka vlast treba da prizna i omogu?i njihovo ostvarenje.
- Neizmenljivost medjunarodno priznatih granica na Balkanu, je nacionalni
i dr?avni prioritet Srbije i Crne Gore. Vi?e od toga, to je interes trajnog
mira, stabilnosti, napretka i saradnje. Neophodno je staviti ta?ku na bilo
kakva nova geopoliti?ka prekrajanja na Balkanu i na sve ideje i strategije
o velikodr?avlju, bez obzira na nacionalne predznake i ma ko ih podr?avao.
- Kosovo i Metohija je autonomna pokrajina Srbije i svako re?enje mora da
polazi od te ?injenice. Pravna upori?ta nalaze se u Zavr?nom dokumentu KEBS-a
(OEBS-a) iz Helsinkija, Povelji UN, mirovnim sporazumima posle prvog i posle
drugog svetskog rata, kao i u rezoluciji SB UN 1244 (1999). Stav da niko
nema prava da preda Kosovo i Metohiju ili da potpi?e bilo kakav dokumenat
o odricanju od Kosova i Metohije, ili da se direktno ili pre?utno saglasi
sa time - neophodno je uzdi?i na nivo nacionalnog principa i Ustavne obaveze.
- Slobodno i bezbedno vra?anje izbeglica, prognanih i raseljenih lica u
biv?e jugoslovenske republike, kao i u srpsku pokrajinu Kosovo i Metohiju
neophodno je uzdi?i u vrh nacionalnih i dr?avnih prioriteta. Iz odnosa dr?avnih
i medjunarodnih ?inilaca prema pravu na slobodan i bezbedan povratak svih
izbeglica i raseljenih lica - proizilazi njihov odnos prema principu nacionalne
ravnopravnosti i prema teritorijalnoj celovitosti Srbije i Crne Gore. Dijalog
o "konkretnim pitanjima" izmedju Beograda i Pri?tine ne sme da se pretvori
u tehnologiju prejudiciranja kona?nog re?enja, pogotovo ne u oja?avanje
pozicija separatisti?kih snaga. Sa kona?nim re?enjem ne sme se ?uriti. Dijalog
o kona?nom re?enju zahteva da se prethodno otvori slobodno i bezbedno vra?anje
vi?e stotina hiljada prognanih Srba i nealbanaca {to je izri~ita obaveza
me|unarodne zajednice utvr|ena rezolucijom SB 1244 (1999), kao i razja?njavanje
sudbine za oko 2.600 likvidiranih ili nestalih Srba i nealbanaca od rame?tanja
KFOR-a i UNMIK-a.
- Odr?ati me|unarodnu konferenciju, mini - OEBS, o granicama i nacionalnim
manjinama na Balkanu sa ciljem reafirmacije i konkretizacije principa dokumenata
OEBS-a, Povelje UN i Saveta Evrope - o granicama i pravima pripadnika nacionalnih
manjina na Balkanu. Uspostaviti jednake standarde prava pripadnika nacionalnih
manjina koji ?e jednako va?iti za sve zemlje regiona.
- Osnivanje asocijacije slobodne trgovine zemalja Balkana (Balkan free Trade
Association - BAFTA), uz slobodno kretanje ljudi, roba, kapitala, informacija.
- Integralna primena rezolucije SB 1244 i Dejtonskog sporazuma, odlu?no
odbijanje otvorenih ili zakulisnih poku?aja revizije ovih dokumenata na
?tetu srpskog naroda.
- O?uvanje nacionalnog, duhovnog i kulturnog identiteta srpskog naroda,
koji su poslednjih godina izlo?eni planskoj degradaciji i razaranju. Kulturno
i duhovno jedinstvo srpskog naroda u matici i dijaspori. Izrada dugoro?nog
programa afirmacije srpske kulture, nauke i umetnosti, intelektualnog i
duhovnog stvarala?tva u Evropi i svetu. Program za?tite i razvoja srpskog
jezika i ?irilice kao pisma ve?inskog naroda Srbije i Crne Gore.
- Zaustavljanje opadanja nataliteta i usvajanje nacionalne strategije za
porast nataliteta (ekonomske, socijalne, kulturne pretpostavke).
- ?lanstvo u Evropskoj uniji pod jednakim uslovima pod kojima se primaju
druge evropske zemlje. Nije dr?avni, niti nacionalni interes slanje vojnih
ili policijskih snaga u bilo kakve druge misije, osim u misije pod mandatom
Ujedinjenih nacija. Nije dr?avni interes jednostrano povla?enje tu?bi ili
protivtu?bi protiv biv?ih jugoslovenskih republika, ili tu?be protiv NATO-a,
pred Medjunarodnim sudom pravde. Dijalog sa NATO-m ne mo?e da se ograni?i
samo na pitanja od interesa za NATO. Taj dijalog kona?no mora da uklju?i
su?tinske interese Srbije i Crne Gore, a to su: po?tovanje i nepovredivost
suvereniteta i teritorijalne celovitosti Srbije, jednak odnos i jasna osuda
albanskog terorizma kao dela medjunarodnog terorizma i organizovanog kriminala,
naknade ratne {?ete, odgovornost NATO-a za ljudske ?rtve i ugro?enu prirodu,
za upotrebu osiroma?enog uranijuma.
- Bezbednost na?a zemlja treba da tra?i - ili uklju?ivanjem u evropski sistem
koleltivne bezbednosti ili u medjunarodnom priznanju aktivne neutralnosti
zemlje.
?ivadin Jovanovi?
=== 2 ===
BEOGRADSKI FORUM: Podska demonstracijama u Hagu 8. novembra 2003. godine
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-11-07.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Beograd, 05.11..2003.
ORGANIZATORIMA I UCESNICIMA DEMONSTRACIJA U HAGU 8. NOVEMBRA 2003. GODINE
Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih, kao nevladino i nestranacko udruzenje
gradjana, ciji je osnovni cilj da promovise ideje mira, ravnopravne saradnje,
demokratskih standarda i prava coveka - izrazava ovim putem punu podrsku
i solidarnost svojih clanova sa organizatorima i ucesnicima demonstracija
u Hagu, 8. novembra 2003. godine.
Vasa humana akcija, inspirisana patriotskim i civilizacijskim vrednostima
izrazava osecanja svih ljudi dobre volje u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, kao i u
svetu. Arbitrarno hapsenje i ilegalno drzanje u zatocenistvu gospodina Slobodana
Milosevica i drugih vojno - politickih licnosti srpskog naroda, od strane
ad hoc Haskog tribunala izrazava politiku osvete NATO pakta i Sjedinjenih
Americkih Drzava prema srpskom narodu zbog njegovog herojskog otpora politici
sile, agresije i krsenja medjunarodnog prava. To je ujedno pretnja svim
drugim narodima koji se bore za slobodu, ravnopravnost i vladavinu prava
u medjunarodnim odnosima.
Haski tribunal nije instrument pravde i zakona vec sredstvo dominacije,
zastrasivanja i diskriminacije. Danas je potpuno jasno da je njegov osnovni
cilj da prikrije i opravda zlocine NATO-a i teroristicke OVK prema srpskom
narodu, a da srpskoj naciji nametne kolektivnu krivicu za gradjanske ratove
i sve posledice jednostranih secesija, obilato podrzavanih iz inostranstva.
Dosadasnje sudjenje gospodinu Slobodanu Milosevicu je pokazalo da je njegova
odgovornost jedino u tome sto je kao nacionalni lider podrzavao mir nasuprot
gradjanskom ratu, zajednicku drzavu nasuprot secesionizmu, multieticnost
nasuprot nacionalnoj zatvorenosti i iskljucivosti. Kao svedok istine, on
se, bez obzira na ozbiljno naruseno zdravlje u zatvoru, i danas nesebicno
bori za iste uzvisene ciljeve, za zastitu dostojanstva srpskog naroda i
njegovih jednakih prava koja imaju i drugi narodi Evrope.
Odbrana zemlje od napada terorista iznutra i agresora spolja nikada i nigde
nisu proglasavani za zlocin. Samoodbrana je jednako pravo svih naroda bez
obzira na njihovu brojnost, ekonomsku ili vojnu moc. Zato Beogradski forum
podrzava zahteve da se prekine svaki dalji progon, hapsenje i predaja ranijih
politickih, vojnih i policijskih predstavnika; da se Slobodan Milosevic
i drugi bivsi rukovodioci odbrane zemlje puste iz zatvora da bi se branili
sa slobode; da se pred lice pravde izvedu odgovorni za hiljade ubijenih
i nestalih Srba, za stotine hiljada proteranih sa njihovih vekovnih ognjista,
za spaljene i porusene spomenike srpske kulture i duhovnosti, za porusene
skole, mostove, bolnice, fabrike, odgovorni za zatrovanu zemlju, vodu i
vazduh.
Za istinu, ravnopravnost i jedinstvo srpskog naroda.
Upravni odbor Beogradskog foruma
Zivadin Jovanovic, predsednik
___
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
11000 Beograd, Misarska 6/II, Jugoslavija
tel/Fax: (++381 11) 3245601
E-Mail: beoforum@...
www.belgrade-forum.org
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
SRBIJA I CRNA GORA - VEROVALI ILI NE
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/glas_dijaspore/2003-11-21.html
Beograd, 21. novembar 2003. godine
Sledi tekst koji smo dobili iz Kanade sa komentarom tamosnjeg saradnika.
Dajemo ga integralno.
- Urednice, stigao je tekst koji smo narucili od Ricarda
Rozentala, naseg specijalnog dopisnika sa Balkana. - Procitaj sta je
napisao! - Evo kako glasi njegov izvestaj:
"Stanovnici ove zemlje nigde ne mogu da putuju bez viza, ali su za
poslednjih deset godina ziveli u tri drzave. Ne zna se, stavise, ni kako
izgledaju granice. Na nekim spoljnim granicama nema njihovih policajaca
i
carinika, ali na nekim unutrasnjim granicama postoji rigorozna kontrola.
Niko sa pouzdanoscu ne zna kako izgledaju drzavni simboli, a patriotizam
se
dokazuje zvizdanjem himni i cepanjem zvanicne zastave. U vladi ove zemlje
nalaze se stranke koje se zovu opozicijom, a opozicija u parlamentu glasa
za
predloge vlade. Dok je bio predsednik drzave, jedan politicar se ponasao
kao da je u opoziciji. Sada, kada je u opoziciji, on tvrdi da je predsednik.
Posto nema predsednika, ova zemlja ima vrsioca duznosti koji tu duznost
ne
vrsi. Poslanici ne biraju clanove vlade, vec vlada bira poslanike. Iako
u
skupstini sedi vise poslanika nego sto Ustav predvida, za donosenje odluka
nije potrebna vecina. Poslanici, prema potrebi, mogu da glasaju iz kafane,
pa cak i iz inostranstva. U ovoj zemlji smanjuje se broj stanovnika, ali
zato se povecava broj stranaka. Pojedine stranke imaju vise ministara nego
glasaca. Kralj je veliki borac za republiku, a clanovi Krunskog
saveta aktivno ucestvuju u izborima za predsednika republike. Najvisi
funkcioneri bivseg rezima prednjace u zahtevima za obracunom sa najvisim
funkcionerima bivseg rezima. Ministri su toliko siromasni da letuju
potpuno goli,
zive u iznajmljenim stanovima, ili ih izdrzavaju roditelji. Pocev od
ljudskog zivota, sve je ovde jeftino. Kompletne fabrike, sa svim
zaposlenima, mogu da se kupe za nekoliko evra. Najpopularniji politicar
je
ministar finansija koji je visestruko podigao sve cene, takse, akcize i
poreze. Ova zemlja je veoma bezbedna. Bez obzira sta kriminalci urade, ne
preti im nikakva opasnost. Ministra odbrane savetuju vojni dezereteri i
oficiri vojske protiv koje je ova zemlja ratovala. Vojnici ne mogu da sluze
vojsku na celoj teritoriji ove zemlje, ali zato idu u azijske i africke
drzave..."
Dosta, dosta, ne mogu dalje da slusam! Mi jesmo tabloid, ali ovaj
Rozental stvarno preteruje kada izmislja. Baci taj tekst u korpu, i poruci
mu da napise novi u koji ce bar neko da poveruje!
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/glas_dijaspore/2003-11-21.html
Beograd, 21. novembar 2003. godine
Sledi tekst koji smo dobili iz Kanade sa komentarom tamosnjeg saradnika.
Dajemo ga integralno.
- Urednice, stigao je tekst koji smo narucili od Ricarda
Rozentala, naseg specijalnog dopisnika sa Balkana. - Procitaj sta je
napisao! - Evo kako glasi njegov izvestaj:
"Stanovnici ove zemlje nigde ne mogu da putuju bez viza, ali su za
poslednjih deset godina ziveli u tri drzave. Ne zna se, stavise, ni kako
izgledaju granice. Na nekim spoljnim granicama nema njihovih policajaca
i
carinika, ali na nekim unutrasnjim granicama postoji rigorozna kontrola.
Niko sa pouzdanoscu ne zna kako izgledaju drzavni simboli, a patriotizam
se
dokazuje zvizdanjem himni i cepanjem zvanicne zastave. U vladi ove zemlje
nalaze se stranke koje se zovu opozicijom, a opozicija u parlamentu glasa
za
predloge vlade. Dok je bio predsednik drzave, jedan politicar se ponasao
kao da je u opoziciji. Sada, kada je u opoziciji, on tvrdi da je predsednik.
Posto nema predsednika, ova zemlja ima vrsioca duznosti koji tu duznost
ne
vrsi. Poslanici ne biraju clanove vlade, vec vlada bira poslanike. Iako
u
skupstini sedi vise poslanika nego sto Ustav predvida, za donosenje odluka
nije potrebna vecina. Poslanici, prema potrebi, mogu da glasaju iz kafane,
pa cak i iz inostranstva. U ovoj zemlji smanjuje se broj stanovnika, ali
zato se povecava broj stranaka. Pojedine stranke imaju vise ministara nego
glasaca. Kralj je veliki borac za republiku, a clanovi Krunskog
saveta aktivno ucestvuju u izborima za predsednika republike. Najvisi
funkcioneri bivseg rezima prednjace u zahtevima za obracunom sa najvisim
funkcionerima bivseg rezima. Ministri su toliko siromasni da letuju
potpuno goli,
zive u iznajmljenim stanovima, ili ih izdrzavaju roditelji. Pocev od
ljudskog zivota, sve je ovde jeftino. Kompletne fabrike, sa svim
zaposlenima, mogu da se kupe za nekoliko evra. Najpopularniji politicar
je
ministar finansija koji je visestruko podigao sve cene, takse, akcize i
poreze. Ova zemlja je veoma bezbedna. Bez obzira sta kriminalci urade, ne
preti im nikakva opasnost. Ministra odbrane savetuju vojni dezereteri i
oficiri vojske protiv koje je ova zemlja ratovala. Vojnici ne mogu da sluze
vojsku na celoj teritoriji ove zemlje, ali zato idu u azijske i africke
drzave..."
Dosta, dosta, ne mogu dalje da slusam! Mi jesmo tabloid, ali ovaj
Rozental stvarno preteruje kada izmislja. Baci taj tekst u korpu, i poruci
mu da napise novi u koji ce bar neko da poveruje!
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
L'UNICO SUCCESSO DELLA MISSIONE DI MICHAEL STEINER
*** italiano ***
Fonte: http://www.exju.org/comments.php?id=515_0_1_0_C
°°michael steiner, capo della missione unmik in kosovo per due anni, certamente
non rimpianto, un successo personale grazie ai balcani lo ha ottenuto: è
convolato a nozze con una giovane albanese del suo staff, bukurije balaj
(si vocifera fosse l?ex fidanzata del ?serpente? thaci). erp.kim in newsletter
ironizza: il kosovo è un disastro anche grazie a steiner, ma i nostri auguri
di felicità non possono mancare.
*** english***
Source: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78069
ERP KIM Newsletter 13-11-03b
In our second edition of the newsletter for November 13, we enclose a text
from one of our U.S. subscribers. We hope it can contribute to a better
understanding of the real situation in Kosovo and activities of some UNMIK
officials.
PHOTO: Former UNMIK chief Michael Steiner with his new bride, Bukurije Balaj
At least one success in the mission of former UNMIK chief Michael Steiner
The United Nations Mission in Kosovo has taken over administration of the
tiny Serbian province by virtue of the UN Resolution 1244. The mission is
supposed to be unbiased and fair to all ethnicities within Kosovo. Since
the mission began over four years ago, a quarter of a million Kosovo Serbs
fled the province after being subjected to murder, rape, and repeated beatings
by Albanians, often under the very eyes of the officials in charge.
Michael Steiner was the head of the UN mission in Kosovo for almost two
years. During that time he implemented discriminatory measures against Serbians,
used double standards against them and made promises he never kept. He used
his powers to free Hashim Thaci, leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who
was arrested under an Interpol indictment in Hungary for murder, war crimes
and other atrocities.
Above is the photo showing one of rare successful achievements of Michael
Steiner during his mandate, at least in his personal life. He married a
young local Albanian staff member that he dated for much of the time he
was in power. Ethnic Albanian Bukurije Balaj is rumored to be a former girlfriend
and associate of Hashim Thaci.
After leaving Kosovo in August 2003, Michael Steiner was appointed to a
new diplomatic post in Switzerland. Good luck, Herr Steiner!
by L.N.
ERP KIM Info-Service is the official Information Service of the Serbian
Orthodox Diocese of Raska and Prizren and works with the blessing of His
Grace Bishop Artemije.
Our Information Service is distributing news on Kosovo related issues. The
main focus of the Info-Service is the life of the Serbian Orthodox Church
and the Serbian community in the Province of Kosovo and Metohija. ERP KIM
Info Service works in cooperation with www.serbian-translation.com as well
as the Kosovo Daily News (KDN) News List
Disclaimer:
The views expressed by the authors of newspaper articles or other texts
which are not official communiqués or news reports by the Diocese are their
own and do not necessarily represent the views of the Serbian Orthodox Church
Additional information on our Diocese and the life of the Kosovo Serb Community
may be found at: http://www.kosovo.com
Copyright 2003, ERP KIM Info-Service
*** VEDI ANCHE / SEE ALSO / ISTO GLEDAJ :
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2426
Le avventure amorose di Michael S. / Ljubavne avanture Michaela S.
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
*** italiano ***
Fonte: http://www.exju.org/comments.php?id=515_0_1_0_C
°°michael steiner, capo della missione unmik in kosovo per due anni, certamente
non rimpianto, un successo personale grazie ai balcani lo ha ottenuto: è
convolato a nozze con una giovane albanese del suo staff, bukurije balaj
(si vocifera fosse l?ex fidanzata del ?serpente? thaci). erp.kim in newsletter
ironizza: il kosovo è un disastro anche grazie a steiner, ma i nostri auguri
di felicità non possono mancare.
*** english***
Source: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78069
ERP KIM Newsletter 13-11-03b
In our second edition of the newsletter for November 13, we enclose a text
from one of our U.S. subscribers. We hope it can contribute to a better
understanding of the real situation in Kosovo and activities of some UNMIK
officials.
PHOTO: Former UNMIK chief Michael Steiner with his new bride, Bukurije Balaj
At least one success in the mission of former UNMIK chief Michael Steiner
The United Nations Mission in Kosovo has taken over administration of the
tiny Serbian province by virtue of the UN Resolution 1244. The mission is
supposed to be unbiased and fair to all ethnicities within Kosovo. Since
the mission began over four years ago, a quarter of a million Kosovo Serbs
fled the province after being subjected to murder, rape, and repeated beatings
by Albanians, often under the very eyes of the officials in charge.
Michael Steiner was the head of the UN mission in Kosovo for almost two
years. During that time he implemented discriminatory measures against Serbians,
used double standards against them and made promises he never kept. He used
his powers to free Hashim Thaci, leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who
was arrested under an Interpol indictment in Hungary for murder, war crimes
and other atrocities.
Above is the photo showing one of rare successful achievements of Michael
Steiner during his mandate, at least in his personal life. He married a
young local Albanian staff member that he dated for much of the time he
was in power. Ethnic Albanian Bukurije Balaj is rumored to be a former girlfriend
and associate of Hashim Thaci.
After leaving Kosovo in August 2003, Michael Steiner was appointed to a
new diplomatic post in Switzerland. Good luck, Herr Steiner!
by L.N.
ERP KIM Info-Service is the official Information Service of the Serbian
Orthodox Diocese of Raska and Prizren and works with the blessing of His
Grace Bishop Artemije.
Our Information Service is distributing news on Kosovo related issues. The
main focus of the Info-Service is the life of the Serbian Orthodox Church
and the Serbian community in the Province of Kosovo and Metohija. ERP KIM
Info Service works in cooperation with www.serbian-translation.com as well
as the Kosovo Daily News (KDN) News List
Disclaimer:
The views expressed by the authors of newspaper articles or other texts
which are not official communiqués or news reports by the Diocese are their
own and do not necessarily represent the views of the Serbian Orthodox Church
Additional information on our Diocese and the life of the Kosovo Serb Community
may be found at: http://www.kosovo.com
Copyright 2003, ERP KIM Info-Service
*** VEDI ANCHE / SEE ALSO / ISTO GLEDAJ :
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2426
Le avventure amorose di Michael S. / Ljubavne avanture Michaela S.
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
Da: Susanna
Data: Mar 25 Nov 2003 10:28:29 Europe/Rome
A: jugocoord
Oggetto: Dalai Lama
Cari compagni,
un po' di anni fa avete inviato ai vostri abbonati
una bella biografia del Dalai Lama. In occasione della sua visita in Italia
riuscite a rispolverarla?
Grazie
Susanna
---
1. Cosa ha a che fare la CIA con il Dalai Lama?
di Sara Flounders
2. Il mito del Tibet
di Enrica Collotti Pischel
3. Menzogne americane sul Tibet e sul Dalai Lama
Michele - Risiko
4. Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe Who Succumbed to Hitler'
dal South China Morning Post
5. Dalai Lama: "Violence needed to fight terror"
Si vedano anche gli articoli di Enrica Collotti Pischel:
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=869
CINA - NATO - USA
(Giano del 15/05/2000)
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=867
LA CINA, ''L'ULTIMO PAESE SOVRANO''
(Giano del 15/9/2001)
=== 1 ===
Cosa ha a che fare la CIA con il Dalai Lama?
di Sara Flounders
(da Workers World, Aug. 26, 1999 - Web:
http://www.workers.org)
Il 14 agosto il Dalai Lama (DL) - figura di spicco del
buddismo tibetano - era a New York in Central Park. In
questa citta' era gia' apparso in tre incontri al Teatro
Beacon (tutto esaurito) piu' altre occasioni in cui persone
benestanti hanno potuto pagare fino a 1000 dollari un
biglietto per poterlo ascoltare.
Il Dalai Lama, con il considerevole aiuto dei maggiori
media, e' divenuto una
figura di culto. Lo si chieda a chiunque si sintonizza
abitualmente sulle radio-televisioni piu'importanti. Anche
se non si interessa di politica, costui dira' che il Dalai
Lama e' una persona buona, santa ed una "forza spirituale".
Il suo nuovo libro "L'arte della felicita'", scritto
assieme con Howard C. Cutler, e'stato pubblicizzato fino a
che non e' entrato nella lista dei best-sellers per 29
settimane.
Ma il Dalai Lama e' veramente un uomo non-politico? Se
cosi' fosse, perche' questo "santo" che si ritiene non
ammazzerebbe un insetto, ha appoggiato i bombardamenti
NATO sulla Jugoslavia? Le persone interessate alle
questioni di carattere sociale dovrebbero sapere che,
come Papa Giovanni Paolo II, il DL denuncia l'aborto, tutte
le forme di controllo delle nascite e l'omosessualita'.
L'imperialismo USA ha molta esperienza nell'uso dei
sentimenti religiosi di milioni di persone. La CIA formo'
un blocco unico con il Papa, che aveva l'appoggio di
milioni di cattolici, per abbattere il socialismo in
Polonia. Non dovrebbe stupire il fatto il DL sia utilizzato
anche dalla CIA.
D'altro canto, le figure religiose che si oppongono agli
USA sono demonizzate o diventano obbiettivi degli assassini
- dall'Arcivescovo Romero in Salvador ai religiosi
musulmani in Libano e Palestina/Israele.
Lo scorso anno Hollywood ha realizzato due importanti films
sul Tibet. Gli Studios amano il DL, che, come si e' detto,
incorpora lo spirito e le aspirazioni del popolo tibetano.
I ricchi gruppi che ora controllano Hollywood - Disney e la
Tristar - entrambi appoggiano l'organizzazione Free Tibet.
Hollywood glorifica la classe religiosa tibetana ed il suo
presunto passato idilliaco allo stesso modo in cui "Via col
vento " glorificava la classe dominate schiavista e
razzista del vecchio sud.
Uno di quest film, "Sette anni in Tibet", e' stato basato
su di un libro scritto da un nazista austriaco, Heinrich
Harrer, coinvolto in alcuni dei crimini piu' brutali dei
nazi-fascisti austriaci. Harrer fini' in Tibet durante la
seconda guerra mondiale in missione segreta per
l'imperialismo tedesco, che stava tentando di competere con
l'imperialismo britannico in Asia. Egli fu accettato nel
circolo piu' ristretto, fra la nobilta' tibetana.
# L'imperialismo e le culture indigene.
In tutto il mondo le societa' indigene dal Nord America,
alla America Latina, l'Africa e l'Oceania sono state
decimate. La ricca varieta' di culture e' stata scalzata,
calpestata, ridicolizzata. I nativi sono stati sterminati
in tutto il mondo da tutte le forze che adesso sembrano
essere rispettosamente in adorazione della cultura
tibetana.
Il Tibet e il buddismo tibetano sarebbero stati di scarso
interesse per l'imperialismo britannico ed americano se non
fosse stato per la grande rivoluzione cinese, che ha
spazzato via tutto il vecchio mondo e la corrotta societa'
feudale.
