Informazione
13 LUGLIO
1949: l'"Acta Apostolicae Sedis" (Bollettino della Santa Sede) pubblica
il Decreto della Congregazione del Santo Uffizio di cui riproduciamo il
testo di seguito, con l'approvazione di Pio XII.
AVVISO SACRO
Fa peccato mortale e non puo' essere assolto:
1) chi e' iscritto al Partito Comunista
2) chi ne fa propaganda in qualsiasi modo
3) chi vota per esso o per i suoi candidati
4) chi scrive, legge o diffonde la stampa comunista
5) chi rimane nella organizzazioni comuniste: Camera del Lavoro,
Federterra, Fronte della Gioventu', CGIL, UDI, API, eccetera
E' scomunicato e apostata:
chi e' iscritto al Partito Comunista, ne accetta la dottrina atea e
anticristiana, chi la difende.
Queste sanzioni sono estese anche a quei partiti che fanno causa comune
con il comunismo.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
1949: l'"Acta Apostolicae Sedis" (Bollettino della Santa Sede) pubblica
il Decreto della Congregazione del Santo Uffizio di cui riproduciamo il
testo di seguito, con l'approvazione di Pio XII.
AVVISO SACRO
Fa peccato mortale e non puo' essere assolto:
1) chi e' iscritto al Partito Comunista
2) chi ne fa propaganda in qualsiasi modo
3) chi vota per esso o per i suoi candidati
4) chi scrive, legge o diffonde la stampa comunista
5) chi rimane nella organizzazioni comuniste: Camera del Lavoro,
Federterra, Fronte della Gioventu', CGIL, UDI, API, eccetera
E' scomunicato e apostata:
chi e' iscritto al Partito Comunista, ne accetta la dottrina atea e
anticristiana, chi la difende.
Queste sanzioni sono estese anche a quei partiti che fanno causa comune
con il comunismo.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Emil Vlajki sulla secessione del Montenegro e l'assassinio di Zugic
* Djukanovic: "L'indipendenza e' piu' vicina che mai"
* Importanti link per documentarsi
===
Fermiamo la guerra civile in Montenegro prima che cominci.
Emil Vlajki 6/7/2000
(Testo originale su The Emperor’s New Clothes: http://www.tenc.net)
Emil Vlajki è Croato; è stato professore di scienze
politiche all’università di Sarajevo; ora insegna
all’università di Ottawa.
1. The deadly picture
Le ultime elezioni in Montenegro rappresentano
certamente una vittoria morale tra le più importanti
per i popoli di questa regione sull’imperialismo degli
Stati Uniti. Centinaia di migliaia di dollari sono
stati iniettati nel Montenegro in questi ultimi due
anni con lo scopo di incoraggiare la popolazione di
questa repubblica jugoslava a votare in favore di una
“sovranità” filo-occidentale. Questo è stato uno
scacco completo, e ciò prova che resta ancora un
posto nel mondo dove è impossibile corrompere il
popolo con grandi quantità di dollari USA. Il
presidente montenegrino, Milo Djukanovic e
l’opposizione serba dovrebbero tenerlo presente.
E' diventato del tutto chiaro che il referendum
sull'indipendenza non può essere vinto da Djukanovic,
a meno che non venga basato su un'immensa frode
elettorale. E' quindi improbabile che questo
referendum venga fatto.
Quali sono le altre opzioni? La "comunità
internazionale" non è un esercito di liberazione e non
è pronta a continuare a dispensare del denaro per
niente. Essendo fallito il tentativo di corruzione,
non resta che un'unica soluzione: applicare il modello
sloveno, croato, bosniaco e kosovaro.
Utilizzando lo scenario già visto, poiché Stati
Uniti, Unione Europea e NATO hanno l'intenzione di
agire manipolando frazioni montenegrine per
l'"indipendenza", ci si può attendere che nei mesi
prossimi abbiano luogo frequenti provocazioni contro
l'esercito jugoslavo. Tutto ciò potrebbe essere fatto
in combinazione, come lo è stato nel caso del mercato
di Sarajevo, con dei reali massacri di montenegrini,
messi in scena dalla "comunità internazionale".
Sicuramente, questo sarebbe sostenuto dalla maggior
parte dei media occidentali, implicando una nuova
demonizzazione dei Serbi e della Serbia. Infine,
applicando lo schema del Kosovo, i Serbi sarebbero
accusati di queste atrocità e la NATO riprenderebbe i
bombardamenti sulla Serbia, fino alla ritirata
dell'esercito jugoslavo da questa repubblica e
l'occupazione della costa montenegrina da parte dei
"peacekeepers" della NATO.
2. Indicazioni di un nuovo genocidio
Coloro che non credono a un tale scenario dovrebbero
considerare gli elementi seguenti.
Durante i dieci anni passati dalla distruzione della
Jugoslavia, la coalizione USA-NATO-UE ha sostenuto
attivamente, in nome della democrazia, tutti i
separatisti jugoslavi dando loro denaro,
riconoscimento internazionale, armi, supporto
logistico e aiutandoli direttamente con interventi
militari.
In tutti gli esempi, i separatisti sono stati trattati
dalla "comunità internazionale" come nobili
combattenti per la libertà, nel mentre che quelli che
volevano mantenere la Jugoslavia erano etichettati
"comunisti", "Nazisti", pro-Milosevic, etc.,
"ultra-nazionalisti", "estremisti".
Tutti i movimenti separatisti jugoslavi hanno
provocato una serie di guerre civili e nella maggior
parte dei casi un intervento militare esterno, seguito
dall'occupazione e la creazione di protettorati
coloniali.
In questo momento in Montenegro si hanno esattamente
gli stessi elementi: sostegno diplomatico dei
separatisti da parte della "comunità internazionale",
iniezioni di denaro, addestramento della polizia
pro-Djukanovic e di truppe paramilitari, azioni
segrete fatte dalla CIA, e frequenti "avvertimenti"
(minacce) della NATO all'esercito jugoslavo e alla
Serbia.
Così, se tutto il resto è identico, la conclusione (la
guerra civile) deve per logica essere inclusa in
questa descrizione. La coalizione USA-UE-NATO non è
molto creativa. Questo scenario "umanitario" è
riuscito nei casi precedenti, e lo spirito pragmatico
dei nuovi padroni del mondo non ha alcuna ragione di
concepire qualcosa di meglio.
3. In apparenza, gli Stati Uniti vogliono
l'indipendenza del Montenegro, ma in realtà preparano
una guerra civile.
Ultimo, ma non meno importante, elemento: secondo
gli standard occidentali il Montenegro è divenuto la
regione più democratica del mondo. I media sono sotto
il controllo di Djukanovic, nessuno si lamenta della
vita parlamentare e delle elezioni, tutti i legami con
la Serbia sono stati praticamente rotti, e l'economia
è completamente indipendente. Il mondo occidentale
dovrebbe essere soddisfatto di questo grado di
"democratizzazione", nella speranza che il resto della
Jugoslavia faccia le stesse cose. Tuttavia la
pressione sul governo federale e la demonizzazione del
ruolo della Serbia in Montenegro non cessa di
crescere. Perché?
La risposta è semplice. Gli Stati Uniti, che dominano
il mondo occidentale, non si preoccupano per niente
dei Serbi, dei Musulmani, dei Croati, degli Albanesi,
dei Montenegrini, etc. Il loro gioco geo-strategico ha
come scopo di impedire l'unificazione dell'Europa
utilizzando tre tattiche complementari:
a) creazione di conflitti permanenti e di guerre nei
Balcani
b) creazione di Stati musulmani in Europa
c) ritorno alla guerra fredda con la Russia
Creando questi "disordini razionali", che hanno già
provocato centinaia di migliaia di vittime, gli Stati
Uniti, che dominano la NATO, impongono le proprie
regole all'Europa.
E adesso viene il punto essenziale di una assurdità
“umanitaria” premeditata. Lo scopo degli Stati Uniti
non è (solamente) di arrivare all’indipendenza del
Montenegro, ma (anche) di provocare una nuova guerra
civile in questa regione.
Per una migliore comprensione di questo tentativo
morboso, bisogna ricordarsi della Croazia e della
Bosnia. In entrambi i casi, dopo lo svolgimento di un
referendum, è scoppiata la guerra civile. Era evidente
che i Serbi, che costituivano la sola nazione della
defunta Jugoslavia senza diritto
all’auto-determinazione, desideravano continuare la
coesistenza dentro uno stesso Stato. La creazione di
nuovi stati che trasformavano i Serbi in minoranza
etnica, in cittadini di second’ordine, conduceva
inevitabilmente alla guerra civile.
La situazione in Montenegro è molto simile. Almeno la
metà dei Montenegrini pensano che i Serbi e loro
stessi formano un solo e unico popolo. Quindi, la
popolazione del Montenegro è divisa in due parti
molto ostili l’una verso l’altra. Referendum o no,
questo fatto non può essere cambiato. Questo significa
che anche se Djukanovic vincesse il referendum, la
divisione del paese avrebbe comunque luogo e
comincerebbe la guerra civile. Gli Stati Uniti lo
sanno. Meglio, ci contano.
Il solo vantaggio di una vittoria al referendum del
movimento filo-occidentale in Montenegro sarebbe
l’illusione dell’esistenza di un presupposto morale
per gli Stati Uniti per iniziare una nuova campagna
di bombardamenti in Serbia.
Sfortunatamente, anche senza una vittoria al
referendum, gli Stati Uniti si sentirebbero
ugualmente obbligati ad attaccare la Serbia, senza
alcuna allusione a una base morale o legale.
L’assenza di legalità o di moralità nel passato non
ha impedito il proseguimento dei loro interventi
militari imperialisti.
In più, la ragione per iniziare una guerra civile in
Montenegro il prossimo autunno è legata alla corsa per
la Presidenza negli Stati Uniti. Vale a dire, quando
un presidente americano si imbarca in una oscura
piccola guerra, la sua quota di popolarità aumenta
bruscamente. Clinton conta su questo, per cercare di
influenzare gli elettori in favore di Al Gore.
4. Menzogne sulla “dittatura ultra-nazionalista” in
Serbia
Molte persone credono che Milosevic sia responsabile
dell’aggressione militare occidentale e della politica
di ostilità verso la Serbia. Milosevic è incolpato
dalla “comunità internazionale” per crimini di guerra
perché avrebbe organizzato la pulizia etnica e i
massacri di Albanesi del Kosovo nel 1998 e 1999.
Eppure:
- non c’é stata pulizia etnica contro gli Albanesi
- durante gli anni 98-99 il numero di persone spostate
e assassinate in Kosovo, Serbi e Albanesi, sono stati
essenzialmente causati dai combattimenti delle
autorità serbe contro i terroristi dell’UCK,
- il “massacro di Racak”, il pretesto per
l’aggressione della NATO nel marzo 1999, è stata una
messa in scena e molto probabilmente fabbricata dai
servizi segreti USA
- la Serbia è una delle comunità più multi-etniche del
mondo
Dunque, Milosevic potrà anche essere responsabile di
molte cose, ma certamente non di ciò di cui la
“comunità internazionale” lo accusa. Al contrario, la
sola pulizia etnica che abbia avuto luogo in Kosovo, è
quella contro i Serbi e i non-Albanesi.
Curiosamente, molte persone sono incapaci di stabilire
una distinzione tra aggressore e vittima. In altre
parole, non è la Serbia che ha attaccato gli Stati
Uniti, la Gran Bretgna, la Germania e gli altri paesi
della NATO, uccidendo i loro civili, in particolare
bambini, distruggendo le installazioni civili, i
ponti, gli edifici della TV, gli ospedali, le
fabbriche ... a colpi di missili Cruise, di bombe a
frammetazione, di uranio impoverito, etc...
Quale tipo di legge internazionale e “umanitaria”
permette alla NATO di distruggere la Jugoslavia? In
nome di quali principi “umanitari” più di 700 bambini
serbi sono stati uccisi durante la campagna di
bombardamenti della NATO? In nome di quali principi
“umanitari” gli Stati Uniti uccidono 1 milione e
mezzo di persone in Irak? In nome di quale principio
“umanitario” gli Stati Uniti hanno ucciso 3 milioni
di persone in Vietnam? In nome di quali principi gli
Stati Uniti hanno fatto circa 400 interventi militari
diretti e innumerevoli azioni segrete nel mondo intero
dopo la seconda guerra mondiale?
E’ dunque chiaro che la distruzione della Jugoslavia e
la guerra civile pianificata in Montenegro non ha
niente a vedere con la “dittatura ultra-nazionalista
di Milosevic”, ma fa evidentemente parte
dell’imperialismo della “comunità internazionale”, che
non ha il minimo rispetto delle leggi internazionali e
umanitarie.
5 Appello: è meglio prevenire che risanare
Se quando è iniziata la distruzione della Jugoslavia
da parte della “comunità internazionale” molte cose
non erano chiare, oggi noi ne sappiamo molto di più
circa le azioni criminali della NATO e tutto indica
che la guerra civile in Montenegro è imminente.
Inoltre, dopo lo scoppio delle guerre nei Balcani
dieci anni orsono, è la prima volta che abbiamo
l’occasione di agire contro il nuovo disastro prima
che le cose accadano.
Per il bene della Jugoslavia e della Serbia, smettiamo
di pensare: “può darsi che questa volta non accada”;
al contrario, facciamo tutto il possibile per evitare
il futuro atteso. I nuovi dirigenti totalitari del
mondo non hanno ne’ compassione ne’ scrupoli. Come
sappiamo, se gli eventi scoppiano, i nostri sforzi
post-mortem di prevenire il dispositivo di distruzione
della NATO, saranno nulli, e l’opinione pubblica sarà
di nuovo schiacciata, manipolata dalla NATO, la CIA,
il Pentagono, e i principali organi della propaganda
occidentale.
Dunque, nei prossimi mesi, focalizziamoci sulla
situazione del Montenegro, spiegando in tutti i modi
possibili all’opinione pubblica mondiale la nuova
aggressione pianificata dalla NATO e denunciando le
prossime menzogne sulla responsabilità della Serbia
nello scoppio della guerra civile attesa.
[un ringraziamento ad Alessandra per averci fornito la traduzione!]
---
The "international community" strikes again
"DEJA VUE" or Here We Go Again!!!
The murder of Goran Zugic, national security adviser of Montenegro,
possibly
indicates the
beginning of violence and civil war in Montenegro
By Emil Vlajki
There is no coincidence in politics, particularly when it is a question
of
deadly deeds of the so-called "international community". During the last
ten
years of the destruction of Yugoslavia, the US-NATO machinery was
provoking
murders and telling lies each time it wanted to achieve some political
goal.
Western secret services were involved in the bread-line massacres in
Sarajevo, they invented "Serb concentration and rape camps" in Bosnia,
arranged "Racak massacre", lied about 100 000 dead ethnic Albanians
"murdered by the Serbs" in Kosovo, etc. And each of these (real or
imaginary) bloody events has led to a higher degree of military and
economic
colonization of the Balkans.
The next step planned by the "international community" is to occupy,
"for
humanitarian purposes", the Montenegrin coast. To achieve this goal it
is
acting in three combined ways:
-It encourages the independence of Montenegro;
-It incites ethnic Albanians to attack the southern Serbian region
(Bujanovac, Presevo, Medvedja);
-It organizes a series of political murders in order to destabilize
Yugoslavia and Serbia.
"Elementary…"
The logic behind these "rational" assassinations, massacres and lies is
quite simple. Because "it is obvious" that Serbs under the rule of
Milosevic
are nothing but "brutal killers", it is "only natural" that their "evil
instincts" push them permanently into committing murders. For example,
in
Sarajevo controlled by Muslims, "it was obvious" that the bread-line
massacres "could not have been committed by anybody but the Serbs". Now
it
is also "clear" that the murder of Goran Zugic, the close friend of
Djukanovic, "was certainly ordered" by Milosevic.
However, considering the political context, this assumption is
completely
erroneous. One week from now, two important local elections (in the
towns of
Podgorica and Hercegnovi) will be held in Montenegro. It is extremely
important for the "international community" to see Djukanovic as a
winner.
If so, it would be proof that billions of dollars recently invested in
this
Yugoslav republic in order to bribe its population, has been justified.
Thus
the referendum on independence could be announced soon. To increase
chances
of electoral victory, the murder of Goran Zugic is quite useful for the
ruling Montenegro establishment. For instance, it could influence the
final
vote of about one to two percent of the still undecided Montenegrins.
They
would think that this murder was committed by Milosevic and, by
protesting
against this brutal policy, they could vote in favor of Djukanovic. That
would be just enough to assure electoral victory.
On the other hand, the pro-Serb tendency in Montenegro, or Milosevic
himself, have no reason to assassinate anybody close to Djukanovic. A
week
before the most crucial election in Podgorica and Hercegnovi, they know
very
well that they would be immediately accused of the murder and would risk
losing an important percentage of voters.
The civil war is knocking on the door
Once again, through the murder of Goran Zugic, it shows how the
"international community" is continuing brutally and shamelessly the
dissolution of Yugoslavia and Serbia. This is only the beginning of what
will probably follow in the autumn (regardless of the referendum): a
deadly
split of the Montenegrin population, provocation of the army, new
arranged
massacres, new lies about the "evil Serbs", renewed bombing of Serbia
and,
finally, the occupation of Montenegro's Adriatic coast by the US-NATO-EC
coalition. I am aware that nobody believes this scenario and I
understand
that it is probably quite human not to do so. I am also aware that when
these tragic events start many people will find again Milosevic
responsible
for the new genocide of the Serbs. Feeling frightened and impotent, they
will not be able to open their eyes and see those ruling the new
totalitarian world through economic and military power, through bombing,
lies, destruction, genocide, occupation and neo-colonial exploitation of
the
poor countries. God have mercy on their bribed and pitiful souls.
===
Montenegro nearer independence than ever-Djukanovic
By Davor Huic
DUBROVNIK, Croatia, July 11 (Reuters) - Montenegrin President Milo
Djukanovic
said on Tuesday his republic was closer than ever to calling a
referendum on
independence and urged the West to help avoid a military conflict with
Serbia.
``Unfortunately, Belgrade's irresponsible behaviour brings us closer to
that
option (of calling a referendum) every day,'' Djukanovic told reporters
after
meeting his counterparts from Croatia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic.
``Today we are closer to becoming an independent state than we were
yesterday,'' he added.
Western leaders have cautioned Montenegro against calling an
independence
referendum, fearful that it could lead to a new conflict in the Balkans.
But the Western-leaning reformist Montenegrin president said the
international community's ``policies and honour'' were at stake over
Montenegro and called for Western help.
Czech President Vaclav Havel urged NATO to stage a show of force to
prevent
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from using his troops to crack
down on
Montenegro.
``Apart from political options, there are alternatives, which consist of
a
demonstration of force,'' he said, adding that he was speaking as a
leader of
a NATO member country.
``The international community looked on events (in former Yugoslavia)
with
surprise and abhorrence and reacted too late. It should not be repeated
a
fifth time,'' he said in reference to bloody conflicts in Slovenia,
Croatia,
Bosnia and Kosovo which followed Yugoslavia's disintegration.
PATIENCE RUNNING OUT
The four presidents, who also included Croatia's Stipe Mesic and
Slovenia's
Milan Kucan, backed the Montenegrin parliament's recent decision to
boycott
federal elections.
Montenegro rejected fresh changes to the Yugoslav constitution under
which
the federal president -- currently Milosevic -- and the upper chamber of
parliament would be directly elected, thereby bypassing Montenegrin
parliament.