Questa e' stata una rivoluzione che ha coinvolto movimenti
di massa di milioni di contadini poveri organizzati per la
distribuzione delle terre e per la cacciata dei vecchi
signori feudali. Tale grade sollevamento sociale ha
liberato le energie creative e la partecipazione di un
quarto dell'umanita'.
Tuttora pero' i media occidentali glorificano il vecchio
Tibet.
# L'era della divisione della Cina e del suo dominio
Per oltre 100 anni, le potenze imperialiste dell'Europa
occidentale ed il Giappone hanno mantenuto la Cina nelle
sfere di loro influenza, proprio come l'Europa ha mantenuto
l'Africa fra le sue colonie. Gli Stati Uniti allora si
opponevano a questo, ma solo in quanto esclusi dall'accesso
in Cina per i loro affari. Nell'ottocento la Gran Bretagna,
potenza dominante, combatte' due guerre contro la dinastia
Manchu per il diritto al controllo sulla vendita dell'oppio
in Cina. Nel 1904 la GB lancio' una invasione su larga
scala del Tibet. Col trattato di Lhasa la Cina fu costretta
a concedere due aree di commercio alla GB, e a pagare un
ingente somma per riparare alle spese militari della
guerra.
Nel 1949 l'armata Rossa era vicina alla sconfitta
definitiva dell'esercito del Kuomintang del generale Chiang
Kai-shek, aiutato dagli USA. Washington allora stava
operando per far aderire il Tibet all'ONU come paese
indipendente. Gli sforzi fallirono perche' il Tibet e'
considerato da oltre 700 anni come provincia cinese, ed
anche il Kuomintang asseriva che la Cina includesse il
Tibet e l'isola di Taiwan.
Oggi mentre l'imperialismo USA cresce e diventa sempre piu'
aggressivo, esso si sta muovendo su vari fronti per forzare
la separazione dalla Cina del Tibet, di Taiwan e della
provincia occidentale del Xinjiang.
Proprio come nei Balcani e nella ex-Unione Sovietica, le
grandi corporations americane supportano ed incoraggiano i
separatisti per rompere e controllare completamente le aree
del globo che precedentemente erano libere dal dominio
imperialista.
# La vita nell'antico Tibet.
Il Tibet pre-rivoluzionario era una regione totalmente
sottosviluppata. Non possedeva alcun sistema viario. Le
sole piste erano quelle della preghiera. Era una teocrazia
feudale basata su agricoltura, servitu' e schiavitu'.
Oltre il 90% della popolazione era senza terra e ridotta in
servitu'. Erano legati alla terra ma senza alcuna
proprieta'. I loro figli erano registrati fra le proprieta'
del loro Signore.
Non vi erano scuole, eccetto i monasteri in cui (pochi)
giovani studiavano canti. Il totale degli studenti presenti
in scuole private era di 600 studenti. L'educazione per le
donne era totalmente sconosciuta. Non vi era alcuna forma
di assistenza sanitaria, non vi erano ospedali in tutto il
Tibet.
Un centinaio di famiglie nobili e gli abati dei monasteri -
anche essi membri di famiglie nobili - possedevano tutto.
Il Dalai Lama viveva nelle 1000 stanze del palazzo di
Potala. Tradizionalmente era scelto nella sua infanzia fra
i giovani delle famiglie potenti. Egli rimaneva poi come un
pupazzo sotto il controllo del notabilato che lo seguiva.
Per il contadino medio la vita era breve e misera, il Tibet
aveva il piu' alto tasso di tubercolosi e mortalita'
infantile nel mondo. Oggi il Tibet ha 2380 scuole primarie,
moltissime scuole professionali e l'istruzione si svolge in
lingua tibetana. Vi sono oltre 20000 dottori, 95 ospedali
cittadini e 770 cliniche.
# La lotta di classe in Cina.
Nel 1949 la Rivoluzione Cinese stabili' primariamente che
il Tibet fosse una regione autonoma con molti piu' diritti
di quanti ne avesse mai avuti in precedenza. La politica
del PC Cinese fu quella di attendere che si sviluppassero
le condizioni fra le classi oppresse tibetane per il
sollevamento e la cacciata del regime feudale.
La schiavitu' fu dichiarata fuorilegge solo dal 1959, 10
anni dopo la Rivoluzione. Cio' avvene dopo un grande
movimento di massa che isolo' il Dalai Lama. E' vero,
comunque , che il PC cinese abbia sfidato gli antichi
costumi tibetani.
Prima di tutto il governo cinese pago' un adeguato salario
a tutti coloro che lavorassero alla costruzione delle
strade. Cio' distrusse totalmente l'usanza della servitu'.
Prima di cio' un servo poteva sopravvivere lavorando per il
Signore: non per guadagnare ma per il cibo.
Ancora piu' rivoluzionario fu pagare i ragazzi e gli ex-
schiavi per frequentare le scuole; essi furono anche dotati
di libri, vitto e alloggio. Nelle famiglie piu' disperate
avevano dovuto lavorare anche i bambini per sopravvivere.
La nuova politica rivoluzionaria sollevo' per la prima
volta il livello economico delle classi piu' oppresse di
questa societa' cosi' rigida.
# La Cia mobilita le resistenza delle classi-dominanti
Dal 1955 la CIA inizio' a costruire un esercito
controrivoluzionario in Tibet, molto simile ai Contras in
Nicaragua e, piu' recentemente, al finaziamento ed
addestramento dell'UCK in Kosovo.
Il 16 agosto 1999 su Newsweek e' apparso l'articolo "Una
guerra segreta sul tetto del mondo - i monaci e
l'operazione segreta della Cia in Tibet", nel quale si
descrivono in dettaglio le operazioni CIA dal 1957 al 1965.
Analogamente, il principale articolo del Chicago Tribune
del 25 gennaio 1997 descriveva lo speciale addestramento
dei mercenari tibetani a Camp Hale nelle Montagne Rocciose
in Colorado, per tutti gli anni '50.
Tali mercenari furono paracadutati in Tibet. In accordo ai
famigerati "articoli del Pentagono" ci sono stati almeno
700 di questi voli negli anni 50. Furono usati C-130, come
piu' tardi in Viet-Nam, per portare munizioni ed armi. Vi
erano anche basi speciali a Guam e ad Okinawa, dove furono
addestrati soldati tibetani. Gyalo Thumdup, fratello del
Dali Lama, segui' le operazioni, e non era certo un
mistero. Se ne faceva un vanto.
Il Chicago Tribune aveva titolato "La guerra segreta della
Cia in Tibet" ed afferma in modo chiaro che "ben poco sulle
operazioni Cia in Himalaya e' veramente segreto, eccetto
forse ai contribuenti USA che le hanno finanziate".
La CIA diede una rendita annuale speciale di 180000$ al
Dalai Lama per tutti gli anni 60; questa e' ora una piccola
fortuna in Nepal, ove aveva organizzato un esercito ed un
governo virtuale in esilio. Gli USA hanno anche organizzato
delle radiostazioni per proiettare in Tibet l'"immagine"
del DL come quella di un dio-re.
Ralph McGhee, che ha scritto molti articoli sulle
operazioni CIA, e mantiene anche un sito web, ha descritto
in dettaglio come la "compagnia" abbia promosso il DL.
L'ufficio CIA NATIONAL EDOWDMENT for DEMOCRACY
ha procurato denaro per un fondo per il Tibet, per la Voce
del Tibet, e per la campagna internazionale per il Tibet.
=== 2 ===
"Il Manifesto" del 9 Gennaio 2000
CINA: UNA CRISI ALLA FRONTIERA DI UNA NUOVA GUERRA FREDDA
Il mito del Tibet
Dall'Impero a Mao, un popolo in gioco tra "modernizzazioni"
di Pechino e interessi occidentali in Asia. La fuga del
"giovane Buddha" dalla storia all'immaginario
- ENRICA COLLOTTI PISCHEL -
La notizia della fuga dalla Cina del giovanissimo Lama
Ugyen Trinley Dorje, terza autorità nella gerarchia delle
reincarnazioni del buddhismo tibetano stata ritenuta molto
ghiotta dai giornali italiani e viene considerata un grave
scacco per il governo cinese che non sarebbe riuscito a
impedirla, nonostante il proprio apparato militare.
Quest'interpretazione ignora che i cinesi non hanno mai
fatto nulla per fermare la fuga dei rappresentanti politici
e religiosi tibetani dalla Cina: nel 1959 l'intera classe
dirigente tibetana, con alla testa il Dalai Lama si
allontanò da Lhasa con una lunga fuga a piedi, nonostante
il pattugliamento degli aerei da combattimento cinesi. Fa
parte della politica delle autorità cinesi il pensare che
gli avversari è sempre meglio tenerli fuori del paese che
dentro, meglio lontani dai loro adepti che vicini. Se poi
le circostanze equivoche di quest'ultimo episodio - cioè la
mancata condanna di Pechino - possano far pensare a ipotesi
di contatti con il Dalai Lama e di trattative di
conciliazione, è difficile dirlo ora. Certamente il fatto
che la grande organizzazione propagandistica che negli
Stati Uniti (ma anche in Europa e nello stesso nostro
scafato e realistico paese) sostiene la causa
dell'indipendenza tibetana si sia buttata sull'episodio,
non rende certo facile un'intesa: i cinesi sanno fare molto
bene i compromessi e sono disposti a concluderli quando
siano convenienti. Ma ritengono che debbano essere cercati
e raggiunti con la massima discrezione e comunque al di
fuori di pressioni che li possano far apparire come una
resa a pressioni straniere.
E non dimentichiamo mai che "straniero" per l'intera Asia
orientale nell'ultimo secolo e mezzo ha significato
umiliazione e asservimento: di essa fece parte anche il
tentativo pi volte condotto di staccare il Tibet dalla Cina.
Il più povero
Molte cose dovrebbero essere dette a proposito del mito del
Tibet che ha preso piede, anche nei ranghi della sinistra.
Dal cinematografico "Shangri-la", al di fuori del tempo,
dello spazio e del clima, alle ovvie seduzioni di turismo
"estremo", dalle tendenze a vedere esempi validi in civiltà
rimaste primitive e tagliate fuori dal processo della
storia, alla sistematica disinformazione diffusa da potenti
mezzi mediatici statunitensi e al fascino che sugli
occidentali delusi esercitano le religioni e le ideologie
esotiche ed esoteriche, tutto confluito in un'affabulazione
della quale sono stati vittime in primo luogo proprio i
tibetani.
Certamente sono uno dei popoli più poveri del mondo,
esposti a molteplici forme di oppressione: tra esse quella
cinese è stata con ogni probabilità meno gravosa di quella
esercitata dai monaci e dagli aristocratici, dei quali i
pastori e i contadini erano fino al 1959 "schiavi", nel
senso letterale del termine, in quanto sottoposti al
diritto di vita e di morte dei loro padroni. Che poi tutti,
ma con ben diverso vantaggio, trovassero conforto nel
ricorso ad una delle forme più degradate di buddhismo (il
buddhismo tantrico tibetano popolato di fantasmi e di
incantesimi ha ben poco a che vedere con la meditazione
intellettuale e la creatività artistica dello Zen), si può
anche comprenderlo.
Per fare un minimo di chiarezza è necessario comunque
precisare alcune cose. Il Tibet non stato "conquistato
dalla Cina comunista nel 1950": dopo precedenti più
discontinui rapporti, fu conquistato dall'impero cinese,
nella prima metà del secolo XVIII e da allora stato
considerato parte dello stato cinese da tutti i governi
della Cina, anche dal Guomindang. La Cina (in cinese "Stato
del Centro") è stato ed è uno stato multietnico nel quale è
in corso da millenni un processo di trasferimenti di gruppi
etnici e soprattutto di fusione dei gruppi periferici entro
quello più importante che rappresenta nove decimi dei
cinesi ed è sempre stato capace di offrire ai suoi membri
una maggiore prosperità e i benefici di una cultura più
concreta. Mettere in discussione la natura multietnica
della civiltà e dello stato cinesi significherebbe mettere
in moto la più spaventosa catastrofe degli ultimi secoli.
Quella praticata dalla Cina non è mai stata una politica di
"pulizia etnica" bensì di fusione entro un insieme non
etnico ma contraddistinto da una comune cultura e da comuni
pratiche produttive: più che sterminarle, i cinesi hanno
comprato le minoranze.
E' vero che i tibetani per ragioni geografiche sono, entro
lo "Stato del Centro" il gruppo più lontano dalla comune
cultura, però da 250 anni sono stati sempre governati da
funzionari cinesi nominati dal governo centrale:
giuridicamente e istituzionalmente ciò ha un senso. Gli
inglesi all'apice del loro potere sull'India all'inizio del
secolo XX intrapresero, tuttavia, una serie di manovre per
staccare il Tibet dalla Cina e porlo sotto la loro
influenza giungendo, nel 1913 a convocare una conferenza a
Simla nella quale le autorità tibetane cedettero vasti
territori all'India britannica.
Nessun governo cinese ha mai accettato la validità di
quella conferenza.
Nel periodo precedente il 1949 il governo del Guomindang
considerava il Tibet a pieno diritto, parte del proprio
territorio, tanto che durante la Seconda guerra mondiale
concedeva il diritto di sorvolo agli aerei alleati.
Il ruolo della Cia
Non ha quindi alcun senso dire che la Cina conquistò il
Tibet nel 1950; nel 1950 le forze di Mao completarono in
Tibet il controllo sul territorio cinese; nel 1951 fu
raggiunto un accordo con il Dalai Lama per la concessione
di un regime di autonomia. Verso il 1957, nel pieno
dell'assedio statunitense alla Cina, i servizi segreti
inglesi e americani fomentarono una rivolta dei gruppi di
tibetani arroccati sulle montagne delle regioni cinesi del
Sichuan e dello Yunnan, lungo la strada che dalla Cina
porta al Tibet; i cinesi repressero certamente la rivolta
con pugno di ferro: nelle circostanze internazionali nelle
quali si trovavano e nel loro contesto etnico non era
razionale pensare che si comportassero diversamente. Alla
fine del 1958 i servizi segreti inglesi
annunciarono che all'inizio del 1959 essa si sarebbe
trasferita a Lhasa e avrebbe cercato l'appoggio del Dalai
Lama. Ed infatti ciò che avvenne: sullo
sfondo della rivolta, il Dalai Lama dichiarò decaduto
l'accordo per il regime autonomo e fuggì con la maggioranza
della classe dirigente tibetana in India, dove costituì un
proprio governo in esilio e il proprio centro di
propaganda.
Nessun governo al mondo ha riconosciuto questa compagine.
Recentemente la Cia (i servizi segreti americani sono
infatti obbligati a rendicontare prima o poi le loro spese
di fronte ai contribuenti) ha ammesso di aver finanziato
tutta l'operazione della rivolta tibetana.
Pechino: autonomia no
Dopo il 1959 il governo cinese spossessò monasteri e
aristocratici e "liberò gli schiavi", iniziando una
politica di modernizzazione forzosa (vaccinazioni,
costruzione di opere pubbliche) e di formazione di una
classe dirigente locale, figlia di schiavi, sottoposta a un
bombardamento educativo razionalista e anti-religioso.
Furono questi giovani che durante la rivoluzione culturale
distrussero templi e monasteri, infliggendo gravi danni a
un patrimonio culturale unico e a un'identità certo non
abbandonata dalle masse.
Dopo la morte di Mao, i governanti cinesi hanno cercato di
ristabilire i rapporti con i tibetani, migliorando le sorti
economiche dell'altipiano ma importando anche gran numero
di cinesi, non solo militari. Hanno anche trattato
indirettamente con il Dalai Lama, che - politico asiatico
molto scaltro - non chiede l'indipendenza, ma una più o
meno larga autonomia: Pechino non ha mai tuttavia voluto
concedere un reale autogoverno, che aprirebbe rischi di
secessione e metterebbe in discussione tutti i rapporti
etnici del vasto paese. Alle spalle del Dalai Lama si è
sviluppato, intanto, un vasto insieme di interessi della
classe dirigente tibetana che ormai è nata all'estero e vi
ha ricevuto una formazione culturale moderna: è questa che
chiede un'indipendenza che potrebbe essere ottenuta solo
con una guerra spietata alla Cina e potrebbe essere
innestata dal reclutamento di giovani guerriglieri in India
- segnali "terroristici" in questo senso ci sono già stati.
Erano proprio dissennati i governanti cinesi che ritenevano
che l'attacco alla Serbia motivato dalla difesa dei
"diritti umani" in Kosovo fosse in effetti la prova
generale di un attacco alla Cina?
=== 3 ===
http://www.resistenze.org/sito/te/po/ci/poci3e25.htm
www.resistenze.org - popoli resistenti - cina - 25-05-03
Menzogne americane sul Tibet e sul Dalai Lama
Media commerciali e ufficiali propongono incessantemente la
versione americana del tormento che il Tibet avrebbe subito
dall'aggressore e sterminatore cinese. Personalmente ero affascinato
anch'io dal buddismo tibetano e dalla santità del Dalai Lama. Ero
pure addolorato per l'oppressione subita dai tibetani a causa
dell'oppressione cinese. Bhè, come diciamo nel nostro motto, ho
cambiato radicalmente idea per accordarla alla verità. Le mie
conclusioni sono una profonda avversione per la "causa tibetana"
(così come ce la propone Hollywood) e per il Dalai Lama.
Come di fronte ad ogni versione ufficiale, mi sono mosso alla ricerca
di una verità alternativa. Non ero sicuro di trovarne una, ma volevo
vedere se il "martirio" del Tibet è così univoco come gli americani
vorrebbero far credere. Volevo vedere se i Cinesi possono essere
considerati "aggressori" del Tibet come ripetono incessantemente i
media legati a Washington e Londra. Questa ricerca è fatta in nome
del solo principio che mi caratterizza: la ricerca della verità. E ho
trovato delle cose sconcertanti...
Secoli di aggressioni, stermini, attentati, eccidi, guerre da parte
degli occidentali al popolo cinese non fanno parte di questo articolo,
ma vale la pena almeno accennarli per puntualizzare che nessun
"occidentale" può parlare di aggressione cinese a chicchessia senza
prima parlare di torture, umiliazioni, spoliazioni, stermini da parte
degli occidentali ai danni dei "musi gialli". Chiudiamo qui la parentesi
su cui magari scriveremo un articolo dedicato.
L'imperialismo occidentale cerca incessantemente di promuovere la
secessione del Tibet dalla Cina. Perfino una certa sinistra in buona
fede si fa portavoce (assieme agli organi di informazione dell'Impero)
di questa posizione per subalternità o mancanza di conoscenza. E
veniamo ai fatti.
La sovranità cinese sul Tibet ha alle spalle secoli e secoli di storia.
Il Tibet è territorio cinese dal tempo in cui in Europa non esistevano
ancora gli Stati nazionali. I primi a mettere in discussione la
sovranità cinese sul Tibet sono stati i fautori dell'imperialismo
britannico. (1)(2)
Come si legge in un manuale di storia asiatica (uno qualunque), i
tentativi di distruggere la sovranità cinese sul Tibet sono la
conseguenza di una politica volta allo "smantellamento della Cina".
(3)
Non sono soltanto i comunisti cinesi a considerare il Tibet parte della
Cina. Sun Yat-sen, primo presidente della Repubblica nata dal
rovesciamento della dinastia Manciù, ne era convinto. Quando gli
inglesi gli chiesero di partecipare attivamente alla Prima Guerra
Mondiale per poter recuperare alla Cina i territori che la Germania le
aveva strappato, lui rispose: "Voi vorreste strapparci anche il Tibet!".
(4)
Prima della guerra fredda Washington riconosceva che il Tibet era
territorio cinese. Ancora nel 1949 il Dipartimento di Stato Americano
pubblicò un libro sulle relazioni USA-Cina con una mappa che
mostrava tutta la Cina, Tibet incluso dunque. (5)
Tuttavia, con l'avanzare del Partito Comunista Cinese e quindi con
l'avvicinarsi al potere di un chiaro Partito di massa antimperialista,
Washington cominciò a manipolare la realtà. Gli inizi di questa
manipolazione possono essere rintracciati in una lettera del 13
gennaio 1947 al Presidente americano Truman da parte di Gorge R.
Merrel, incaricato d'affari USA a Nuova Dheli. La lettera riguardava
la "inestimabile importanza strategica" del Tibet e recitava:
"Il Tibet può pertanto essere considerato come un bastione contro
l'espansione del comunismo in Asia o almeno come un'isola di
conservatorismo in un mare di sconvolgimenti politici". E aggiunse
che "l'altopiano tibetano [?] in epoca di guerra missilistica può
rivelarsi il territorio più importante di tutta l'Asia".
Questi particolari sono tratti da un autore americano per decenni
funzionario della CIA. L'Autore evidenzia come il contenuto di
questa lettera sia quasi combaciante con la visione imperialistica
che aveva a suo tempo l'Inghilterra vittoriana impegnata nel "grande
gioco" dell'espansione in Asia. (6)
Il separatismo tibetano diviene uno strumento dell'imperialismo
americano o, meglio, per dirla come il funzionario della CIA, diviene
uno strumento degli "interessi geopolitici USA" per costringere il
nuovo governo comunista di Mao a disperdere le forze, ponendo
quindi le condizioni per un "cambiamento di regime a Pechino".
Per portare a compimento questi "interessi geopolitici USA", vennero
addestrati "guerriglieri" nel Colorado e poi paracadutati in Tibet e
riforniti per via aerea di armi, munizioni, apparecchiature
ricetrasmittenti, ecc. A tali guerriglieri la CIA aggiunge la
"collaborazione dei banditi Khampa di vecchio stile". (7)
In questo contesto si sviluppa la "rivolta tibetana" del 1959.
E' ancora il funzionario della CIA, Knaus, a raccontare i fatti: la
rivolta faceva seguito ad un tentativo fallito da parte dei servizi
segreti americani di provocare disordini in Cina a partire dalle
Filippine; come disse un esponente della CIA, lo scatenamento della
rivolta aveva "poco a che fare con l'aiuto ai tibetani", perché lo
scopo era quello di mettere in difficoltà i "comunisti cinesi". Era la
stessa logica che i servizi segreti americani usavano in Indonesia per
"aiutare i colonnelli ribelli indonesiani nel loro sforzo di rovesciare
Sukarno", reo di essere troppo tollerante verso i comunisti di quel
paese. (8) Come è noto il colpo di Stato verrà portato a termine grazie
alla CIA nel 1965, col massacro di centinaia di migliaia di comunisti o
di elementi tolleranti verso i comunisti. Sarebbero state meno feroci le
forze finanziate e addestrate dalla CIA in Tibet se avesse vinto il
separatismo? (9)
Penso che sia interessante far sapere che fu un agente della CIA a
organizzare la fuga del Dalai Lama dal Tibet: questo agente visse
più tardi nel Laos "in una casa decorata con una corona di orecchie
strappate dalle teste di comunisti morti", come ci informa un
docente americano su una rivista USA. (10)
Dopo il fallimento in territorio cinese della rivolta tibetana, i
servizi segreti americani danno inizio ad una campagna mediatica
in occidente.
Nonostante che il Dalai Lama fosse considerato allo stesso modo dei
colonnelli macellai indonesiani, come il capo della rivolta reazionaria
anticomunista filo-occidentale, ora viene santificato. Diventa il leader
della non violenza. Lo stesso buddismo tibetano diventa una dottrina
e una tecnica spirituale sublime. L'industria cinematografica
americana si adopera per proporre incessantemente questo falso mito.
Ma la storia ha dei precedenti. Quando agli inizi del Novecento gli
inglesi e la Russia si contendevano il Tibet, regione della Cina,
correva voce che lo Zar in persona si fosse convertito al buddismo.
(11)
Oggi, invece, sono la CIA e Hollywood ad essere convertiti al
buddismo. Una conversione che ha del miracoloso se si pensa che
l'Occidente ha sempre disprezzato il buddismo tibetano come
sinonimo di dispotismo orientale, con la sua figura di Dio-Re. Basti
ricordare il disprezzo dei padri della cultura occidentale come
Rousseau, Herder e Hegel. Fino ai primi anni del 1900 i lama sono
considerati una "incarnazione di tutti i vizi e di tutte le corruzioni,
non già dei lama defunti". (12)
Quando la Gran Bretagna si accinse poi alla conquista del Tibet lo
fece in nome della civiltà contro "quest'ultima roccaforte
dell'oscurantismo", per civilizzare "questo piccolo popolo
miserabile". (13)
Oggi la propaganda americana cerca di rimuovere l'infamia della
teocrazia tibetana. Come illustra lo stesso storico Morris, quello che
era in carica agli inizi del '900 "era uno dei pochi Dalai Lama ad
aver raggiunto la maggiore età, dato che la maggior parte di loro
veniva eliminata durante la fanciullezza a seconda della
convenienza del Consiglio di Reggenza". (14)
Stando a quanto affermano Hollywood e la CIA, il buddismo tibetano
è divenuto sinonimo di pace e tolleranza, oltre che di elevata
spiritualità. Seguendo l'ideologia imperialistica anticomunista
occidentale, "i tibetani sono dei superuomini e i cinesi dei
subumani". (15)
La teocrazia oscurantista tibetana è santificata dai media
commerciali americani al servizio degli strateghi militari. La struttura
castale si manifesta anche dopo la morte: il corpo di un aristocratico
viene cremato o inumato, mentre i corpi della massa vengono dati in
pasto agli avvoltoi. Poco tempo fa era l'"International Herald
Tribune" che descriveva come durante i funerali di plebei fosse il
sacerdote che staccava pezzo per pezzo la carne dalle ossa per
facilitare il compito degli avvoltoi.
La descrizione era minuziosa e seguita da uno studioso che spiegava il
tutto in chiave "ecologica". (16) Lo studioso non chiariva però perché
all'equilibrio ecologico doveva contribuire solo il corpo dei plebei.