The changes would enable Milosevic, indicted for war crimes by a U.N.
tribunal, to extend his rule for another mandate.
Djukanovic told reporters the constitutional changes effectively
destroyed
the Yugoslav federation and Montenegro might now have to fend for
itself.
``We have been patient out of respect for the world's wish not to stir
things
up and because we wanted to democratise the country. But there are
limits to
our patience as well,'' he said.
``Montenegro is not going to sacrifice its future so that the dictator
in
Belgrade can rule forever.''
Djukanovic, who has threatened a referendum for almost a year but held
back
from naming a date, said Montenegro would be ``very careful'' in
choosing the
right moment and would exercise maximum restraint.
``We shall do everything we can to avoid a new conflict, but it is not
only
up to Montenegro...If there is a conflict we shall be able to defend
ourselves.''
The four presidents signed a joint statement saying the latest events in
Yugoslavia were seriously threatening democracy and putting Montenegro
at a
disadvantage within the federation.
The statement also defended Montenegro's right to self-determination.
09:16 07-11-00
===
IMPORTANTE DOCUMENTAZIONE SUL MONTENEGRO E DINTORNI SECONDO GLI USA
http://www.usip.org/library/regions/montenegro.html
United States Institute of Peace Library
-
Library's Internet Links
Montenegro Web Links
Below are links by topical categories to resources primarily in English
providing information on Montenegro, one of two republics comprising the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. For related web links, see Regional
Resources: Europe. For a comprehensive list of work on the Balkans
produced by the Institute, see The Balkans: In-Depth.
General Resources
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Human Rights and Refugees
Maps and Guides
Media and News Sources
These links complement the USIP Special Report: Montenegro--and more--at
risk in html and PDF (requires Adobe® Acrobat® Reader to view).
General Resources
The sites below collect links to other Internet resources which describe
the background, history politics of Montenegro.
INCORE guide to Internet sources on conflict and ethnicity in Serbia and
Montenegro
A selective collection of annotated links to sources for news, articles
and documents, NGOs, maps, etc. from the Initiative on Conflict
Resolution
& Ethnicity.
International Cultural Center (ICC) Library--Eastern Europe Links:
Montenegro
>From Texas Tech University, annotated links to government, internet search
tools (with automatic searches from three search engines), and other
useful general resources.
Montenegrin Association of America
Links to information on Montenegro covering geography, history,
religion,
politics and other topics.
Slavophilia: Slavic and East European Resources
Web site contains an extensive collection of links, many of them
annotated, accessed through a subject index, country index and search
engine. Yugoslavia links are organized by subject category, with the
language of each external web site (Bosnian, English, etc.) identified.
Sources on the Balkan Peninsula: Yugoslavia
A collection of links compiled by the Hellenic Resources Institute and
posted on their network, covering news sources, agencies, organizations,
political parties, and lists of links from commercial search engines
such
as Yahoo! and Alta Vista.
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Facts about Montenegro
Information on the assembly, president and government of the Republic of
Montenegro from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia.
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Official Web Site
News, information and press statements from the Secretariat of
Information, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Web site of the OSCE includes news, a newsletter, journals, press
releases, and a documents archive. Includes a link to Montenegro under
the
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, describing the
action
plan for 2000.
United Nations
United Nations Resolution 1207 (1998)
Security Council Resolution 1207 (1998) on the Letters from the
President
of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to the President
of the Security Council, adopted by the Security Council at its 3944th
meeting, on 17 November 1998.
United States
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
A search for "montenegro" on the web site for USAID yields a January 31,
2000 press release on a grant to Montenegro and a Serbia and Montenegro
Situation Report from the Office of Transition Initiatives dated
September
27, 1999, among other documents.
U.S. Department of State, International Information Programs: Washington
File Archives
A keyword search on "montenegro" yields documents from the Public
Diplomacy Query (PDQ) database, including State Department press
briefings
and travel warnings, White House statements and a wide-range of U.S.
agency-produced documents.
U.S. Department of State: Serbia and Montenegro
U.S.Department of State's site to official statements and press
briefings
on Serbia and Montenegro, including specific statements on Secretary
Albright meeting Prime Minister Vujanovic from February 3, 2000 and
stability in Montenegro from March 30, 1999.
U.S. European Command: Serbia and Montenegro
United States European Command links to country information, briefings
and
statements from the Dept. of State, the White House, NATO, and other
groups, and a link to the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade, among others.
Includes
a description of the Synthetic Environments for National Security
Estimates (SENSE) exercise with Montengro, February 22-26, 1999.
Human Rights and Refugees
Annual Report 1999: Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and
Montenegro)
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this
comprehensive report focuses on Serbia, Kosovo and Montengro, with
sections on independence of the judiciary, protection of minorities and
accountability for war crimes.
Montenegrin Helsinki Committee for Human Rights
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this web page
provides background information, contacts and a description of current
projects.
Refugees in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the refugee problem in the FRY with reference to Annex
VII of the Dayton Agreement.
1999 Country Report on Human Rights Practices :Serbia-Montenegro
Extensive report from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
of
the U.S. Department of State.
Yugoslavia Human Rights
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the rights of the members of national minorities, the
constitutional and legal regulations, and international treaties, with
reference to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Maps and Guides
CIA Factbook: Serbia and Montenegro
Basic facts on Serbia and Montenegro prepared by the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency.
Political Map of Serbia
Maps detailing political, ethnic, economic, etc. terrain in Serbia,
prepared by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Part of the larger
Balkans Regional Atlas, which also covers Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia
and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Serbia Maps
Maps from the Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection of the University
of
Texas at Austin. These maps were produced by the U.S. Central
Intelligence
Agency and the Defense Mapping Agency.
Media and News Sources
Radio B92
Radio B92 was closed down and sealed off April 2, 1999 by the Serbian
authorities. The English language service on the web site has been
suspended. The web site links to the latest English bulletin before the
ban and and archives in Real Audio, HTML text or PDF. Includes
information
in English and Serbian.
Balkan Media & Policy Monitor
The Balkan Media & Policy Monitor is a digest, culling artcles from
other
publications, with links to full text in cited publications.
Eurasia Research Center Balkan News Page: Montenegro
Good links to selected news sources and search engines which perform an
automated search for news stories on Montenegro.
Montenegro Journal of Foreign Policy
Published by the Association for the Study of Foreign Policy in Kotor,
Montenegro, coverage includes foreign policy research on Southeastern
Europe, with links to full text articles.
Radio Antena M
Radio Antena M, independent radio network and described as "the free
voice
of Montenegro." Requires Real Player.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
The RFE/RL Newsline for Southeastern Europe, a daily report of
developments in the region, contains news covering Montenegro.
Subscription through e-mail is also avaiable.
REECA Web: Electronic Resources on the Balkans
Links to several Serbian and Montenegrin newspapers, journal and
magazines.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Djukanovic: "L'indipendenza e' piu' vicina che mai"
* Importanti link per documentarsi
===
Fermiamo la guerra civile in Montenegro prima che cominci.
Emil Vlajki 6/7/2000
(Testo originale su The Emperor’s New Clothes: http://www.tenc.net)
Emil Vlajki è Croato; è stato professore di scienze
politiche all’università di Sarajevo; ora insegna
all’università di Ottawa.
1. The deadly picture
Le ultime elezioni in Montenegro rappresentano
certamente una vittoria morale tra le più importanti
per i popoli di questa regione sull’imperialismo degli
Stati Uniti. Centinaia di migliaia di dollari sono
stati iniettati nel Montenegro in questi ultimi due
anni con lo scopo di incoraggiare la popolazione di
questa repubblica jugoslava a votare in favore di una
“sovranità” filo-occidentale. Questo è stato uno
scacco completo, e ciò prova che resta ancora un
posto nel mondo dove è impossibile corrompere il
popolo con grandi quantità di dollari USA. Il
presidente montenegrino, Milo Djukanovic e
l’opposizione serba dovrebbero tenerlo presente.
E' diventato del tutto chiaro che il referendum
sull'indipendenza non può essere vinto da Djukanovic,
a meno che non venga basato su un'immensa frode
elettorale. E' quindi improbabile che questo
referendum venga fatto.
Quali sono le altre opzioni? La "comunità
internazionale" non è un esercito di liberazione e non
è pronta a continuare a dispensare del denaro per
niente. Essendo fallito il tentativo di corruzione,
non resta che un'unica soluzione: applicare il modello
sloveno, croato, bosniaco e kosovaro.
Utilizzando lo scenario già visto, poiché Stati
Uniti, Unione Europea e NATO hanno l'intenzione di
agire manipolando frazioni montenegrine per
l'"indipendenza", ci si può attendere che nei mesi
prossimi abbiano luogo frequenti provocazioni contro
l'esercito jugoslavo. Tutto ciò potrebbe essere fatto
in combinazione, come lo è stato nel caso del mercato
di Sarajevo, con dei reali massacri di montenegrini,
messi in scena dalla "comunità internazionale".
Sicuramente, questo sarebbe sostenuto dalla maggior
parte dei media occidentali, implicando una nuova
demonizzazione dei Serbi e della Serbia. Infine,
applicando lo schema del Kosovo, i Serbi sarebbero
accusati di queste atrocità e la NATO riprenderebbe i
bombardamenti sulla Serbia, fino alla ritirata
dell'esercito jugoslavo da questa repubblica e
l'occupazione della costa montenegrina da parte dei
"peacekeepers" della NATO.
2. Indicazioni di un nuovo genocidio
Coloro che non credono a un tale scenario dovrebbero
considerare gli elementi seguenti.
Durante i dieci anni passati dalla distruzione della
Jugoslavia, la coalizione USA-NATO-UE ha sostenuto
attivamente, in nome della democrazia, tutti i
separatisti jugoslavi dando loro denaro,
riconoscimento internazionale, armi, supporto
logistico e aiutandoli direttamente con interventi
militari.
In tutti gli esempi, i separatisti sono stati trattati
dalla "comunità internazionale" come nobili
combattenti per la libertà, nel mentre che quelli che
volevano mantenere la Jugoslavia erano etichettati
"comunisti", "Nazisti", pro-Milosevic, etc.,
"ultra-nazionalisti", "estremisti".
Tutti i movimenti separatisti jugoslavi hanno
provocato una serie di guerre civili e nella maggior
parte dei casi un intervento militare esterno, seguito
dall'occupazione e la creazione di protettorati
coloniali.
In questo momento in Montenegro si hanno esattamente
gli stessi elementi: sostegno diplomatico dei
separatisti da parte della "comunità internazionale",
iniezioni di denaro, addestramento della polizia
pro-Djukanovic e di truppe paramilitari, azioni
segrete fatte dalla CIA, e frequenti "avvertimenti"
(minacce) della NATO all'esercito jugoslavo e alla
Serbia.
Così, se tutto il resto è identico, la conclusione (la
guerra civile) deve per logica essere inclusa in
questa descrizione. La coalizione USA-UE-NATO non è
molto creativa. Questo scenario "umanitario" è
riuscito nei casi precedenti, e lo spirito pragmatico
dei nuovi padroni del mondo non ha alcuna ragione di
concepire qualcosa di meglio.
3. In apparenza, gli Stati Uniti vogliono
l'indipendenza del Montenegro, ma in realtà preparano
una guerra civile.
Ultimo, ma non meno importante, elemento: secondo
gli standard occidentali il Montenegro è divenuto la
regione più democratica del mondo. I media sono sotto
il controllo di Djukanovic, nessuno si lamenta della
vita parlamentare e delle elezioni, tutti i legami con
la Serbia sono stati praticamente rotti, e l'economia
è completamente indipendente. Il mondo occidentale
dovrebbe essere soddisfatto di questo grado di
"democratizzazione", nella speranza che il resto della
Jugoslavia faccia le stesse cose. Tuttavia la
pressione sul governo federale e la demonizzazione del
ruolo della Serbia in Montenegro non cessa di
crescere. Perché?
La risposta è semplice. Gli Stati Uniti, che dominano
il mondo occidentale, non si preoccupano per niente
dei Serbi, dei Musulmani, dei Croati, degli Albanesi,
dei Montenegrini, etc. Il loro gioco geo-strategico ha
come scopo di impedire l'unificazione dell'Europa
utilizzando tre tattiche complementari:
a) creazione di conflitti permanenti e di guerre nei
Balcani
b) creazione di Stati musulmani in Europa
c) ritorno alla guerra fredda con la Russia
Creando questi "disordini razionali", che hanno già
provocato centinaia di migliaia di vittime, gli Stati
Uniti, che dominano la NATO, impongono le proprie
regole all'Europa.
E adesso viene il punto essenziale di una assurdità
“umanitaria” premeditata. Lo scopo degli Stati Uniti
non è (solamente) di arrivare all’indipendenza del
Montenegro, ma (anche) di provocare una nuova guerra
civile in questa regione.
Per una migliore comprensione di questo tentativo
morboso, bisogna ricordarsi della Croazia e della
Bosnia. In entrambi i casi, dopo lo svolgimento di un
referendum, è scoppiata la guerra civile. Era evidente
che i Serbi, che costituivano la sola nazione della
defunta Jugoslavia senza diritto
all’auto-determinazione, desideravano continuare la
coesistenza dentro uno stesso Stato. La creazione di
nuovi stati che trasformavano i Serbi in minoranza
etnica, in cittadini di second’ordine, conduceva
inevitabilmente alla guerra civile.
La situazione in Montenegro è molto simile. Almeno la
metà dei Montenegrini pensano che i Serbi e loro
stessi formano un solo e unico popolo. Quindi, la
popolazione del Montenegro è divisa in due parti
molto ostili l’una verso l’altra. Referendum o no,
questo fatto non può essere cambiato. Questo significa
che anche se Djukanovic vincesse il referendum, la
divisione del paese avrebbe comunque luogo e
comincerebbe la guerra civile. Gli Stati Uniti lo
sanno. Meglio, ci contano.
Il solo vantaggio di una vittoria al referendum del
movimento filo-occidentale in Montenegro sarebbe
l’illusione dell’esistenza di un presupposto morale
per gli Stati Uniti per iniziare una nuova campagna
di bombardamenti in Serbia.
Sfortunatamente, anche senza una vittoria al
referendum, gli Stati Uniti si sentirebbero
ugualmente obbligati ad attaccare la Serbia, senza
alcuna allusione a una base morale o legale.
L’assenza di legalità o di moralità nel passato non
ha impedito il proseguimento dei loro interventi
militari imperialisti.
In più, la ragione per iniziare una guerra civile in
Montenegro il prossimo autunno è legata alla corsa per
la Presidenza negli Stati Uniti. Vale a dire, quando
un presidente americano si imbarca in una oscura
piccola guerra, la sua quota di popolarità aumenta
bruscamente. Clinton conta su questo, per cercare di
influenzare gli elettori in favore di Al Gore.
4. Menzogne sulla “dittatura ultra-nazionalista” in
Serbia
Molte persone credono che Milosevic sia responsabile
dell’aggressione militare occidentale e della politica
di ostilità verso la Serbia. Milosevic è incolpato
dalla “comunità internazionale” per crimini di guerra
perché avrebbe organizzato la pulizia etnica e i
massacri di Albanesi del Kosovo nel 1998 e 1999.
Eppure:
- non c’é stata pulizia etnica contro gli Albanesi
- durante gli anni 98-99 il numero di persone spostate
e assassinate in Kosovo, Serbi e Albanesi, sono stati
essenzialmente causati dai combattimenti delle
autorità serbe contro i terroristi dell’UCK,
- il “massacro di Racak”, il pretesto per
l’aggressione della NATO nel marzo 1999, è stata una
messa in scena e molto probabilmente fabbricata dai
servizi segreti USA
- la Serbia è una delle comunità più multi-etniche del
mondo
Dunque, Milosevic potrà anche essere responsabile di
molte cose, ma certamente non di ciò di cui la
“comunità internazionale” lo accusa. Al contrario, la
sola pulizia etnica che abbia avuto luogo in Kosovo, è
quella contro i Serbi e i non-Albanesi.
Curiosamente, molte persone sono incapaci di stabilire
una distinzione tra aggressore e vittima. In altre
parole, non è la Serbia che ha attaccato gli Stati
Uniti, la Gran Bretgna, la Germania e gli altri paesi
della NATO, uccidendo i loro civili, in particolare
bambini, distruggendo le installazioni civili, i
ponti, gli edifici della TV, gli ospedali, le
fabbriche ... a colpi di missili Cruise, di bombe a
frammetazione, di uranio impoverito, etc...
Quale tipo di legge internazionale e “umanitaria”
permette alla NATO di distruggere la Jugoslavia? In
nome di quali principi “umanitari” più di 700 bambini
serbi sono stati uccisi durante la campagna di
bombardamenti della NATO? In nome di quali principi
“umanitari” gli Stati Uniti uccidono 1 milione e
mezzo di persone in Irak? In nome di quale principio
“umanitario” gli Stati Uniti hanno ucciso 3 milioni
di persone in Vietnam? In nome di quali principi gli
Stati Uniti hanno fatto circa 400 interventi militari
diretti e innumerevoli azioni segrete nel mondo intero
dopo la seconda guerra mondiale?
E’ dunque chiaro che la distruzione della Jugoslavia e
la guerra civile pianificata in Montenegro non ha
niente a vedere con la “dittatura ultra-nazionalista
di Milosevic”, ma fa evidentemente parte
dell’imperialismo della “comunità internazionale”, che
non ha il minimo rispetto delle leggi internazionali e
umanitarie.
5 Appello: è meglio prevenire che risanare
Se quando è iniziata la distruzione della Jugoslavia
da parte della “comunità internazionale” molte cose
non erano chiare, oggi noi ne sappiamo molto di più
circa le azioni criminali della NATO e tutto indica
che la guerra civile in Montenegro è imminente.
Inoltre, dopo lo scoppio delle guerre nei Balcani
dieci anni orsono, è la prima volta che abbiamo
l’occasione di agire contro il nuovo disastro prima
che le cose accadano.
Per il bene della Jugoslavia e della Serbia, smettiamo
di pensare: “può darsi che questa volta non accada”;
al contrario, facciamo tutto il possibile per evitare
il futuro atteso. I nuovi dirigenti totalitari del
mondo non hanno ne’ compassione ne’ scrupoli. Come
sappiamo, se gli eventi scoppiano, i nostri sforzi
post-mortem di prevenire il dispositivo di distruzione
della NATO, saranno nulli, e l’opinione pubblica sarà
di nuovo schiacciata, manipolata dalla NATO, la CIA,
il Pentagono, e i principali organi della propaganda
occidentale.
Dunque, nei prossimi mesi, focalizziamoci sulla
situazione del Montenegro, spiegando in tutti i modi
possibili all’opinione pubblica mondiale la nuova
aggressione pianificata dalla NATO e denunciando le
prossime menzogne sulla responsabilità della Serbia
nello scoppio della guerra civile attesa.
[un ringraziamento ad Alessandra per averci fornito la traduzione!]
---
The "international community" strikes again
"DEJA VUE" or Here We Go Again!!!
The murder of Goran Zugic, national security adviser of Montenegro,
possibly
indicates the
beginning of violence and civil war in Montenegro
By Emil Vlajki
There is no coincidence in politics, particularly when it is a question
of
deadly deeds of the so-called "international community". During the last
ten
years of the destruction of Yugoslavia, the US-NATO machinery was
provoking
murders and telling lies each time it wanted to achieve some political
goal.
Western secret services were involved in the bread-line massacres in
Sarajevo, they invented "Serb concentration and rape camps" in Bosnia,
arranged "Racak massacre", lied about 100 000 dead ethnic Albanians
"murdered by the Serbs" in Kosovo, etc. And each of these (real or
imaginary) bloody events has led to a higher degree of military and
economic
colonization of the Balkans.
The next step planned by the "international community" is to occupy,
"for
humanitarian purposes", the Montenegrin coast. To achieve this goal it
is
acting in three combined ways:
-It encourages the independence of Montenegro;
-It incites ethnic Albanians to attack the southern Serbian region
(Bujanovac, Presevo, Medvedja);
-It organizes a series of political murders in order to destabilize
Yugoslavia and Serbia.
"Elementary…"
The logic behind these "rational" assassinations, massacres and lies is
quite simple. Because "it is obvious" that Serbs under the rule of
Milosevic
are nothing but "brutal killers", it is "only natural" that their "evil
instincts" push them permanently into committing murders. For example,
in
Sarajevo controlled by Muslims, "it was obvious" that the bread-line
massacres "could not have been committed by anybody but the Serbs". Now
it
is also "clear" that the murder of Goran Zugic, the close friend of
Djukanovic, "was certainly ordered" by Milosevic.
However, considering the political context, this assumption is
completely
erroneous. One week from now, two important local elections (in the
towns of
Podgorica and Hercegnovi) will be held in Montenegro. It is extremely
important for the "international community" to see Djukanovic as a
winner.
If so, it would be proof that billions of dollars recently invested in
this
Yugoslav republic in order to bribe its population, has been justified.
Thus
the referendum on independence could be announced soon. To increase
chances
of electoral victory, the murder of Goran Zugic is quite useful for the
ruling Montenegro establishment. For instance, it could influence the
final
vote of about one to two percent of the still undecided Montenegrins.
They
would think that this murder was committed by Milosevic and, by
protesting
against this brutal policy, they could vote in favor of Djukanovic. That
would be just enough to assure electoral victory.
On the other hand, the pro-Serb tendency in Montenegro, or Milosevic
himself, have no reason to assassinate anybody close to Djukanovic. A
week
before the most crucial election in Podgorica and Hercegnovi, they know
very
well that they would be immediately accused of the murder and would risk
losing an important percentage of voters.
The civil war is knocking on the door
Once again, through the murder of Goran Zugic, it shows how the
"international community" is continuing brutally and shamelessly the
dissolution of Yugoslavia and Serbia. This is only the beginning of what
will probably follow in the autumn (regardless of the referendum): a
deadly
split of the Montenegrin population, provocation of the army, new
arranged
massacres, new lies about the "evil Serbs", renewed bombing of Serbia
and,
finally, the occupation of Montenegro's Adriatic coast by the US-NATO-EC
coalition. I am aware that nobody believes this scenario and I
understand
that it is probably quite human not to do so. I am also aware that when
these tragic events start many people will find again Milosevic
responsible
for the new genocide of the Serbs. Feeling frightened and impotent, they
will not be able to open their eyes and see those ruling the new
totalitarian world through economic and military power, through bombing,
lies, destruction, genocide, occupation and neo-colonial exploitation of
the
poor countries. God have mercy on their bribed and pitiful souls.
===
Montenegro nearer independence than ever-Djukanovic
By Davor Huic
DUBROVNIK, Croatia, July 11 (Reuters) - Montenegrin President Milo
Djukanovic
said on Tuesday his republic was closer than ever to calling a
referendum on
independence and urged the West to help avoid a military conflict with
Serbia.
``Unfortunately, Belgrade's irresponsible behaviour brings us closer to
that
option (of calling a referendum) every day,'' Djukanovic told reporters
after
meeting his counterparts from Croatia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic.
``Today we are closer to becoming an independent state than we were
yesterday,'' he added.
Western leaders have cautioned Montenegro against calling an
independence
referendum, fearful that it could lead to a new conflict in the Balkans.
But the Western-leaning reformist Montenegrin president said the
international community's ``policies and honour'' were at stake over
Montenegro and called for Western help.
Czech President Vaclav Havel urged NATO to stage a show of force to
prevent
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from using his troops to crack
down on
Montenegro.
``Apart from political options, there are alternatives, which consist of
a
demonstration of force,'' he said, adding that he was speaking as a
leader of
a NATO member country.
``The international community looked on events (in former Yugoslavia)
with
surprise and abhorrence and reacted too late. It should not be repeated
a
fifth time,'' he said in reference to bloody conflicts in Slovenia,
Croatia,
Bosnia and Kosovo which followed Yugoslavia's disintegration.
PATIENCE RUNNING OUT
The four presidents, who also included Croatia's Stipe Mesic and
Slovenia's
Milan Kucan, backed the Montenegrin parliament's recent decision to
boycott
federal elections.
Montenegro rejected fresh changes to the Yugoslav constitution under
which
the federal president -- currently Milosevic -- and the upper chamber of
parliament would be directly elected, thereby bypassing Montenegrin
parliament.
The changes would enable Milosevic, indicted for war crimes by a U.N.
tribunal, to extend his rule for another mandate.
Djukanovic told reporters the constitutional changes effectively
destroyed
the Yugoslav federation and Montenegro might now have to fend for
itself.
``We have been patient out of respect for the world's wish not to stir
things
up and because we wanted to democratise the country. But there are
limits to
our patience as well,'' he said.
``Montenegro is not going to sacrifice its future so that the dictator
in
Belgrade can rule forever.''
Djukanovic, who has threatened a referendum for almost a year but held
back
from naming a date, said Montenegro would be ``very careful'' in
choosing the
right moment and would exercise maximum restraint.
``We shall do everything we can to avoid a new conflict, but it is not
only
up to Montenegro...If there is a conflict we shall be able to defend
ourselves.''
The four presidents signed a joint statement saying the latest events in
Yugoslavia were seriously threatening democracy and putting Montenegro
at a
disadvantage within the federation.
The statement also defended Montenegro's right to self-determination.
09:16 07-11-00
===
IMPORTANTE DOCUMENTAZIONE SUL MONTENEGRO E DINTORNI SECONDO GLI USA
http://www.usip.org/library/regions/montenegro.html
United States Institute of Peace Library
-
Library's Internet Links
Montenegro Web Links
Below are links by topical categories to resources primarily in English
providing information on Montenegro, one of two republics comprising the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. For related web links, see Regional
Resources: Europe. For a comprehensive list of work on the Balkans
produced by the Institute, see The Balkans: In-Depth.
General Resources
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Human Rights and Refugees
Maps and Guides
Media and News Sources
These links complement the USIP Special Report: Montenegro--and more--at
risk in html and PDF (requires Adobe® Acrobat® Reader to view).
General Resources
The sites below collect links to other Internet resources which describe
the background, history politics of Montenegro.
INCORE guide to Internet sources on conflict and ethnicity in Serbia and
Montenegro
A selective collection of annotated links to sources for news, articles
and documents, NGOs, maps, etc. from the Initiative on Conflict
Resolution
& Ethnicity.
International Cultural Center (ICC) Library--Eastern Europe Links:
Montenegro
>From Texas Tech University, annotated links to government, internet search
tools (with automatic searches from three search engines), and other
useful general resources.
Montenegrin Association of America
Links to information on Montenegro covering geography, history,
religion,
politics and other topics.
Slavophilia: Slavic and East European Resources
Web site contains an extensive collection of links, many of them
annotated, accessed through a subject index, country index and search
engine. Yugoslavia links are organized by subject category, with the
language of each external web site (Bosnian, English, etc.) identified.
Sources on the Balkan Peninsula: Yugoslavia
A collection of links compiled by the Hellenic Resources Institute and
posted on their network, covering news sources, agencies, organizations,
political parties, and lists of links from commercial search engines
such
as Yahoo! and Alta Vista.
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Facts about Montenegro
Information on the assembly, president and government of the Republic of
Montenegro from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia.
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Official Web Site
News, information and press statements from the Secretariat of
Information, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Web site of the OSCE includes news, a newsletter, journals, press
releases, and a documents archive. Includes a link to Montenegro under
the
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, describing the
action
plan for 2000.
United Nations
United Nations Resolution 1207 (1998)
Security Council Resolution 1207 (1998) on the Letters from the
President
of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to the President
of the Security Council, adopted by the Security Council at its 3944th
meeting, on 17 November 1998.
United States
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
A search for "montenegro" on the web site for USAID yields a January 31,
2000 press release on a grant to Montenegro and a Serbia and Montenegro
Situation Report from the Office of Transition Initiatives dated
September
27, 1999, among other documents.
U.S. Department of State, International Information Programs: Washington
File Archives
A keyword search on "montenegro" yields documents from the Public
Diplomacy Query (PDQ) database, including State Department press
briefings
and travel warnings, White House statements and a wide-range of U.S.
agency-produced documents.
U.S. Department of State: Serbia and Montenegro
U.S.Department of State's site to official statements and press
briefings
on Serbia and Montenegro, including specific statements on Secretary
Albright meeting Prime Minister Vujanovic from February 3, 2000 and
stability in Montenegro from March 30, 1999.
U.S. European Command: Serbia and Montenegro
United States European Command links to country information, briefings
and
statements from the Dept. of State, the White House, NATO, and other
groups, and a link to the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade, among others.
Includes
a description of the Synthetic Environments for National Security
Estimates (SENSE) exercise with Montengro, February 22-26, 1999.
Human Rights and Refugees
Annual Report 1999: Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and
Montenegro)
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this
comprehensive report focuses on Serbia, Kosovo and Montengro, with
sections on independence of the judiciary, protection of minorities and
accountability for war crimes.
Montenegrin Helsinki Committee for Human Rights
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this web page
provides background information, contacts and a description of current
projects.
Refugees in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the refugee problem in the FRY with reference to Annex
VII of the Dayton Agreement.
1999 Country Report on Human Rights Practices :Serbia-Montenegro
Extensive report from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
of
the U.S. Department of State.
Yugoslavia Human Rights
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the rights of the members of national minorities, the
constitutional and legal regulations, and international treaties, with
reference to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Maps and Guides
CIA Factbook: Serbia and Montenegro
Basic facts on Serbia and Montenegro prepared by the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency.
Political Map of Serbia
Maps detailing political, ethnic, economic, etc. terrain in Serbia,
prepared by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Part of the larger
Balkans Regional Atlas, which also covers Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia
and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Serbia Maps
Maps from the Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection of the University
of
Texas at Austin. These maps were produced by the U.S. Central
Intelligence
Agency and the Defense Mapping Agency.
Media and News Sources
Radio B92
Radio B92 was closed down and sealed off April 2, 1999 by the Serbian
authorities. The English language service on the web site has been
suspended. The web site links to the latest English bulletin before the
ban and and archives in Real Audio, HTML text or PDF. Includes
information
in English and Serbian.
Balkan Media & Policy Monitor
The Balkan Media & Policy Monitor is a digest, culling artcles from
other
publications, with links to full text in cited publications.
Eurasia Research Center Balkan News Page: Montenegro
Good links to selected news sources and search engines which perform an
automated search for news stories on Montenegro.
Montenegro Journal of Foreign Policy
Published by the Association for the Study of Foreign Policy in Kotor,
Montenegro, coverage includes foreign policy research on Southeastern
Europe, with links to full text articles.
Radio Antena M
Radio Antena M, independent radio network and described as "the free
voice
of Montenegro." Requires Real Player.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
The RFE/RL Newsline for Southeastern Europe, a daily report of
developments in the region, contains news covering Montenegro.
Subscription through e-mail is also avaiable.
REECA Web: Electronic Resources on the Balkans
Links to several Serbian and Montenegrin newspapers, journal and
magazines.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Per il testo italiano, inglese e francese si veda:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/310?&start=301
KOSOVO, da ne padne u zaborav
Apel iz Brisela
U prolece 1999. Brisel je u svojstvu sedista Nato bio izvrsni i centar u
kome su zemlje clanice te organizacije odlucivale o bombardovanju
Jugoslavije u ime humanitarnog prava. Mi, penzionisani ili aktivni
profesori prava, smatramo da prva godisnjica tog opakog cina ne sme
nezapazeno promaci, vec da naprotiv, primereno ulogu u igri, svakog
gradjanina mora navesti da duboko razamisli.
Rat je pripreman, odlucen i sproveden tako sto su pogazeni najosnovniji
principi medjunarodnog prava.
Nato je u akciju stupio nakon propalih pregovora u Rambujeu, medjutim,
na tim pregovorima su bili zabelezeni znatni uspesi u resavanju sukoba
politickim putem, a onda su, u poslednjem trenutku, srpskoj strani
postanlljeni neprihvatljivi uslovi i sve je otislo u propast.
Drugim recima, rat.
Izazivanjem rata zgazena je Povelja Ujedinjenih Nacija, koja ne
predvidja primenu sile osim izuzetno u slucaju legitimne odbrane ili
kada to odobri Savet bezbednosti, sto nije bio slucaj.
Pa i sam nacin bombardovanja protivan je pravilima medjunarodnog prava
koja uredjuju odvijanje neprijateljstava. Uopsteno gledano,
sistematsko razaranje privrednih infrastruktura i sredstava za
komunikaciju, sracunatih na to da se zaplasi stanovnistvo i izazove
pobuna,
nespojivo je sa humanitarnim principima kojima su ta razaranja pravdana.
Imajuci to u vidu, zelimo da pojasnimo da svojom bezrezervnom osudom
takvog cina Nato, niukoliko ne odobravamo niti podrzavamo vlasti u
Beogradu a pogotovo ne nacin na koji resava pitanje manjina. Slicno
tome, nasa nepokolebljiva osuda pravno neosnovanog i upornog
bombardovanja Iraka i nametnutog mu embarga, ne sme nikako biti tumacena
kao podredjenost rezimu u Bagdadu.
Ratnom strategijom kojom je razorena Jugoslavija i onemogucen zivot na
Kosovu, proizvedeno je vise izbeglica i zrtava nego bilo kojom drugom
kombinacijom sile i diplomatije, da je primenjena. Zato takva strategija
mora biti osporena i politicki i moralno. Ona je bila usaglasavana sa
medijskom kampanjom neumornog legitimizovanja tekucih operacija.
Kada je bombardovanje prekinuto, sve je podeseno tako da se medjunarodna
pomoc stavi u funkciju rezultata izbora u Jugoslaviji kao i da se ta
pomoc rasporedjuje gradjanima prema tome kako je ko od njih glasao, sto
nije nimalo castan nacim politickog uplitanja u unutrasnje stvari trecih
zemajla. Sto se Kosova tice, pod upravom UN stvorene posle Nato
agresije, ono je gotovo postalo mono-etnicko a nealbanski zivalj, bilo
da je rec o Srbima, Romima, Slovenima, muslimanima, Jevrejima, Turcima
ili Hrvatima, bio je prinudjen da bezi od oruzanih napada
ili da nadje utociste u getu.
Zelimo jos napomenuti da rat protiv Jugoslavije daleko prevazilazi
granice te zemlje. Zapravo, Nato intervencija na Kosovu, pod vodjstvom
Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava, deo je niza poteza koje povlaci jedina
velesila na svetu. Golemi vojni budjet, opredeljenje da se
Nato odrzi uprkos raspustanju Varsavskog Ugovora i nepostojanju SSSR-a,
pa cak i prosiri na Istocnu Evropu, projektovanje oruzane sile
na svetskoj areni uz nipodastavanje medjunarodnih institucija, odbijanje
da ratifikuje sporazum o zabrani nuklearnih proba, razvijanje sistema
za protivraketnu odbranu i, prema najnovijim saznanjima, globalnog
sistema prisluskivanja privatnih i sluzbenih komunikacija, samo su
najupecatljivija obelezja novog modela vladavine zamisljenog u
Vasingtonu, modela cija legitimnost jedino pociva na posedovanju i
primeni svaki put celishodnijih sredstava prisile.
Zbog svega toga, pozivamo sve one koji sirom svet dele nasu uznemirenost
i koji ne pristaju na bombe kao alternativu za medjunarodno pravo, za
pregovore i demokratski dijalog, da potpisu ovaj apel i da ucine da se
on ovaploti u moralni otpor novom planetarnom "poretku" koji se pomalja.
potpisnici:
Olivier CORTEN prof., Centar za Medjunarodno pravo, Université libre,
Brisel (ULB); Eric DAVID prof. ULB; Barbara DELCOURT
clan Instituta za evropske studije, prof. ULB; François HOUTART pocasni
prof. Katolickog Univerziteta Luve (UCL); Pierre KLEIN
Prof. ULB; Paulette PIERSON-MATHY prof. ULB; Yves ROGISTER istrazivac,
CADOP, Univerzitet u Lijezu; Fraçois RIGAUX p.prof.
UCL, nekadasnji rektor Pravnog fakulteta; Jean SALMON p.prof. ULB; Eric
SUY p.prof. KUL bivsi generalni sekretar UN.
potpise mozete slati na e-mail: action-kosovo@... fax: 010 45
08 31 52
na adresu: François Houtart, CETRI 5, avenue Sainte Gertrude B-1348
LOUVAIN LA NEUVE
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/310?&start=301
KOSOVO, da ne padne u zaborav
Apel iz Brisela
U prolece 1999. Brisel je u svojstvu sedista Nato bio izvrsni i centar u
kome su zemlje clanice te organizacije odlucivale o bombardovanju
Jugoslavije u ime humanitarnog prava. Mi, penzionisani ili aktivni
profesori prava, smatramo da prva godisnjica tog opakog cina ne sme
nezapazeno promaci, vec da naprotiv, primereno ulogu u igri, svakog
gradjanina mora navesti da duboko razamisli.
Rat je pripreman, odlucen i sproveden tako sto su pogazeni najosnovniji
principi medjunarodnog prava.
Nato je u akciju stupio nakon propalih pregovora u Rambujeu, medjutim,
na tim pregovorima su bili zabelezeni znatni uspesi u resavanju sukoba
politickim putem, a onda su, u poslednjem trenutku, srpskoj strani
postanlljeni neprihvatljivi uslovi i sve je otislo u propast.
Drugim recima, rat.
Izazivanjem rata zgazena je Povelja Ujedinjenih Nacija, koja ne
predvidja primenu sile osim izuzetno u slucaju legitimne odbrane ili
kada to odobri Savet bezbednosti, sto nije bio slucaj.
Pa i sam nacin bombardovanja protivan je pravilima medjunarodnog prava
koja uredjuju odvijanje neprijateljstava. Uopsteno gledano,
sistematsko razaranje privrednih infrastruktura i sredstava za
komunikaciju, sracunatih na to da se zaplasi stanovnistvo i izazove
pobuna,
nespojivo je sa humanitarnim principima kojima su ta razaranja pravdana.
Imajuci to u vidu, zelimo da pojasnimo da svojom bezrezervnom osudom
takvog cina Nato, niukoliko ne odobravamo niti podrzavamo vlasti u
Beogradu a pogotovo ne nacin na koji resava pitanje manjina. Slicno
tome, nasa nepokolebljiva osuda pravno neosnovanog i upornog
bombardovanja Iraka i nametnutog mu embarga, ne sme nikako biti tumacena
kao podredjenost rezimu u Bagdadu.
Ratnom strategijom kojom je razorena Jugoslavija i onemogucen zivot na
Kosovu, proizvedeno je vise izbeglica i zrtava nego bilo kojom drugom
kombinacijom sile i diplomatije, da je primenjena. Zato takva strategija
mora biti osporena i politicki i moralno. Ona je bila usaglasavana sa
medijskom kampanjom neumornog legitimizovanja tekucih operacija.