Vorrei chiarire la mia posizione: io non condanno queste pratiche
disumane perché potrei rimanere vittima della mia cultura italiana;
dovrei essere un tibetano per condannarle; ad ognuno la sua cultura.
Io condanno il fatto che gli occidentali imperialisti appoggino pratiche
così disumane per noi, sostengano movimenti sanguinari come il
buddismo tibetano e siano pronti ad inventarsi ogni peggiore frottola
(molto meno disumana) su falsi crimini di Cuba, di Saddam, di
Pechino e di tutti gli avversari, salvo santificare la reazione più
assoluta.
La Rivoluzione Culturale maoista si era scagliata contro la pratica
castale, discriminatrice e violenta. Nel Tibet precedente alla
Rivoluzione la teocrazia riduceva in schiavitù o servaggio la
stragrande maggioranza della popolazione. Come scrisse uno scrittore
radicalmente anticomunista, le riforme realizzate dal 1951 hanno
"abolito feudalesimo e servaggio". (17) La Rivoluzione abolì anche
la teocrazia incarnata nel Dio-Re che pretendeva e pretende ancor
oggi di essere il Dalai Lama. Fu attuata la separazione tra potere
religioso e potere civile.
La Rivoluzione ha significato per i tibetani l'accesso a diritti umani
prima del tutto sconosciuti, un miglioramento del tenore di vita e un
sensibile prolungamento della vita media. E ciò è, malgrado i media,
universalmente riconosciuto da tutti gli esperti analisti della regione.
La Cina di oggi garantisce alla Regione Autonoma Tibetana libertà
che non ha mai conosciuto in tutta la sua storia passata e recente. La
regione tibetana, oltre ad avere il bilinguismo con prima lingua il
tibetano, vede garantiti altri diritti nazionali quali la preferenza a
favore dei tibetani e delle altre minoranze nazionali per quanto
riguarda l'ammissione all'università, la carriera pubblica, ecc.
(18)
Il santificato Dalai Lama viene insignito del Premio Nobel. Ma cosa
chiede questo personaggio che si proclama Dio-Re? "Esige la
creazione di un Grande Tibet, il quale includerebbe non solo il
territorio che ha costituito il Tibet politico in età contemporanea,
ma anche aree tibetane nella Cina occidentale, in larghissima
parte perse dal Tibet già nel diciottesimo secolo". (19) E poi
esistono tibetani in Bhutan, Nepal, India. Tutti i loro territori
dovrebbero far parte del Grande Tibet. Si tratta della pretesta di
Hitler di riunificate nello lo stesso Stato tutti i territori che erano
abitati da maggioranza tedesca. Il principio "nazionale" del Dalai
Lama è quello di Hitler, con la sola differenza che del
nazional-socialismo il Dalai Lama non ha neppure un briciolo di
"socialismo". E' solo puro nazionalismo esasperato ai massimi livelli.
Ora, questa santità, Premio Nobel per la Pace, odia profondamente gli
uomini che hanno la pelle gialla e parlano il cinese. Un odio viscerale,
razzista, tanto che, quando l'India procedette al riarmo nucleare,
trovò il suo più fiero sostenitore nel Premio Nobel, il Dalai Lama.
Ma, ci domandiamo, almeno il multimiliardario Dalai Lama
rappresenta il popolo tibetano? Risposta: nemmeno per sogno! E'
perfino il "Libro Nero del Comunismo" a riconoscere che
un'elementare analisi storica "distrugge il mito unanimista
alimentato dai partigiani del Dalai Lama". (20)
Alla liberazione pacifica del Tibet nel 1951, che portò alla caduta del
regime teocratico, vi fu una resistenza accanita dei gruppi più
reazionari e delle classi dei privilegiati, ma i comunisti poterono
contare sull'appoggio della stragrande maggioranza della popolazione
civile. Gli autori più anticomunisti e anticinesi del pianeta-Occidente
si scagliano così contro la plebe tibetana, colpevole di "essersi
collegata subito col regime comunista"; anche i monaci sono dei
farabutti che "non esitano ad augurarsi che 'presto sia liberato' il
Tibet" e che commettono il crimine di fraternizzare con i comunisti e
l'esercito Popolare di Liberazione.
Per questi autori è inconcepibile come il Dalai Lama sia disprezzato
non solo dalla maggior parte del popolo, ma anche da ampi settori
religiosi tibetani. Ancora nel 1992, nel corso di un suo viaggio a
Londra il Dalai Lama è oggetto di manifestazioni ostili da parte
della più grande organizzazione buddista in Gran Bretagna, che lo
accusa di essere un "dittatore spietato" e un "oppressore della
libertà religiosa". (21)
Oggi il Dalai Lama continua a sperare in una disintegrazione della
Cina come è avvenuto nella tragedia che ha caratterizzato l'URSS. (22)
Michele - Risiko
NOTE:
Le informazioni di questo articolo sono ricavate da Domenico
Losurdo, "La sinistra, la Cina e l'imperialismo", ed. La città del
Sole, Napoli.
La sua opera di informazione è indispensabile sull'argomento.
(1) Owen Lattimore, 1970, "La frontiera. Popoli e imperialismi alla
frontiera tra Cina e Russia", Einaudi, Torino.
(2) Jacques Fernet, 1978, "Il mondo cinese. Dalle prime civiltà alla
Repubblica Popolare", Einaudi, Torino.
(3) Jan Romein, 1969, "Il secolo dell'Asia. Imperialismo occidentale e
rivoluzione asiatica nel secolo XX", Einaudi, Torino.
(4) Sun Yat-sen, 1976, "L'imperialismo dei bianchi e l'imperialismo
dei gialli", in "I tre principi del popolo", Einaudi, Torino.
(5) Herbert Aptheker, 1977, "America Foreign Policy and The Cold
War" (1962), Krauss Reprint Millwood, N.Y.
(6) Jhon Kenneth Knaus, 1999, "Orphans of the Cold War. American
and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival", PublicAffairs, N.Y.
(7) Come sopra.
(8) Come sopra.
(9) Domenico Losurdo, 1999, "La sinistra, la Cina e l'imperialismo",
La città del Sole, Napoli.
(10) Daniel Wikler, 1999, "The Dalai Lama and the CIA", in "The
New York Review of Books", 23 settembre.
(11) James Morris, 1992, "Pax Britannica", The Folio Society,
London.
(12) Donald S. Lopez Jr., 1998, "Prisoners of Shangri - La. Tibetan
Buddhism and the West", University of Chicago Press, Chicago and
London.
(13) Vedi nota 11.
(14) Come sopra.
(15) Vedi nota 12.
(16) Seth Faison, 1999, "In Tibean 'Sky Burials', Vultures Dispose of
the Dead", in "International Herald Tribune", 6 luglio.
(17) Melvyn C. Goldstein, 1998, "The Dalai Lama's Dilemma", in
"Foreign Affairs", gennaio-febbraio.
(18) Seth Faison, 1999, "for Tibetans in Sichuan, Life in the Shadow
of Intollerance", in "International Herald Tribune", 1 settembre.
(19) Vedi nota 17.
(20) Courtois et al., 1998, « Il Libro Nero del Comunismo »,
Mondadori, Milano.
(21) Vedi nota 12.
(22) Vedi nota 17.
=== 4 ===
http://www.amgroup.com/jue/chinanews/archives/docs/971003d.html
Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe Who Succumbed to Hitler'
Friday, October 03, 1997 -- South China Morning Post
TOM KORSKI in Beijing
The Dalai Lama has been branded as a Nazi dupe who fell prey to "certain
influences" of the Hitler regime as a schoolboy.
Mainland media denounced the Tibetan Nobel Prize laureate as a follower
of German fascists after disclosures that the Dalai Lama's former mathematics
teacher was a member of the Nazi SS.
In a vitriolic commentary, the official periodical, the Beijing
Review, portrayed the Dalai Lama as a fascist disciple of Heinrich Harrer,
an Austrian mountaineer who taught the young spiritual leader in the late
1940s.
A US$60 million (HK$464 million) Hollywood film highly critical of China's
occupation of Tibet, based on the Harrer 1953 autobiography Seven Years
in Tibet, is to be released next Wednesday.
"It is logical to ask whether Harrer's Nazi background exerted
certain influences on the 14th Dalai Lama who was 11 years old at the time
and under his guidance," the commentary said.
Harrer, 85, admitted to serving as an SS sports trainer and shaking Hitler's
hand at a 1938 rally after the German weekly Stern disclosed the Austrian's
Nazi affiliations last May.
The Beijing Review, repeating many of the Stern revelations, noted that
"Nazi fascists brought great suffering to the world".
"Their savagery and cruel infringements on human rights were unique in human
history," the commentary continued.
Authorities have repeatedly condemned the Columbia Pictures film, starring
Brad Pitt, and vowed to ban it from all mainland cinemas.
"Should Hollywood sing songs in praise of Nazis?" asked the
commentary.
=== 5 ===
From: Rick Rozoff
HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------
Perhaps the headline was meant to read Terror Needed
To Fight Violence: The West's Humanitarian Poster Boy
Better keep this guy away from Nepal....
--- Geese 4 Peace wrote:
Subject: Dalai Lama: Violence needed to fight terror
from
The Age
Fri, September 19, 2003
http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/09/18/1063625159989.html
Violence needed to fight terror: Buddha's man of peace
By Laurie Goodstein
New York
The Dalai Lama, a Nobel peace prize winner and one of the world's most prominent
advocates of non-violence, says it might be necessary to fight terrorists
with violence.
He also says it is too early to say whether the war in Iraq was a
mistake. "I feel only history will tell," he said in an interview.
"Terrorism is the worst kind of violence, so we have to check it, we have
to take countermeasures," the Dalai Lama said.
He spoke on Wednesday during his first visit to New York since the 2001
terrorist attacks. He is on the last stop of a US tour that has highlighted
his dual roles as Buddhist avatar and head of state.
During the visit he has met Tibetan exiles in several cities,
dedicated an inter-faith temple and pressed the Tibetan cause in Washington.
At a time when many political and religious leaders are saying the American
anti-terrorism campaign and the war in Iraq are only fuelling additional
terrorism, the Dalai Lama refused to pass judgement.
But he emphasised that "the real antidote" to terrorism in the long run
is "compassion, dialogue - peaceful means" - even with terrorists.
"We have to deal with their motivation," he said. "Terrorism comes out of
hatred, and also short-sightedness."
He likened Osama bin Laden to a butcher who has grown inured to slaughtering
animals. With terrorists, he said, applying a Buddhist analysis, "their
whole mind is dominated by negative emotions".
He rejected the prediction popularised by some scholars that the world is
headed towards a "clash of civilisations" between Christian and Muslim nations.
He cited the case of the Soviet Union, whose people once
expressed hostility towards the US and the West but had now changed their
minds.
The Arab world could do the same, he said.
The Dalai Lama, 68, was interviewed in a hotel room in Manhattan as he prepared
for the first of four days of teaching in Buddhist philosophy.
Since he was driven out of Tibet 44 years ago by the Chinese, he has never
been back. But he said that he "certainly" expected that China would eventually
allow him and other Tibetans living in exile to return.
He long ago abandoned the goal of independence from China.
Instead, he said, he now sought "autonomy".
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
Data: Mar 25 Nov 2003 10:28:29 Europe/Rome
A: jugocoord
Oggetto: Dalai Lama
Cari compagni,
un po' di anni fa avete inviato ai vostri abbonati
una bella biografia del Dalai Lama. In occasione della sua visita in Italia
riuscite a rispolverarla?
Grazie
Susanna
---
1. Cosa ha a che fare la CIA con il Dalai Lama?
di Sara Flounders
2. Il mito del Tibet
di Enrica Collotti Pischel
3. Menzogne americane sul Tibet e sul Dalai Lama
Michele - Risiko
4. Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe Who Succumbed to Hitler'
dal South China Morning Post
5. Dalai Lama: "Violence needed to fight terror"
Si vedano anche gli articoli di Enrica Collotti Pischel:
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=869
CINA - NATO - USA
(Giano del 15/05/2000)
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=867
LA CINA, ''L'ULTIMO PAESE SOVRANO''
(Giano del 15/9/2001)
=== 1 ===
Cosa ha a che fare la CIA con il Dalai Lama?
di Sara Flounders
(da Workers World, Aug. 26, 1999 - Web:
http://www.workers.org)
Il 14 agosto il Dalai Lama (DL) - figura di spicco del
buddismo tibetano - era a New York in Central Park. In
questa citta' era gia' apparso in tre incontri al Teatro
Beacon (tutto esaurito) piu' altre occasioni in cui persone
benestanti hanno potuto pagare fino a 1000 dollari un
biglietto per poterlo ascoltare.
Il Dalai Lama, con il considerevole aiuto dei maggiori
media, e' divenuto una
figura di culto. Lo si chieda a chiunque si sintonizza
abitualmente sulle radio-televisioni piu'importanti. Anche
se non si interessa di politica, costui dira' che il Dalai
Lama e' una persona buona, santa ed una "forza spirituale".
Il suo nuovo libro "L'arte della felicita'", scritto
assieme con Howard C. Cutler, e'stato pubblicizzato fino a
che non e' entrato nella lista dei best-sellers per 29
settimane.
Ma il Dalai Lama e' veramente un uomo non-politico? Se
cosi' fosse, perche' questo "santo" che si ritiene non
ammazzerebbe un insetto, ha appoggiato i bombardamenti
NATO sulla Jugoslavia? Le persone interessate alle
questioni di carattere sociale dovrebbero sapere che,
come Papa Giovanni Paolo II, il DL denuncia l'aborto, tutte
le forme di controllo delle nascite e l'omosessualita'.
L'imperialismo USA ha molta esperienza nell'uso dei
sentimenti religiosi di milioni di persone. La CIA formo'
un blocco unico con il Papa, che aveva l'appoggio di
milioni di cattolici, per abbattere il socialismo in
Polonia. Non dovrebbe stupire il fatto il DL sia utilizzato
anche dalla CIA.
D'altro canto, le figure religiose che si oppongono agli
USA sono demonizzate o diventano obbiettivi degli assassini
- dall'Arcivescovo Romero in Salvador ai religiosi
musulmani in Libano e Palestina/Israele.
Lo scorso anno Hollywood ha realizzato due importanti films
sul Tibet. Gli Studios amano il DL, che, come si e' detto,
incorpora lo spirito e le aspirazioni del popolo tibetano.
I ricchi gruppi che ora controllano Hollywood - Disney e la
Tristar - entrambi appoggiano l'organizzazione Free Tibet.
Hollywood glorifica la classe religiosa tibetana ed il suo
presunto passato idilliaco allo stesso modo in cui "Via col
vento " glorificava la classe dominate schiavista e
razzista del vecchio sud.
Uno di quest film, "Sette anni in Tibet", e' stato basato
su di un libro scritto da un nazista austriaco, Heinrich
Harrer, coinvolto in alcuni dei crimini piu' brutali dei
nazi-fascisti austriaci. Harrer fini' in Tibet durante la
seconda guerra mondiale in missione segreta per
l'imperialismo tedesco, che stava tentando di competere con
l'imperialismo britannico in Asia. Egli fu accettato nel
circolo piu' ristretto, fra la nobilta' tibetana.
# L'imperialismo e le culture indigene.
In tutto il mondo le societa' indigene dal Nord America,
alla America Latina, l'Africa e l'Oceania sono state
decimate. La ricca varieta' di culture e' stata scalzata,
calpestata, ridicolizzata. I nativi sono stati sterminati
in tutto il mondo da tutte le forze che adesso sembrano
essere rispettosamente in adorazione della cultura
tibetana.
Il Tibet e il buddismo tibetano sarebbero stati di scarso
interesse per l'imperialismo britannico ed americano se non
fosse stato per la grande rivoluzione cinese, che ha
spazzato via tutto il vecchio mondo e la corrotta societa'
feudale.
Questa e' stata una rivoluzione che ha coinvolto movimenti
di massa di milioni di contadini poveri organizzati per la
distribuzione delle terre e per la cacciata dei vecchi
signori feudali. Tale grade sollevamento sociale ha
liberato le energie creative e la partecipazione di un
quarto dell'umanita'.
Tuttora pero' i media occidentali glorificano il vecchio
Tibet.
# L'era della divisione della Cina e del suo dominio
Per oltre 100 anni, le potenze imperialiste dell'Europa
occidentale ed il Giappone hanno mantenuto la Cina nelle
sfere di loro influenza, proprio come l'Europa ha mantenuto
l'Africa fra le sue colonie. Gli Stati Uniti allora si
opponevano a questo, ma solo in quanto esclusi dall'accesso
in Cina per i loro affari. Nell'ottocento la Gran Bretagna,
potenza dominante, combatte' due guerre contro la dinastia
Manchu per il diritto al controllo sulla vendita dell'oppio
in Cina. Nel 1904 la GB lancio' una invasione su larga
scala del Tibet. Col trattato di Lhasa la Cina fu costretta
a concedere due aree di commercio alla GB, e a pagare un
ingente somma per riparare alle spese militari della
guerra.
Nel 1949 l'armata Rossa era vicina alla sconfitta
definitiva dell'esercito del Kuomintang del generale Chiang
Kai-shek, aiutato dagli USA. Washington allora stava
operando per far aderire il Tibet all'ONU come paese
indipendente. Gli sforzi fallirono perche' il Tibet e'
considerato da oltre 700 anni come provincia cinese, ed
anche il Kuomintang asseriva che la Cina includesse il
Tibet e l'isola di Taiwan.
Oggi mentre l'imperialismo USA cresce e diventa sempre piu'
aggressivo, esso si sta muovendo su vari fronti per forzare
la separazione dalla Cina del Tibet, di Taiwan e della
provincia occidentale del Xinjiang.
Proprio come nei Balcani e nella ex-Unione Sovietica, le
grandi corporations americane supportano ed incoraggiano i
separatisti per rompere e controllare completamente le aree
del globo che precedentemente erano libere dal dominio
imperialista.
# La vita nell'antico Tibet.
Il Tibet pre-rivoluzionario era una regione totalmente
sottosviluppata. Non possedeva alcun sistema viario. Le
sole piste erano quelle della preghiera. Era una teocrazia
feudale basata su agricoltura, servitu' e schiavitu'.
Oltre il 90% della popolazione era senza terra e ridotta in
servitu'. Erano legati alla terra ma senza alcuna
proprieta'. I loro figli erano registrati fra le proprieta'
del loro Signore.
Non vi erano scuole, eccetto i monasteri in cui (pochi)
giovani studiavano canti. Il totale degli studenti presenti
in scuole private era di 600 studenti. L'educazione per le
donne era totalmente sconosciuta. Non vi era alcuna forma
di assistenza sanitaria, non vi erano ospedali in tutto il
Tibet.
Un centinaio di famiglie nobili e gli abati dei monasteri -
anche essi membri di famiglie nobili - possedevano tutto.
Il Dalai Lama viveva nelle 1000 stanze del palazzo di
Potala. Tradizionalmente era scelto nella sua infanzia fra
i giovani delle famiglie potenti. Egli rimaneva poi come un
pupazzo sotto il controllo del notabilato che lo seguiva.
Per il contadino medio la vita era breve e misera, il Tibet
aveva il piu' alto tasso di tubercolosi e mortalita'
infantile nel mondo. Oggi il Tibet ha 2380 scuole primarie,
moltissime scuole professionali e l'istruzione si svolge in
lingua tibetana. Vi sono oltre 20000 dottori, 95 ospedali
cittadini e 770 cliniche.
# La lotta di classe in Cina.
Nel 1949 la Rivoluzione Cinese stabili' primariamente che
il Tibet fosse una regione autonoma con molti piu' diritti
di quanti ne avesse mai avuti in precedenza. La politica
del PC Cinese fu quella di attendere che si sviluppassero
le condizioni fra le classi oppresse tibetane per il
sollevamento e la cacciata del regime feudale.
La schiavitu' fu dichiarata fuorilegge solo dal 1959, 10
anni dopo la Rivoluzione. Cio' avvene dopo un grande
movimento di massa che isolo' il Dalai Lama. E' vero,
comunque , che il PC cinese abbia sfidato gli antichi
costumi tibetani.
Prima di tutto il governo cinese pago' un adeguato salario
a tutti coloro che lavorassero alla costruzione delle
strade. Cio' distrusse totalmente l'usanza della servitu'.
Prima di cio' un servo poteva sopravvivere lavorando per il
Signore: non per guadagnare ma per il cibo.
Ancora piu' rivoluzionario fu pagare i ragazzi e gli ex-
schiavi per frequentare le scuole; essi furono anche dotati
di libri, vitto e alloggio. Nelle famiglie piu' disperate
avevano dovuto lavorare anche i bambini per sopravvivere.
La nuova politica rivoluzionaria sollevo' per la prima
volta il livello economico delle classi piu' oppresse di
questa societa' cosi' rigida.
# La Cia mobilita le resistenza delle classi-dominanti
Dal 1955 la CIA inizio' a costruire un esercito
controrivoluzionario in Tibet, molto simile ai Contras in
Nicaragua e, piu' recentemente, al finaziamento ed
addestramento dell'UCK in Kosovo.
Il 16 agosto 1999 su Newsweek e' apparso l'articolo "Una
guerra segreta sul tetto del mondo - i monaci e
l'operazione segreta della Cia in Tibet", nel quale si
descrivono in dettaglio le operazioni CIA dal 1957 al 1965.
Analogamente, il principale articolo del Chicago Tribune
del 25 gennaio 1997 descriveva lo speciale addestramento
dei mercenari tibetani a Camp Hale nelle Montagne Rocciose
in Colorado, per tutti gli anni '50.
Tali mercenari furono paracadutati in Tibet. In accordo ai
famigerati "articoli del Pentagono" ci sono stati almeno
700 di questi voli negli anni 50. Furono usati C-130, come
piu' tardi in Viet-Nam, per portare munizioni ed armi. Vi
erano anche basi speciali a Guam e ad Okinawa, dove furono
addestrati soldati tibetani. Gyalo Thumdup, fratello del
Dali Lama, segui' le operazioni, e non era certo un
mistero. Se ne faceva un vanto.
Il Chicago Tribune aveva titolato "La guerra segreta della
Cia in Tibet" ed afferma in modo chiaro che "ben poco sulle
operazioni Cia in Himalaya e' veramente segreto, eccetto
forse ai contribuenti USA che le hanno finanziate".
La CIA diede una rendita annuale speciale di 180000$ al
Dalai Lama per tutti gli anni 60; questa e' ora una piccola
fortuna in Nepal, ove aveva organizzato un esercito ed un
governo virtuale in esilio. Gli USA hanno anche organizzato
delle radiostazioni per proiettare in Tibet l'"immagine"
del DL come quella di un dio-re.
Ralph McGhee, che ha scritto molti articoli sulle
operazioni CIA, e mantiene anche un sito web, ha descritto
in dettaglio come la "compagnia" abbia promosso il DL.
L'ufficio CIA NATIONAL EDOWDMENT for DEMOCRACY
ha procurato denaro per un fondo per il Tibet, per la Voce
del Tibet, e per la campagna internazionale per il Tibet.
=== 2 ===
"Il Manifesto" del 9 Gennaio 2000
CINA: UNA CRISI ALLA FRONTIERA DI UNA NUOVA GUERRA FREDDA
Il mito del Tibet
Dall'Impero a Mao, un popolo in gioco tra "modernizzazioni"
di Pechino e interessi occidentali in Asia. La fuga del
"giovane Buddha" dalla storia all'immaginario
- ENRICA COLLOTTI PISCHEL -
La notizia della fuga dalla Cina del giovanissimo Lama
Ugyen Trinley Dorje, terza autorità nella gerarchia delle
reincarnazioni del buddhismo tibetano stata ritenuta molto
ghiotta dai giornali italiani e viene considerata un grave
scacco per il governo cinese che non sarebbe riuscito a
impedirla, nonostante il proprio apparato militare.
Quest'interpretazione ignora che i cinesi non hanno mai
fatto nulla per fermare la fuga dei rappresentanti politici
e religiosi tibetani dalla Cina: nel 1959 l'intera classe
dirigente tibetana, con alla testa il Dalai Lama si
allontanò da Lhasa con una lunga fuga a piedi, nonostante
il pattugliamento degli aerei da combattimento cinesi. Fa
parte della politica delle autorità cinesi il pensare che
gli avversari è sempre meglio tenerli fuori del paese che
dentro, meglio lontani dai loro adepti che vicini. Se poi
le circostanze equivoche di quest'ultimo episodio - cioè la
mancata condanna di Pechino - possano far pensare a ipotesi
di contatti con il Dalai Lama e di trattative di
conciliazione, è difficile dirlo ora. Certamente il fatto
che la grande organizzazione propagandistica che negli
Stati Uniti (ma anche in Europa e nello stesso nostro
scafato e realistico paese) sostiene la causa
dell'indipendenza tibetana si sia buttata sull'episodio,
non rende certo facile un'intesa: i cinesi sanno fare molto
bene i compromessi e sono disposti a concluderli quando
siano convenienti. Ma ritengono che debbano essere cercati
e raggiunti con la massima discrezione e comunque al di
fuori di pressioni che li possano far apparire come una
resa a pressioni straniere.
E non dimentichiamo mai che "straniero" per l'intera Asia
orientale nell'ultimo secolo e mezzo ha significato
umiliazione e asservimento: di essa fece parte anche il
tentativo pi volte condotto di staccare il Tibet dalla Cina.
Il più povero
Molte cose dovrebbero essere dette a proposito del mito del
Tibet che ha preso piede, anche nei ranghi della sinistra.
Dal cinematografico "Shangri-la", al di fuori del tempo,
dello spazio e del clima, alle ovvie seduzioni di turismo
"estremo", dalle tendenze a vedere esempi validi in civiltà
rimaste primitive e tagliate fuori dal processo della
storia, alla sistematica disinformazione diffusa da potenti
mezzi mediatici statunitensi e al fascino che sugli
occidentali delusi esercitano le religioni e le ideologie
esotiche ed esoteriche, tutto confluito in un'affabulazione
della quale sono stati vittime in primo luogo proprio i
tibetani.