Kada je bombardovanje prekinuto, sve je podeseno tako da se medjunarodna
pomoc stavi u funkciju rezultata izbora u Jugoslaviji kao i da se ta
pomoc rasporedjuje gradjanima prema tome kako je ko od njih glasao, sto
nije nimalo castan nacim politickog uplitanja u unutrasnje stvari trecih
zemajla. Sto se Kosova tice, pod upravom UN stvorene posle Nato
agresije, ono je gotovo postalo mono-etnicko a nealbanski zivalj, bilo
da je rec o Srbima, Romima, Slovenima, muslimanima, Jevrejima, Turcima
ili Hrvatima, bio je prinudjen da bezi od oruzanih napada
ili da nadje utociste u getu.
Zelimo jos napomenuti da rat protiv Jugoslavije daleko prevazilazi
granice te zemlje. Zapravo, Nato intervencija na Kosovu, pod vodjstvom
Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava, deo je niza poteza koje povlaci jedina
velesila na svetu. Golemi vojni budjet, opredeljenje da se
Nato odrzi uprkos raspustanju Varsavskog Ugovora i nepostojanju SSSR-a,
pa cak i prosiri na Istocnu Evropu, projektovanje oruzane sile
na svetskoj areni uz nipodastavanje medjunarodnih institucija, odbijanje
da ratifikuje sporazum o zabrani nuklearnih proba, razvijanje sistema
za protivraketnu odbranu i, prema najnovijim saznanjima, globalnog
sistema prisluskivanja privatnih i sluzbenih komunikacija, samo su
najupecatljivija obelezja novog modela vladavine zamisljenog u
Vasingtonu, modela cija legitimnost jedino pociva na posedovanju i
primeni svaki put celishodnijih sredstava prisile.
Zbog svega toga, pozivamo sve one koji sirom svet dele nasu uznemirenost
i koji ne pristaju na bombe kao alternativu za medjunarodno pravo, za
pregovore i demokratski dijalog, da potpisu ovaj apel i da ucine da se
on ovaploti u moralni otpor novom planetarnom "poretku" koji se pomalja.
potpisnici:
Olivier CORTEN prof., Centar za Medjunarodno pravo, Université libre,
Brisel (ULB); Eric DAVID prof. ULB; Barbara DELCOURT
clan Instituta za evropske studije, prof. ULB; François HOUTART pocasni
prof. Katolickog Univerziteta Luve (UCL); Pierre KLEIN
Prof. ULB; Paulette PIERSON-MATHY prof. ULB; Yves ROGISTER istrazivac,
CADOP, Univerzitet u Lijezu; Fraçois RIGAUX p.prof.
UCL, nekadasnji rektor Pravnog fakulteta; Jean SALMON p.prof. ULB; Eric
SUY p.prof. KUL bivsi generalni sekretar UN.
potpise mozete slati na e-mail: action-kosovo@... fax: 010 45
08 31 52
na adresu: François Houtart, CETRI 5, avenue Sainte Gertrude B-1348
LOUVAIN LA NEUVE
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
(La puntata precedente su
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/266?&start=265 )
* Teitelbaum contro Dal Ponte
* La signora Dal Ponte non deve piu' mettere piede in Jugoslavia
(Tanjug)
* Il Tribunale dell'Aia visto "da dentro" (C. Stone - link)
===
LES "ERREURS INVOLONTAIRES" DE L'OTAN SELON MME CARLA DEL PONTE
Vendredi 2 juin 2000 la Procureur du Tribunal pénal
international
pour l'ex-Yougoslavia, Mme Carla del Ponte a déclaré devant le Conseil
de
Sécurité qu'elle avait reçu plusieurs plaintes de différentes sources
accompagnées d'une abondante documentation avec des allégations que des
crimes de guerre auraient été commis par le personnel et les dirigeants
de
l'OTAN pendant la campagne aérienne contre la République de Yougoslavie.
Mme del Ponte a ajouté que, après un examen soigneux de la
documentation,
elle est arrivée à la ferme conviction que si l'OTAN avait commis
quelques
erreurs, elle n'avait par contre attaqué de façon délibérée objectifs
civils ou militaires prohibés pendant la campagne aérienne. (UN
NEWSERVICE,
2 juin 2000, www.un.org).
Le Bureau du Procureur du Tribunal pénal international pour
l'ex-Yougoslavia a reçu en effet plusieurs plaintes contre les leaders
de
l'OTAN, parmi elles, le 7 mai 1999 celle de l'Association Américaine de
Juristes et d'un groupe de professeurs canadiens. Quelques-uns des
signataires de la plainte ont eu des réunions, d'abord avec l'ancien
Procureur, Mme Louise Arbour et après avec Mme del Ponte.
Outre qu'elle dénonçait l'attaque lancée par l'OTAN comme
constituant en soi une violation de la Charte des Nations Unies, la
plainte
faisait valoir entre autres les arguments légaux suivants :
1) La stratégie adoptée par l'OTAN, consistant en attaquer à partir de
bases très éloignées (missiles) ou d'avions volant à 5000 mètres
d'altitude, n'ont pas permis de prendre les "Précautions dans l'attaque"
prévues à l'article 57 du Protocole I aux Conventions de Genève et
violent
la "Règle fondamentale" de l'article 48 de ce même Protocole : en tout
temps faire la distinction entre la population civile et les combattants
ainsi qu'entre les biens de caractère civil et les objectifs militaires
et,
par conséquent, ne diriger leurs opérations que contre des objectifs
militaires. Bien que les dommages interdits par les Conventions de
Genève
étaient prévisibles, il a été décidé (C'EST À DIRE IL A EU DÉLIBÉRATION
ET
DÉCISION) de faire usage de cette stratégie. Il y a eu donc
responsabilité
pénale puisqu'il y a dol éventuel : l'auteur des faits sait que les
dommages interdits peuvent se produire (représentation du résultat), et
néanmoins il agit.
2) L'attaque générale lancée DÉLIBÉRÉMENT contre l'infrastructure civile
et
particulièrement contre des centrales électriques, les sources et les
conduites d'eau potable viole l'article 54, al. 2 du Protocole I :
Interdiction de mettre hors d'usage des biens indispensables à la survie
de
la population civile.
Cette stratégie d'attaque à distance et de destruction massive
d'objectifs
civils N'A PAS ÉTÉ DES ERREURS OU DU SIMPLE HASARD. Dans un documentaire
sur la guerre contre la Yougoslavie émis par la chaîne de TV franco
allemande ARTE le 25/11/99, un général de l'armée des Etats-Unis,
faisant
partie selon lui des responsables chargés de choisir les objectifs à
bombarder, disait que ces objectifs ont été choisis en fonction des
considérations politiques plutôt que militaires : il s'agit, disait-il,
plutôt que d'annihiler les forces armées ennemies, d'affaiblir le
gouvernement ennemi, rendant insupportable la vie à la population
civile.
Cela n'était pas un avis personnel du général : c'est la doctrine
militaire
officielle en vigueur depuis plusieurs années dans les forces armées des
Etats-Unis, et mise déjà en exécution dans l'invasion du Panama et
pendant
la guerre du Golfe. Cette doctrine est manifestement violatoire de la
lettre et l'esprit des Conventions de Genève. Dans le même
documentaire,
le Ministre d'affaires étrangères de l'Allemagne, Joshka Fischer,
affirma
que les décisions sur les objectifs à attaquer étaient prises à
Washington.
Cela n'exempte pas de responsabilité des membres de l'OTAN autres que
les
Etats-Unis, puisque, selon le "NATO handbook", part 1, points 5 et 7, à
l'OTAN les décisions sont prises par consensus au Conseil de
l'organisation. S'il n'y a pas eu d'opposition aux
décisions prises à Washington cela équivaut au consensus et, en
conséquence, le partage des responsabilités.
3) Il y a eu aussi des attaques DÉLIBERÉS contre civils dans des
conditions
particulièrement odieuses: par exemple le deuxième bombardement d'un
pont
sur lequel il y avait des civils en train de secourir à des victimes,
eux
aussi civils, du premier bombardement.
4) L'utilisation des bombes à dispersion (cluster bombs), censées
détruire des objectifs "mous" (et donc causer la mort sans
discrimination
du plus grand nombre possible de personnes), de projectiles à uranium
appauvri (qui causent des dommages étendus et durables) et le
bombardement
d'usines
chimiques, qui entraîne la dispersion des produits toxiques dans
l'environnement (dommages étendus et éventuellement durables), violent
les
dispositions de l'article 35, al. 2 du Protocole I : interdiction
d'employer des projectiles et des matières, ainsi que des méthodes de
guerre de nature à causer des maux superflus, et de l'alinéa 3 du même
article: interdiction d'employer des méthodes et des moyens de guerre
qui
sont conçus pour causer, ou dont on peut attendre qu'ils causeront, des
dommages étendus, durables et graves à l'environnement naturel; de
l'article 36: armes nouvelles qui sont ou pourraient être interdites par
le
Protocole ou par toute autre règle de droit international (les petites
bombes qui se trouvent à l'intérieur des bombes à dispersion et qui
restent
au sol sans exploser ont le même effet que les mines antipersonnel,
interdites par la Convention d'Ottawa de 1997, en vigueur depuis le 1er.
Mars 1999) et violent aussi les dispositions de l'art. 55 du même
Protocole
I : "La guerre sera conduite en veillant à protéger l'environnement
naturel
contre des dommages étendus, durables et graves".
Ces agissements soigneusement planifiés et mises en oeuvre par
l'OTAN en Yougoslavie ont été reconnus par les responsables, ont été
l'objet d'innombrables témoignages et ont été qualifiées de crimes de
guerre par de nombreux juristes et par des personnalités comme Ramsay
Clark, ancien Procureur de la Cour Suprême des Etats-Unis.
Monsieur Luc Hafner, colonel de justice militaire et Président
du
Tribunal Militaire de Division I de Suisse, dans un article publié dans
le
quotidien suisse Le Temps, le 31 mai 1999, estima que la stratégie
générale utilisée par l'OTAN lors des attaques aériennes contre la
Yougoslavie viole les Conventions de Genève et qu'il y aurait lieu
d'instruire un procès pour crimes de guerre contre ses dirigeants.
Une information de l'agence espagnole EFE, à Londres, du 13
juillet
1999, rapporte les déclarations de l'ex-commandant en chef des forces
armées de l'ONU en Bosnie, le Général britannique Michael Rose,
formulées
par la BBC : "Pendant onze semaines, fut lancée la campagne aérienne la
plus intense de l'histoire bellique et nous eûmes des troupes
stationnées
qui voyaient des
milliers de personnes être assassinées brutalement et plus d'un million
expulsées de leur domicile"...
"Elle (l'OTAN) aurait dû mener une guerre humanitaire", signala. Il
ajouta
qu'en poussant la limite de la hauteur de vol à plus de 15 000 pieds
(4575
m.) et à "ne pas garantir que les objectifs qu'ils attaquaient étaient
militaires », les pays impliqués dans l'opération "se risquaient à
violer
les
protocoles de La Haye et de Genève qui engagent à sauvegarder la vie des
civils."
Ces faits ont été répertoriés dans des documents officiels de
l'ONU. Ainsi le Rapporteur spécial sur l'ex Yougoslavie, M. Jiri
Dientsbier
dans son rapport à l'Assemblé Générale [A/54/396-S/1999/1000(24/9/99)]
mentionne des violations aux lois de la guerre dans les paragraphes 91
(emploi de munitions à uranium appauvri, de bombes à dispersion), 94 et
103
(destructions et
dommages ainsi que mort de civils causées par les frappes aériennes de
l'OTAN), 102 (dommages causés à l'environnement).
Dans son additif A/54/396/Add.1-S/1999/1000/Add. 1(3/11/99) M.
Dientsbier décrit les violations des droits de l'homme qui sont encore
commises au Kosovo (par. 26, 27 et 28) et dans le par. 34 il ajoute
qu'"il
est tragique que cela se produise actuellement en présence de la MINUK,
de
la KFOR et de l'OSCE". AU PARAGRAPHE 29 DE CET ADDITIF, LE RAPPORTEUR
SPÉCIAL CONSTATE LA PASSIVITÉ DU TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR L'EX
YOUGOSLAVIE DEVANT CES VIOLATIONS. Dans ces violations il y a aussi une
responsabilité e l'OTAN, comme occupant qui a le contrôle effectif du
territoire, et en vertu de l'article 2 de la IV Convention de Genève, du
"Military Technical Agreement", Annexe A.1, du 9 juin 1999 et du
paragraphe
9 de la résolution 1244 (1999) du Conseil de Sécurité.
Les leaders de l'OTAN sont aussi responsables des crimes commis
par
l'Armée de libération de Kosovo (ALK) transformée en "force civile"
(TMK)
et agissant sous la tutelle de la KFOR, si on applique la jurisprudence
du
même Tribunal pour l'ex Yougoslavie: voir "TADIC", sentence du 15/7/99,
par. 133: citant la Cour Internationale de Justice: ..."Iran was held
internationally responsible
for failing to prevent the attack on the United States diplomatic
premises"...même si les etudiants iraniens ont agi d'abord de façon
autonome. Il suffit de faire le parallèle entre les autorités iraniennes
et
la KFOR et entre les étudiants iraniens et l'ALK.
Dans la sentence "BLASKIC" du 3/3/00, le Tribunal a retenu
comme
fondement de responsabilité la négligence du condamné dans
l'accomplissement des ses devoirs.
Cette notion est applicable aux soi-disants "erreurs" de l'OTAN
pendant les bombardements et aux crimes commis actuellement au Kosovo,
qui
se trouve sous le contrôle de la KFOR.
Mais la Procureur du Tribunal à choisi tout simplement
d'ignorer
les crimes commis en Kosovo depuis son occupation par les forces de
l'OTAN.
Pendant les 78 jours de bombardements contre la Yougoslavie ont
été
commis de façon reiterée des crimes de guerre, tels que définis par les
Conventions de Genève de 1949, leurs Protocoles facultatifs de 1977 et
les
Conventions de la Haye de 1889 et 1907 et son Règlement annexe. Sont
crimes
de guerre parce que sont infractions graves commis INTENTIONNELLEMENT
(art.
85, par. 5 du Protocole I) et les responsables doivent être punis (arts.
146 et 147 de la IV Convention de Genève). Mais la Procureur Mme del
Ponte
les califie avec une incroyable légèreté, suivant à la lettre la version
de
l'OTAN, comme des "erreurs non déliberés" qu'à son avis ne méritent même
pas l'ouverture d'une enquête.
Des crimes de guerre d'une telle gravité qui pourraient aussi
être
qualifiées de crimes contre l'humanité (art. 6, al. C du Statut du
Tribunal
militaire international de Nuremberg et art. 5 du Statut du Tribunal
pour
l'ex Yougoslavie).
Bien que l'initiative de l'accusation appartienne exclusivement
à
la Procureur, reste à savoir si les juges du Tribunal pour l'ex
Yougoslavie, mettant en question sa réputation personnelle comme
juristes
et entamant le peu de crédibilité qui reste au Tribunal, vont avaliser
avec
son silence et sa passivité le mépris de Mme del Ponte pour les faits,
le
droit applicable, la jurisprudence du même Tribunal et son manque aux
devoirs inhérents à sa fonction de Procureur.
L'enjeu est de taille et la responsabilité des membres du
Tribunal
est historique. La passivité du TIPY facilitera la tâche entamée par les
grandes puissances de démolition de plus d'un siècle de laborieuse
construction du droit international humanitaire et ouvrira grandes les
portes à la loi de la
jungle à échelle internationale.
----------------
Alejandro Teitelbaum
Avocat
Représentant permanent à Genève de l'Association Américaine de Juristes.
Lyon, 6 juin 2000
------------------------------
NOTE: Le colloque sur "L'apport de la jurisprudence du Tribunal pénal
pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie au droit international", qui aura lieu del 15 juin à
l'Université de Genève (salle B-106 UNI-Bastions, 3 rue de Candolle),
avec
la participation, parmi d'autres juristes, de l'ancien juge du Tribunal
professeur Antonio Cassese, et des juges du MM. Mohamed Bennouna et
Almiro
Rodríguez, du Président du Tribunal M. Claude Jorda et de la Procureur,
Mme
Carla del Ponte, peut être pourrait permettre voir un peu plus clair à
ce
sujet, en posant des questions aux participants.
Pour plus d'information sur le colloque (et peut être pour poser des
questions par courrier aux participants), s'adresser au: Dpt. de droit
international public- Faculté de droit - Université de Genève. Tél: 41
22
705 8542/47, Fax: 41 22 705-8543, email:
villalp4@...
===
===============================
DEL PONTE HAS "NO PERMISSION TO
VISIT ANY PART OF YUGOSLAVIA"
===============================
BELGRADE, June 19, 2000 (Tanjug)
Carla Del Ponte is "an employee of the NATO
administration and as such does not have permission
of the authorized Yugoslav organs or a visa to visit
any part of the sovereign territory of Yugoslavia",
the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry said on Friday.
"Those who receive her and allow her to enter
sovereign Yugoslav territory continue courting NATO
and the U.S. administration, violate the Yugoslav
Constitution and laws, desecrate the victims of the
NATO aggression, and take on responsibility before
their own people", the ministry statement said.
===
Samizdat 2000
An Insider's View of the International War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague
by Christine Stone
7/7/00
http://www.antiwar.com/stone/stone-col.html
Christine Stone practised at the English Bar as a lawyer specializing in
crime and civil liberties before setting up the British Helsinki Human
Rights Group with a number of academic and journalist colleagues in
1992. She has written for a number of publications including The
Spectator and Wall Street Journal on Eastern Europe and the Former
Soviet Union. Her column now appears Thursdays on Antiwar.com.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/266?&start=265 )
* Teitelbaum contro Dal Ponte
* La signora Dal Ponte non deve piu' mettere piede in Jugoslavia
(Tanjug)
* Il Tribunale dell'Aia visto "da dentro" (C. Stone - link)
===
LES "ERREURS INVOLONTAIRES" DE L'OTAN SELON MME CARLA DEL PONTE
Vendredi 2 juin 2000 la Procureur du Tribunal pénal
international
pour l'ex-Yougoslavia, Mme Carla del Ponte a déclaré devant le Conseil
de
Sécurité qu'elle avait reçu plusieurs plaintes de différentes sources
accompagnées d'une abondante documentation avec des allégations que des
crimes de guerre auraient été commis par le personnel et les dirigeants
de
l'OTAN pendant la campagne aérienne contre la République de Yougoslavie.
Mme del Ponte a ajouté que, après un examen soigneux de la
documentation,
elle est arrivée à la ferme conviction que si l'OTAN avait commis
quelques
erreurs, elle n'avait par contre attaqué de façon délibérée objectifs
civils ou militaires prohibés pendant la campagne aérienne. (UN
NEWSERVICE,
2 juin 2000, www.un.org).
Le Bureau du Procureur du Tribunal pénal international pour
l'ex-Yougoslavia a reçu en effet plusieurs plaintes contre les leaders
de
l'OTAN, parmi elles, le 7 mai 1999 celle de l'Association Américaine de
Juristes et d'un groupe de professeurs canadiens. Quelques-uns des
signataires de la plainte ont eu des réunions, d'abord avec l'ancien
Procureur, Mme Louise Arbour et après avec Mme del Ponte.
Outre qu'elle dénonçait l'attaque lancée par l'OTAN comme
constituant en soi une violation de la Charte des Nations Unies, la
plainte
faisait valoir entre autres les arguments légaux suivants :
1) La stratégie adoptée par l'OTAN, consistant en attaquer à partir de
bases très éloignées (missiles) ou d'avions volant à 5000 mètres
d'altitude, n'ont pas permis de prendre les "Précautions dans l'attaque"
prévues à l'article 57 du Protocole I aux Conventions de Genève et
violent
la "Règle fondamentale" de l'article 48 de ce même Protocole : en tout
temps faire la distinction entre la population civile et les combattants
ainsi qu'entre les biens de caractère civil et les objectifs militaires
et,
par conséquent, ne diriger leurs opérations que contre des objectifs
militaires. Bien que les dommages interdits par les Conventions de
Genève
étaient prévisibles, il a été décidé (C'EST À DIRE IL A EU DÉLIBÉRATION
ET
DÉCISION) de faire usage de cette stratégie. Il y a eu donc
responsabilité
pénale puisqu'il y a dol éventuel : l'auteur des faits sait que les
dommages interdits peuvent se produire (représentation du résultat), et
néanmoins il agit.
2) L'attaque générale lancée DÉLIBÉRÉMENT contre l'infrastructure civile
et
particulièrement contre des centrales électriques, les sources et les
conduites d'eau potable viole l'article 54, al. 2 du Protocole I :
Interdiction de mettre hors d'usage des biens indispensables à la survie
de
la population civile.
Cette stratégie d'attaque à distance et de destruction massive
d'objectifs
civils N'A PAS ÉTÉ DES ERREURS OU DU SIMPLE HASARD. Dans un documentaire
sur la guerre contre la Yougoslavie émis par la chaîne de TV franco
allemande ARTE le 25/11/99, un général de l'armée des Etats-Unis,
faisant
partie selon lui des responsables chargés de choisir les objectifs à
bombarder, disait que ces objectifs ont été choisis en fonction des
considérations politiques plutôt que militaires : il s'agit, disait-il,
plutôt que d'annihiler les forces armées ennemies, d'affaiblir le
gouvernement ennemi, rendant insupportable la vie à la population
civile.
Cela n'était pas un avis personnel du général : c'est la doctrine
militaire
officielle en vigueur depuis plusieurs années dans les forces armées des
Etats-Unis, et mise déjà en exécution dans l'invasion du Panama et
pendant
la guerre du Golfe. Cette doctrine est manifestement violatoire de la
lettre et l'esprit des Conventions de Genève. Dans le même
documentaire,
le Ministre d'affaires étrangères de l'Allemagne, Joshka Fischer,
affirma
que les décisions sur les objectifs à attaquer étaient prises à
Washington.
Cela n'exempte pas de responsabilité des membres de l'OTAN autres que
les
Etats-Unis, puisque, selon le "NATO handbook", part 1, points 5 et 7, à
l'OTAN les décisions sont prises par consensus au Conseil de
l'organisation. S'il n'y a pas eu d'opposition aux
décisions prises à Washington cela équivaut au consensus et, en
conséquence, le partage des responsabilités.
3) Il y a eu aussi des attaques DÉLIBERÉS contre civils dans des
conditions
particulièrement odieuses: par exemple le deuxième bombardement d'un
pont
sur lequel il y avait des civils en train de secourir à des victimes,
eux
aussi civils, du premier bombardement.
4) L'utilisation des bombes à dispersion (cluster bombs), censées
détruire des objectifs "mous" (et donc causer la mort sans
discrimination
du plus grand nombre possible de personnes), de projectiles à uranium
appauvri (qui causent des dommages étendus et durables) et le
bombardement
d'usines
chimiques, qui entraîne la dispersion des produits toxiques dans
l'environnement (dommages étendus et éventuellement durables), violent
les
dispositions de l'article 35, al. 2 du Protocole I : interdiction
d'employer des projectiles et des matières, ainsi que des méthodes de
guerre de nature à causer des maux superflus, et de l'alinéa 3 du même
article: interdiction d'employer des méthodes et des moyens de guerre
qui
sont conçus pour causer, ou dont on peut attendre qu'ils causeront, des
dommages étendus, durables et graves à l'environnement naturel; de
l'article 36: armes nouvelles qui sont ou pourraient être interdites par
le
Protocole ou par toute autre règle de droit international (les petites
bombes qui se trouvent à l'intérieur des bombes à dispersion et qui
restent
au sol sans exploser ont le même effet que les mines antipersonnel,
interdites par la Convention d'Ottawa de 1997, en vigueur depuis le 1er.
Mars 1999) et violent aussi les dispositions de l'art. 55 du même
Protocole
I : "La guerre sera conduite en veillant à protéger l'environnement
naturel
contre des dommages étendus, durables et graves".
Ces agissements soigneusement planifiés et mises en oeuvre par
l'OTAN en Yougoslavie ont été reconnus par les responsables, ont été
l'objet d'innombrables témoignages et ont été qualifiées de crimes de
guerre par de nombreux juristes et par des personnalités comme Ramsay
Clark, ancien Procureur de la Cour Suprême des Etats-Unis.
Monsieur Luc Hafner, colonel de justice militaire et Président
du
Tribunal Militaire de Division I de Suisse, dans un article publié dans
le
quotidien suisse Le Temps, le 31 mai 1999, estima que la stratégie
générale utilisée par l'OTAN lors des attaques aériennes contre la
Yougoslavie viole les Conventions de Genève et qu'il y aurait lieu
d'instruire un procès pour crimes de guerre contre ses dirigeants.
Une information de l'agence espagnole EFE, à Londres, du 13
juillet
1999, rapporte les déclarations de l'ex-commandant en chef des forces
armées de l'ONU en Bosnie, le Général britannique Michael Rose,
formulées
par la BBC : "Pendant onze semaines, fut lancée la campagne aérienne la
plus intense de l'histoire bellique et nous eûmes des troupes
stationnées
qui voyaient des
milliers de personnes être assassinées brutalement et plus d'un million
expulsées de leur domicile"...
"Elle (l'OTAN) aurait dû mener une guerre humanitaire", signala. Il
ajouta
qu'en poussant la limite de la hauteur de vol à plus de 15 000 pieds
(4575
m.) et à "ne pas garantir que les objectifs qu'ils attaquaient étaient
militaires », les pays impliqués dans l'opération "se risquaient à
violer
les
protocoles de La Haye et de Genève qui engagent à sauvegarder la vie des
civils."
Ces faits ont été répertoriés dans des documents officiels de
l'ONU. Ainsi le Rapporteur spécial sur l'ex Yougoslavie, M. Jiri
Dientsbier
dans son rapport à l'Assemblé Générale [A/54/396-S/1999/1000(24/9/99)]
mentionne des violations aux lois de la guerre dans les paragraphes 91
(emploi de munitions à uranium appauvri, de bombes à dispersion), 94 et
103
(destructions et
dommages ainsi que mort de civils causées par les frappes aériennes de
l'OTAN), 102 (dommages causés à l'environnement).
Dans son additif A/54/396/Add.1-S/1999/1000/Add. 1(3/11/99) M.
Dientsbier décrit les violations des droits de l'homme qui sont encore
commises au Kosovo (par. 26, 27 et 28) et dans le par. 34 il ajoute
qu'"il
est tragique que cela se produise actuellement en présence de la MINUK,
de
la KFOR et de l'OSCE". AU PARAGRAPHE 29 DE CET ADDITIF, LE RAPPORTEUR
SPÉCIAL CONSTATE LA PASSIVITÉ DU TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR L'EX
YOUGOSLAVIE DEVANT CES VIOLATIONS. Dans ces violations il y a aussi une
responsabilité e l'OTAN, comme occupant qui a le contrôle effectif du
territoire, et en vertu de l'article 2 de la IV Convention de Genève, du
"Military Technical Agreement", Annexe A.1, du 9 juin 1999 et du
paragraphe
9 de la résolution 1244 (1999) du Conseil de Sécurité.
Les leaders de l'OTAN sont aussi responsables des crimes commis
par
l'Armée de libération de Kosovo (ALK) transformée en "force civile"
(TMK)
et agissant sous la tutelle de la KFOR, si on applique la jurisprudence
du
même Tribunal pour l'ex Yougoslavie: voir "TADIC", sentence du 15/7/99,
par. 133: citant la Cour Internationale de Justice: ..."Iran was held
internationally responsible
for failing to prevent the attack on the United States diplomatic
premises"...même si les etudiants iraniens ont agi d'abord de façon
autonome. Il suffit de faire le parallèle entre les autorités iraniennes
et
la KFOR et entre les étudiants iraniens et l'ALK.
Dans la sentence "BLASKIC" du 3/3/00, le Tribunal a retenu
comme
fondement de responsabilité la négligence du condamné dans
l'accomplissement des ses devoirs.
Cette notion est applicable aux soi-disants "erreurs" de l'OTAN
pendant les bombardements et aux crimes commis actuellement au Kosovo,
qui
se trouve sous le contrôle de la KFOR.
Mais la Procureur du Tribunal à choisi tout simplement
d'ignorer
les crimes commis en Kosovo depuis son occupation par les forces de
l'OTAN.
Pendant les 78 jours de bombardements contre la Yougoslavie ont
été
commis de façon reiterée des crimes de guerre, tels que définis par les
Conventions de Genève de 1949, leurs Protocoles facultatifs de 1977 et
les
Conventions de la Haye de 1889 et 1907 et son Règlement annexe. Sont
crimes
de guerre parce que sont infractions graves commis INTENTIONNELLEMENT
(art.
85, par. 5 du Protocole I) et les responsables doivent être punis (arts.
146 et 147 de la IV Convention de Genève). Mais la Procureur Mme del
Ponte
les califie avec une incroyable légèreté, suivant à la lettre la version
de
l'OTAN, comme des "erreurs non déliberés" qu'à son avis ne méritent même
pas l'ouverture d'une enquête.
Des crimes de guerre d'une telle gravité qui pourraient aussi
être
qualifiées de crimes contre l'humanité (art. 6, al. C du Statut du
Tribunal
militaire international de Nuremberg et art. 5 du Statut du Tribunal
pour
l'ex Yougoslavie).
Bien que l'initiative de l'accusation appartienne exclusivement
à
la Procureur, reste à savoir si les juges du Tribunal pour l'ex
Yougoslavie, mettant en question sa réputation personnelle comme
juristes
et entamant le peu de crédibilité qui reste au Tribunal, vont avaliser
avec
son silence et sa passivité le mépris de Mme del Ponte pour les faits,
le
droit applicable, la jurisprudence du même Tribunal et son manque aux
devoirs inhérents à sa fonction de Procureur.
L'enjeu est de taille et la responsabilité des membres du
Tribunal
est historique. La passivité du TIPY facilitera la tâche entamée par les
grandes puissances de démolition de plus d'un siècle de laborieuse
construction du droit international humanitaire et ouvrira grandes les
portes à la loi de la
jungle à échelle internationale.
----------------
Alejandro Teitelbaum
Avocat
Représentant permanent à Genève de l'Association Américaine de Juristes.
Lyon, 6 juin 2000
------------------------------
NOTE: Le colloque sur "L'apport de la jurisprudence du Tribunal pénal
pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie au droit international", qui aura lieu del 15 juin à
l'Université de Genève (salle B-106 UNI-Bastions, 3 rue de Candolle),
avec
la participation, parmi d'autres juristes, de l'ancien juge du Tribunal
professeur Antonio Cassese, et des juges du MM. Mohamed Bennouna et
Almiro
Rodríguez, du Président du Tribunal M. Claude Jorda et de la Procureur,
Mme
Carla del Ponte, peut être pourrait permettre voir un peu plus clair à
ce
sujet, en posant des questions aux participants.
Pour plus d'information sur le colloque (et peut être pour poser des
questions par courrier aux participants), s'adresser au: Dpt. de droit
international public- Faculté de droit - Université de Genève. Tél: 41
22
705 8542/47, Fax: 41 22 705-8543, email:
villalp4@...
===
===============================
DEL PONTE HAS "NO PERMISSION TO
VISIT ANY PART OF YUGOSLAVIA"
===============================
BELGRADE, June 19, 2000 (Tanjug)
Carla Del Ponte is "an employee of the NATO
administration and as such does not have permission
of the authorized Yugoslav organs or a visa to visit
any part of the sovereign territory of Yugoslavia",
the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry said on Friday.
"Those who receive her and allow her to enter
sovereign Yugoslav territory continue courting NATO
and the U.S. administration, violate the Yugoslav
Constitution and laws, desecrate the victims of the
NATO aggression, and take on responsibility before
their own people", the ministry statement said.
===
Samizdat 2000
An Insider's View of the International War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague
by Christine Stone
7/7/00
http://www.antiwar.com/stone/stone-col.html
Christine Stone practised at the English Bar as a lawyer specializing in
crime and civil liberties before setting up the British Helsinki Human
Rights Group with a number of academic and journalist colleagues in
1992. She has written for a number of publications including The
Spectator and Wall Street Journal on Eastern Europe and the Former
Soviet Union. Her column now appears Thursdays on Antiwar.com.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
"NULLA E' PER SEMPRE"
Intervista all'ambasciatore statunitense Warren Zimmerman
sul giornale croato "Danas", 12 gennaio 1992
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm
The URL for printable version is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing2.htm
NOTHING IS FOREVER
U.S. Ambassador Warren Zimmerman's interview, Jan. 12, 1992, in the
Croatian
daily 'Danas' ('Today')
Translated by www.emperors-clothes.com (6-1-00)
"We are aiming for a dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states
peacefully." (Warren Zimmerman, US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Jan., 1992)
The following interview is important. Many have argued that the U.S.
opposed
the breakup of Yugoslavia. Warren Zimmerman was US Ambassador to
Yugoslavia
during the key period, when Slovenia and Croatia were fighting to
secede. In
this interview he makes the real U.S. position quite clear.
A week before the interview a key event occurred. Europe recognized
secessionist Croatia and Slovenia as independent states. Balkans scholar
Raju
Thomas refers to this as "a new method of aggression: Diplomatic
Recognition."
"Surely then the real aggression in Yugoslavia began with the western
recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. The territorial integrity of a
state
[Yugoslavia] that was voluntarily created and which had existed since
December 1918 was swept aside. In 1991, new state recognition policy
proved
to be an inventive method of destroying long-standing sovereign
independent
states. When several rich and powerful states decide to take a sovereign
independent state apart through the policy of recognition, how is this
state
supposed to defend itself? There can be no deterrence or defense against
this
form of destruction." (Raju Thomas, "Nationalism, Secession and
Conflict:
Legacies from the Former Yugoslavia.")
The U.S. did not immediately endorse the European move. Does this mean
the
U.S. opposed secession? I think the U.S. policy was two-faced. The U.S.
government paid lip service to peaceful solutions and withheld
recognition of
Slovenia and Croatia, but at the same time, US officials and covert
agencies
worked to dismember Yugoslavia in a manner aimed at producing a Bosnian
nation-state run by Islamic Fundamentalist proxies under the thumb of
the US.
Zimmerman's interview in 'Danas' supports this view. Is the interview
accurate? If an Ambassador is seriously misquoted he would respond in
order
to correct the record; but Zimmerman never denied or corrected any part
of
the interview. There is no known reason to question its accuracy.
Moreover, subsequent US actions dovetail with the views expressed here.
For
example, consider this from Zimmerman:
"It appears to us that he [Bosnian Islamic Fundamentalist leader
Izetbegovic]
needs help in his effort to resist the partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
and I
believe it would be tragic if someone from the Croatian side would try
cooperating with Serbia in the dismemberment of Bosnia-Herzegovina."
Later, when the Bosnian Islamist leader Izetbegovic signed an agreement
with
Croatian and Serbian leaders to peacefully partition Bosnia, Zimmerman
met
with Izetbegovic and 'helped' by persuading him to renege on the deal
and
demand instead a unitary Bosnian state under Islamist control.
Izetbegovic
did renege, as Zimmerman asked, and this launched the Bosnian civil war.
It is important to remember when reading this interview that Zimmerman
was
speaking for the most world's only Superpower. Whatever Zimmerman said
would
be read carefully by all sides. He used the interview to encourage
Croatian
chauvinism, Kosovo Albanian secessionism and Islamic Fundamentalism, the
very
forces that Nazi Germany relied on in Yugoslavia in World War II.
Zimmerman said he was against destabilization but talk is cheap and
every
diplomat knew that a united Yugoslavia was the key to stability in the
Balkans. He said pretty things about peace but he unleashed the forces
of war.
Here's the interview.
'DANAS', 21 January 1992
NOTHING IS FOREVER
An Interview with Warren Zimmerman
Zimmerman: First of all, I have to point out that the US and the
American
people exceptionally appreciate the Croatian people and sympathize with
you
for all you have been through in the past few months. We know you have
been a
victim of a Serbian and Army aggression, and in that situation you
reacted
with great courage and dignity. I am not saying this as a compliment to
the
fighting abilities of Croatia - though they are considerable - but I
wish to
point out that a great deal of restraint was demanded of Croatia. I
refer to
the lifting of the siege of military barracks, which was in our opinion
one
of the keys to the possibility of a stable peace. This also goes for
honoring
the cease-fires, which is always a critical issue. I would also point
out the
agreement to the UN peace plan, which all the sides have accepted. In
all
these matters, the people and government of Croatia showed its
extraordinary
worth.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's reference to the secessionists' "restraint"
is
false. While pretending to observe a cease fire, the secessionists
provoked
and attacked Yugoslav troops in their barracks. Zimmerman lies
throughout the
interview. His words are best read not as honest reporting but as
evidence of
US intentions.
DANAS: Still, everyone wonders why the recognition has been delayed?
Zimmerman: I have to admit that at this moment the recognition of
Croatia is
not on our agenda. But this does not mean that this temporary American
approach will be around forever. We have always tried to approach
recognition
in a way that would contribute most to a permanent peace, and that same
approach has been taken by Cyrus Vance and Lord Carrington.
Jared comments: Obviously he is promising US recognition - just not yet.
DANAS: What does that mean in terms of time?
Zimmerman: I cannot tell you the exact date. But that is certainly
something
to be kept in mind, and something we are thinking of, but we are also
always
wondering what kind of benefit that would bring Croatia while the war is
still going on and while Croatia is still being occupied by enemy
troops. We
thought the best way for the JNA [Yugoslav Army] to leave Croatia was
the one
proposed by the UN, as it specifically states that the JNA must leave
Croatia. We also believe that we can do the most to make this plan work
is if
we keep the possibility to pressure Serbia, Serbian and JNA leadership
as
much as possible. We are doing that decisively, and I believe we are in
a
much better position to do that now, as we have not recognized Croatia
yet.
That way, we have preserved authority and credibility with Serbia and
the
Army that we would not have if we had followed Germany and recognized
Croatia. I believe what we are doing is beneficial to achieving true
Croatian
independence.
Jared comments: The US was withholding formal recognition not out of a
desire
to hold Yugoslavia together but out of a desire to destroy it in the
most
efficient and profitable way.
DANAS: So you wish to preserve your influence?
Zimmerman: Yes, but I also want to add that this does not mean in any
way
that Serbia or the JNA have any right of veto in the American
recognition
policy. This is not the case.
DANAS: Many claim that you generally support Europe, but at the same
time
aren't too confident about the European policy?
Zimmerman: I wouldn't say so. I know that Lord Carrington believes that
recognition of Yugoslav republics that have requested it could be
premature
in these circumstances. We have tried to clear a path that I believe
could
lead to the result you want, which is a truly independent Croatia, free
of
occupation and enemy forces.
Jared's comments: Zimmerman refers to the Army of Yugoslavia, a country
to
whom he was U.S. Ambassador, a country which included Croatia, as an
enemy
force. Amazing.