Certamente sono uno dei popoli più poveri del mondo,
esposti a molteplici forme di oppressione: tra esse quella
cinese è stata con ogni probabilità meno gravosa di quella
esercitata dai monaci e dagli aristocratici, dei quali i
pastori e i contadini erano fino al 1959 "schiavi", nel
senso letterale del termine, in quanto sottoposti al
diritto di vita e di morte dei loro padroni. Che poi tutti,
ma con ben diverso vantaggio, trovassero conforto nel
ricorso ad una delle forme più degradate di buddhismo (il
buddhismo tantrico tibetano popolato di fantasmi e di
incantesimi ha ben poco a che vedere con la meditazione
intellettuale e la creatività artistica dello Zen), si può
anche comprenderlo.
Per fare un minimo di chiarezza è necessario comunque
precisare alcune cose. Il Tibet non stato "conquistato
dalla Cina comunista nel 1950": dopo precedenti più
discontinui rapporti, fu conquistato dall'impero cinese,
nella prima metà del secolo XVIII e da allora stato
considerato parte dello stato cinese da tutti i governi
della Cina, anche dal Guomindang. La Cina (in cinese "Stato
del Centro") è stato ed è uno stato multietnico nel quale è
in corso da millenni un processo di trasferimenti di gruppi
etnici e soprattutto di fusione dei gruppi periferici entro
quello più importante che rappresenta nove decimi dei
cinesi ed è sempre stato capace di offrire ai suoi membri
una maggiore prosperità e i benefici di una cultura più
concreta. Mettere in discussione la natura multietnica
della civiltà e dello stato cinesi significherebbe mettere
in moto la più spaventosa catastrofe degli ultimi secoli.
Quella praticata dalla Cina non è mai stata una politica di
"pulizia etnica" bensì di fusione entro un insieme non
etnico ma contraddistinto da una comune cultura e da comuni
pratiche produttive: più che sterminarle, i cinesi hanno
comprato le minoranze.
E' vero che i tibetani per ragioni geografiche sono, entro
lo "Stato del Centro" il gruppo più lontano dalla comune
cultura, però da 250 anni sono stati sempre governati da
funzionari cinesi nominati dal governo centrale:
giuridicamente e istituzionalmente ciò ha un senso. Gli
inglesi all'apice del loro potere sull'India all'inizio del
secolo XX intrapresero, tuttavia, una serie di manovre per
staccare il Tibet dalla Cina e porlo sotto la loro
influenza giungendo, nel 1913 a convocare una conferenza a
Simla nella quale le autorità tibetane cedettero vasti
territori all'India britannica.
Nessun governo cinese ha mai accettato la validità di
quella conferenza.
Nel periodo precedente il 1949 il governo del Guomindang
considerava il Tibet a pieno diritto, parte del proprio
territorio, tanto che durante la Seconda guerra mondiale
concedeva il diritto di sorvolo agli aerei alleati.
Il ruolo della Cia
Non ha quindi alcun senso dire che la Cina conquistò il
Tibet nel 1950; nel 1950 le forze di Mao completarono in
Tibet il controllo sul territorio cinese; nel 1951 fu
raggiunto un accordo con il Dalai Lama per la concessione
di un regime di autonomia. Verso il 1957, nel pieno
dell'assedio statunitense alla Cina, i servizi segreti
inglesi e americani fomentarono una rivolta dei gruppi di
tibetani arroccati sulle montagne delle regioni cinesi del
Sichuan e dello Yunnan, lungo la strada che dalla Cina
porta al Tibet; i cinesi repressero certamente la rivolta
con pugno di ferro: nelle circostanze internazionali nelle
quali si trovavano e nel loro contesto etnico non era
razionale pensare che si comportassero diversamente. Alla
fine del 1958 i servizi segreti inglesi
annunciarono che all'inizio del 1959 essa si sarebbe
trasferita a Lhasa e avrebbe cercato l'appoggio del Dalai
Lama. Ed infatti ciò che avvenne: sullo
sfondo della rivolta, il Dalai Lama dichiarò decaduto
l'accordo per il regime autonomo e fuggì con la maggioranza
della classe dirigente tibetana in India, dove costituì un
proprio governo in esilio e il proprio centro di
propaganda.
Nessun governo al mondo ha riconosciuto questa compagine.
Recentemente la Cia (i servizi segreti americani sono
infatti obbligati a rendicontare prima o poi le loro spese
di fronte ai contribuenti) ha ammesso di aver finanziato
tutta l'operazione della rivolta tibetana.
Pechino: autonomia no
Dopo il 1959 il governo cinese spossessò monasteri e
aristocratici e "liberò gli schiavi", iniziando una
politica di modernizzazione forzosa (vaccinazioni,
costruzione di opere pubbliche) e di formazione di una
classe dirigente locale, figlia di schiavi, sottoposta a un
bombardamento educativo razionalista e anti-religioso.
Furono questi giovani che durante la rivoluzione culturale
distrussero templi e monasteri, infliggendo gravi danni a
un patrimonio culturale unico e a un'identità certo non
abbandonata dalle masse.
Dopo la morte di Mao, i governanti cinesi hanno cercato di
ristabilire i rapporti con i tibetani, migliorando le sorti
economiche dell'altipiano ma importando anche gran numero
di cinesi, non solo militari. Hanno anche trattato
indirettamente con il Dalai Lama, che - politico asiatico
molto scaltro - non chiede l'indipendenza, ma una più o
meno larga autonomia: Pechino non ha mai tuttavia voluto
concedere un reale autogoverno, che aprirebbe rischi di
secessione e metterebbe in discussione tutti i rapporti
etnici del vasto paese. Alle spalle del Dalai Lama si è
sviluppato, intanto, un vasto insieme di interessi della
classe dirigente tibetana che ormai è nata all'estero e vi
ha ricevuto una formazione culturale moderna: è questa che
chiede un'indipendenza che potrebbe essere ottenuta solo
con una guerra spietata alla Cina e potrebbe essere
innestata dal reclutamento di giovani guerriglieri in India
- segnali "terroristici" in questo senso ci sono già stati.
Erano proprio dissennati i governanti cinesi che ritenevano
che l'attacco alla Serbia motivato dalla difesa dei
"diritti umani" in Kosovo fosse in effetti la prova
generale di un attacco alla Cina?
=== 3 ===
http://www.resistenze.org/sito/te/po/ci/poci3e25.htm
www.resistenze.org - popoli resistenti - cina - 25-05-03
Menzogne americane sul Tibet e sul Dalai Lama
Media commerciali e ufficiali propongono incessantemente la
versione americana del tormento che il Tibet avrebbe subito
dall'aggressore e sterminatore cinese. Personalmente ero affascinato
anch'io dal buddismo tibetano e dalla santità del Dalai Lama. Ero
pure addolorato per l'oppressione subita dai tibetani a causa
dell'oppressione cinese. Bhè, come diciamo nel nostro motto, ho
cambiato radicalmente idea per accordarla alla verità. Le mie
conclusioni sono una profonda avversione per la "causa tibetana"
(così come ce la propone Hollywood) e per il Dalai Lama.
Come di fronte ad ogni versione ufficiale, mi sono mosso alla ricerca
di una verità alternativa. Non ero sicuro di trovarne una, ma volevo
vedere se il "martirio" del Tibet è così univoco come gli americani
vorrebbero far credere. Volevo vedere se i Cinesi possono essere
considerati "aggressori" del Tibet come ripetono incessantemente i
media legati a Washington e Londra. Questa ricerca è fatta in nome
del solo principio che mi caratterizza: la ricerca della verità. E ho
trovato delle cose sconcertanti...
Secoli di aggressioni, stermini, attentati, eccidi, guerre da parte
degli occidentali al popolo cinese non fanno parte di questo articolo,
ma vale la pena almeno accennarli per puntualizzare che nessun
"occidentale" può parlare di aggressione cinese a chicchessia senza
prima parlare di torture, umiliazioni, spoliazioni, stermini da parte
degli occidentali ai danni dei "musi gialli". Chiudiamo qui la parentesi
su cui magari scriveremo un articolo dedicato.
L'imperialismo occidentale cerca incessantemente di promuovere la
secessione del Tibet dalla Cina. Perfino una certa sinistra in buona
fede si fa portavoce (assieme agli organi di informazione dell'Impero)
di questa posizione per subalternità o mancanza di conoscenza. E
veniamo ai fatti.
La sovranità cinese sul Tibet ha alle spalle secoli e secoli di storia.
Il Tibet è territorio cinese dal tempo in cui in Europa non esistevano
ancora gli Stati nazionali. I primi a mettere in discussione la
sovranità cinese sul Tibet sono stati i fautori dell'imperialismo
britannico. (1)(2)
Come si legge in un manuale di storia asiatica (uno qualunque), i
tentativi di distruggere la sovranità cinese sul Tibet sono la
conseguenza di una politica volta allo "smantellamento della Cina".
(3)
Non sono soltanto i comunisti cinesi a considerare il Tibet parte della
Cina. Sun Yat-sen, primo presidente della Repubblica nata dal
rovesciamento della dinastia Manciù, ne era convinto. Quando gli
inglesi gli chiesero di partecipare attivamente alla Prima Guerra
Mondiale per poter recuperare alla Cina i territori che la Germania le
aveva strappato, lui rispose: "Voi vorreste strapparci anche il Tibet!".
(4)
Prima della guerra fredda Washington riconosceva che il Tibet era
territorio cinese. Ancora nel 1949 il Dipartimento di Stato Americano
pubblicò un libro sulle relazioni USA-Cina con una mappa che
mostrava tutta la Cina, Tibet incluso dunque. (5)
Tuttavia, con l'avanzare del Partito Comunista Cinese e quindi con
l'avvicinarsi al potere di un chiaro Partito di massa antimperialista,
Washington cominciò a manipolare la realtà. Gli inizi di questa
manipolazione possono essere rintracciati in una lettera del 13
gennaio 1947 al Presidente americano Truman da parte di Gorge R.
Merrel, incaricato d'affari USA a Nuova Dheli. La lettera riguardava
la "inestimabile importanza strategica" del Tibet e recitava:
"Il Tibet può pertanto essere considerato come un bastione contro
l'espansione del comunismo in Asia o almeno come un'isola di
conservatorismo in un mare di sconvolgimenti politici". E aggiunse
che "l'altopiano tibetano [?] in epoca di guerra missilistica può
rivelarsi il territorio più importante di tutta l'Asia".
Questi particolari sono tratti da un autore americano per decenni
funzionario della CIA. L'Autore evidenzia come il contenuto di
questa lettera sia quasi combaciante con la visione imperialistica
che aveva a suo tempo l'Inghilterra vittoriana impegnata nel "grande
gioco" dell'espansione in Asia. (6)
Il separatismo tibetano diviene uno strumento dell'imperialismo
americano o, meglio, per dirla come il funzionario della CIA, diviene
uno strumento degli "interessi geopolitici USA" per costringere il
nuovo governo comunista di Mao a disperdere le forze, ponendo
quindi le condizioni per un "cambiamento di regime a Pechino".
Per portare a compimento questi "interessi geopolitici USA", vennero
addestrati "guerriglieri" nel Colorado e poi paracadutati in Tibet e
riforniti per via aerea di armi, munizioni, apparecchiature
ricetrasmittenti, ecc. A tali guerriglieri la CIA aggiunge la
"collaborazione dei banditi Khampa di vecchio stile". (7)
In questo contesto si sviluppa la "rivolta tibetana" del 1959.
E' ancora il funzionario della CIA, Knaus, a raccontare i fatti: la
rivolta faceva seguito ad un tentativo fallito da parte dei servizi
segreti americani di provocare disordini in Cina a partire dalle
Filippine; come disse un esponente della CIA, lo scatenamento della
rivolta aveva "poco a che fare con l'aiuto ai tibetani", perché lo
scopo era quello di mettere in difficoltà i "comunisti cinesi". Era la
stessa logica che i servizi segreti americani usavano in Indonesia per
"aiutare i colonnelli ribelli indonesiani nel loro sforzo di rovesciare
Sukarno", reo di essere troppo tollerante verso i comunisti di quel
paese. (8) Come è noto il colpo di Stato verrà portato a termine grazie
alla CIA nel 1965, col massacro di centinaia di migliaia di comunisti o
di elementi tolleranti verso i comunisti. Sarebbero state meno feroci le
forze finanziate e addestrate dalla CIA in Tibet se avesse vinto il
separatismo? (9)
Penso che sia interessante far sapere che fu un agente della CIA a
organizzare la fuga del Dalai Lama dal Tibet: questo agente visse
più tardi nel Laos "in una casa decorata con una corona di orecchie
strappate dalle teste di comunisti morti", come ci informa un
docente americano su una rivista USA. (10)
Dopo il fallimento in territorio cinese della rivolta tibetana, i
servizi segreti americani danno inizio ad una campagna mediatica
in occidente.
Nonostante che il Dalai Lama fosse considerato allo stesso modo dei
colonnelli macellai indonesiani, come il capo della rivolta reazionaria
anticomunista filo-occidentale, ora viene santificato. Diventa il leader
della non violenza. Lo stesso buddismo tibetano diventa una dottrina
e una tecnica spirituale sublime. L'industria cinematografica
americana si adopera per proporre incessantemente questo falso mito.
Ma la storia ha dei precedenti. Quando agli inizi del Novecento gli
inglesi e la Russia si contendevano il Tibet, regione della Cina,
correva voce che lo Zar in persona si fosse convertito al buddismo.
(11)
Oggi, invece, sono la CIA e Hollywood ad essere convertiti al
buddismo. Una conversione che ha del miracoloso se si pensa che
l'Occidente ha sempre disprezzato il buddismo tibetano come
sinonimo di dispotismo orientale, con la sua figura di Dio-Re. Basti
ricordare il disprezzo dei padri della cultura occidentale come
Rousseau, Herder e Hegel. Fino ai primi anni del 1900 i lama sono
considerati una "incarnazione di tutti i vizi e di tutte le corruzioni,
non già dei lama defunti". (12)
Quando la Gran Bretagna si accinse poi alla conquista del Tibet lo
fece in nome della civiltà contro "quest'ultima roccaforte
dell'oscurantismo", per civilizzare "questo piccolo popolo
miserabile". (13)
Oggi la propaganda americana cerca di rimuovere l'infamia della
teocrazia tibetana. Come illustra lo stesso storico Morris, quello che
era in carica agli inizi del '900 "era uno dei pochi Dalai Lama ad
aver raggiunto la maggiore età, dato che la maggior parte di loro
veniva eliminata durante la fanciullezza a seconda della
convenienza del Consiglio di Reggenza". (14)
Stando a quanto affermano Hollywood e la CIA, il buddismo tibetano
è divenuto sinonimo di pace e tolleranza, oltre che di elevata
spiritualità. Seguendo l'ideologia imperialistica anticomunista
occidentale, "i tibetani sono dei superuomini e i cinesi dei
subumani". (15)
La teocrazia oscurantista tibetana è santificata dai media
commerciali americani al servizio degli strateghi militari. La struttura
castale si manifesta anche dopo la morte: il corpo di un aristocratico
viene cremato o inumato, mentre i corpi della massa vengono dati in
pasto agli avvoltoi. Poco tempo fa era l'"International Herald
Tribune" che descriveva come durante i funerali di plebei fosse il
sacerdote che staccava pezzo per pezzo la carne dalle ossa per
facilitare il compito degli avvoltoi.
La descrizione era minuziosa e seguita da uno studioso che spiegava il
tutto in chiave "ecologica". (16) Lo studioso non chiariva però perché
all'equilibrio ecologico doveva contribuire solo il corpo dei plebei.
Vorrei chiarire la mia posizione: io non condanno queste pratiche
disumane perché potrei rimanere vittima della mia cultura italiana;
dovrei essere un tibetano per condannarle; ad ognuno la sua cultura.
Io condanno il fatto che gli occidentali imperialisti appoggino pratiche
così disumane per noi, sostengano movimenti sanguinari come il
buddismo tibetano e siano pronti ad inventarsi ogni peggiore frottola
(molto meno disumana) su falsi crimini di Cuba, di Saddam, di
Pechino e di tutti gli avversari, salvo santificare la reazione più
assoluta.
La Rivoluzione Culturale maoista si era scagliata contro la pratica
castale, discriminatrice e violenta. Nel Tibet precedente alla
Rivoluzione la teocrazia riduceva in schiavitù o servaggio la
stragrande maggioranza della popolazione. Come scrisse uno scrittore
radicalmente anticomunista, le riforme realizzate dal 1951 hanno
"abolito feudalesimo e servaggio". (17) La Rivoluzione abolì anche
la teocrazia incarnata nel Dio-Re che pretendeva e pretende ancor
oggi di essere il Dalai Lama. Fu attuata la separazione tra potere
religioso e potere civile.
La Rivoluzione ha significato per i tibetani l'accesso a diritti umani
prima del tutto sconosciuti, un miglioramento del tenore di vita e un
sensibile prolungamento della vita media. E ciò è, malgrado i media,
universalmente riconosciuto da tutti gli esperti analisti della regione.
La Cina di oggi garantisce alla Regione Autonoma Tibetana libertà
che non ha mai conosciuto in tutta la sua storia passata e recente. La
regione tibetana, oltre ad avere il bilinguismo con prima lingua il
tibetano, vede garantiti altri diritti nazionali quali la preferenza a
favore dei tibetani e delle altre minoranze nazionali per quanto
riguarda l'ammissione all'università, la carriera pubblica, ecc.
(18)
Il santificato Dalai Lama viene insignito del Premio Nobel. Ma cosa
chiede questo personaggio che si proclama Dio-Re? "Esige la
creazione di un Grande Tibet, il quale includerebbe non solo il
territorio che ha costituito il Tibet politico in età contemporanea,
ma anche aree tibetane nella Cina occidentale, in larghissima
parte perse dal Tibet già nel diciottesimo secolo". (19) E poi
esistono tibetani in Bhutan, Nepal, India. Tutti i loro territori
dovrebbero far parte del Grande Tibet. Si tratta della pretesta di
Hitler di riunificate nello lo stesso Stato tutti i territori che erano
abitati da maggioranza tedesca. Il principio "nazionale" del Dalai
Lama è quello di Hitler, con la sola differenza che del
nazional-socialismo il Dalai Lama non ha neppure un briciolo di
"socialismo". E' solo puro nazionalismo esasperato ai massimi livelli.
Ora, questa santità, Premio Nobel per la Pace, odia profondamente gli
uomini che hanno la pelle gialla e parlano il cinese. Un odio viscerale,
razzista, tanto che, quando l'India procedette al riarmo nucleare,
trovò il suo più fiero sostenitore nel Premio Nobel, il Dalai Lama.
Ma, ci domandiamo, almeno il multimiliardario Dalai Lama
rappresenta il popolo tibetano? Risposta: nemmeno per sogno! E'
perfino il "Libro Nero del Comunismo" a riconoscere che
un'elementare analisi storica "distrugge il mito unanimista
alimentato dai partigiani del Dalai Lama". (20)
Alla liberazione pacifica del Tibet nel 1951, che portò alla caduta del
regime teocratico, vi fu una resistenza accanita dei gruppi più
reazionari e delle classi dei privilegiati, ma i comunisti poterono
contare sull'appoggio della stragrande maggioranza della popolazione
civile. Gli autori più anticomunisti e anticinesi del pianeta-Occidente
si scagliano così contro la plebe tibetana, colpevole di "essersi
collegata subito col regime comunista"; anche i monaci sono dei
farabutti che "non esitano ad augurarsi che 'presto sia liberato' il
Tibet" e che commettono il crimine di fraternizzare con i comunisti e
l'esercito Popolare di Liberazione.
Per questi autori è inconcepibile come il Dalai Lama sia disprezzato
non solo dalla maggior parte del popolo, ma anche da ampi settori
religiosi tibetani. Ancora nel 1992, nel corso di un suo viaggio a
Londra il Dalai Lama è oggetto di manifestazioni ostili da parte
della più grande organizzazione buddista in Gran Bretagna, che lo
accusa di essere un "dittatore spietato" e un "oppressore della
libertà religiosa". (21)
Oggi il Dalai Lama continua a sperare in una disintegrazione della
Cina come è avvenuto nella tragedia che ha caratterizzato l'URSS. (22)
Michele - Risiko
NOTE:
Le informazioni di questo articolo sono ricavate da Domenico
Losurdo, "La sinistra, la Cina e l'imperialismo", ed. La città del
Sole, Napoli.
La sua opera di informazione è indispensabile sull'argomento.
(1) Owen Lattimore, 1970, "La frontiera. Popoli e imperialismi alla
frontiera tra Cina e Russia", Einaudi, Torino.
(2) Jacques Fernet, 1978, "Il mondo cinese. Dalle prime civiltà alla
Repubblica Popolare", Einaudi, Torino.
(3) Jan Romein, 1969, "Il secolo dell'Asia. Imperialismo occidentale e
rivoluzione asiatica nel secolo XX", Einaudi, Torino.
(4) Sun Yat-sen, 1976, "L'imperialismo dei bianchi e l'imperialismo
dei gialli", in "I tre principi del popolo", Einaudi, Torino.
(5) Herbert Aptheker, 1977, "America Foreign Policy and The Cold
War" (1962), Krauss Reprint Millwood, N.Y.
(6) Jhon Kenneth Knaus, 1999, "Orphans of the Cold War. American
and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival", PublicAffairs, N.Y.
(7) Come sopra.
(8) Come sopra.
(9) Domenico Losurdo, 1999, "La sinistra, la Cina e l'imperialismo",
La città del Sole, Napoli.
(10) Daniel Wikler, 1999, "The Dalai Lama and the CIA", in "The
New York Review of Books", 23 settembre.
(11) James Morris, 1992, "Pax Britannica", The Folio Society,
London.
(12) Donald S. Lopez Jr., 1998, "Prisoners of Shangri - La. Tibetan
Buddhism and the West", University of Chicago Press, Chicago and
London.
(13) Vedi nota 11.
(14) Come sopra.
(15) Vedi nota 12.
(16) Seth Faison, 1999, "In Tibean 'Sky Burials', Vultures Dispose of
the Dead", in "International Herald Tribune", 6 luglio.
(17) Melvyn C. Goldstein, 1998, "The Dalai Lama's Dilemma", in
"Foreign Affairs", gennaio-febbraio.
(18) Seth Faison, 1999, "for Tibetans in Sichuan, Life in the Shadow
of Intollerance", in "International Herald Tribune", 1 settembre.
(19) Vedi nota 17.
(20) Courtois et al., 1998, « Il Libro Nero del Comunismo »,
Mondadori, Milano.
(21) Vedi nota 12.
(22) Vedi nota 17.
=== 4 ===
http://www.amgroup.com/jue/chinanews/archives/docs/971003d.html
Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe Who Succumbed to Hitler'
Friday, October 03, 1997 -- South China Morning Post
TOM KORSKI in Beijing
The Dalai Lama has been branded as a Nazi dupe who fell prey to "certain
influences" of the Hitler regime as a schoolboy.
Mainland media denounced the Tibetan Nobel Prize laureate as a follower
of German fascists after disclosures that the Dalai Lama's former mathematics
teacher was a member of the Nazi SS.
In a vitriolic commentary, the official periodical, the Beijing
Review, portrayed the Dalai Lama as a fascist disciple of Heinrich Harrer,
an Austrian mountaineer who taught the young spiritual leader in the late
1940s.
A US$60 million (HK$464 million) Hollywood film highly critical of China's
occupation of Tibet, based on the Harrer 1953 autobiography Seven Years
in Tibet, is to be released next Wednesday.
"It is logical to ask whether Harrer's Nazi background exerted
certain influences on the 14th Dalai Lama who was 11 years old at the time
and under his guidance," the commentary said.
Harrer, 85, admitted to serving as an SS sports trainer and shaking Hitler's
hand at a 1938 rally after the German weekly Stern disclosed the Austrian's
Nazi affiliations last May.
The Beijing Review, repeating many of the Stern revelations, noted that
"Nazi fascists brought great suffering to the world".
"Their savagery and cruel infringements on human rights were unique in human
history," the commentary continued.
Authorities have repeatedly condemned the Columbia Pictures film, starring
Brad Pitt, and vowed to ban it from all mainland cinemas.
"Should Hollywood sing songs in praise of Nazis?" asked the
commentary.
=== 5 ===
From: Rick Rozoff
HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------
Perhaps the headline was meant to read Terror Needed
To Fight Violence: The West's Humanitarian Poster Boy
Better keep this guy away from Nepal....
--- Geese 4 Peace wrote:
Subject: Dalai Lama: Violence needed to fight terror
from
The Age
Fri, September 19, 2003
http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/09/18/1063625159989.html
Violence needed to fight terror: Buddha's man of peace
By Laurie Goodstein
New York
The Dalai Lama, a Nobel peace prize winner and one of the world's most prominent
advocates of non-violence, says it might be necessary to fight terrorists
with violence.
He also says it is too early to say whether the war in Iraq was a
mistake. "I feel only history will tell," he said in an interview.
"Terrorism is the worst kind of violence, so we have to check it, we have
to take countermeasures," the Dalai Lama said.
He spoke on Wednesday during his first visit to New York since the 2001
terrorist attacks. He is on the last stop of a US tour that has highlighted
his dual roles as Buddhist avatar and head of state.
During the visit he has met Tibetan exiles in several cities,
dedicated an inter-faith temple and pressed the Tibetan cause in Washington.
At a time when many political and religious leaders are saying the American
anti-terrorism campaign and the war in Iraq are only fuelling additional
terrorism, the Dalai Lama refused to pass judgement.
But he emphasised that "the real antidote" to terrorism in the long run
is "compassion, dialogue - peaceful means" - even with terrorists.
"We have to deal with their motivation," he said. "Terrorism comes out of
hatred, and also short-sightedness."