The "enemy" Army did not invade Croatia. It was present in Croatia just
as it
was present in other parts of Yugoslavia. It was just as illegal for
Croatia
to secede from Yugoslavia as it was for the southern states to secede
from
the U.S. 140 years ago. The JNA would have been justified in waging
total
war, just as President Abraham Lincoln waged total war; but the JNA did
not.
Zimmerman: We very decisively told the Serbian and Army leadership that
they
have to honor the obligations they accepted and completely leave
Croatia. We
also said - and I think we have been able to do it with more authority
since
we have not recognized Croatia - that the recognition of Croatia by
European
countries cannot be the reason for Serbia or the Army to try reversing
Croatia's independence or imposing solutions on Croatia by force.
DANAS: This is maybe a personal question. You are the American
Ambassador,
but it is hard to say which country you are the Ambassador to. Does
Yugoslavia still exist?
Zimmerman: That is a very good question, and a question that is very
hard to
answer. We are now precisely in that situation where a world is dying
and
another, different world is struggling to be born. In other words, it is
a
transition and as I said many times before, our main concern in it is
peace.
While these changes are going on, our foremost task is to contribute
that
they happen in a peaceful, rather than violent, environment.
Jared comments: As subsequent events demonstrated, 'Peace' meant the US
and
its proxy forces could do whatever they liked but the Yugoslav Army was
not
allowed to fight back.
Zimmerman: It is inevitable that these changes are accompanied with
uncertainties. I am an Ambassador accredited with the government of
Yugoslavia. But at the same time, it is completely clear that we do not
recognize Branko Kostic, who usurped the right to speak on behalf of the
Yugoslav Presidency. Since he made that attempt I have not had any
contacts
with him, nor do I intend to ever contact him. Most of the duties I
perform
in Belgrade and Yugoslavia are reduced to relations with the Republics,
which
my government considers extremely useful. There are many gray areas from
a
legal standpoint, but this is natural in times of transition.
DANAS: Are you encountering the same difficulties while meeting with the
military leaders?
Zimmerman: I recently met with General Adzic, and I met with General
Kadijevic right before he resigned. I believe it is exceptionally
important
to maintain contact with the Yugoslav military leadership, as they have
to
know our position. And our position is clear: we believe that the Army
is
primarily responsible for the war in Croatia.
Hence they have an enormous obligation to honor the UN peace plan, and
to
show restraint in Croatia. And in Bosnia-Herzegovina as well, which is
turning into a dangerous place. If we weren’t talking to them, we would
not
be able to tell them all these things.
DANAS: Many unconfirmed stories indicate that you prevented total war on
several occasions, using this type of influence?
Zimmerman: There is exaggeration in that. But I can say that the US has
always used the measure of influence it has to promote peace, not war.
That
is why I say that we are most concerned with the possibility of a war
breaking out in Bosnia-Herzegovina. We think it would be a horrible
tragedy
which could have consequences on the situation in Croatia, which at the
present time looks promising.
DANAS: Does that mean you support Izetbegovic’s plan?
Zimmerman: Let me try to elaborate on our policy towards
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
We firmly believe that the territorial integrity of every republic must
be
preserved, and we clearly said to the Serbian government and the Army
leadership that we will never recognize any conquest in Croatia. Equally
important is the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is
most
threatened at this moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is
attempting
to tear away a piece of it. We consider that extremely dangerous, and we
said
so to the Army and the Serbian leadership.
Jared comments: Note how Zimmerman places matters upside down.
He speaks of maintaining the integrity of 'Bosnia' as if it were a
national
entity. But historically a country called 'Bosnia' never existed. An
administrative unit called 'Bosnia' (similar to Rhode Island or South
Dakota)
was created by the Tito government. That's it.
With this in mind, consider his statement that the US supports "the
territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is most threatened at
this
moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is attempting to tear away
a
piece of it."
In fact, the Islamic Fundamentalist forces in Bosnia were trying to tear
a
piece away from a real nation, recognized for 70 years - Yugoslavia.
This
violated international law. The Islamists wanted to justify their
secession
(that is, theft of territory) by holding a referendum. The Serbs
boycotted
the referendum. The Islamists held it anyway, and won; but this violated
the
Yugoslav constitution which required the approval of the three major
ethnic
groups before extreme action could be taken. Moreover the secessionist
movement only existed based on foreign intrigue, personified by Mr.
Zimmerman. The Islamists would never have dared to push for secession
without
the promise of outside (U.S.) help and in practice Mr. Zimmerman prodded
Islamist leader Izetbegovic into starting the Bosnian civil war.
The Bosnian Serbs had had grim experience with Islamic Fundamentalism
during
W.W. II. Islamic Fundamentalists were important supporters of the Nazis
in
Bosnia. They formed their own SS Division. They helped slaughter
hundreds of
thousands of Serbs. The Islamist leader Elija Izetbegovic was a pro-Nazi
Islamic Fundamentalist youth organizer during the War.
Knowing the horror that would follow if foreign-backed Islamists once
again
ruled Bosnia, the local Serbs wanted to stay with Yugoslavia. These
Serbs,
mainly farmers, owned the majority of land in Bosnia. The Serbs wanted
to
make sure that if Bosnian Islamists seceded the Serbs would not be
forced to
live under their rule.
Zimmerman: As for Mr. Izetbegovic, we heard that some call him a Muslim
fundamentalist. We know what fundamentalism really does, as we were its
victims in Iran. That is why we do not believe that Izetbegovic is some
sort
of fundamentalist. Actually, it seems like he is a moderate politician
who is
trying to do the best in a difficult situation.
Jared's comments:The reasoning here is charmingly ostrich-like: Proof by
Rejection of Negative Consequence. 1) Fundamentalists are terrible. 2)
It
would be terrible if Izetbegovic were a fundamentalist. 3) Therefore
Izetbegovic is not a fundamentalist.
Fortunately Izetbegovic wrote a book about his beliefs. It is called
"The
Islamic Declaration" ("Islamska deklaracija"). Here's an excerpt:
"... The first and foremost of such conclusions is surely the one on the
incompatibility of Islam and non-Islamic systems. There can be no peace
or
coexistence between the "Islamic faith" and non-Islamic societies and
political institutions. ... Islam clearly excludes the right and
possibility
of activity of any strange ideology on its own turf. Therefore, there is
no
question of any laicistic principles, and the state should be an
expression
and should support the moral concepts of the religion. ..." (p. 22)
It is ironic that Zimmerman uses Iran as the example of what Izetbegovic
is
not. Actually, Izetbegovic was especially fond of the Iranian
Fundamentalists. Moreover, the US encouraged Iran to smuggle arms and
terrorist trainers into Bosnia during the fighting, despite an embargo
on
importing arms. When challenged about this at a Congressional hearing,
Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith confirmed that the US had indeed
approved the shipments.
Zimmerman: It appears to us that he needs help in his effort to resist
the
partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and I believe it would be tragic if
someone
from the Croatian side would try cooperating with Serbia in the
dismemberment
of Bosnia-Herzegovina. That would mean that Croatia is destroying the
very
principle on the basis of which it won international support for its
struggle.
DANAS: There are some very clear desires to that extent in Croatia.
Zimmerman: I read some hints to that effect in the Croatian press, so I
have
to say that the dismemberment of Bosnia – no matter who does it – cannot
win
the support of the United States. We would consider that a policy of
destabilization and a violation of international principles that could
lead
to very unpleasant consequences in our relations.
Jared's comments:This is Theater of the Absurd. International law says
nothing about alteration of borders within a state. It only forbids the
destabilization inherent in altering national boundaries - which is
precisely
what Zimmerman is supporting by insisting on the unimpeded creation of a
new
state of Bosnia.
Zimmerman: I believe, therefore, that if there is a tendency in Croatia
to
team up with Serbia in a break-up of Bosnia, that tendency must be
overcome.
DANAS: American foreign policy is often based on two interlocking
principles
– a carrot and a stick. What would be a carrot and what would be the
stick in
this situation?
Zimmerman: That is a good question, and I will try to give a very
specific
answer in regard to the war in Croatia. When the war is over and when
Croatia
restores its full sovereignty upon the Army’s withdrawal, that carrot
and
that stick have to exist for the other side as well.
Jared comments: This is one of the best examples of the Orwellian
rewriting
of reality, a special feature of the New World Order of which Zimmerman
was a
key architect. Croatia had 'full sovereignty' only one time in history:
that
was as the (Fascist-Clerical) Independent State of Croatia during the
German
occupation of Yugoslavia.
Zimmerman: The stick would be that the United States or any other
Western
country - to the best of my knowledge – will never recognize any
violation of
Croatia’s territorial integrity. In other words, the Croatian borders
will
remain as they were before the war, there will be no changes of borders
by
conquest. That stick would also be what I mentioned a moment ago. No one
will
support any violent re-establishment of Yugoslavia.
Jared comments: Does this sound like the man is opposing the breakup of
Yugoslavia?
DANAS: Any Yugoslavia?
Zimmerman: Any kind of Yugoslavia.
DANAS: Even the smallest one?
Zimmerman: We told Serbia and the Army clearly that we will not
recognize
Serbia as Yugoslavia’s successor, that we will not recognize any
so-called
Yugoslav government that is in fact just another Serb government.
That is why I do not wish to have any contact with Mr. Kostic, and why
the
American government challenged the credentials of the Yugoslav
delegation a
few days ago at the OSCE conference in Prague. But allow me to finish my
previous answer about sticks. Carrots are important, too, they form a
part of
this reality. There are some problems with the rights of the Serb
population
in Croatia. We do not think the way Serbia and the Army approached those
issues was justified, they went about it in a completely wrong way. But
the
problem exists and I think that Croatia, if it wants a stable peace,
should
be ready to grant a significant political autonomy to the Serb areas in
Croatia. We welcome as a good sign the fact that the Croatian assembly
passed
the Minority Law, which is a great step along that road. I hope that
Croatian
government will continue being so flexible, as it seems to me that a
maximum
degree of political autonomy on the local level in Serb-inhabited areas
will
be necessary. This is already a part of the UN peace plan on a
provisional
basis, as well as Lord Carrington’s plan, which counts on a longer time
frame. We think that every Serb leadership needs to be able to say that
Serb
rights in Croatia are completely protected with international
guarantees.
That would be in the interest of Croatia as well, as it would take a
significant problem off the agenda.
Jared comments: A number of points about this.
First, as we shall see below, the Croatian regime had launched a massive
campaign of terror against Serbian residents. Zimmerman is suggesting
that
Serbia be induced to accept the breakup of Yugoslavia by dangling the
carrot
of less violence towards Serbs in Croatia.
Second, Zimmerman avoids a discussion of the actual, day to day terror
that
was being directed against Serbs in Croatia. Instead he expresses
concern and
wishes and hopes for better treatment. The value of such US expressions
of
concern became clear three years later when the US planned, led and
provided
air cover for the eviction, carried out by the Croatian Army, of over
250,000
Serbs, mainly farmers, from the Krajina, which was claimed by Croatia.
This
was the worst act of genocide in Europe since W.W.II.
To get an idea of the anti-Serb hatred whipped up by the Croatian
government
throughout this period, read the following excerpt from a speech
delivered by
Croatian President Tudjman after the anti-Serb campaign culminated in
the
violent eviction of the Serbian population of the Krajina section.
Here's
Tudjman:
"There can be no return to the past, to the times when [Serbs] were
spreading
cancer in the heart of Croatia, a cancer that was destroying the
Croatian
national being." He [that is, Tudjman] then went on to speak of the
"ignominious disappearance" of the Serbs from Krajina "so it is as if
they
have never lived here... They didn't even have time to take with them
their
filthy money or their filthy underwear!" (From 'The invasion of Serbian
Krajina' by Greg Elich)
DANAS: Washington used to firmly advocate human rights in Kosovo, but
now
there is only mention of Croatia.
Jared comments: This is hyperbole. Washington's real concern about
Croatia
was that it not work against the Islamists in Bosnia. Indeed, Washington
hired the MPRI, a semi-private military outfit made up of 'retired'
officers
and CIA types to train the Croatian army which continued to be used
primarily
against Serbian civilians.
Zimmerman: I am glad you asked that question, so I can clarify things.
The
violation of rights of Albanians in Kosovo in my opinion is the worst
violation of human rights, and at this moment, there is none worse in
Europe.
It was somewhat peaceful in Kosovo last year, but the basic colonial
nature
of Serbian control has not changed. We have not lost interest in that
issue,
and we will not lose interest until it is solved. I cannot imagine a
final
political solution coming out of The Hague and Brussels that would only
deal
with Croatia. It has to encompass the rights of everyone; thus also the
problems in Kosovo.
Jared comments: Zimmerman was the Ambassador to Yugoslavia. Coming from
him,
this is a clear statement of support for Kosovo secessionism. Why?
Because a)
there was a strong secessionist movement in Kosovo at the time; b)
international law, expressed the Helsinki Accords, forbade the redrawing
of
national borders. However, international law did allow for
self-determination
for colonies. So by calling Kosovo a colony Zimmerman was making a
sneaky
argument for secession.
In fact, Zimmerman's statement is nonsense.
First, Albanians were not oppressed in Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanian
unrest was
based on beliefs: they wanted to recreate the World War II entity,
Greater
Albania, and they wanted Kosovo to be Serb-and-"Gypsy"-free. In this
sense
their attitude had much in common with some whites in the segregationist
south. Many news articles during the 1980s report that it was Serbs, not
Albanians, who were oppressed in pre-1989 Kosovo. (2)
Colonialism means exploitation: the Colony is organized to serve the
needs of
the Imperial Power. Thus in the African colonies, railroad lines were
built
fanning out from coastal ports so that raw materials could easily be
taken
out of the country. Everything is best in the Imperial country.
Everything is
worst in the Colony.
This was dramatically not the case in Kosovo; Kosovo was poor, but not
due to
exploitation. As engineers Tika Jankovic and Petar Makara point out, the
engineering school in Pristina (Kosovo) had the finest modern equipment,
whereas the engineering school in Belgrade (inner Serbia) had to make do
with
pre-World War II equipment as late as the 1970s. (3)
Such anecdotal evidence is supported by the NY Times. The following was
written in 1984, before the Times adopted an anti-Serbian policy:
"Yugoslavia's Albanians: Poor, Proud and Prolific
By Michael T. Kaufman
..."The thrust toward republic status, for example, is in large measure
motivated by the clause in the Yugoslav Constitution that technically
permits
any republic to secede.
"As explained by a knot of [Albanian] students in Pristina, this right
to
withdraw could pave way for creating a greater Albania, linking Kosovo
with
the present Albania... with the capital shifting from Tirana to
Pristina...
"The students had no answers as to how such a nation could support
itself...
"[U]nder the complicated transfer arrangement, Kosovo receives
70 percent of its budget from the richer components of the Yugoslav
union...." ('New York Times', October 5, 1984)
DANAS: Croatia and Slovenia offered a year ago the confederacy solution
akin
to what Izetbegovic is proposing today. But the clock cannot be turned
back.
Zimmerman: Obviously, it is too late for that now. We are aiming for a
dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states peacefully, and when
any
new union is constructed – if it is constructed – it would have to be
founded
on sovereign decisions. In other words, it has to be built from the
bottom
up, rather than from top to the bottom.
DANAS: All Croatian politicians agree that it is necessary first to
secure
independence and sovereignty, and only then decide on future links.
Zimmerman: I recall the words of Pierre Lavalle, prime minister of the
Vichy
government who made a tremendous mistake by collaborating with the
Germans
but still said something very wise: "Governments come and go, but the
geography is eternal. France will forever remain Germany’s neighbor."
Croatia
will remain a neighbor of Serbia, and I hope it will be possible to soon
normalize the relations that geography makes inevitable.
DANAS: De Gaulle thought otherwise. Many were surprised by the news that
you
spent the New Year’s eve at a peace demonstration with the Serbian
opposition. Some said immediately that this is the sign that both sides
– the
UN and the US – want a different Serbia and different Serbian leaders.
Zimmerman: I went to this vigil to show our strong support to cessation
of
hostilities, and I think Mr. Vance had the same reasons. The peace
movement
in Serbia is a sort of an opposition. It does not accept war. It opposes
the
government responsible for that war. We support them in their demands
for
peace. We consider it especially important – not only in Serbia - that
the
political opposition is free to act. But in Serbia, this is not the
case.
Opposition leader Vuk Draskovic was just indicted for some things that
happened at the March 9 demonstrations last year. The media, especially
television, are hostile to all opponents of the government, and that
will
have to change if Serbia has any aspirations towards democracy. On that
occasion, we did not support any specific party [except for being
against the
one chosen by the people – PM] but we advocated democratic norms and
values,
values of peace and free press.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's support for Vuk Draskovic is interesting.
Before
the Croatian and Slovenian secession, Draskovic was a Tarzan Nationalist
- a
real chest beater and it was in this guise that he opposed Milosevich
who was
for the continuation of Yugoslavia. But then Draskovic advocated a
policy of
non-resistance when the Yugoslav Army was attacked in its barracks, and
when
Serbs were attacked as well.
Note also how Zimmerman uses his continued presence in Belgrade: he
encourages the breakup of Yugoslavia and threatens Belgrade if it tries
to
stop it.
DANAS: Your statements have been frequently attacked in Belgrade and in
Croatia...
Zimmerman: And Slovenia and Montenegro...
DANAS: But which one of your critical remarks would you say again in
regard
to Croatia?
Zimmerman: Croatia is a democratic state, but it is a young democracy
tempted
by war.
Jared comments: This is amazing.
This new 'democratic' state was a conscious imitation of the Independent
State of Croatia, notorious in World War II for creating Jasenovac, the
first
death camp, in which about a million Serbs, 'Gypsies', Jews and
antifascists
were killed using the most horrifying methods.
The new Independent State of Croatia, under Franjo Tudjman, a holocaust
denier, brought back the Fascist Croatian flag, the currency, the army
uniforms, and the straight-arm salute. It renamed streets after leaders
of
the Ustashi fascists; its constitution defined Croatia as a racial state
(a
state of ethnic Croats, not, like Serbia, a state of all its citizens,
regardless of ethnicity.)
The 'democratic elections' took place in an atmosphere of terror and
with
vast sums pumped in from Germany and other Western sources and from
pro-fascist Croatians abroad. The HOS (Croatian Military Group) harassed
and
killed Serbs and opponents of the regime. The method of identification
was
straightforward. First, everyone was ordered to sign a pledge of
allegiance.
Serbs and antifascists who refused to sign this pledge to the
resurrected
Ustashi state were first fired from their jobs, then fired at.
The loyalty oath did not ferret out all the undesirable elements. So the
HOS
ordered everyone to display the Croatian (fascist) checkerboard flag in
their
window. This flag is the Croatian equivalent of the swastika. Then the
HOS
went from street to street and harassed or beat up or killed those
(whether
Serbian or Croatian) who refused to display the flag.
The HOS dynamited the homes of undesirables, often with the people
inside.
Jews lived in fear. Tens of thousands of Serbs were driven out - perhaps
300,000 even before the forced exodus from the Krajina in 1995.
By referring to this terrorized territory as a "young democratic state"
Zimmerman made perfectly clear that he approved of the HOS actions. His
mild
rebukes were cosmetic: made for the sake of appearance.
The American media suppressed the the news about Croatia. Most people
never
learned there was an anti-Serbian terror.
There were a few exceptions to the press blackout. One was an article in
the
'New York Times' which I have posted after the interview. It appeared
rather
late, in 1997, well after Croatia had finished purging 600,000 Serbs.
The
article is a bit odd. The writer, Chris Hedges, suggests that fascists
were
just then becoming powerful in Croatia, whereas this had actually
happened
years earlier, in 1990, '91 and '92. Perhaps Hedges wrote the article in
the
early 1990s and the Times editors held it back until the fascists had
completed their Western-assigned tasks: declaring independence and
driving
out the Serbs. In the article Hedges fails to mention the 600,000 or so
Serbs
driven out of Croatia during the first half of the decade. An oversight.
Most of these people live as destitute refugees in Serbia.
Take a look at the pictures I've posted below and then we'll return to
Zimmerman and see how he offers criticisms which whitewash Croatia's
terrorist purge of Serbs and government critics.
[Note: A picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Above is Ante Pavelic, Ustashi [Fascist-Clerical] leader of
World
War II Nazi Croatia shown with his Fascist flag `
[A second picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Here is the committee that ruled Croatia at the time Zimmerman
gave
his interview. Notice that the old Ustashi flag is above them, on the
left,
and the re-issue is on the right. The men are: General Josip Boljkovac;
General Martin Spegelj, who made the remark that "[The Serbian city of]
Knin
must be butchered...including children in the cradle;" Stipe Mesic, whom
the
European Community imposed on Yugoslavia as its last President. (Though
Mesic
was part of Franjo Tudjman's fascist machine, he has been recycled as
the
much hailed "liberal" President of Croatia. His uncle was SS Officer
Marko
Mesic) and General Franjo Tudjman, then President of neo-fascist
Croatia.
Tudjman's book 'Wasteland' suggested that Jews, not the Ustashi,
slaughtered
the Serbs at the Jasenovac concentration camp complex.
In 1943 Tito, head of the Yugoslav partisans, proclaimed an unusual
policy:
any Croatian Ustashi (Fascist) officer who came over to the Partisan
side
would keep his rank. Seeing that Italy had crumbled and that their
beloved
Nazi Germany was destined to lose, large numbers of Ustashi made the
switch
to the Partisans between 1943 and 1945, thus joining the winning side.
There
is evidence that Franjo Tudjman forged papers, making it appear that he
had
been an anti-fascist during the war, when in fact he was a fascist, from
a
fascist family.
Now back to Zimmerman.
Zimmerman: That is why it is difficult to be overtly critical. But as
you
will soon become a universally recognized state, it seems that the
issues of
free press, political opposition and minority rights will come under
closer
scrutiny than they have been until now. War can be an excuse for
limiting the
freedom of expression, though I personally think it is hard to find
circumstances that would justify such actions. Once the war is over,
that
excuse will no longer exist, and it will be very important for Croatia
to
re-examine all its standards against the international and European
principles and then firmly adhere to them. Allow me to mention two
examples
where I was disappointed. It seems that a certain number of Serbs living
in
Zagreb and Croatia are leaving the city and the country, including those
who
have advocated moderate policies and were not nationalists. They could
be a
significant part of Croatian democracy, and if they are leaving due to
intolerance I hope that will soon be overcome. The other case has
already
been solved, but I mention it because it was very important both to me
and to
Cyrus Vance. It regards the siege of the barracks, when the families of
JNA
soldiers were treated in an unfair manner. But personally, I have full
confidence that the Croatian democracy will grow and expand. The United
States has a very positive opinion about the current developments.
Jared comments: So after the fascist regime has done its job - driven
out the
Serbs and intimidated pro-Yugoslav forces - it will have to adopt a
slicker
appearance so as to fit the look of European 'democracies.' But as for
1992:
"The United States has a very positive opinion about the current
developments." That says it all.
DANAS: You mentioned Mr. Cyrus Vance. He was a US Secretary of State, so
some
claim he is only the extended arm of Washington right now.
Zimmerman: He is, of course, a representative of the UN
Secretary-General,
but also a very respectable American and a former official of the
American
government, which I think all the leaders of the Republics that he had
met
understand very well. This does not sound like a bad thing to me.
DANAS: Some sort of dual guarantee?
Zimmerman: I wouldn’t use that term, but I would say that the US
government
completely supports everything Vance does on behalf of the UN. The
Yugoslav
crisis is a great challenge for the UN. If the peacekeepers come – and
we
hope they will – that would be the largest endeavor the UN have ever
undertaken. I don’t even have to mention the challenges and complexities
they
will face. Let us hope this endeavor will be successful, but in order
for
that to happen, all sides must honor their obligations.
***
(1) The invasion of Serbian Krajina by Greg Elich at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/elich/krajina.html
(2) Kosovo Before 1989 - What Really Happened? at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/tika.htm
(3) 1980's news stories about Kosovo at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/benworks/1980news.html
(4) The 'NY Times' article on Croatia is posted after the fund-raising
appeal.
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--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Intervista all'ambasciatore statunitense Warren Zimmerman
sul giornale croato "Danas", 12 gennaio 1992
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm
The URL for printable version is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing2.htm
NOTHING IS FOREVER
U.S. Ambassador Warren Zimmerman's interview, Jan. 12, 1992, in the
Croatian
daily 'Danas' ('Today')
Translated by www.emperors-clothes.com (6-1-00)
"We are aiming for a dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states
peacefully." (Warren Zimmerman, US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Jan., 1992)
The following interview is important. Many have argued that the U.S.
opposed
the breakup of Yugoslavia. Warren Zimmerman was US Ambassador to
Yugoslavia
during the key period, when Slovenia and Croatia were fighting to
secede. In
this interview he makes the real U.S. position quite clear.
A week before the interview a key event occurred. Europe recognized
secessionist Croatia and Slovenia as independent states. Balkans scholar
Raju
Thomas refers to this as "a new method of aggression: Diplomatic
Recognition."
"Surely then the real aggression in Yugoslavia began with the western
recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. The territorial integrity of a
state
[Yugoslavia] that was voluntarily created and which had existed since
December 1918 was swept aside. In 1991, new state recognition policy
proved
to be an inventive method of destroying long-standing sovereign
independent
states. When several rich and powerful states decide to take a sovereign
independent state apart through the policy of recognition, how is this
state
supposed to defend itself? There can be no deterrence or defense against
this
form of destruction." (Raju Thomas, "Nationalism, Secession and
Conflict:
Legacies from the Former Yugoslavia.")
The U.S. did not immediately endorse the European move. Does this mean
the
U.S. opposed secession? I think the U.S. policy was two-faced. The U.S.
government paid lip service to peaceful solutions and withheld
recognition of
Slovenia and Croatia, but at the same time, US officials and covert
agencies
worked to dismember Yugoslavia in a manner aimed at producing a Bosnian
nation-state run by Islamic Fundamentalist proxies under the thumb of
the US.
Zimmerman's interview in 'Danas' supports this view. Is the interview
accurate? If an Ambassador is seriously misquoted he would respond in
order
to correct the record; but Zimmerman never denied or corrected any part
of
the interview. There is no known reason to question its accuracy.
Moreover, subsequent US actions dovetail with the views expressed here.
For
example, consider this from Zimmerman:
"It appears to us that he [Bosnian Islamic Fundamentalist leader
Izetbegovic]
needs help in his effort to resist the partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
and I
believe it would be tragic if someone from the Croatian side would try
cooperating with Serbia in the dismemberment of Bosnia-Herzegovina."
Later, when the Bosnian Islamist leader Izetbegovic signed an agreement
with
Croatian and Serbian leaders to peacefully partition Bosnia, Zimmerman
met
with Izetbegovic and 'helped' by persuading him to renege on the deal
and
demand instead a unitary Bosnian state under Islamist control.
Izetbegovic
did renege, as Zimmerman asked, and this launched the Bosnian civil war.
It is important to remember when reading this interview that Zimmerman
was
speaking for the most world's only Superpower. Whatever Zimmerman said
would
be read carefully by all sides. He used the interview to encourage
Croatian
chauvinism, Kosovo Albanian secessionism and Islamic Fundamentalism, the
very
forces that Nazi Germany relied on in Yugoslavia in World War II.
Zimmerman said he was against destabilization but talk is cheap and
every
diplomat knew that a united Yugoslavia was the key to stability in the
Balkans. He said pretty things about peace but he unleashed the forces
of war.
Here's the interview.
'DANAS', 21 January 1992
NOTHING IS FOREVER
An Interview with Warren Zimmerman
Zimmerman: First of all, I have to point out that the US and the
American
people exceptionally appreciate the Croatian people and sympathize with
you
for all you have been through in the past few months. We know you have
been a
victim of a Serbian and Army aggression, and in that situation you
reacted
with great courage and dignity. I am not saying this as a compliment to
the
fighting abilities of Croatia - though they are considerable - but I
wish to
point out that a great deal of restraint was demanded of Croatia. I
refer to
the lifting of the siege of military barracks, which was in our opinion
one
of the keys to the possibility of a stable peace. This also goes for
honoring
the cease-fires, which is always a critical issue. I would also point
out the
agreement to the UN peace plan, which all the sides have accepted. In
all
these matters, the people and government of Croatia showed its
extraordinary
worth.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's reference to the secessionists' "restraint"
is
false. While pretending to observe a cease fire, the secessionists
provoked
and attacked Yugoslav troops in their barracks. Zimmerman lies
throughout the
interview. His words are best read not as honest reporting but as
evidence of
US intentions.
DANAS: Still, everyone wonders why the recognition has been delayed?
Zimmerman: I have to admit that at this moment the recognition of
Croatia is
not on our agenda. But this does not mean that this temporary American
approach will be around forever. We have always tried to approach
recognition
in a way that would contribute most to a permanent peace, and that same
approach has been taken by Cyrus Vance and Lord Carrington.
Jared comments: Obviously he is promising US recognition - just not yet.
DANAS: What does that mean in terms of time?
Zimmerman: I cannot tell you the exact date. But that is certainly
something
to be kept in mind, and something we are thinking of, but we are also
always
wondering what kind of benefit that would bring Croatia while the war is
still going on and while Croatia is still being occupied by enemy
troops. We
thought the best way for the JNA [Yugoslav Army] to leave Croatia was
the one
proposed by the UN, as it specifically states that the JNA must leave
Croatia. We also believe that we can do the most to make this plan work
is if
we keep the possibility to pressure Serbia, Serbian and JNA leadership
as
much as possible. We are doing that decisively, and I believe we are in
a
much better position to do that now, as we have not recognized Croatia
yet.
That way, we have preserved authority and credibility with Serbia and
the
Army that we would not have if we had followed Germany and recognized
Croatia. I believe what we are doing is beneficial to achieving true
Croatian
independence.
Jared comments: The US was withholding formal recognition not out of a
desire
to hold Yugoslavia together but out of a desire to destroy it in the
most
efficient and profitable way.
DANAS: So you wish to preserve your influence?
Zimmerman: Yes, but I also want to add that this does not mean in any
way
that Serbia or the JNA have any right of veto in the American
recognition
policy. This is not the case.
DANAS: Many claim that you generally support Europe, but at the same
time
aren't too confident about the European policy?
Zimmerman: I wouldn't say so. I know that Lord Carrington believes that
recognition of Yugoslav republics that have requested it could be
premature
in these circumstances. We have tried to clear a path that I believe
could
lead to the result you want, which is a truly independent Croatia, free
of
occupation and enemy forces.
Jared's comments: Zimmerman refers to the Army of Yugoslavia, a country
to
whom he was U.S. Ambassador, a country which included Croatia, as an
enemy
force. Amazing.
The "enemy" Army did not invade Croatia. It was present in Croatia just
as it
was present in other parts of Yugoslavia. It was just as illegal for
Croatia
to secede from Yugoslavia as it was for the southern states to secede
from
the U.S. 140 years ago. The JNA would have been justified in waging
total
war, just as President Abraham Lincoln waged total war; but the JNA did
not.
Zimmerman: We very decisively told the Serbian and Army leadership that
they
have to honor the obligations they accepted and completely leave
Croatia. We
also said - and I think we have been able to do it with more authority
since
we have not recognized Croatia - that the recognition of Croatia by
European
countries cannot be the reason for Serbia or the Army to try reversing
Croatia's independence or imposing solutions on Croatia by force.
DANAS: This is maybe a personal question. You are the American
Ambassador,
but it is hard to say which country you are the Ambassador to. Does
Yugoslavia still exist?
Zimmerman: That is a very good question, and a question that is very
hard to
answer. We are now precisely in that situation where a world is dying
and
another, different world is struggling to be born. In other words, it is
a
transition and as I said many times before, our main concern in it is
peace.
While these changes are going on, our foremost task is to contribute
that
they happen in a peaceful, rather than violent, environment.
Jared comments: As subsequent events demonstrated, 'Peace' meant the US
and
its proxy forces could do whatever they liked but the Yugoslav Army was
not
allowed to fight back.
Zimmerman: It is inevitable that these changes are accompanied with
uncertainties. I am an Ambassador accredited with the government of
Yugoslavia. But at the same time, it is completely clear that we do not
recognize Branko Kostic, who usurped the right to speak on behalf of the
Yugoslav Presidency. Since he made that attempt I have not had any
contacts
with him, nor do I intend to ever contact him. Most of the duties I
perform
in Belgrade and Yugoslavia are reduced to relations with the Republics,
which
my government considers extremely useful. There are many gray areas from
a
legal standpoint, but this is natural in times of transition.
DANAS: Are you encountering the same difficulties while meeting with the
military leaders?
Zimmerman: I recently met with General Adzic, and I met with General
Kadijevic right before he resigned. I believe it is exceptionally
important
to maintain contact with the Yugoslav military leadership, as they have
to
know our position. And our position is clear: we believe that the Army
is
primarily responsible for the war in Croatia.
Hence they have an enormous obligation to honor the UN peace plan, and
to
show restraint in Croatia. And in Bosnia-Herzegovina as well, which is
turning into a dangerous place. If we weren’t talking to them, we would
not
be able to tell them all these things.
DANAS: Many unconfirmed stories indicate that you prevented total war on
several occasions, using this type of influence?
Zimmerman: There is exaggeration in that. But I can say that the US has
always used the measure of influence it has to promote peace, not war.
That
is why I say that we are most concerned with the possibility of a war
breaking out in Bosnia-Herzegovina. We think it would be a horrible
tragedy
which could have consequences on the situation in Croatia, which at the
present time looks promising.
DANAS: Does that mean you support Izetbegovic’s plan?
Zimmerman: Let me try to elaborate on our policy towards
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
We firmly believe that the territorial integrity of every republic must
be
preserved, and we clearly said to the Serbian government and the Army
leadership that we will never recognize any conquest in Croatia. Equally
important is the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is
most
threatened at this moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is
attempting
to tear away a piece of it. We consider that extremely dangerous, and we
said
so to the Army and the Serbian leadership.
Jared comments: Note how Zimmerman places matters upside down.
He speaks of maintaining the integrity of 'Bosnia' as if it were a
national
entity. But historically a country called 'Bosnia' never existed. An
administrative unit called 'Bosnia' (similar to Rhode Island or South
Dakota)
was created by the Tito government. That's it.
With this in mind, consider his statement that the US supports "the
territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is most threatened at
this
moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is attempting to tear away
a
piece of it."
In fact, the Islamic Fundamentalist forces in Bosnia were trying to tear
a
piece away from a real nation, recognized for 70 years - Yugoslavia.
This
violated international law. The Islamists wanted to justify their
secession
(that is, theft of territory) by holding a referendum. The Serbs
boycotted
the referendum. The Islamists held it anyway, and won; but this violated
the
Yugoslav constitution which required the approval of the three major
ethnic
groups before extreme action could be taken. Moreover the secessionist
movement only existed based on foreign intrigue, personified by Mr.
Zimmerman. The Islamists would never have dared to push for secession
without
the promise of outside (U.S.) help and in practice Mr. Zimmerman prodded
Islamist leader Izetbegovic into starting the Bosnian civil war.
The Bosnian Serbs had had grim experience with Islamic Fundamentalism
during
W.W. II. Islamic Fundamentalists were important supporters of the Nazis
in
Bosnia. They formed their own SS Division. They helped slaughter
hundreds of
thousands of Serbs. The Islamist leader Elija Izetbegovic was a pro-Nazi
Islamic Fundamentalist youth organizer during the War.
Knowing the horror that would follow if foreign-backed Islamists once
again
ruled Bosnia, the local Serbs wanted to stay with Yugoslavia. These
Serbs,
mainly farmers, owned the majority of land in Bosnia. The Serbs wanted
to
make sure that if Bosnian Islamists seceded the Serbs would not be
forced to
live under their rule.
Zimmerman: As for Mr. Izetbegovic, we heard that some call him a Muslim
fundamentalist. We know what fundamentalism really does, as we were its
victims in Iran. That is why we do not believe that Izetbegovic is some
sort
of fundamentalist. Actually, it seems like he is a moderate politician
who is
trying to do the best in a difficult situation.
Jared's comments:The reasoning here is charmingly ostrich-like: Proof by
Rejection of Negative Consequence. 1) Fundamentalists are terrible. 2)
It
would be terrible if Izetbegovic were a fundamentalist. 3) Therefore
Izetbegovic is not a fundamentalist.
Fortunately Izetbegovic wrote a book about his beliefs. It is called
"The
Islamic Declaration" ("Islamska deklaracija"). Here's an excerpt:
"... The first and foremost of such conclusions is surely the one on the
incompatibility of Islam and non-Islamic systems. There can be no peace
or
coexistence between the "Islamic faith" and non-Islamic societies and
political institutions. ... Islam clearly excludes the right and
possibility
of activity of any strange ideology on its own turf. Therefore, there is
no
question of any laicistic principles, and the state should be an
expression
and should support the moral concepts of the religion. ..." (p. 22)
It is ironic that Zimmerman uses Iran as the example of what Izetbegovic
is
not. Actually, Izetbegovic was especially fond of the Iranian
Fundamentalists. Moreover, the US encouraged Iran to smuggle arms and
terrorist trainers into Bosnia during the fighting, despite an embargo
on
importing arms. When challenged about this at a Congressional hearing,
Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith confirmed that the US had indeed
approved the shipments.
Zimmerman: It appears to us that he needs help in his effort to resist
the
partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and I believe it would be tragic if
someone
from the Croatian side would try cooperating with Serbia in the
dismemberment
of Bosnia-Herzegovina. That would mean that Croatia is destroying the
very
principle on the basis of which it won international support for its
struggle.
DANAS: There are some very clear desires to that extent in Croatia.
Zimmerman: I read some hints to that effect in the Croatian press, so I
have
to say that the dismemberment of Bosnia – no matter who does it – cannot
win
the support of the United States. We would consider that a policy of
destabilization and a violation of international principles that could
lead
to very unpleasant consequences in our relations.
Jared's comments:This is Theater of the Absurd. International law says
nothing about alteration of borders within a state. It only forbids the
destabilization inherent in altering national boundaries - which is
precisely
what Zimmerman is supporting by insisting on the unimpeded creation of a
new
state of Bosnia.
Zimmerman: I believe, therefore, that if there is a tendency in Croatia
to
team up with Serbia in a break-up of Bosnia, that tendency must be
overcome.
DANAS: American foreign policy is often based on two interlocking
principles
– a carrot and a stick. What would be a carrot and what would be the
stick in
this situation?
Zimmerman: That is a good question, and I will try to give a very
specific
answer in regard to the war in Croatia. When the war is over and when
Croatia
restores its full sovereignty upon the Army’s withdrawal, that carrot
and
that stick have to exist for the other side as well.