He likened Osama bin Laden to a butcher who has grown inured to slaughtering
animals. With terrorists, he said, applying a Buddhist analysis, "their
whole mind is dominated by negative emotions".
He rejected the prediction popularised by some scholars that the world is
headed towards a "clash of civilisations" between Christian and Muslim nations.
He cited the case of the Soviet Union, whose people once
expressed hostility towards the US and the West but had now changed their
minds.
The Arab world could do the same, he said.
The Dalai Lama, 68, was interviewed in a hotel room in Manhattan as he prepared
for the first of four days of teaching in Buddhist philosophy.
Since he was driven out of Tibet 44 years ago by the Chinese, he has never
been back. But he said that he "certainly" expected that China would eventually
allow him and other Tibetans living in exile to return.
He long ago abandoned the goal of independence from China.
Instead, he said, he now sought "autonomy".
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
Da: <icdsm-italia@...>
Data: Lun 24 Nov 2003 15:24:44 Europe/Rome
A: "icdsm-italia" <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Leaders of the World Peace Council demand release
of President Milosevic
Recognizing SLOBODA/Freedom Association as the only organization in Serbia
struggling effectively for peace, sovereignty and equality, the Executive
Committee of the World Peace Council in the Meeting held in Athens on 16/17
November 2003 decided to admit SLOBODA into full membership of the World
Peace Council, one of the oldest and most distinguished non-governmental
organizations in the UN system.
During the same Meeting, leaders of the World Peace Council and of the the
national organizations signed the following
P E T I T I O N
The illegal trial of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic by the illegal
NATO puppet tribunal at The Hague is a tool of warfare against the freedom
and stability, mockery of universal judicial and human rights protection
principles and an attempted murder
After the popular resistance prevented in 1999 military occupation
of Yugoslavia, the aggression against that country continues by other means.
Blackmail, bribery and subversion were the tools of the "regime change"
in Belgrade in 2000. The crimes committed in the NATO aggression against
Yugoslavia are now to obtain a posteriori justification by the kidnapping
and inhuman political trial of the democratically elected President of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic.
Approaching its end, the two years lasting presentation of
the charges by the prosecution, in spite of numerous manipulations, fabrications
and false witnesses, brought no evidence whatsoever. On the contrary, already
in the cross-examination of the prosecution witnesses, President Milosevic
succeeded to say much about the people's struggle for sovereignty and equality
and to present grave charges against the imperialist aggression and colonization
of the Balkans, spreading now to many parts of the World.
Unable to defeat President Milosevic in the courtroom, the
modern-time inquisitors attempt to silence him. By the lack of medical care
and by the inhuman prison and trial conditions, requiring over-human efforts
or making impossible defense preparations, President Slobodan Milosevic
(62), with malignant hypertension and damaged heart is in the constant threat
of infarct or stroke.
Therefore:
We demand immediate release of President Milosevic.
We call upon all UN members and all concerned UN bodies to
review the evidence of unjust, unfair and political character of the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague and its grave violations
of human rights, discrediting the World Organization and to act towards
its abolishment.
We express our solidarity with the people and progressive forces
in Serbia and Montenegro in their strive to regain freedom, sovereignty
and democracy.
Athens, 17 November 2003
Signed by:
Romesh Chandra, President of Honor of the World Peace Council
Athanasios Pafilis, General Secretary of the Greek Committee for International
Detente and Peace, Executive Secretary of the World Peace Council
Nikos Fotiadis, Vice-President of the Greek Committee for International
Detente and Peace
Orlando Fundora, President of the Cuban Movement for Peace, Vice-President
of the World Peace Council
Arturo Espinosa, Vice-President of the Cuban Movement for Peace
Manuel Yepe, Secretary of the Cuban Movement for Peace
Abdelrahman Merie, General Secretary of the Palestinian Council for Justice
and Peace, member of the Secretariat of the World Peace Council
Pham Van-Chuong, Vietnam Peace and Development Foundation
Ta Quoc Tuan, Vietnam Peace and Development Foundation
Pallab Sengupta, All India Peace and Solidarity Organization
Baerbel Schindler-Saefkov, German Peace Council
Manuel Terrazas, President of the Mexican Peace Council
Rina Bertaccini, Movement for Peace, Friendship and Solidarity among Peoples
(Argentina)
Stephanos Stephanou, Cyprus Peace Council
Kim Il Bong, Korean National Peace Council
Nela Martinez, Peace and Independence (Ecuador)
Gilberto Calvo, Costa Rican National Peace Council
D. Okombi, African Commission of the World Peace Council
Juan Pablo Acosta, Dominican Union of Journalists for Peace
Emin Cetin, Peace Association (Turkey)
Pol De Vos, President of the Anti-Imperialist League (Belgium)
Vladimir Krsljanin, Freedom Association, Serbia
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
Data: Lun 24 Nov 2003 15:24:44 Europe/Rome
A: "icdsm-italia" <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Leaders of the World Peace Council demand release
of President Milosevic
Recognizing SLOBODA/Freedom Association as the only organization in Serbia
struggling effectively for peace, sovereignty and equality, the Executive
Committee of the World Peace Council in the Meeting held in Athens on 16/17
November 2003 decided to admit SLOBODA into full membership of the World
Peace Council, one of the oldest and most distinguished non-governmental
organizations in the UN system.
During the same Meeting, leaders of the World Peace Council and of the the
national organizations signed the following
P E T I T I O N
The illegal trial of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic by the illegal
NATO puppet tribunal at The Hague is a tool of warfare against the freedom
and stability, mockery of universal judicial and human rights protection
principles and an attempted murder
After the popular resistance prevented in 1999 military occupation
of Yugoslavia, the aggression against that country continues by other means.
Blackmail, bribery and subversion were the tools of the "regime change"
in Belgrade in 2000. The crimes committed in the NATO aggression against
Yugoslavia are now to obtain a posteriori justification by the kidnapping
and inhuman political trial of the democratically elected President of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic.
Approaching its end, the two years lasting presentation of
the charges by the prosecution, in spite of numerous manipulations, fabrications
and false witnesses, brought no evidence whatsoever. On the contrary, already
in the cross-examination of the prosecution witnesses, President Milosevic
succeeded to say much about the people's struggle for sovereignty and equality
and to present grave charges against the imperialist aggression and colonization
of the Balkans, spreading now to many parts of the World.
Unable to defeat President Milosevic in the courtroom, the
modern-time inquisitors attempt to silence him. By the lack of medical care
and by the inhuman prison and trial conditions, requiring over-human efforts
or making impossible defense preparations, President Slobodan Milosevic
(62), with malignant hypertension and damaged heart is in the constant threat
of infarct or stroke.
Therefore:
We demand immediate release of President Milosevic.
We call upon all UN members and all concerned UN bodies to
review the evidence of unjust, unfair and political character of the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague and its grave violations
of human rights, discrediting the World Organization and to act towards
its abolishment.
We express our solidarity with the people and progressive forces
in Serbia and Montenegro in their strive to regain freedom, sovereignty
and democracy.
Athens, 17 November 2003
Signed by:
Romesh Chandra, President of Honor of the World Peace Council
Athanasios Pafilis, General Secretary of the Greek Committee for International
Detente and Peace, Executive Secretary of the World Peace Council
Nikos Fotiadis, Vice-President of the Greek Committee for International
Detente and Peace
Orlando Fundora, President of the Cuban Movement for Peace, Vice-President
of the World Peace Council
Arturo Espinosa, Vice-President of the Cuban Movement for Peace
Manuel Yepe, Secretary of the Cuban Movement for Peace
Abdelrahman Merie, General Secretary of the Palestinian Council for Justice
and Peace, member of the Secretariat of the World Peace Council
Pham Van-Chuong, Vietnam Peace and Development Foundation
Ta Quoc Tuan, Vietnam Peace and Development Foundation
Pallab Sengupta, All India Peace and Solidarity Organization
Baerbel Schindler-Saefkov, German Peace Council
Manuel Terrazas, President of the Mexican Peace Council
Rina Bertaccini, Movement for Peace, Friendship and Solidarity among Peoples
(Argentina)
Stephanos Stephanou, Cyprus Peace Council
Kim Il Bong, Korean National Peace Council
Nela Martinez, Peace and Independence (Ecuador)
Gilberto Calvo, Costa Rican National Peace Council
D. Okombi, African Commission of the World Peace Council
Juan Pablo Acosta, Dominican Union of Journalists for Peace
Emin Cetin, Peace Association (Turkey)
Pol De Vos, President of the Anti-Imperialist League (Belgium)
Vladimir Krsljanin, Freedom Association, Serbia
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
Milosevic "trial" synopsis, November 1--15, 2003
1. LORD OWEN TESTIFIES AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" - November 5, 2003
2. DAVID HARLAND CONCLUDES HIS TESTIMONY AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" - November
6, 2003
3. MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 11, 2003
4. MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 12, 2003
5. DUTCHBAT COMMANDER SAW NO EXECUTIONS IN SREBRENICA - November 13, 2003
=== 1 ===
SYNOPSIS: LORD OWEN TESTIFIES AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL"
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 5, 2003
Written by: Andy Wilcoxson
Lord David Owen, former chief negotiator of the European Union, and author
of the book ?Balkan Odyssey? testified at the so-called ?trial? of Slobodan
Milosevic on Monday and Tuesday of this week.
Lord Owen did not testify as a prosecution witness, in fact he refused
to testify as a prosecution witness, rather he testified simply as a witness
for the court.
He was examined first by Mr. Nice, then by President Milosevic, and finally
by the Amicus Curiae Mr. Kay.
Lord Owen as the E.U.?s chief negotiator was in frequent contact with Milosevic,
and he believed that President Milosevic was totally committed to the Vance-Owen
plan. Owen also said that President Milosevic insisted on a solution that
was equal to all three sides.
Owen testified that President Milosevic supported various peace plans.
For example President Milosevic supported: the Cutileiro plan in March
of 1992, the Vance-Owen plan in May of 1993, the Owen-Stoltenberg plan
(a.k.a. the ?invincible plan?) in September of 1993, the European Union
Action plan in December of 1993, the Contact Group plan in July of 1994,
and ultimately the Dayton peace plan in 1995.
Lord Owen also testified that President Milosevic entreated the Bosnian
Serb leadership to accept all of these plans. Owen also confirmed that
without the contribution of Serbia, and President Milosevic in particular
that Dayton never would have happened. In fact it was Slobodan Milosevic
who cast the deciding vote for peace at Dayton.
According to Owen the Bosnian Serb leadership was not a pack of mindless
automatons operating at the whim and will of Milosevic. First of all the
politics were different in Pale than in Belgrade, for example Slobodan
Milosevic is a communist and Radovan Karadzic is not a communist.
Indeed the Bosnian Serbs acted against the will of President Milosevic
when the Republika Srpska Assembly rejected the Vance-Owen plan, and also
the Contact Group plan. Lord Owen confirmed that President Milosevic traveled
to Pale and did everything he could, short of using force, to convince
the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Vance-Owen plan. And according to Owen
this episode damaged Milosevic politically and significantly reduced what
influence he did have in Pale.
According to Lord Owen, President Milosevic was ?very helpful? in the peace
negotiations. Owen explained that President Milosevic would use logic and
put forward arguments to try and influence the decisions made by Pale,
but that he would acquiesce and tell them that at the end of the day it
was up to them to decide what course they would take. This was Owen?s main
problem with Milosevic. Owen considered that Milosevic should have used
force with the Bosnian Serbs, and forced them to accept his point of view.
This is a rather dramatic blow to the prosecution?s case. Here is one of
the highest international officials to be on the scene in Bosnia during
the war and he is upset with Milosevic, because Milosevic *did not* control
the Bosnian Serb leadership.
Not only did Milosevic *not* control the Bosnian Serb leadership, but he
also did *not* control the Krajina Serb leadership. Owen had a low opinion
of Milan Martic, and explained that he saw on numerous occasions that Slobodan
Milosevic would also be frustrated and angry with Mr. Martic. It has been
said in the past that Milosevic controlled Martic. Owen?s account blows
that idea to pieces. Why would Milosevic be frustrated and angry with somebody,
if he was the one controlling them?
Owen considered that Milosevic was somewhat afraid of his nationalistic
political opposition in Belgrade; namely Seselj and Draskovic. If we follow
Lord Owen?s position then perhaps we can see what would have been done
to Milosevic if he had attempted to use force against the Serbs in Bosnia.
I emphasize that this is just hypothetical because Slobodan Milosevic would
never have used force against the Bosnian Serbs in the first place. The
point of this hypothesis is to demonstrate that even if he had wanted to,
President Milosevic could not have used force against the Bosnian Serbs,
because he would have been overthrown if he had tried.
President Milosevic did of course exert pressure; he blockaded the Drina
River when the Bosnian Serbs did not adopt the Contact Group plan.
Owen explained to a disappointed Mr. Nice that Slobodan Milosevic is not
a racist, and never was a racist. According to Owen, President Milosevic,
and his wife Mira Markovic are repulsed by ethnic racism. Owen said that
the ethnic make-up of Serbia proves that President Milosevic is not now,
and never has been a racist. As Owen explained there are Muslims, Croats,
and people of all ethnicities who lived and are still living freely in
Serbia. Indeed, Serbia is the most ethnically mixed part of the Balkan
Peninsula.
As for this business of a so-called ?greater Serbia? plan. According to
Owen, Milosevic was reconciled with the idea that Krajina Serbs would live
in Croatia, and Bosnian Serbs would live in Bosnia.
Owen said that he didn?t know what Milosevic?s position on ?greater Serbia?
was before he got there, so Milosevic reminded him of the fact that he
had supported both the Cutileiro plan and the Vance Plan. With that Owen
admitted that President Milosevic?s support for the plans indicated that
he never had any ideas about creating any ?greater Serbia.?
A document was exhibited in ?court? that was signed both by Slobodan Milosevic
and Franjo Tudjman. The document denied that the so-called ?Karadjordjevo
meeting? had ever taken place. According to the document, the two men had
never had any plan or conspiracy to divide Bosnia up between the two of
them, and indeed Owen confirmed that President Milosevic had never said
that he wanted even an inch of territory in Bosnia. But Owen said that
Tudjman openly claimed Herzeg-Bosna as Croatian territory and openly sent
troops into Bosnia from Croatia.
To completely and totally refute this ?greater Serbia? propaganda President
Milosevic presented the 1992 declaration of the FRY government stating
that the FRY made no territorial claims on any of the former SFRY republics.
Lord Owen denounced the so-called ?safe-areas? (Srebrenica, Zepa, Gorazde,
etc?) as a scam and a farce. The UN had inadequate troops and resources
to protect them, and the Muslims refused to demilitarize the safe areas
and indeed carried out attacks from them. The whole thing was a joke.
When President Milosevic examined Lord Owen one of the first things that
was established was that Belgrade did *not* control the VRS.
To drive the point home President Milosevic showed a report written by
former UN Secretary General, Butros Butros Ghali (exhibit D-91) to Lord
Owen. The report was dated 30 May 1992, and stated in no uncertain terms
that the VRS was not under the control of Belgrade.
The report said that the VRS was formed out of the JNA troops who were
originally from Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The report stated that on 4 May 1992 Belgrade authorities ordered the evacuation
of the JNA from Bosnia and that on 18 May 1992 all JNA personnel who were
not originally from Bosnia-Herzegovina were withdrawn from Bosnia Herzegovina,
except in limited cases when hostile forces prevented the JNA?s immediate
withdrawal, by measures such as the blockading of barracks.
Owen stated that he believed the Secretary General?s report to be accurate.
President Milosevic then noted that in spite of the Secretary General?s
report, which clearly placed the VRS outside of Belgrade?s control that
in spite of that on the same day as the report was issued that the Security
Council imposed sanctions on the FRY.
President Milosevic claimed that there was no aggression against Bosnia-Herzegovina
that it was a civil war, and to any normal person this can clearly be seen.
Slobodan Milosevic said that the JNA did not occupy Bosnia. The JNA had
always been in Bosnia, because Bosnia was part of Yugoslavia, and the JNA
was Yugoslavia?s national army. Lord Owen agreed.
Slobodan Milosevic observed that the Bosnian-Serbs were not occupying Bosnia.
They had always lived there, and that the VRS was made-up of Bosnian-Serbs,
and again Lord Owen agreed.
President Milosevic said that since there was no occupation, and the fighting
was between the people who lived in Bosnia then the war was a civil war
and not a war of aggression. Lord Owen disagreed.
The bottom line according to Owen was that Bosnia was the UN Security Council?s
creation. Owen had to explain that the UN Security Council had recognized
Bosnia as an independent country, and that it had recognized Alija Izetbegovic?s
government as the legitimate government. Therefore, anybody who was at
war with Izetbegovic and his regime was technically engaged in aggression,
even if they did live in Bosnia.
It is interesting to note here that in the beginning everybody supported
keeping Yugoslavia as one united country. The EC, the OSCE, and the United
States all initially supported keeping Yugoslavia as one united country.
Lord Owen indicated that this all changed when Clinton took office.
In the opinion of Lord Owen it would have been better had the SFRY not
dissolved. He said that the recognition of Bosnia was premature, and was
a catastrophic mistake. Lord Owen also said that Cyrus Vance shared his
opinion and viewed the premature recognition as being an absolute scandal,
and a tragic mistake.
The premature recognition of the secessionist Yugoslav republics was scandalous.
President Milosevic read out a quote from Lord Carrington in which it states
that they were near reaching a political solution with Croatia regarding
Slavonia and Krajina, but that the premature recognition of Croatia toppled
the peace process. Carrington considered that the recognition was ?a treacherous
act? by the Security Council.
As for the allegations that Serbia was arming the Bosnian Serbs, Owen said
that he had no proof of that. According to Owen the Bosnian Serbs had the
ability to produce their own weapons and their own ammunition.
Lord Owen spoke of the roll that the Washington D.C. based public relations
firm Ruder-Finn played on behalf of the Muslims and Croats. How Ruder-Finn
would pay people to write editorials and letters to the editor, how Ruder-Finn
would arrange for Western journalists and politicians to speak with Muslim
and Croat officials.
According to Lord Owen, Ejup Ganic was the mastermind behind Muslim propaganda.
Owen said that the strategy of the Muslim propaganda was to portray themselves
as the victims in the hopes that the United States would intervene on their
side militarily.
Indeed Owen confirmed that Ganic used all means to achieve his goals. He
even said that Ganic preferred to have Sarajevo under siege.
Owen also confirmed that Milosevic wanted the siege stopped. In fact Owen
acknowledged that President Milosevic wanted to send the International
Red Cross into Bosnia. So here we have Milosevic who wants to stop the
siege and bring in the Red Cross, and Ganic who wants the war to continue
because it helps him in his drive to portray the Muslims as the victims.
While there is no doubt that President Milosevic wanted peace. The United
States and the Clinton Administration in particular are a different story.
According to Lord Owen the United States was hostile to the Vance-Owen
Peace plan, and to the peace process in general. The United States would
encourage the Muslims to make absurd demands in order to derail the peace
process.
Lord Owen confirmed that the United States was pro-Croat. President Milosevic
read out a quote from Stoltenberg where he said that Tudjman was preparing
an offensive with the approval of the White House, and this was during
a cease fire when nobody was supposed to be mounting offensives. Of course
everybody knows, and it was confirmed by Lord Owen that the biggest ethnic
cleansing operation in all of those Balkan wars was the "operation storm"
that was perpetrated by Croatia against the Krajina Serbs.
All in all the testimony of Lord Owen was very interesting, and rather
educational. For the record I note that the full text of the Cutileiro
plan was exhibited, and its exhibit number is D-209.
The main thing that was established by Lord Owen?s testimony is that President
Slobodan Milosevic is a man of peace. The prosecution is almost finished
presenting its case and it is clearer now than it ever has been that Slobodan
Milosevic is not a war criminal. After seeing the prosecution?s total lack
of evidence, and after observing the underhanded tactics that they employ
all I can say is: Congratulations Ms. del Ponte! If you wanted to convince
me that Slobodan Milosevic is a hero then you?ve certainly been successful.
=== 2 ===
SYNOPSIS: DAVID HARLAND CONCLUDES HIS TESTIMONY AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL"
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 6, 2003
David Harland, the United Nations civil and political affairs officer in
Sarajevo was recalled at the ?trial? of Slobodan Milosevic on Wednesday.
Mr. Harland was the longest serving UN official in Bosnia. He had originally
begun his testimony on September 18th. He returned on Wednesday to complete
his cross examination.
First of all, here is a summary of Harland?s September 18th appearance
at the ?Tribunal.?
While speaking of ethnic cleansing, Mr. Harland confirmed that Radovan
Karadzic never challenged the rights of non-Serbs to live on Bosnian Serb
territory.
Harland did, however, confirm that ethnic cleansing did take place, and
that all three sides were guilty of perpetrating that crime.
Harland also affirmed that President Milosevic supported the Vance-Owen
plan, and that his goal and the goal of Serbia was ?for the Serb people
to be free and equal, not more, not less than that.?
President Milosevic?s words at the Bosnian Serb assembly in Pale confirm
that his aim in supporting the Vance-Owen plan was equality. President
Milosevic said in his speech to the Bosnian Serb Assembly that "With this
plan, the Serb people have restored their right to be treated equally as
a constituent nation and with this plan its fate will be in its hands,
as it will be in the hands of the other two peoples on an equal footing
and in freedom."
Harland tried to say that the Bosnian Serbs wanted 70% of Bosnia for themselves,
and so President Milosevic pointed out that the Bosnian Serbs had agreed
to the Cutileiro Plan and also to the Contact Group plan, and that neither
one of those plans envisioned 70% of the territory for the Serbs. Harland
then admitted that it was correct that the Bosnian Serbs had accepted those
plans and that neither of those plans called for 70% to go to the Serbs.
President Milosevic observed, and Harland grudgingly confirmed that Radovan
Karadzic was constantly trying to bring the Muslims to the negotiating
table.
When President Milosevic asked what goals that the Bosnian Muslims had
Mr. Harland said, ?I think that there was one group which felt that the
Muslims are the largest community in Bosnia and Herzegovina and therefore
they had an interest in keeping Bosnia and Herzegovina together as a single
state in which they would not be threatened in any way because they would
be almost a majority. And, in fact, of course there is -- there is language
in Mr. Izetbegovic's Islamic declaration which refers to the -- the role
that will be played by a Muslim community once they become a majority in
a -- in a given country.?
President Milosevic observed the contents of Izetbegovic?s Islamic Declaration
in which it says that "there can be neither peace nor coexistence between
the Islamic faith and non-Islamic social and political institutions" and
"the Islamic movement must and can, take over political power as soon as
it is morally and numerically so strong that it can not only destroy the
existing non-Islamic power, but also to build up a new Islamic one?.
In connection with what is stated in the Islamic Declaration of Alija Izetbegovic,
President Milosevic asked the following question of Mr. Harland: ?Do you
then consider that the Serbs could have accepted a state conceived along
those lines, the Serbs which had until then lived as a nation on a footing
of equality with everybody else in the area? Could they have accepted that??
Harland didn?t answer the question. Instead he decided to make accusations
against the Serbs because he realized that the Bosnian war was the Muslims
fault and he wasn?t ready to admit that. By then it was 1:45 and the September
18th session ended.
When Harland returned to finish his cross-examination last Wednesday president
Milosevic showed him an ethnic map of Sarajevo based on the 1981 census,
and it was observed that the Serbs did not ?occupy? Sarajevo. It could
be clearly seen on the map that the Serbs were indigenous to Sarajevo,
and Harland confirmed that the VRS positions around Sarajevo roughly confirmed
to the territory that the Serbs were shown to be living on already by the
1981 census.
It was also confirmed by Mr. Harland that the 40,000 Serb civilians who
were trapped behind Muslim lines in Sarajevo were not allowed to leave
the theatre of combat. It was observed that it is a serious violation of
international law to hold a civilian inside of a combat area against their
will.
President Milosevic brought up the Mt. Igman agreement. In the agreement
Ravovan Karadzic agreed to withdraw VRS troops from Mt. Igman and handover
control of 13 checkpoints to UNPROFOR.
Harland confirmed that Karadzic had indeed made this agreement in order
to get the Muslims to come to the negotiating table.
But what happened after Karadzic withdrew the VRS from Mt. Igman and the
13 checkpoints was that the Muslims moved in and took all of that over.
The agreement was for UNPROFOR to take over Mt. Igman and the 13 checkpoints,
but the Muslims violated the agreement and took it over for themselves.
Mr. Harland was in an unenviable position. He clearly wanted to attribute
all of the blame to the Bosnian Serbs, but Slobodan Milosevic kept on bringing
up facts that demonstrated that the Muslims were the ones who were prolonging
the war, by violating ceasefires and refusing to negotiate a political
settlement, and Harland had no option but to confirm those facts.
The Muslim side frequently and most often violated cease-fire agreements.
In fact had Harland had to admit that the Muslims violated 514 of the cease-fire
agreements that they had entered into with the Bosnian Serbs.
Harland also had to admit that the UNPROFOR Commander, General Michael
Rose, felt that the Muslim policy of violating cease-fires came from Izetbegovic?s
vice-president, Ejup Ganic.
Amazingly Harland tried to defend the Muslim policy of violating cease-fires.
According to Harland it was understandable for the Muslims to violate the
cease-fire because they didn?t want to freeze the confrontation lines.
In other words the Muslims wanted to prolong the war, and didn?t want a
cease-fire at all. They just wanted to exploit the good will of the Serbs
and use the ?cease-fires? as an opportunity to regroup and launch fresh
offensives in order to move the confrontation lines.
Another Muslim policy that Harland defended was their militarization of
the so-called ?safe areas.? Harland pointed out that the UNSC Resolutions
that created the ?safe areas? enshrined the rights of the Muslims to keep
arms there.
The ?safe area? idea has got to be one of the dumbest things that the UN
Security Council has ever come-up with, right behind the Hague Tribunal.
The Security Council prohibited one side from attacking the so-called ?safe
area,? while simultaneously allowing the other side to militarize the ?safe
area? and launch attacks out from it.
Harland also had to admit that he was aware of General Rose?s reports which
stated that the Muslims were firing mortars on their own people from a
mobile launcher and that they were carrying-out sniper attacks against
their own people for propaganda purposes.
Harland himself confirmed that most of the Serbian shelling of Sarajevo
was done in retaliation. Harland admitted that the Muslim strategy in Sarajevo
was to fire shells at the Serbs from built-up civilian areas in hopes of
provoking a Serb response that would be filmed by the media and presented
to the world as some sort of ?Serb aggression?.
He recounted one example when the Muslims fired mortars on Serbian artillery
positions from the Kasova Hospital. Obviously the objective here was to
get the Serbs to shell the position that the fire on them was emanating
from ? the hospital.
The Markale Market massacre was brought up and Slobodan Milosevic had the
UN report on the incident and it stated that the shell that fell on the
market was fired from a range of less than 2,000 meters, which means that
the shell came from inside - not outside of Muslim the lines.
In addition to killing their own people for propaganda, the B-H Army killed
for the purposes of ethnic cleansing. Harland recounted how the 5th Corps
of the B-H Army attacked the Serbs in Western Bosnia.
Harland did his best to try and help the prosecution, but he failed. In
a final blow to the prosecutor?s case Harland said that the Bosnian Serb
leadership in Pale was angry with Milosevic because he refused to provide
them with troops. At the same time Harland said that Croatia was openly
sending uniformed regular army troops into Bosnia.
Another witness was also heard on Wednesday. The secret witness B-1531,
who continued his testimony from Tuesday, concluded his testimony. Unfortunately,
because of the extensive use of private sessions, and the extensive use
of Rule 89(F) by the prosecutor I have no idea what he was getting on about.
B-1531 was appointed to some anonymous high office in Foca by the SDA,
and he was apparently somebody close to the B-H Defense Minister, Hassan
Chengic. Other than that I don?t know anything about him.
=== 3 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg111103.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 11, 2003
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 11, 2003
Robert Donia, a so-called expert witness, returned to finish his cross-examination
today. Mr. Donia first testified on September 12, 2003 [http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg091203.htm%5d.
Mr. Donia examined transcripts taken from the Republika Srpska assembly,
and then ?interpreted them? for the ?court.?
The most important thing that Mr. Donia analyzed was two speeches that
President Milosevic gave to the Republika Srpska assembly to convince
the Bosnian-Serbs to accept the Vance-Owen peace plan. To illustrate
the quality of Donia?s so-called ?analysis? I will re-publish the text
from President Milosevic?s two speeches and then I will tell you what
conclusions that Donia drew from them:
///START FIRST SPEECH///
Let me say straight away that I consider that there's no alternative
to a decision in favor of peace, a decision for peace and for the reinforcement
of the signature put by Radovan Karadzic in Athens is in the interest
of the Serbian people in Republika Srpska and in the interest of the
whole Serbian people. The basic issue which has been raised from the
very beginning - and we have jointly defined what the aim of the Serbian
people in the Balkans is - I would say quite briefly the aim of the Serbian
people in the Balkans has been and remains to be free and equal.
The offered proposal, in my opinion, for that very reason for the Serb
people to be free and equal should be viewed from the standpoint to what
extent that freedom and equality is ensured through such an approach.
In the provinces which will not be under the control of the Serb authorities
and there are still Serbs living there, it is explicitly stated that
access will be denied to the HVO and Green Berets and that they will
be accessed only by the UN, which means that they will provide a security
zone which will make it possible for no one to have to leave their homes,
which means that that freedom is guaranteed and a condition that has
been achieved in the proposed solution, but it also means that this is
a freedom that the Serbian people in Bosnia have won for themselves.
The plan also restores the status of a constituent people. You remember
well that the conflict started when the rights of the Serbian people
as a constituent people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were trampled upon,
when decisions started to be made without consulting them and without
their participation and against their will. This solution, the Vance-Owen
Plan, envisages such equality in rights so that the Serbian people in
BH can be said to have restored their position of a constituent people
through their struggle.
Therefore, it is fully and equally in the hands of the Serbian people,
as in the hands of other peoples. They have the right and ability to
make decisions that decisively affect their destiny.
If that main issue and main goal of the Serbian people in the Balkans,
that is, to be free and equal, is assessed from the standpoint of the
solutions offered, then we see that it has restored freedom and equality
and that after the struggle whereby it has won that freedom and equality,
it can decide not to reject its remaining demands but to try and address
those requests through peace and not war, at a conference table, through
political negotiations, and not by sacrificing more victims. Every sacrifice
has a justification if it achieves goals, but it has no justification
if the solution offered guarantees freedom and equality.
Let me tell you in the end, don't tell us that you feel abandoned; we
shared all your worries throughout this period. Not only did we worry
for you, but we assisted you at the expense and sacrifice by 10 million
Serbs.
///END FIRST SPEECH///
[Note: Between these two speeches R.S. MP's made their own speeches and
debated whether or not to accept the plan.]
///START SECOND SPEECH///
I will try very briefly, but with the highest possible degree of responsibility
to say a few words. But before doing that, I wish to convey to you my
impressions. You spoke openly and from the heart. Most of what you said
related to the cruelties and injustices of war. In the Serbian people,
throughout their history, unfortunately there is too -- there are too
many truthful testimonies of the horrors of war. However, all that we heard
today regarding the testimony and the horrors of war, all of this can
be formed into one single argument and a single statement and message,
that the war should cease as soon as possible, that the war should cease
immediately.
However, let me go back to the question we are addressing today. The
question is not how much horrors -- how many horrors there were in this
war. This people has felt this on their own shoulders throughout their
history. The question today is whether we should consolidate what has
been achieved and through a peaceful process, under conditions of security,
achieve what remains to be done, what we call "outstanding matters."
There were many outstanding issues, but the plan envisaged that those
problems be addressed in negotiations.
So whether we should seek to address what we call 'outstanding problems'
through negotiation or should we destroy what has been achieved at the
expense of enormous sacrifice. That is the real issue that this Assembly
should decide. So the question, when talking about the plan, is not whether
we are departing from our goals. Of course not.
The question is whether that plan represents the path towards the ultimate
goal. The plan is not the final fulfillment of the justified demands
of the Serbian people, but it certainly represents the path towards the
ultimate goal. But now we must make much more effort through our wisdom
and less bloodshed. I think that should be an advantage, not a disadvantage.
And this Assembly must have the courage and self-confidence under these
circumstances on the basis of the plan, which must -- which is a sufficient
basis to achieve our goal, rather than committing a tragic error which
will cruelly cut across or put an obstacle on the way to success.
Will the Assembly opt for a reasonable or an unreasonable path? I think
no one needs to persuade this Assembly about. I think peace is the reasonable,
the sensible way. On the contrary, if the slogan is spread about that
the Serbs don't want peace, that could only justify crimes against the
Serbs, and this is something you should bear in mind. When the road towards
peace is being opened, you must explain to the people that they -- why
should they sacrifice their lives in even crueller ways up to now? You
cannot explain the reasons to the Serbian people in Bosnia or in Serbia.
And let me say finally, one must sacrifice everything for the people
except the people. You cannot sacrifice the people. You do not have the
right to do that as an Assembly or as anyone else.
///END SECOND SPEECH///
President Milosevic stated quite unequivocally that there was no alternative
to peace, that the war had to end immediately, that the aim is for the
Serbian people in the Balkans is to be free and equal, and that their
destiny will be in their hands, as it is in the hands of the other two
peoples if they accept the Vance-Owen plan, and that things should be
resolved by consensus and through negotiations.
Anybody with a brain can easily understand what President Milosevic was
saying. Donia, on the other hand, claimed that with those two speeches
President Milosevic was advocating ?greater Serbia? and that he wasn?t
seriously endorsing the Vance-Owen plan.
When Lord Owen testified he said quite unequivocally that Milosevic did
seriously endorse the Vance-Owen peace plan, so who are we to believe?
Should we believe Lord Owen who was one of the chief negotiators for
whom the plan was named? Or should we believe some jerk who was working
for Merrill-Lynch at the time?
This was typical for the quality of Donia?s analysis. The basic premise
that Donia operated on was that Serbs are an evil scheming bunch who
always mean the opposite of what they are actually saying.
Mr. Donia considered that eventhough the term ?greater Serbia? never
appeared in any of the transcripts that ?greater Serbia? was exactly what
the Serbs were trying to accomplish.
Mr. Donia only selectively analyzed RS assembly sessions, he didn?t even
look at any of the documents issued by the assembly, and he selectively
took quotes out of their proper context in order to misrepresent them
so that they would fit his anti-Serb thesis.
On another occasion Radovan Karadzic was speaking about finding a political
solution to the situation in Gorazde. Karadzic said quite literally in
the transcript that ?not a single shot should be fired.? And Donia interpreted
this as meaning that Karadzic wanted to incite an armed conflict around
Gorazde.
Mr. Donia, who was working for Merrill-Lynch in New York at the time,
stated that he knew that VJ troops were in Bosnia even though none of the
transcripts he that ?analyzed? reflected such a thing. But when he was
asked about Croatian troops all of the sudden he wasn?t a military expert
and wasn?t competent to testify about such things as whose troops were
where.
Mr. Donia was quick to defend Warren Zimmerman, saying that Zimmerman
didn?t tell Izetbegovic to withdraw from the Cutliero plan. But when asked
about the Cutlitero plan all of the sudden Donia remembered that it was
outside of his mandate as a witness.
But because this so-called ?expert witness? brought bits and pieces of the
transcripts to the ?court? with him some interesting things were established.
During the cross-examination by the Amicus Mr. Tapuskovic it was proven
that Belgrade did not command the VRS. In the 39th session transcript
of the Republika Srpska assembly of March 1994 Radovan Karadzic says,
?I am responsible to the people, and the commanders are responsible to
me. I sign the orders.?
It was brought out by Mr. Tapuskovic that Dr. Karadzic signed military 7
directives. The 7th directive stipulated that the VRS should thwart
enemy war plans and prevent a breakthrough at Srebrenica. Donia, of course,
misinterpreted this as meaning that Karadzic ordered a massacre at Srebrenica.
It was also brought out during President Milosevic?s cross-examination of
Donia that according to the transcripts it was only by the grace of the
R.S. Assembly that UN troops were allowed to deploy in Srebrenica, Gorazde
and Zepa.
A 1993 speech of Karadzic?s was also read out where Karadzic is saying that
it is good that UNPROFOR is in Srebrenica because if the VRS had taken
it then there could have been ?blood to the knees? because of the revenge
that might have been taken by the soldiers who had had their families
massacred by Muslim troops who were attacking out from Srebrenica.
Karadzic said that it was actually in the Republika Srpska?s strategic
interest to stay out of Srebrenica, because a massacre there could jeopardize
the very existence of Republika Srpska. Therefore, it is quite unlikely
that Karadzic would order a massacre 2 years later, because he was certainly
aware of what the consequences would be if there was one.
After Donia withdrew the secret witness B-1097 was recalled to finish his
cross-examination. B-1097 had originally testified on July 25th.
B-1097 claimed to have been taken prisoner at the Karakaj Technical School
in Zvornik where a large number of Muslims were apparently killed.
B-1097 could not identify his captors, except as ?Serbs.? He couldn?t
say which unit they were from, and he didn?t see any executions.
After he got away from the technical school he went to Serbia. He lived
freely in Novi Sad. Nobody mistreated him in Serbia, and he was even
issued a passport by the FRY authorities.
B-1097 did have some interesting things to say about Zvornik. First of
all he admitted that the Muslim paramilitary formation known as the Patriotic
League was active there.
He also admitted, or should I say was forced to admit, that the Muslim
T.O. in Zvornik had threatened to blow-up the hydroelectric dam. At first
he tried to deny this. The Amicus Mr. Kay asked him 4 times if this had
happened and B-1097 never answered the question, and so Mr. Kay pointed-out
paragraph 7 of the whiteness?s own statement where it said that the Muslim
T.O. had threatened to blow-up the dam.
After B-1097 was done, another secret witness came along. B-1399 was
apparently a survivor of the Srebrenica massacre, and most of B-1399?s
testimony was dealt with in secret - in so-called ?closed session.?
From what could be gathered in open session it can be concluded that B-1097
is a liar. B-1097 claimed that Srebrenica had been demilitarized and
that only UNPROFOR had weapons. B-1097 stated unequivocally that no Muslims
in Srebrenica had any weapons, because UNPROFOR had taken them all away.
B-1097 also stated that no Muslim-led attacks had emanated from Srebrenica.
B-1097?s testimony here is in direct contradiction of the UNPROFOR commander
Rupert Smith?s testimony. According to Smith?s testimony on October 9,
2003 ?UNPROFOR was not tasked with demilitarizing Srebrenica.? and the
Muslim forces of the 28th Infantry Division were, ?conducting raids out
from Srebrenica into the Serb-held territory.?
B-1097 is scheduled to finish his cross-examination tomorrow.
=== 4 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg111203.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 12, 2003
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 12, 2003
B-1399 Finished his testimony at the Hague Tribunal. He recounted the story
of how he allegedly survived execution at Srebrenica. He says that he was
part of a group of men, that he was blindfolded, and that the executioners
opened fire on the group. The corpses fell on top of him and the dead bodies
shielded him from further gunfire. He later crawled out from the pile of
corpses.
According to B-1399 armed men saw him escaping and opened fire on him as
he ran away, but they missed.
He recounted that while he was at the execution site he saw trucks bringing
Muslims for execution every 10 minutes.
B-1399 has given numerous statements about his alleged experience. The
first statements that he gave were in 1995 and 1997, and in those statements
no mention was made about trucks bringing in people to execute, nor was
any mention made of the ?fact? that B-1399 was shot at as he was fleeing.
We established yesterday that B-1399?s account of the military situation
in Srebrenica was in direct contradiction of the UNPROFOR commander Rupert
Smith?s testimony, and now we have B-1399 coming up with this new ?evidence?
8 years after the fact.
It was obvious that B-1399 was lying. When asked about discrepancies between
his testimony and his written statements he got very defensive. At one
point he snapped at the Amicus Curiae, Mr. Tapuskovic, and told him that
he should not ask those sorts of questions.
The next witness was the Canadian Major Roy F. Thomas. Maj. Thomas was
the senior UN Military Observer in Sarajevo for 9 months spanning 1993
and 1994.
During Maj. Thomas?s tenure he did not see any attacks by the Serbs on
Sarajevo, he claimed that the Serbs were in a holding pattern around the
city, and did not try to take it.
Under cross-examination from President Milosevic, Maj. Thomas spoke of
some of the underhanded strategies that the Muslims would employ.
For example, Maj. Thomas testified that there were occasions when the Muslim
soldiers would open fire on the Serbs from behind the UNPROFOR position
in order that the UNPROFOR soldiers would provide a sort of shield for
their attack.
Maj. Thomas corroborated the testimony of David Harland (United Nations
civil and political affairs officer in Sarajevo) that Muslim forces were
using the Kosevo Hospital as a mortar plate. The Muslims were firing mortars
at the Serbs from the hospital in order to provoke the Serbs into firing
on the hospital.
On another occasion Maj. Thomas recounted that Muslims opened fire from
the PTT building at Serb positions, with a view to getting the Serbs to
fire on the PTT building. At the time, the PTT building was the UN headquarters
in Sarajevo. The Muslims were trying to get the Serbs to shoot at the UN.
Maj. Thomas recounted yet another occasion when Muslims disguised themselves
as Bosnian-Serb soldiers and tried to kill the UNPROFOR commander. Fortunately
according to Maj. Thomas they weren?t smart enough to pull it off and got
caught. So here we have Muslims plotting to kill the UNPROFOR commander,
and engaging in a conspiracy to make it look like the Serbs did it.
The Muslims would not always wear military uniforms. According to Maj.
Thomas he, the Senior UN Military Observer, had no idea who was a soldier
and who was a civilian, and so he had no choice other than to regard all
able bodied men as soldiers.
Maj. Thomas spoke of one occasion when the 10th Mountain Brigade of the
B-H Army, led by the notorious criminal Musan Topalovic - Caco, captured
a group of UNPROFOR soldiers, and stole their equipment and their money.
According to Maj. Thomas the media did not portray a balanced view of sniping
incidents in Sarajevo. He said that all sides engaged in sniper activity.
He said that the main objective of the Muslim snipers was to provoke the
Serbs into abandoning cease-fires. As a case in point he gave an example
where Muslim snipers shot and killed 3 pregnant Serb women during a cease-fire,
and that the following day the Serbs shot at every Muslim soldier they
saw.
Maj. Thomas accompanied General Rose (UNPROFOR commander) to the negotiations
at the Sarajevo Airport. At those negotiations the Serb side, led by Ratko
Mladic, proposed a general cease-fire throughout Bosnia. The Muslims, on
the other hand, did not want a ceasefire.
Gen. Rose supported the cease-fire idea, because as he says in his book,
and as Maj. Thomas confirmed that he said at the time, only with a ceasefire
can negotiations take place, and a solution be found that can end the war.
None the less, after the negotiations failed, because the Muslims refused
to agree to a ceasefire; NATO proceeded to bomb the Bosnian Serbs.
I believe that the prosecution brought Maj. Thomas to testify about the
Markale Market incident but he didn?t really do them any good. He said
that he couldn?t determine who had fired the shell at the market place.
There was however a document produced by one of Maj. Thomas?s men, and
president Milosevic read it out, and it said that a 120mm mortar launcher
on wheels was seen at a location in Muslim held territory from which it
could have fired the deadly shell.
It was also borne out by Maj. Thomas that UNMO?s were permitted to investigate
in the Serbian territory immediately after the incident.
In spite of evidence that the Muslims shelled their own people or at least
in view of the lack of evidence that the Serbs did it; NATO used the Markale
Market incident as a justification to bomb the Bosnian Serbs.
Maj. Thomas also corroborated David Harland?s testimony about the Muslim
violation of the Mt. Igman agreement, when Muslim soldiers illegally took
over positions on Mt. Igman that were supposed to be occupied by UNPROFOR.
After Maj. Thomas withdrew, Merced Kucanin a Muslim police officer from
Sarajevo took the witness stand.
Kucanin alleged that the Serbs fired shells on a number of targets in Sarajevo,
and he proceeded to enumerate them.
He also testified about Jusuf Prazina, called Juka. Mr. Kucanin confirmed
that Juka was a criminal and that he commanded an armed unit, but Kucanin
insisted that it was OK since Juka was working for the police!
So the Sarajevo police put a convicted criminal in charge of an armed unit,
and this guy thinks it?s OK. What sort of police employs criminals? Apparently
it is the sort of police that our gallant witness worked for.
When President Milosevic asked whether or not the Sarajevo authorities
prevented the civilian population from leaving Sarajevo this guy?s answer
was that he didn?t know if they did or not. He didn?t know? A man who, by
then, had been a police officer for 10 years didn?t know?! Or is it that
he did know, but he didn?t want to admit that civilians were prohibited
from leaving, and so he said that he didn?t know?
President Milosevic has 30 more minutes to cross-examine Kucanin tomorrow.
After Kucanin, apparently the witnesses B-1524 and Franken will be heard
from.
=== 5 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg111303.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: DUTCHBAT COMMANDER SAW NO EXECUTIONS IN SREBRENICA
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 13, 2003
Merced Kucanin finished his testimony today at the Hague Tribunal. As you
remember from yesterday Kucanin was a Sarajevo police officer who testified
about shelling and sniping in Sarajevo.
He testified today about a certain Milo Vaselovic who had been shot by
a sniper in Sarajevo. Vaselovic was a Serb, and Kucanin testified that
he had been shot by Vojislav Seselj. He didn?t do any ballistic analysis
on the corpse or anything like that but he saw Seselj on Television that
night and so he concluded that Seselj must have been the gunman?impeccable
logic indeed.
Kucanin also retracted his previous assertion that he didn?t know if civilians
could leave Sarajevo or not. Today he confirmed that civilians were not
allowed to leave the city. He said that there was only one way out and
that a pass, issued by the B-H Interior Ministry, was required in order
to leave the city. He also confirmed that very few people actually received
this pass. But he only admitted that people couldn?t leave the city when
confronted with the fact that his witness statement said that people couldn?t
leave.
Kucanin, when asked by President Milosevic, also confirmed that the first
victims of the war in Sarajevo were the members of a Serb wedding party
who were fired on and killed while en route to the Orthodox Church in Sarajevo.
The next witness to testify was Col. Robert Franken. Franken was a DutchBat
Major, and he was the deputy UNPROFOR commander in Srebrenica in July of
1995.
First of all I should say that Col. Franken said quite unequivocally that
he saw no evidence which would indicate that there was any political or
military cooperation between Belgrade and the VRS units that came into
Srebrenica when the enclave fell. The Dutch Government conducted an exhaustive
investigation into the alleged events at Srebrenica and drew the conclusion
in point 10 of their report that Belgrade had nothing to do with any of
the events in Srebrenica.
This evidence exonerates Slobodan Milosevic personally, but since the Serbs
are on trial as a group at the Hague and President Milosevic is their foremost
defender. President Milosevic is none the less endeavoring to prove the
truth about what happened at Srebrenica even though it is totally outside
the realm of possibility that he could in any way be connected to the events
there.
According to Col. Franken Srebrenica was supposed to be demilitarized.
However Franken said that the Muslims did not demilitarize, in fact he
says the Muslims even received weapons at the airport and UNPROFOR was
unable to stop them.
Col. Franken confirmed that the Muslims had a whole division of troops
stationed in Srebrenica. He testified that the 8th Operation Group was
there, and that it later became known as the 28th Infantry Division. The
28th Infantry Division consisted of the 280th Brigade, the 281st Brigade,
the 282nd Brigade, the 283rd Brigade, the 284th Brigade, a Mountain battalion,
9 sabotage groups and a reserve police force. At a given time the 28th
Division had over 4,000 men under arms, and Franken confirmed that every
man in Srebrenica was at the disposal of the 28th Division. There was also
a special unit that Srebrenica?s notorious Muslim war-lord Nasir Oric had
at his own personal disposal. The 28th Infantry Division, according to
Franken, was a poorly trained and poorly disciplined group.
Col. Franken testified that there was heavy fighting around Srebrenica.
He testified that thousands of members of the 28th Infantry Division tried
to break-out of the enclave across Serbian territory towards Tuzla, and
that they took massive casualties in the process.
Franken also testified that there was internal Muslim fighting among the
members of the 28th Infantry Division in Srebrenica and that casualties
were inflicted by the Muslims on each other over the course of that fighting.
Franken also confirmed that Muslim soldiers attempted to attack the eastern
flank of the VRS near Srebrenica and that they took heavy casualties during
that offensive.
President Milosevic asked the obvious question. He asked if the members
of the 28th Infantry Division who died during combat operations were being
counted as the victims of the alleged ?massacre? at Srebrenica. Col. Franken
didn?t know.
An important point to observe here is that Col. Franken testified that
none of the UN soldiers who were in Srebrenica at the critical time saw
any executions taking place. In fact the only casualties they saw were
of people who had been killed in the fighting. Again, none of the DutchBat
personnel who composed the UNPROFOR battalion in Srebrenica saw any executions
or mass-killings taking place there.
Col. Franken also testified that before the break-out operation that the
Muslim Soldiers in Srebrenica would launch attacks out of the enclave onto
the surrounding Serbian villages. To bear this out President Milosevic
cited examples such as the time when Visnica was attacked by Muslim troops
from Srebrenica and many Serbs were killed, and he cited the example when
Muslim soldiers attacked and killed a group of Serbian woodcutters who
were just cutting down trees in a forested area near Srebrenica, and of
course there are many more examples.
Col. Franken testified that the only ones to kill a UNPROFOR soldier in
Srebrenica were the Muslims. The VRS did not kill a single UNPROFOR soldier.
Col. Franken testified that the Muslims in Srebrenica would position themselves
near UNPROFOR observation posts and then open fire on the Serbs in order
to make the Serbs think that UNPROFOR was firing on them, with the ultimate
objective being for the Serbs to retaliate and shoot at the UNPROFOR observation
post.
Col. Franken recounted one occasion when Muslim soldiers in Srebrenica
stole some UNPROFOR uniforms, disguised themselves as UNPROFOR members,
approached a UN observation post and opened fire on the real UNPROFOR personnel
who were there.
Lt. Col. Ton Karremans was Col. Franken?s commanding officer and President
Milosevic read from a briefing paper that Karremans provided to Franken.
Karremans negotiated the evacuation of the civilian population from Srebrenica
with Ratko Mladic. It should also be noted here that it was Akashi?s idea
that Srebrenica should be evacuated.
From the briefing paper we can see that Mladic wanted the evacuation of
Srebrenica to be voluntary. Mladic explained that the refugees could stay
because he didn?t have any problems with civilians since they were not
to blame for anything.
It was Mladic?s position that the wounded, the elderly, and the women and
children should be evacuated first. Mladic also wanted the Red Cross to
escort the refugees, according to the briefing paper.
Mladic wanted the men to be questioned before being allowed to leave, and
indeed men were questioned at a place near Potocari called the ?white house,?
an UNMO (UN Military Observer) was stationed at that location and saw as
many men leaving the white house as he saw going in.
President Milosevic?s cross-examination was cut short because of time restrictions
imposed by the so-called ?court.? Col. Franken was what the so-called ?tribunal?
calls a ?92-bis witness?. This means that a summary of his testimony is
read out by the prosecutor, followed by a very brief examination-in-chief.
President Milosevic then only has 1 hour for cross-examination. This practice
frequently means that President Milosevic is unable to fully cross-examine
important witnesses and that was again the case today.
After President Milosevic?s cross-examination, the Amicus Curiae Mr. Tapuskovic
was able to cross-examine Col. Franken for approximately 15 minutes.
Col. Franken told Mr. Tapuskovic that the Muslim forces inside of Srebrenica
were essentially using UNPROFOR as a cover for carrying out prohibited
military activities. In other words they were abusing the safe area.
Mr. Tapuskovic then embarked on an interesting line of questioning that
I feel needs to be explored much further.
One of Col. Franken?s subordinates named Van Duyn had testified at another
trial, I believe Tapuskovic said that it was at Obrenovic?s trial, but
I?m not sure. I?ll have to go back and look at the tape when it is available.
Apparently, this Van Duyn testified in that trial that the UNPROFOR battalion
in Srebrenica had been ordered to fire on Serbian artillery positions that
were just minding their own business on the mountain tops some 10 to 15
kilometers away from the enclave.
The objective was apparently to induce the Serbs to attack the enclave
itself and thereby provide a justification for NATO air strikes. Or could
the objective have been to suck the Serbs into the enclave so that they
could be accused of perpetrating a massacre there later on?
Unfortunately, Mr. Nice intervened, questioning the relevance, and Tapuskovic?s
cross-examination was abruptly ended.
After Col. Franken was finished with his testimony a secret witness called
?B-1524? was called to testify. B-1524 was allegedly a Serb from Zvornik
that the SDA had recruited to spy on the SDS. B-1524 was also allegedly
taken prisoner by Arkan.
B-1524?s cross-examination will take place next Tuesday.
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
1. LORD OWEN TESTIFIES AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" - November 5, 2003
2. DAVID HARLAND CONCLUDES HIS TESTIMONY AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" - November
6, 2003
3. MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 11, 2003
4. MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 12, 2003
5. DUTCHBAT COMMANDER SAW NO EXECUTIONS IN SREBRENICA - November 13, 2003
=== 1 ===
SYNOPSIS: LORD OWEN TESTIFIES AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL"
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 5, 2003
Written by: Andy Wilcoxson
Lord David Owen, former chief negotiator of the European Union, and author
of the book ?Balkan Odyssey? testified at the so-called ?trial? of Slobodan
Milosevic on Monday and Tuesday of this week.
Lord Owen did not testify as a prosecution witness, in fact he refused
to testify as a prosecution witness, rather he testified simply as a witness
for the court.
He was examined first by Mr. Nice, then by President Milosevic, and finally
by the Amicus Curiae Mr. Kay.
Lord Owen as the E.U.?s chief negotiator was in frequent contact with Milosevic,
and he believed that President Milosevic was totally committed to the Vance-Owen
plan. Owen also said that President Milosevic insisted on a solution that
was equal to all three sides.
Owen testified that President Milosevic supported various peace plans.
For example President Milosevic supported: the Cutileiro plan in March
of 1992, the Vance-Owen plan in May of 1993, the Owen-Stoltenberg plan
(a.k.a. the ?invincible plan?) in September of 1993, the European Union
Action plan in December of 1993, the Contact Group plan in July of 1994,
and ultimately the Dayton peace plan in 1995.
Lord Owen also testified that President Milosevic entreated the Bosnian
Serb leadership to accept all of these plans. Owen also confirmed that
without the contribution of Serbia, and President Milosevic in particular
that Dayton never would have happened. In fact it was Slobodan Milosevic
who cast the deciding vote for peace at Dayton.
According to Owen the Bosnian Serb leadership was not a pack of mindless
automatons operating at the whim and will of Milosevic. First of all the
politics were different in Pale than in Belgrade, for example Slobodan
Milosevic is a communist and Radovan Karadzic is not a communist.
Indeed the Bosnian Serbs acted against the will of President Milosevic
when the Republika Srpska Assembly rejected the Vance-Owen plan, and also
the Contact Group plan. Lord Owen confirmed that President Milosevic traveled
to Pale and did everything he could, short of using force, to convince
the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Vance-Owen plan. And according to Owen
this episode damaged Milosevic politically and significantly reduced what
influence he did have in Pale.
According to Lord Owen, President Milosevic was ?very helpful? in the peace
negotiations. Owen explained that President Milosevic would use logic and
put forward arguments to try and influence the decisions made by Pale,
but that he would acquiesce and tell them that at the end of the day it
was up to them to decide what course they would take. This was Owen?s main
problem with Milosevic. Owen considered that Milosevic should have used
force with the Bosnian Serbs, and forced them to accept his point of view.
This is a rather dramatic blow to the prosecution?s case. Here is one of
the highest international officials to be on the scene in Bosnia during
the war and he is upset with Milosevic, because Milosevic *did not* control
the Bosnian Serb leadership.
Not only did Milosevic *not* control the Bosnian Serb leadership, but he
also did *not* control the Krajina Serb leadership. Owen had a low opinion
of Milan Martic, and explained that he saw on numerous occasions that Slobodan
Milosevic would also be frustrated and angry with Mr. Martic. It has been
said in the past that Milosevic controlled Martic. Owen?s account blows
that idea to pieces. Why would Milosevic be frustrated and angry with somebody,
if he was the one controlling them?
Owen considered that Milosevic was somewhat afraid of his nationalistic
political opposition in Belgrade; namely Seselj and Draskovic. If we follow
Lord Owen?s position then perhaps we can see what would have been done
to Milosevic if he had attempted to use force against the Serbs in Bosnia.
I emphasize that this is just hypothetical because Slobodan Milosevic would
never have used force against the Bosnian Serbs in the first place. The
point of this hypothesis is to demonstrate that even if he had wanted to,
President Milosevic could not have used force against the Bosnian Serbs,
because he would have been overthrown if he had tried.
President Milosevic did of course exert pressure; he blockaded the Drina
River when the Bosnian Serbs did not adopt the Contact Group plan.
Owen explained to a disappointed Mr. Nice that Slobodan Milosevic is not
a racist, and never was a racist. According to Owen, President Milosevic,
and his wife Mira Markovic are repulsed by ethnic racism. Owen said that
the ethnic make-up of Serbia proves that President Milosevic is not now,
and never has been a racist. As Owen explained there are Muslims, Croats,
and people of all ethnicities who lived and are still living freely in
Serbia. Indeed, Serbia is the most ethnically mixed part of the Balkan
Peninsula.
As for this business of a so-called ?greater Serbia? plan. According to
Owen, Milosevic was reconciled with the idea that Krajina Serbs would live
in Croatia, and Bosnian Serbs would live in Bosnia.
Owen said that he didn?t know what Milosevic?s position on ?greater Serbia?
was before he got there, so Milosevic reminded him of the fact that he
had supported both the Cutileiro plan and the Vance Plan. With that Owen
admitted that President Milosevic?s support for the plans indicated that
he never had any ideas about creating any ?greater Serbia.?
A document was exhibited in ?court? that was signed both by Slobodan Milosevic
and Franjo Tudjman. The document denied that the so-called ?Karadjordjevo
meeting? had ever taken place. According to the document, the two men had
never had any plan or conspiracy to divide Bosnia up between the two of
them, and indeed Owen confirmed that President Milosevic had never said
that he wanted even an inch of territory in Bosnia. But Owen said that
Tudjman openly claimed Herzeg-Bosna as Croatian territory and openly sent
troops into Bosnia from Croatia.
To completely and totally refute this ?greater Serbia? propaganda President
Milosevic presented the 1992 declaration of the FRY government stating
that the FRY made no territorial claims on any of the former SFRY republics.
Lord Owen denounced the so-called ?safe-areas? (Srebrenica, Zepa, Gorazde,
etc?) as a scam and a farce. The UN had inadequate troops and resources
to protect them, and the Muslims refused to demilitarize the safe areas
and indeed carried out attacks from them. The whole thing was a joke.
When President Milosevic examined Lord Owen one of the first things that
was established was that Belgrade did *not* control the VRS.
To drive the point home President Milosevic showed a report written by
former UN Secretary General, Butros Butros Ghali (exhibit D-91) to Lord
Owen. The report was dated 30 May 1992, and stated in no uncertain terms
that the VRS was not under the control of Belgrade.
The report said that the VRS was formed out of the JNA troops who were
originally from Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The report stated that on 4 May 1992 Belgrade authorities ordered the evacuation
of the JNA from Bosnia and that on 18 May 1992 all JNA personnel who were
not originally from Bosnia-Herzegovina were withdrawn from Bosnia Herzegovina,
except in limited cases when hostile forces prevented the JNA?s immediate
withdrawal, by measures such as the blockading of barracks.
Owen stated that he believed the Secretary General?s report to be accurate.
President Milosevic then noted that in spite of the Secretary General?s
report, which clearly placed the VRS outside of Belgrade?s control that
in spite of that on the same day as the report was issued that the Security
Council imposed sanctions on the FRY.
President Milosevic claimed that there was no aggression against Bosnia-Herzegovina
that it was a civil war, and to any normal person this can clearly be seen.
Slobodan Milosevic said that the JNA did not occupy Bosnia. The JNA had
always been in Bosnia, because Bosnia was part of Yugoslavia, and the JNA
was Yugoslavia?s national army. Lord Owen agreed.
Slobodan Milosevic observed that the Bosnian-Serbs were not occupying Bosnia.
They had always lived there, and that the VRS was made-up of Bosnian-Serbs,
and again Lord Owen agreed.
President Milosevic said that since there was no occupation, and the fighting
was between the people who lived in Bosnia then the war was a civil war
and not a war of aggression. Lord Owen disagreed.
The bottom line according to Owen was that Bosnia was the UN Security Council?s
creation. Owen had to explain that the UN Security Council had recognized
Bosnia as an independent country, and that it had recognized Alija Izetbegovic?s
government as the legitimate government. Therefore, anybody who was at
war with Izetbegovic and his regime was technically engaged in aggression,
even if they did live in Bosnia.
It is interesting to note here that in the beginning everybody supported
keeping Yugoslavia as one united country. The EC, the OSCE, and the United
States all initially supported keeping Yugoslavia as one united country.
Lord Owen indicated that this all changed when Clinton took office.
In the opinion of Lord Owen it would have been better had the SFRY not
dissolved. He said that the recognition of Bosnia was premature, and was
a catastrophic mistake. Lord Owen also said that Cyrus Vance shared his
opinion and viewed the premature recognition as being an absolute scandal,
and a tragic mistake.
The premature recognition of the secessionist Yugoslav republics was scandalous.
President Milosevic read out a quote from Lord Carrington in which it states
that they were near reaching a political solution with Croatia regarding
Slavonia and Krajina, but that the premature recognition of Croatia toppled
the peace process. Carrington considered that the recognition was ?a treacherous
act? by the Security Council.
As for the allegations that Serbia was arming the Bosnian Serbs, Owen said
that he had no proof of that. According to Owen the Bosnian Serbs had the
ability to produce their own weapons and their own ammunition.
Lord Owen spoke of the roll that the Washington D.C. based public relations
firm Ruder-Finn played on behalf of the Muslims and Croats. How Ruder-Finn
would pay people to write editorials and letters to the editor, how Ruder-Finn
would arrange for Western journalists and politicians to speak with Muslim
and Croat officials.
According to Lord Owen, Ejup Ganic was the mastermind behind Muslim propaganda.
Owen said that the strategy of the Muslim propaganda was to portray themselves
as the victims in the hopes that the United States would intervene on their
side militarily.
Indeed Owen confirmed that Ganic used all means to achieve his goals. He
even said that Ganic preferred to have Sarajevo under siege.
Owen also confirmed that Milosevic wanted the siege stopped. In fact Owen
acknowledged that President Milosevic wanted to send the International
Red Cross into Bosnia. So here we have Milosevic who wants to stop the
siege and bring in the Red Cross, and Ganic who wants the war to continue
because it helps him in his drive to portray the Muslims as the victims.
While there is no doubt that President Milosevic wanted peace. The United
States and the Clinton Administration in particular are a different story.
According to Lord Owen the United States was hostile to the Vance-Owen
Peace plan, and to the peace process in general. The United States would
encourage the Muslims to make absurd demands in order to derail the peace
process.
Lord Owen confirmed that the United States was pro-Croat. President Milosevic
read out a quote from Stoltenberg where he said that Tudjman was preparing
an offensive with the approval of the White House, and this was during
a cease fire when nobody was supposed to be mounting offensives. Of course
everybody knows, and it was confirmed by Lord Owen that the biggest ethnic
cleansing operation in all of those Balkan wars was the "operation storm"
that was perpetrated by Croatia against the Krajina Serbs.
All in all the testimony of Lord Owen was very interesting, and rather
educational. For the record I note that the full text of the Cutileiro
plan was exhibited, and its exhibit number is D-209.
The main thing that was established by Lord Owen?s testimony is that President
Slobodan Milosevic is a man of peace. The prosecution is almost finished
presenting its case and it is clearer now than it ever has been that Slobodan
Milosevic is not a war criminal. After seeing the prosecution?s total lack
of evidence, and after observing the underhanded tactics that they employ
all I can say is: Congratulations Ms. del Ponte! If you wanted to convince
me that Slobodan Milosevic is a hero then you?ve certainly been successful.
=== 2 ===
SYNOPSIS: DAVID HARLAND CONCLUDES HIS TESTIMONY AT THE MILOSEVIC "TRIAL"
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 6, 2003
David Harland, the United Nations civil and political affairs officer in
Sarajevo was recalled at the ?trial? of Slobodan Milosevic on Wednesday.
Mr. Harland was the longest serving UN official in Bosnia. He had originally
begun his testimony on September 18th. He returned on Wednesday to complete
his cross examination.
First of all, here is a summary of Harland?s September 18th appearance
at the ?Tribunal.?
While speaking of ethnic cleansing, Mr. Harland confirmed that Radovan
Karadzic never challenged the rights of non-Serbs to live on Bosnian Serb
territory.
Harland did, however, confirm that ethnic cleansing did take place, and
that all three sides were guilty of perpetrating that crime.
Harland also affirmed that President Milosevic supported the Vance-Owen
plan, and that his goal and the goal of Serbia was ?for the Serb people
to be free and equal, not more, not less than that.?
President Milosevic?s words at the Bosnian Serb assembly in Pale confirm
that his aim in supporting the Vance-Owen plan was equality. President
Milosevic said in his speech to the Bosnian Serb Assembly that "With this
plan, the Serb people have restored their right to be treated equally as
a constituent nation and with this plan its fate will be in its hands,
as it will be in the hands of the other two peoples on an equal footing
and in freedom."
Harland tried to say that the Bosnian Serbs wanted 70% of Bosnia for themselves,
and so President Milosevic pointed out that the Bosnian Serbs had agreed
to the Cutileiro Plan and also to the Contact Group plan, and that neither
one of those plans envisioned 70% of the territory for the Serbs. Harland
then admitted that it was correct that the Bosnian Serbs had accepted those
plans and that neither of those plans called for 70% to go to the Serbs.
President Milosevic observed, and Harland grudgingly confirmed that Radovan
Karadzic was constantly trying to bring the Muslims to the negotiating
table.
When President Milosevic asked what goals that the Bosnian Muslims had
Mr. Harland said, ?I think that there was one group which felt that the
Muslims are the largest community in Bosnia and Herzegovina and therefore
they had an interest in keeping Bosnia and Herzegovina together as a single
state in which they would not be threatened in any way because they would
be almost a majority. And, in fact, of course there is -- there is language
in Mr. Izetbegovic's Islamic declaration which refers to the -- the role
that will be played by a Muslim community once they become a majority in
a -- in a given country.?
President Milosevic observed the contents of Izetbegovic?s Islamic Declaration
in which it says that "there can be neither peace nor coexistence between
the Islamic faith and non-Islamic social and political institutions" and
"the Islamic movement must and can, take over political power as soon as
it is morally and numerically so strong that it can not only destroy the
existing non-Islamic power, but also to build up a new Islamic one?.
In connection with what is stated in the Islamic Declaration of Alija Izetbegovic,
President Milosevic asked the following question of Mr. Harland: ?Do you
then consider that the Serbs could have accepted a state conceived along
those lines, the Serbs which had until then lived as a nation on a footing
of equality with everybody else in the area? Could they have accepted that??
Harland didn?t answer the question. Instead he decided to make accusations
against the Serbs because he realized that the Bosnian war was the Muslims
fault and he wasn?t ready to admit that. By then it was 1:45 and the September
18th session ended.
When Harland returned to finish his cross-examination last Wednesday president
Milosevic showed him an ethnic map of Sarajevo based on the 1981 census,
and it was observed that the Serbs did not ?occupy? Sarajevo. It could
be clearly seen on the map that the Serbs were indigenous to Sarajevo,
and Harland confirmed that the VRS positions around Sarajevo roughly confirmed
to the territory that the Serbs were shown to be living on already by the
1981 census.
It was also confirmed by Mr. Harland that the 40,000 Serb civilians who
were trapped behind Muslim lines in Sarajevo were not allowed to leave
the theatre of combat. It was observed that it is a serious violation of
international law to hold a civilian inside of a combat area against their
will.
President Milosevic brought up the Mt. Igman agreement. In the agreement
Ravovan Karadzic agreed to withdraw VRS troops from Mt. Igman and handover
control of 13 checkpoints to UNPROFOR.
Harland confirmed that Karadzic had indeed made this agreement in order
to get the Muslims to come to the negotiating table.
But what happened after Karadzic withdrew the VRS from Mt. Igman and the
13 checkpoints was that the Muslims moved in and took all of that over.
The agreement was for UNPROFOR to take over Mt. Igman and the 13 checkpoints,
but the Muslims violated the agreement and took it over for themselves.
Mr. Harland was in an unenviable position. He clearly wanted to attribute
all of the blame to the Bosnian Serbs, but Slobodan Milosevic kept on bringing
up facts that demonstrated that the Muslims were the ones who were prolonging
the war, by violating ceasefires and refusing to negotiate a political
settlement, and Harland had no option but to confirm those facts.
The Muslim side frequently and most often violated cease-fire agreements.
In fact had Harland had to admit that the Muslims violated 514 of the cease-fire
agreements that they had entered into with the Bosnian Serbs.
Harland also had to admit that the UNPROFOR Commander, General Michael
Rose, felt that the Muslim policy of violating cease-fires came from Izetbegovic?s
vice-president, Ejup Ganic.
Amazingly Harland tried to defend the Muslim policy of violating cease-fires.
According to Harland it was understandable for the Muslims to violate the
cease-fire because they didn?t want to freeze the confrontation lines.
In other words the Muslims wanted to prolong the war, and didn?t want a
cease-fire at all. They just wanted to exploit the good will of the Serbs
and use the ?cease-fires? as an opportunity to regroup and launch fresh
offensives in order to move the confrontation lines.
Another Muslim policy that Harland defended was their militarization of
the so-called ?safe areas.? Harland pointed out that the UNSC Resolutions
that created the ?safe areas? enshrined the rights of the Muslims to keep
arms there.
The ?safe area? idea has got to be one of the dumbest things that the UN
Security Council has ever come-up with, right behind the Hague Tribunal.
The Security Council prohibited one side from attacking the so-called ?safe
area,? while simultaneously allowing the other side to militarize the ?safe
area? and launch attacks out from it.
Harland also had to admit that he was aware of General Rose?s reports which
stated that the Muslims were firing mortars on their own people from a
mobile launcher and that they were carrying-out sniper attacks against
their own people for propaganda purposes.
Harland himself confirmed that most of the Serbian shelling of Sarajevo
was done in retaliation. Harland admitted that the Muslim strategy in Sarajevo
was to fire shells at the Serbs from built-up civilian areas in hopes of
provoking a Serb response that would be filmed by the media and presented
to the world as some sort of ?Serb aggression?.
He recounted one example when the Muslims fired mortars on Serbian artillery
positions from the Kasova Hospital. Obviously the objective here was to
get the Serbs to shell the position that the fire on them was emanating
from ? the hospital.
The Markale Market massacre was brought up and Slobodan Milosevic had the
UN report on the incident and it stated that the shell that fell on the
market was fired from a range of less than 2,000 meters, which means that
the shell came from inside - not outside of Muslim the lines.
In addition to killing their own people for propaganda, the B-H Army killed
for the purposes of ethnic cleansing. Harland recounted how the 5th Corps
of the B-H Army attacked the Serbs in Western Bosnia.
Harland did his best to try and help the prosecution, but he failed. In
a final blow to the prosecutor?s case Harland said that the Bosnian Serb
leadership in Pale was angry with Milosevic because he refused to provide
them with troops. At the same time Harland said that Croatia was openly
sending uniformed regular army troops into Bosnia.
Another witness was also heard on Wednesday. The secret witness B-1531,
who continued his testimony from Tuesday, concluded his testimony. Unfortunately,
because of the extensive use of private sessions, and the extensive use
of Rule 89(F) by the prosecutor I have no idea what he was getting on about.
B-1531 was appointed to some anonymous high office in Foca by the SDA,
and he was apparently somebody close to the B-H Defense Minister, Hassan
Chengic. Other than that I don?t know anything about him.
=== 3 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg111103.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 11, 2003
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 11, 2003
Robert Donia, a so-called expert witness, returned to finish his cross-examination
today. Mr. Donia first testified on September 12, 2003 [http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg091203.htm%5d.
Mr. Donia examined transcripts taken from the Republika Srpska assembly,
and then ?interpreted them? for the ?court.?
The most important thing that Mr. Donia analyzed was two speeches that
President Milosevic gave to the Republika Srpska assembly to convince
the Bosnian-Serbs to accept the Vance-Owen peace plan. To illustrate
the quality of Donia?s so-called ?analysis? I will re-publish the text
from President Milosevic?s two speeches and then I will tell you what
conclusions that Donia drew from them:
///START FIRST SPEECH///
Let me say straight away that I consider that there's no alternative
to a decision in favor of peace, a decision for peace and for the reinforcement
of the signature put by Radovan Karadzic in Athens is in the interest
of the Serbian people in Republika Srpska and in the interest of the
whole Serbian people. The basic issue which has been raised from the
very beginning - and we have jointly defined what the aim of the Serbian
people in the Balkans is - I would say quite briefly the aim of the Serbian
people in the Balkans has been and remains to be free and equal.
The offered proposal, in my opinion, for that very reason for the Serb
people to be free and equal should be viewed from the standpoint to what
extent that freedom and equality is ensured through such an approach.
In the provinces which will not be under the control of the Serb authorities
and there are still Serbs living there, it is explicitly stated that
access will be denied to the HVO and Green Berets and that they will
be accessed only by the UN, which means that they will provide a security
zone which will make it possible for no one to have to leave their homes,
which means that that freedom is guaranteed and a condition that has
been achieved in the proposed solution, but it also means that this is
a freedom that the Serbian people in Bosnia have won for themselves.
The plan also restores the status of a constituent people. You remember
well that the conflict started when the rights of the Serbian people
as a constituent people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were trampled upon,
when decisions started to be made without consulting them and without
their participation and against their will. This solution, the Vance-Owen
Plan, envisages such equality in rights so that the Serbian people in
BH can be said to have restored their position of a constituent people
through their struggle.
Therefore, it is fully and equally in the hands of the Serbian people,
as in the hands of other peoples. They have the right and ability to
make decisions that decisively affect their destiny.
If that main issue and main goal of the Serbian people in the Balkans,
that is, to be free and equal, is assessed from the standpoint of the
solutions offered, then we see that it has restored freedom and equality
and that after the struggle whereby it has won that freedom and equality,
it can decide not to reject its remaining demands but to try and address
those requests through peace and not war, at a conference table, through
political negotiations, and not by sacrificing more victims. Every sacrifice
has a justification if it achieves goals, but it has no justification
if the solution offered guarantees freedom and equality.
Let me tell you in the end, don't tell us that you feel abandoned; we
shared all your worries throughout this period. Not only did we worry
for you, but we assisted you at the expense and sacrifice by 10 million
Serbs.
///END FIRST SPEECH///
[Note: Between these two speeches R.S. MP's made their own speeches and
debated whether or not to accept the plan.]
///START SECOND SPEECH///
I will try very briefly, but with the highest possible degree of responsibility
to say a few words. But before doing that, I wish to convey to you my
impressions. You spoke openly and from the heart. Most of what you said
related to the cruelties and injustices of war. In the Serbian people,
throughout their history, unfortunately there is too -- there are too
many truthful testimonies of the horrors of war. However, all that we heard
today regarding the testimony and the horrors of war, all of this can
be formed into one single argument and a single statement and message,
that the war should cease as soon as possible, that the war should cease
immediately.
However, let me go back to the question we are addressing today. The
question is not how much horrors -- how many horrors there were in this
war. This people has felt this on their own shoulders throughout their
history. The question today is whether we should consolidate what has
been achieved and through a peaceful process, under conditions of security,
achieve what remains to be done, what we call "outstanding matters."
There were many outstanding issues, but the plan envisaged that those
problems be addressed in negotiations.
So whether we should seek to address what we call 'outstanding problems'
through negotiation or should we destroy what has been achieved at the
expense of enormous sacrifice. That is the real issue that this Assembly
should decide. So the question, when talking about the plan, is not whether
we are departing from our goals. Of course not.
The question is whether that plan represents the path towards the ultimate
goal. The plan is not the final fulfillment of the justified demands
of the Serbian people, but it certainly represents the path towards the
ultimate goal. But now we must make much more effort through our wisdom
and less bloodshed. I think that should be an advantage, not a disadvantage.
And this Assembly must have the courage and self-confidence under these
circumstances on the basis of the plan, which must -- which is a sufficient
basis to achieve our goal, rather than committing a tragic error which
will cruelly cut across or put an obstacle on the way to success.
Will the Assembly opt for a reasonable or an unreasonable path? I think
no one needs to persuade this Assembly about. I think peace is the reasonable,
the sensible way. On the contrary, if the slogan is spread about that
the Serbs don't want peace, that could only justify crimes against the
Serbs, and this is something you should bear in mind. When the road towards
peace is being opened, you must explain to the people that they -- why
should they sacrifice their lives in even crueller ways up to now? You
cannot explain the reasons to the Serbian people in Bosnia or in Serbia.
And let me say finally, one must sacrifice everything for the people
except the people. You cannot sacrifice the people. You do not have the
right to do that as an Assembly or as anyone else.
///END SECOND SPEECH///
President Milosevic stated quite unequivocally that there was no alternative
to peace, that the war had to end immediately, that the aim is for the
Serbian people in the Balkans is to be free and equal, and that their
destiny will be in their hands, as it is in the hands of the other two
peoples if they accept the Vance-Owen plan, and that things should be
resolved by consensus and through negotiations.
Anybody with a brain can easily understand what President Milosevic was
saying. Donia, on the other hand, claimed that with those two speeches
President Milosevic was advocating ?greater Serbia? and that he wasn?t
seriously endorsing the Vance-Owen plan.
When Lord Owen testified he said quite unequivocally that Milosevic did
seriously endorse the Vance-Owen peace plan, so who are we to believe?
Should we believe Lord Owen who was one of the chief negotiators for
whom the plan was named? Or should we believe some jerk who was working
for Merrill-Lynch at the time?
This was typical for the quality of Donia?s analysis. The basic premise
that Donia operated on was that Serbs are an evil scheming bunch who
always mean the opposite of what they are actually saying.
Mr. Donia considered that eventhough the term ?greater Serbia? never
appeared in any of the transcripts that ?greater Serbia? was exactly what
the Serbs were trying to accomplish.
Mr. Donia only selectively analyzed RS assembly sessions, he didn?t even
look at any of the documents issued by the assembly, and he selectively
took quotes out of their proper context in order to misrepresent them
so that they would fit his anti-Serb thesis.
On another occasion Radovan Karadzic was speaking about finding a political
solution to the situation in Gorazde. Karadzic said quite literally in
the transcript that ?not a single shot should be fired.? And Donia interpreted
this as meaning that Karadzic wanted to incite an armed conflict around
Gorazde.
Mr. Donia, who was working for Merrill-Lynch in New York at the time,
stated that he knew that VJ troops were in Bosnia even though none of the
transcripts he that ?analyzed? reflected such a thing. But when he was
asked about Croatian troops all of the sudden he wasn?t a military expert
and wasn?t competent to testify about such things as whose troops were
where.
Mr. Donia was quick to defend Warren Zimmerman, saying that Zimmerman
didn?t tell Izetbegovic to withdraw from the Cutliero plan. But when asked
about the Cutlitero plan all of the sudden Donia remembered that it was
outside of his mandate as a witness.
But because this so-called ?expert witness? brought bits and pieces of the
transcripts to the ?court? with him some interesting things were established.
During the cross-examination by the Amicus Mr. Tapuskovic it was proven
that Belgrade did not command the VRS. In the 39th session transcript
of the Republika Srpska assembly of March 1994 Radovan Karadzic says,
?I am responsible to the people, and the commanders are responsible to
me. I sign the orders.?
It was brought out by Mr. Tapuskovic that Dr. Karadzic signed military 7
directives. The 7th directive stipulated that the VRS should thwart
enemy war plans and prevent a breakthrough at Srebrenica. Donia, of course,
misinterpreted this as meaning that Karadzic ordered a massacre at Srebrenica.
It was also brought out during President Milosevic?s cross-examination of
Donia that according to the transcripts it was only by the grace of the
R.S. Assembly that UN troops were allowed to deploy in Srebrenica, Gorazde
and Zepa.
A 1993 speech of Karadzic?s was also read out where Karadzic is saying that
it is good that UNPROFOR is in Srebrenica because if the VRS had taken
it then there could have been ?blood to the knees? because of the revenge
that might have been taken by the soldiers who had had their families
massacred by Muslim troops who were attacking out from Srebrenica.
Karadzic said that it was actually in the Republika Srpska?s strategic
interest to stay out of Srebrenica, because a massacre there could jeopardize
the very existence of Republika Srpska. Therefore, it is quite unlikely
that Karadzic would order a massacre 2 years later, because he was certainly
aware of what the consequences would be if there was one.
After Donia withdrew the secret witness B-1097 was recalled to finish his
cross-examination. B-1097 had originally testified on July 25th.
B-1097 claimed to have been taken prisoner at the Karakaj Technical School
in Zvornik where a large number of Muslims were apparently killed.
B-1097 could not identify his captors, except as ?Serbs.? He couldn?t
say which unit they were from, and he didn?t see any executions.
After he got away from the technical school he went to Serbia. He lived
freely in Novi Sad. Nobody mistreated him in Serbia, and he was even
issued a passport by the FRY authorities.
B-1097 did have some interesting things to say about Zvornik. First of
all he admitted that the Muslim paramilitary formation known as the Patriotic
League was active there.
He also admitted, or should I say was forced to admit, that the Muslim
T.O. in Zvornik had threatened to blow-up the hydroelectric dam. At first
he tried to deny this. The Amicus Mr. Kay asked him 4 times if this had
happened and B-1097 never answered the question, and so Mr. Kay pointed-out
paragraph 7 of the whiteness?s own statement where it said that the Muslim
T.O. had threatened to blow-up the dam.
After B-1097 was done, another secret witness came along. B-1399 was
apparently a survivor of the Srebrenica massacre, and most of B-1399?s
testimony was dealt with in secret - in so-called ?closed session.?
From what could be gathered in open session it can be concluded that B-1097
is a liar. B-1097 claimed that Srebrenica had been demilitarized and
that only UNPROFOR had weapons. B-1097 stated unequivocally that no Muslims
in Srebrenica had any weapons, because UNPROFOR had taken them all away.
B-1097 also stated that no Muslim-led attacks had emanated from Srebrenica.
B-1097?s testimony here is in direct contradiction of the UNPROFOR commander
Rupert Smith?s testimony. According to Smith?s testimony on October 9,
2003 ?UNPROFOR was not tasked with demilitarizing Srebrenica.? and the
Muslim forces of the 28th Infantry Division were, ?conducting raids out
from Srebrenica into the Serb-held territory.?
B-1097 is scheduled to finish his cross-examination tomorrow.
=== 4 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg111203.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: NOVEMBER 12, 2003
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 12, 2003
B-1399 Finished his testimony at the Hague Tribunal. He recounted the story
of how he allegedly survived execution at Srebrenica. He says that he was
part of a group of men, that he was blindfolded, and that the executioners
opened fire on the group. The corpses fell on top of him and the dead bodies
shielded him from further gunfire. He later crawled out from the pile of
corpses.
According to B-1399 armed men saw him escaping and opened fire on him as
he ran away, but they missed.
He recounted that while he was at the execution site he saw trucks bringing
Muslims for execution every 10 minutes.
B-1399 has given numerous statements about his alleged experience. The
first statements that he gave were in 1995 and 1997, and in those statements
no mention was made about trucks bringing in people to execute, nor was
any mention made of the ?fact? that B-1399 was shot at as he was fleeing.
We established yesterday that B-1399?s account of the military situation
in Srebrenica was in direct contradiction of the UNPROFOR commander Rupert
Smith?s testimony, and now we have B-1399 coming up with this new ?evidence?
8 years after the fact.
It was obvious that B-1399 was lying. When asked about discrepancies between
his testimony and his written statements he got very defensive. At one
point he snapped at the Amicus Curiae, Mr. Tapuskovic, and told him that
he should not ask those sorts of questions.
The next witness was the Canadian Major Roy F. Thomas. Maj. Thomas was
the senior UN Military Observer in Sarajevo for 9 months spanning 1993
and 1994.
During Maj. Thomas?s tenure he did not see any attacks by the Serbs on
Sarajevo, he claimed that the Serbs were in a holding pattern around the
city, and did not try to take it.
Under cross-examination from President Milosevic, Maj. Thomas spoke of
some of the underhanded strategies that the Muslims would employ.
For example, Maj. Thomas testified that there were occasions when the Muslim
soldiers would open fire on the Serbs from behind the UNPROFOR position
in order that the UNPROFOR soldiers would provide a sort of shield for
their attack.
Maj. Thomas corroborated the testimony of David Harland (United Nations
civil and political affairs officer in Sarajevo) that Muslim forces were
using the Kosevo Hospital as a mortar plate. The Muslims were firing mortars
at the Serbs from the hospital in order to provoke the Serbs into firing
on the hospital.
On another occasion Maj. Thomas recounted that Muslims opened fire from
the PTT building at Serb positions, with a view to getting the Serbs to
fire on the PTT building. At the time, the PTT building was the UN headquarters
in Sarajevo. The Muslims were trying to get the Serbs to shoot at the UN.
Maj. Thomas recounted yet another occasion when Muslims disguised themselves
as Bosnian-Serb soldiers and tried to kill the UNPROFOR commander. Fortunately
according to Maj. Thomas they weren?t smart enough to pull it off and got
caught. So here we have Muslims plotting to kill the UNPROFOR commander,
and engaging in a conspiracy to make it look like the Serbs did it.
The Muslims would not always wear military uniforms. According to Maj.
Thomas he, the Senior UN Military Observer, had no idea who was a soldier
and who was a civilian, and so he had no choice other than to regard all
able bodied men as soldiers.
Maj. Thomas spoke of one occasion when the 10th Mountain Brigade of the
B-H Army, led by the notorious criminal Musan Topalovic - Caco, captured
a group of UNPROFOR soldiers, and stole their equipment and their money.
According to Maj. Thomas the media did not portray a balanced view of sniping
incidents in Sarajevo. He said that all sides engaged in sniper activity.
He said that the main objective of the Muslim snipers was to provoke the
Serbs into abandoning cease-fires. As a case in point he gave an example
where Muslim snipers shot and killed 3 pregnant Serb women during a cease-fire,
and that the following day the Serbs shot at every Muslim soldier they
saw.
Maj. Thomas accompanied General Rose (UNPROFOR commander) to the negotiations
at the Sarajevo Airport. At those negotiations the Serb side, led by Ratko
Mladic, proposed a general cease-fire throughout Bosnia. The Muslims, on
the other hand, did not want a ceasefire.
Gen. Rose supported the cease-fire idea, because as he says in his book,
and as Maj. Thomas confirmed that he said at the time, only with a ceasefire
can negotiations take place, and a solution be found that can end the war.
None the less, after the negotiations failed, because the Muslims refused
to agree to a ceasefire; NATO proceeded to bomb the Bosnian Serbs.
I believe that the prosecution brought Maj. Thomas to testify about the
Markale Market incident but he didn?t really do them any good. He said
that he couldn?t determine who had fired the shell at the market place.
There was however a document produced by one of Maj. Thomas?s men, and
president Milosevic read it out, and it said that a 120mm mortar launcher
on wheels was seen at a location in Muslim held territory from which it
could have fired the deadly shell.
It was also borne out by Maj. Thomas that UNMO?s were permitted to investigate
in the Serbian territory immediately after the incident.
In spite of evidence that the Muslims shelled their own people or at least
in view of the lack of evidence that the Serbs did it; NATO used the Markale
Market incident as a justification to bomb the Bosnian Serbs.
Maj. Thomas also corroborated David Harland?s testimony about the Muslim
violation of the Mt. Igman agreement, when Muslim soldiers illegally took
over positions on Mt. Igman that were supposed to be occupied by UNPROFOR.
After Maj. Thomas withdrew, Merced Kucanin a Muslim police officer from
Sarajevo took the witness stand.
Kucanin alleged that the Serbs fired shells on a number of targets in Sarajevo,
and he proceeded to enumerate them.
He also testified about Jusuf Prazina, called Juka. Mr. Kucanin confirmed
that Juka was a criminal and that he commanded an armed unit, but Kucanin
insisted that it was OK since Juka was working for the police!
So the Sarajevo police put a convicted criminal in charge of an armed unit,
and this guy thinks it?s OK. What sort of police employs criminals? Apparently
it is the sort of police that our gallant witness worked for.
When President Milosevic asked whether or not the Sarajevo authorities
prevented the civilian population from leaving Sarajevo this guy?s answer
was that he didn?t know if they did or not. He didn?t know? A man who, by
then, had been a police officer for 10 years didn?t know?! Or is it that
he did know, but he didn?t want to admit that civilians were prohibited
from leaving, and so he said that he didn?t know?
President Milosevic has 30 more minutes to cross-examine Kucanin tomorrow.
After Kucanin, apparently the witnesses B-1524 and Franken will be heard
from.
=== 5 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg111303.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS: DUTCHBAT COMMANDER SAW NO EXECUTIONS IN SREBRENICA
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - November 13, 2003
Merced Kucanin finished his testimony today at the Hague Tribunal. As you
remember from yesterday Kucanin was a Sarajevo police officer who testified
about shelling and sniping in Sarajevo.
He testified today about a certain Milo Vaselovic who had been shot by
a sniper in Sarajevo. Vaselovic was a Serb, and Kucanin testified that
he had been shot by Vojislav Seselj. He didn?t do any ballistic analysis
on the corpse or anything like that but he saw Seselj on Television that
night and so he concluded that Seselj must have been the gunman?impeccable
logic indeed.
Kucanin also retracted his previous assertion that he didn?t know if civilians
could leave Sarajevo or not. Today he confirmed that civilians were not
allowed to leave the city. He said that there was only one way out and
that a pass, issued by the B-H Interior Ministry, was required in order
to leave the city. He also confirmed that very few people actually received
this pass. But he only admitted that people couldn?t leave the city when
confronted with the fact that his witness statement said that people couldn?t
leave.
Kucanin, when asked by President Milosevic, also confirmed that the first
victims of the war in Sarajevo were the members of a Serb wedding party
who were fired on and killed while en route to the Orthodox Church in Sarajevo.
The next witness to testify was Col. Robert Franken. Franken was a DutchBat
Major, and he was the deputy UNPROFOR commander in Srebrenica in July of
1995.
First of all I should say that Col. Franken said quite unequivocally that
he saw no evidence which would indicate that there was any political or
military cooperation between Belgrade and the VRS units that came into
Srebrenica when the enclave fell. The Dutch Government conducted an exhaustive
investigation into the alleged events at Srebrenica and drew the conclusion
in point 10 of their report that Belgrade had nothing to do with any of
the events in Srebrenica.
This evidence exonerates Slobodan Milosevic personally, but since the Serbs
are on trial as a group at the Hague and President Milosevic is their foremost
defender. President Milosevic is none the less endeavoring to prove the
truth about what happened at Srebrenica even though it is totally outside
the realm of possibility that he could in any way be connected to the events
there.
According to Col. Franken Srebrenica was supposed to be demilitarized.
However Franken said that the Muslims did not demilitarize, in fact he
says the Muslims even received weapons at the airport and UNPROFOR was
unable to stop them.
Col. Franken confirmed that the Muslims had a whole division of troops
stationed in Srebrenica. He testified that the 8th Operation Group was
there, and that it later became known as the 28th Infantry Division. The
28th Infantry Division consisted of the 280th Brigade, the 281st Brigade,
the 282nd Brigade, the 283rd Brigade, the 284th Brigade, a Mountain battalion,
9 sabotage groups and a reserve police force. At a given time the 28th
Division had over 4,000 men under arms, and Franken confirmed that every
man in Srebrenica was at the disposal of the 28th Division. There was also
a special unit that Srebrenica?s notorious Muslim war-lord Nasir Oric had
at his own personal disposal. The 28th Infantry Division, according to
Franken, was a poorly trained and poorly disciplined group.
Col. Franken testified that there was heavy fighting around Srebrenica.
He testified that thousands of members of the 28th Infantry Division tried
to break-out of the enclave across Serbian territory towards Tuzla, and
that they took massive casualties in the process.
Franken also testified that there was internal Muslim fighting among the
members of the 28th Infantry Division in Srebrenica and that casualties
were inflicted by the Muslims on each other over the course of that fighting.
Franken also confirmed that Muslim soldiers attempted to attack the eastern
flank of the VRS near Srebrenica and that they took heavy casualties during
that offensive.
President Milosevic asked the obvious question. He asked if the members
of the 28th Infantry Division who died during combat operations were being
counted as the victims of the alleged ?massacre? at Srebrenica. Col. Franken
didn?t know.
An important point to observe here is that Col. Franken testified that
none of the UN soldiers who were in Srebrenica at the critical time saw
any executions taking place. In fact the only casualties they saw were
of people who had been killed in the fighting. Again, none of the DutchBat
personnel who composed the UNPROFOR battalion in Srebrenica saw any executions
or mass-killings taking place there.
Col. Franken also testified that before the break-out operation that the
Muslim Soldiers in Srebrenica would launch attacks out of the enclave onto
the surrounding Serbian villages. To bear this out President Milosevic
cited examples such as the time when Visnica was attacked by Muslim troops
from Srebrenica and many Serbs were killed, and he cited the example when
Muslim soldiers attacked and killed a group of Serbian woodcutters who
were just cutting down trees in a forested area near Srebrenica, and of
course there are many more examples.
Col. Franken testified that the only ones to kill a UNPROFOR soldier in
Srebrenica were the Muslims. The VRS did not kill a single UNPROFOR soldier.
Col. Franken testified that the Muslims in Srebrenica would position themselves
near UNPROFOR observation posts and then open fire on the Serbs in order
to make the Serbs think that UNPROFOR was firing on them, with the ultimate
objective being for the Serbs to retaliate and shoot at the UNPROFOR observation
post.
Col. Franken recounted one occasion when Muslim soldiers in Srebrenica
stole some UNPROFOR uniforms, disguised themselves as UNPROFOR members,
approached a UN observation post and opened fire on the real UNPROFOR personnel
who were there.
Lt. Col. Ton Karremans was Col. Franken?s commanding officer and President
Milosevic read from a briefing paper that Karremans provided to Franken.
Karremans negotiated the evacuation of the civilian population from Srebrenica
with Ratko Mladic. It should also be noted here that it was Akashi?s idea
that Srebrenica should be evacuated.
From the briefing paper we can see that Mladic wanted the evacuation of
Srebrenica to be voluntary. Mladic explained that the refugees could stay
because he didn?t have any problems with civilians since they were not
to blame for anything.
It was Mladic?s position that the wounded, the elderly, and the women and
children should be evacuated first. Mladic also wanted the Red Cross to
escort the refugees, according to the briefing paper.
Mladic wanted the men to be questioned before being allowed to leave, and
indeed men were questioned at a place near Potocari called the ?white house,?
an UNMO (UN Military Observer) was stationed at that location and saw as
many men leaving the white house as he saw going in.
President Milosevic?s cross-examination was cut short because of time restrictions
imposed by the so-called ?court.? Col. Franken was what the so-called ?tribunal?
calls a ?92-bis witness?. This means that a summary of his testimony is
read out by the prosecutor, followed by a very brief examination-in-chief.
President Milosevic then only has 1 hour for cross-examination. This practice
frequently means that President Milosevic is unable to fully cross-examine
important witnesses and that was again the case today.
After President Milosevic?s cross-examination, the Amicus Curiae Mr. Tapuskovic
was able to cross-examine Col. Franken for approximately 15 minutes.
Col. Franken told Mr. Tapuskovic that the Muslim forces inside of Srebrenica
were essentially using UNPROFOR as a cover for carrying out prohibited
military activities. In other words they were abusing the safe area.
Mr. Tapuskovic then embarked on an interesting line of questioning that
I feel needs to be explored much further.
One of Col. Franken?s subordinates named Van Duyn had testified at another
trial, I believe Tapuskovic said that it was at Obrenovic?s trial, but
I?m not sure. I?ll have to go back and look at the tape when it is available.
Apparently, this Van Duyn testified in that trial that the UNPROFOR battalion
in Srebrenica had been ordered to fire on Serbian artillery positions that
were just minding their own business on the mountain tops some 10 to 15
kilometers away from the enclave.
The objective was apparently to induce the Serbs to attack the enclave
itself and thereby provide a justification for NATO air strikes. Or could
the objective have been to suck the Serbs into the enclave so that they
could be accused of perpetrating a massacre there later on?
Unfortunately, Mr. Nice intervened, questioning the relevance, and Tapuskovic?s
cross-examination was abruptly ended.
After Col. Franken was finished with his testimony a secret witness called
?B-1524? was called to testify. B-1524 was allegedly a Serb from Zvornik
that the SDA had recruited to spy on the SDS. B-1524 was also allegedly
taken prisoner by Arkan.
B-1524?s cross-examination will take place next Tuesday.
__________________________________________________________________
Tiscali ADSL SENZA CANONE, paghi solo quando navighi!
E in più il modem e' GRATIS! Abbonati subito.
http://point.tiscali.it/adsl/index.shtml
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "decani3" wrote:
Politika daily, Belgrade
Tuesday, November 18, 2003
CROATIAN FORMER BALKANS CORRESPONDENT CLAIMS
UN "dressed up" reports
World organization "adjusts its reports" prior to "bombing uncooperative
regimes so they come to their senses", emphasizes reporter Tonchi Percan
Stockholm, November 17 (Tanjug) - There are indications that the United
Nations exaggerated the Serbian evil and demonized the Serbs in a report
that served as the basis on which the international community formulated
its policy toward the Balkans and military activities in the region in
the last decade of the previous millennium, says an article published
this weekend in the Swedish daily "Svenska Dagbladet".
In a text entitled "Can we believe the United Nations" the author, a
Croatian TV correspondent who lived in and reported from the Balkans
during the 1990s asks the question whether the world organization is
"adjusting its reports" prior to "bombing uncooperative regimes so they
come to their senses," as Washington and London recently did in Iraq,
where the danger from Saddam's weapons of mass destruction was
exaggerated.
Percan claims that the so-called Final Report of the UN Expert
Commission from December 1994 accused the Serbs of carrying out genocide
against the Bosnian Muslims in Prijedor in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the
summer of 1992. Namely, the report states that the Hague tribunal for
crimes committed in ex-Yugoslavia will probably determine the following:
"It will probably be determined in court and according to law that these
events represent genocide." However, the UN war crimes court in The
Hague released the indicted in this specific case, says the article.
"The United Nations attempted to convince the global community that
genocide had occurred through formulations such as 'the total number of
killed or deported persons totals 52,811 out of a total population of
112,470'. The fact that the UN did not make any distinction between the
number killed and the number deported suggests that the world
organization wanted to 'dress up' the report on Serbian crimes," assess
the author.
Percan also recalls the mention of three concentration camps run by the
Serbs in the region, two of which were allegedly "death camps". One of
them, Omarska, with pictures of the malnourished Fikret Alic behind
barbed wire, became the symbol of Serbian brutality.
However, Percan goes on to write, those who took the photographs seen
around the world were probably the ones behind the barbed wire, not the
prisoners; and the pictures were taken in the village of Trnopolje, not
in Omarska.
The author further cites Christian Palme's book "Evil in Our Time" and
an award-winning Swedish documentary film from the year 2000 that also
concern themselves with the crimes in Prijedor. All of them base their
texts or reports on the aforementioned UN report.
The author of the article concludes that the accusations that the Serbs
committed genocide in Prijedor are unsubstantiated. Nonetheless, those
accusations served at the basis for military action by the UN and NATO
in the Balkans.
Tonchi Percan was born in Pula. In the 1980s he worked as a program
editor for Swedish television on current problems of immigrants. During
the Balkan wars he worked with many Swedish journalists in the region of
the former Yugoslavia.
Translated by www.serbian-translation.com (November 18, 2003)
--- End forwarded message ---
Politika daily, Belgrade
Tuesday, November 18, 2003
CROATIAN FORMER BALKANS CORRESPONDENT CLAIMS
UN "dressed up" reports
World organization "adjusts its reports" prior to "bombing uncooperative
regimes so they come to their senses", emphasizes reporter Tonchi Percan
Stockholm, November 17 (Tanjug) - There are indications that the United
Nations exaggerated the Serbian evil and demonized the Serbs in a report
that served as the basis on which the international community formulated
its policy toward the Balkans and military activities in the region in
the last decade of the previous millennium, says an article published
this weekend in the Swedish daily "Svenska Dagbladet".
In a text entitled "Can we believe the United Nations" the author, a
Croatian TV correspondent who lived in and reported from the Balkans
during the 1990s asks the question whether the world organization is
"adjusting its reports" prior to "bombing uncooperative regimes so they
come to their senses," as Washington and London recently did in Iraq,
where the danger from Saddam's weapons of mass destruction was
exaggerated.
Percan claims that the so-called Final Report of the UN Expert
Commission from December 1994 accused the Serbs of carrying out genocide
against the Bosnian Muslims in Prijedor in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the
summer of 1992. Namely, the report states that the Hague tribunal for
crimes committed in ex-Yugoslavia will probably determine the following:
"It will probably be determined in court and according to law that these
events represent genocide." However, the UN war crimes court in The
Hague released the indicted in this specific case, says the article.
"The United Nations attempted to convince the global community that
genocide had occurred through formulations such as 'the total number of
killed or deported persons totals 52,811 out of a total population of
112,470'. The fact that the UN did not make any distinction between the
number killed and the number deported suggests that the world
organization wanted to 'dress up' the report on Serbian crimes," assess
the author.
Percan also recalls the mention of three concentration camps run by the
Serbs in the region, two of which were allegedly "death camps". One of
them, Omarska, with pictures of the malnourished Fikret Alic behind
barbed wire, became the symbol of Serbian brutality.
However, Percan goes on to write, those who took the photographs seen
around the world were probably the ones behind the barbed wire, not the
prisoners; and the pictures were taken in the village of Trnopolje, not
in Omarska.
The author further cites Christian Palme's book "Evil in Our Time" and
an award-winning Swedish documentary film from the year 2000 that also
concern themselves with the crimes in Prijedor. All of them base their
texts or reports on the aforementioned UN report.
The author of the article concludes that the accusations that the Serbs
committed genocide in Prijedor are unsubstantiated. Nonetheless, those
accusations served at the basis for military action by the UN and NATO
in the Balkans.
Tonchi Percan was born in Pula. In the 1980s he worked as a program
editor for Swedish television on current problems of immigrants. During
the Balkan wars he worked with many Swedish journalists in the region of
the former Yugoslavia.
Translated by www.serbian-translation.com (November 18, 2003)
--- End forwarded message ---
Jugocoord su Telegram
Jugocoord su Facebook