Jared comments: This is one of the best examples of the Orwellian
rewriting
of reality, a special feature of the New World Order of which Zimmerman
was a
key architect. Croatia had 'full sovereignty' only one time in history:
that
was as the (Fascist-Clerical) Independent State of Croatia during the
German
occupation of Yugoslavia.
Zimmerman: The stick would be that the United States or any other
Western
country - to the best of my knowledge – will never recognize any
violation of
Croatia’s territorial integrity. In other words, the Croatian borders
will
remain as they were before the war, there will be no changes of borders
by
conquest. That stick would also be what I mentioned a moment ago. No one
will
support any violent re-establishment of Yugoslavia.
Jared comments: Does this sound like the man is opposing the breakup of
Yugoslavia?
DANAS: Any Yugoslavia?
Zimmerman: Any kind of Yugoslavia.
DANAS: Even the smallest one?
Zimmerman: We told Serbia and the Army clearly that we will not
recognize
Serbia as Yugoslavia’s successor, that we will not recognize any
so-called
Yugoslav government that is in fact just another Serb government.
That is why I do not wish to have any contact with Mr. Kostic, and why
the
American government challenged the credentials of the Yugoslav
delegation a
few days ago at the OSCE conference in Prague. But allow me to finish my
previous answer about sticks. Carrots are important, too, they form a
part of
this reality. There are some problems with the rights of the Serb
population
in Croatia. We do not think the way Serbia and the Army approached those
issues was justified, they went about it in a completely wrong way. But
the
problem exists and I think that Croatia, if it wants a stable peace,
should
be ready to grant a significant political autonomy to the Serb areas in
Croatia. We welcome as a good sign the fact that the Croatian assembly
passed
the Minority Law, which is a great step along that road. I hope that
Croatian
government will continue being so flexible, as it seems to me that a
maximum
degree of political autonomy on the local level in Serb-inhabited areas
will
be necessary. This is already a part of the UN peace plan on a
provisional
basis, as well as Lord Carrington’s plan, which counts on a longer time
frame. We think that every Serb leadership needs to be able to say that
Serb
rights in Croatia are completely protected with international
guarantees.
That would be in the interest of Croatia as well, as it would take a
significant problem off the agenda.
Jared comments: A number of points about this.
First, as we shall see below, the Croatian regime had launched a massive
campaign of terror against Serbian residents. Zimmerman is suggesting
that
Serbia be induced to accept the breakup of Yugoslavia by dangling the
carrot
of less violence towards Serbs in Croatia.
Second, Zimmerman avoids a discussion of the actual, day to day terror
that
was being directed against Serbs in Croatia. Instead he expresses
concern and
wishes and hopes for better treatment. The value of such US expressions
of
concern became clear three years later when the US planned, led and
provided
air cover for the eviction, carried out by the Croatian Army, of over
250,000
Serbs, mainly farmers, from the Krajina, which was claimed by Croatia.
This
was the worst act of genocide in Europe since W.W.II.
To get an idea of the anti-Serb hatred whipped up by the Croatian
government
throughout this period, read the following excerpt from a speech
delivered by
Croatian President Tudjman after the anti-Serb campaign culminated in
the
violent eviction of the Serbian population of the Krajina section.
Here's
Tudjman:
"There can be no return to the past, to the times when [Serbs] were
spreading
cancer in the heart of Croatia, a cancer that was destroying the
Croatian
national being." He [that is, Tudjman] then went on to speak of the
"ignominious disappearance" of the Serbs from Krajina "so it is as if
they
have never lived here... They didn't even have time to take with them
their
filthy money or their filthy underwear!" (From 'The invasion of Serbian
Krajina' by Greg Elich)
DANAS: Washington used to firmly advocate human rights in Kosovo, but
now
there is only mention of Croatia.
Jared comments: This is hyperbole. Washington's real concern about
Croatia
was that it not work against the Islamists in Bosnia. Indeed, Washington
hired the MPRI, a semi-private military outfit made up of 'retired'
officers
and CIA types to train the Croatian army which continued to be used
primarily
against Serbian civilians.
Zimmerman: I am glad you asked that question, so I can clarify things.
The
violation of rights of Albanians in Kosovo in my opinion is the worst
violation of human rights, and at this moment, there is none worse in
Europe.
It was somewhat peaceful in Kosovo last year, but the basic colonial
nature
of Serbian control has not changed. We have not lost interest in that
issue,
and we will not lose interest until it is solved. I cannot imagine a
final
political solution coming out of The Hague and Brussels that would only
deal
with Croatia. It has to encompass the rights of everyone; thus also the
problems in Kosovo.
Jared comments: Zimmerman was the Ambassador to Yugoslavia. Coming from
him,
this is a clear statement of support for Kosovo secessionism. Why?
Because a)
there was a strong secessionist movement in Kosovo at the time; b)
international law, expressed the Helsinki Accords, forbade the redrawing
of
national borders. However, international law did allow for
self-determination
for colonies. So by calling Kosovo a colony Zimmerman was making a
sneaky
argument for secession.
In fact, Zimmerman's statement is nonsense.
First, Albanians were not oppressed in Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanian
unrest was
based on beliefs: they wanted to recreate the World War II entity,
Greater
Albania, and they wanted Kosovo to be Serb-and-"Gypsy"-free. In this
sense
their attitude had much in common with some whites in the segregationist
south. Many news articles during the 1980s report that it was Serbs, not
Albanians, who were oppressed in pre-1989 Kosovo. (2)
Colonialism means exploitation: the Colony is organized to serve the
needs of
the Imperial Power. Thus in the African colonies, railroad lines were
built
fanning out from coastal ports so that raw materials could easily be
taken
out of the country. Everything is best in the Imperial country.
Everything is
worst in the Colony.
This was dramatically not the case in Kosovo; Kosovo was poor, but not
due to
exploitation. As engineers Tika Jankovic and Petar Makara point out, the
engineering school in Pristina (Kosovo) had the finest modern equipment,
whereas the engineering school in Belgrade (inner Serbia) had to make do
with
pre-World War II equipment as late as the 1970s. (3)
Such anecdotal evidence is supported by the NY Times. The following was
written in 1984, before the Times adopted an anti-Serbian policy:
"Yugoslavia's Albanians: Poor, Proud and Prolific
By Michael T. Kaufman
..."The thrust toward republic status, for example, is in large measure
motivated by the clause in the Yugoslav Constitution that technically
permits
any republic to secede.
"As explained by a knot of [Albanian] students in Pristina, this right
to
withdraw could pave way for creating a greater Albania, linking Kosovo
with
the present Albania... with the capital shifting from Tirana to
Pristina...
"The students had no answers as to how such a nation could support
itself...
"[U]nder the complicated transfer arrangement, Kosovo receives
70 percent of its budget from the richer components of the Yugoslav
union...." ('New York Times', October 5, 1984)
DANAS: Croatia and Slovenia offered a year ago the confederacy solution
akin
to what Izetbegovic is proposing today. But the clock cannot be turned
back.
Zimmerman: Obviously, it is too late for that now. We are aiming for a
dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states peacefully, and when
any
new union is constructed – if it is constructed – it would have to be
founded
on sovereign decisions. In other words, it has to be built from the
bottom
up, rather than from top to the bottom.
DANAS: All Croatian politicians agree that it is necessary first to
secure
independence and sovereignty, and only then decide on future links.
Zimmerman: I recall the words of Pierre Lavalle, prime minister of the
Vichy
government who made a tremendous mistake by collaborating with the
Germans
but still said something very wise: "Governments come and go, but the
geography is eternal. France will forever remain Germany’s neighbor."
Croatia
will remain a neighbor of Serbia, and I hope it will be possible to soon
normalize the relations that geography makes inevitable.
DANAS: De Gaulle thought otherwise. Many were surprised by the news that
you
spent the New Year’s eve at a peace demonstration with the Serbian
opposition. Some said immediately that this is the sign that both sides
– the
UN and the US – want a different Serbia and different Serbian leaders.
Zimmerman: I went to this vigil to show our strong support to cessation
of
hostilities, and I think Mr. Vance had the same reasons. The peace
movement
in Serbia is a sort of an opposition. It does not accept war. It opposes
the
government responsible for that war. We support them in their demands
for
peace. We consider it especially important – not only in Serbia - that
the
political opposition is free to act. But in Serbia, this is not the
case.
Opposition leader Vuk Draskovic was just indicted for some things that
happened at the March 9 demonstrations last year. The media, especially
television, are hostile to all opponents of the government, and that
will
have to change if Serbia has any aspirations towards democracy. On that
occasion, we did not support any specific party [except for being
against the
one chosen by the people – PM] but we advocated democratic norms and
values,
values of peace and free press.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's support for Vuk Draskovic is interesting.
Before
the Croatian and Slovenian secession, Draskovic was a Tarzan Nationalist
- a
real chest beater and it was in this guise that he opposed Milosevich
who was
for the continuation of Yugoslavia. But then Draskovic advocated a
policy of
non-resistance when the Yugoslav Army was attacked in its barracks, and
when
Serbs were attacked as well.
Note also how Zimmerman uses his continued presence in Belgrade: he
encourages the breakup of Yugoslavia and threatens Belgrade if it tries
to
stop it.
DANAS: Your statements have been frequently attacked in Belgrade and in
Croatia...
Zimmerman: And Slovenia and Montenegro...
DANAS: But which one of your critical remarks would you say again in
regard
to Croatia?
Zimmerman: Croatia is a democratic state, but it is a young democracy
tempted
by war.
Jared comments: This is amazing.
This new 'democratic' state was a conscious imitation of the Independent
State of Croatia, notorious in World War II for creating Jasenovac, the
first
death camp, in which about a million Serbs, 'Gypsies', Jews and
antifascists
were killed using the most horrifying methods.
The new Independent State of Croatia, under Franjo Tudjman, a holocaust
denier, brought back the Fascist Croatian flag, the currency, the army
uniforms, and the straight-arm salute. It renamed streets after leaders
of
the Ustashi fascists; its constitution defined Croatia as a racial state
(a
state of ethnic Croats, not, like Serbia, a state of all its citizens,
regardless of ethnicity.)
The 'democratic elections' took place in an atmosphere of terror and
with
vast sums pumped in from Germany and other Western sources and from
pro-fascist Croatians abroad. The HOS (Croatian Military Group) harassed
and
killed Serbs and opponents of the regime. The method of identification
was
straightforward. First, everyone was ordered to sign a pledge of
allegiance.
Serbs and antifascists who refused to sign this pledge to the
resurrected
Ustashi state were first fired from their jobs, then fired at.
The loyalty oath did not ferret out all the undesirable elements. So the
HOS
ordered everyone to display the Croatian (fascist) checkerboard flag in
their
window. This flag is the Croatian equivalent of the swastika. Then the
HOS
went from street to street and harassed or beat up or killed those
(whether
Serbian or Croatian) who refused to display the flag.
The HOS dynamited the homes of undesirables, often with the people
inside.
Jews lived in fear. Tens of thousands of Serbs were driven out - perhaps
300,000 even before the forced exodus from the Krajina in 1995.
By referring to this terrorized territory as a "young democratic state"
Zimmerman made perfectly clear that he approved of the HOS actions. His
mild
rebukes were cosmetic: made for the sake of appearance.
The American media suppressed the the news about Croatia. Most people
never
learned there was an anti-Serbian terror.
There were a few exceptions to the press blackout. One was an article in
the
'New York Times' which I have posted after the interview. It appeared
rather
late, in 1997, well after Croatia had finished purging 600,000 Serbs.
The
article is a bit odd. The writer, Chris Hedges, suggests that fascists
were
just then becoming powerful in Croatia, whereas this had actually
happened
years earlier, in 1990, '91 and '92. Perhaps Hedges wrote the article in
the
early 1990s and the Times editors held it back until the fascists had
completed their Western-assigned tasks: declaring independence and
driving
out the Serbs. In the article Hedges fails to mention the 600,000 or so
Serbs
driven out of Croatia during the first half of the decade. An oversight.
Most of these people live as destitute refugees in Serbia.
Take a look at the pictures I've posted below and then we'll return to
Zimmerman and see how he offers criticisms which whitewash Croatia's
terrorist purge of Serbs and government critics.
[Note: A picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Above is Ante Pavelic, Ustashi [Fascist-Clerical] leader of
World
War II Nazi Croatia shown with his Fascist flag `
[A second picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Here is the committee that ruled Croatia at the time Zimmerman
gave
his interview. Notice that the old Ustashi flag is above them, on the
left,
and the re-issue is on the right. The men are: General Josip Boljkovac;
General Martin Spegelj, who made the remark that "[The Serbian city of]
Knin
must be butchered...including children in the cradle;" Stipe Mesic, whom
the
European Community imposed on Yugoslavia as its last President. (Though
Mesic
was part of Franjo Tudjman's fascist machine, he has been recycled as
the
much hailed "liberal" President of Croatia. His uncle was SS Officer
Marko
Mesic) and General Franjo Tudjman, then President of neo-fascist
Croatia.
Tudjman's book 'Wasteland' suggested that Jews, not the Ustashi,
slaughtered
the Serbs at the Jasenovac concentration camp complex.
In 1943 Tito, head of the Yugoslav partisans, proclaimed an unusual
policy:
any Croatian Ustashi (Fascist) officer who came over to the Partisan
side
would keep his rank. Seeing that Italy had crumbled and that their
beloved
Nazi Germany was destined to lose, large numbers of Ustashi made the
switch
to the Partisans between 1943 and 1945, thus joining the winning side.
There
is evidence that Franjo Tudjman forged papers, making it appear that he
had
been an anti-fascist during the war, when in fact he was a fascist, from
a
fascist family.
Now back to Zimmerman.
Zimmerman: That is why it is difficult to be overtly critical. But as
you
will soon become a universally recognized state, it seems that the
issues of
free press, political opposition and minority rights will come under
closer
scrutiny than they have been until now. War can be an excuse for
limiting the
freedom of expression, though I personally think it is hard to find
circumstances that would justify such actions. Once the war is over,
that
excuse will no longer exist, and it will be very important for Croatia
to
re-examine all its standards against the international and European
principles and then firmly adhere to them. Allow me to mention two
examples
where I was disappointed. It seems that a certain number of Serbs living
in
Zagreb and Croatia are leaving the city and the country, including those
who
have advocated moderate policies and were not nationalists. They could
be a
significant part of Croatian democracy, and if they are leaving due to
intolerance I hope that will soon be overcome. The other case has
already
been solved, but I mention it because it was very important both to me
and to
Cyrus Vance. It regards the siege of the barracks, when the families of
JNA
soldiers were treated in an unfair manner. But personally, I have full
confidence that the Croatian democracy will grow and expand. The United
States has a very positive opinion about the current developments.
Jared comments: So after the fascist regime has done its job - driven
out the
Serbs and intimidated pro-Yugoslav forces - it will have to adopt a
slicker
appearance so as to fit the look of European 'democracies.' But as for
1992:
"The United States has a very positive opinion about the current
developments." That says it all.
DANAS: You mentioned Mr. Cyrus Vance. He was a US Secretary of State, so
some
claim he is only the extended arm of Washington right now.
Zimmerman: He is, of course, a representative of the UN
Secretary-General,
but also a very respectable American and a former official of the
American
government, which I think all the leaders of the Republics that he had
met
understand very well. This does not sound like a bad thing to me.
DANAS: Some sort of dual guarantee?
Zimmerman: I wouldn’t use that term, but I would say that the US
government
completely supports everything Vance does on behalf of the UN. The
Yugoslav
crisis is a great challenge for the UN. If the peacekeepers come – and
we
hope they will – that would be the largest endeavor the UN have ever
undertaken. I don’t even have to mention the challenges and complexities
they
will face. Let us hope this endeavor will be successful, but in order
for
that to happen, all sides must honor their obligations.
***
(1) The invasion of Serbian Krajina by Greg Elich at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/elich/krajina.html
(2) Kosovo Before 1989 - What Really Happened? at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/tika.htm
(3) 1980's news stories about Kosovo at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/benworks/1980news.html
(4) The 'NY Times' article on Croatia is posted after the fund-raising
appeal.
If you find emperors-clothes useful, we can use your help...
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http://www.emperors-clothes.com and scroll down the page
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* "Resa dei conti" tra Slovenia e Jugoslavia ???
* Scambio di opinioni sulla Jugoslavia agli Europei - e altro.
* Accanimento arbitrale?
---
Alla Redazione del "MANIFESTO" - Roma
c.a. Pippo Russo
Ho provato un profondo disgusto leggendo l’articolo "Conti aperti
tra
Slovenia e Jugoslavia" del 13 giugno u.s. di Pippo Russo, dedicato alla
partita dei Campionati Europei - che e' poi finita 3 a 3 dopo una
rocambolesca rimonta da parte jugoslava. Nell'articolo mancano tante
informazioni... "Ma Pippo, Pippo non lo sa..."? E’ dal 1992 che richiamo
e richiamiamo l’attenzione dei giornalisti sportivi perche' trattino le
problematiche vicende degli atleti e delle compagini jugoslave con una
maggiore obiettività ed aderenza alla realtà di quanto accade in quelle
terre.
Iniziava allora una campagna unilaterale, indiscriminata, contro
quelli che hanno scelto con dignità di essere, e rimanere, jugoslavi.
Già allora le rappresentative jugoslave venivano escluse dai giochi
olimpici di Barcellona, e pure alla squadra di calcio veniva impedito di
partecipare agli Europei... Se lo sport è un elemento unificante, al di
là
delle differenze "etniche", religiose, culturali, questo dovrebbe valere
a maggior ragione per la Jugoslavia. E non è soltanto retorica: l’hanno
dimostrato anche qui a Roma gli atleti jugoslavi durante il campionato
europeo di basket in quel fatidico anno 1991!
In quegli anni la nostra "civile comunita' internazionale"
incominciava a sfasciare la Jugoslavia e (all'uopo) demonizzava la parte
serba anche nelle cronache, e sui campi sportivi! Monika Seles finiva
accoltellata da un tedesco entrato in campo carico di odio antiserbo -
povero deficiente, non poteva nemmeno capire che la Seles e' di origine
ungherese della Vojvodina, dunque nemmeno "serba"... Ma si sa, ormai:
piu' sei "jugoslavo", in senso multinazionale, e piu' vieni demonizzato
in quanto "serbo", perche' minacci alle fondamenta l'equazione che la
Jugoslavia va sfasciata a tutti i costi...
Pippo Russo dimostra di non conoscere la storia recente quando si
riferisce al "regime di Milosevic" parlando della Zagabria del 1990,
quando Milosevic era solamente Presidente della Repubblica di Serbia. Ed
ora: quale partita dei "conti aperti" tra Jugoslavia e Slovenia??!! Si è
forse chiesto l’articolista chi sono i vari Amir, Zahovic, se non
musulmano-bosniaci che giocano per la Slovenia insieme ad altri serbi e
montenegrini?... Mentre Mateja Kezman, tipico nome e cognome sloveno,
gioca nella squadra avversaria!!!
A me, Jugoslavia-Slovenia è sembrata più che altro una partita tra
"Jugoslavia squadra A" e "Jugoslavia squadra B".
Leggo dall'articolo: "...del suo ritiro parlano di un ambiente
spartano per necessità economiche." Lo slogan separatista della Slovenia
era: "Meglio ultimi in Europa che primi in Jugoslavia"... E la
Jugoslavia in che situazione si trova?! Peccato, perché i "compagni" del
Manifesto hanno perso ancora un’altra occasione per condannare
l’isolamento, le sanzioni e la continua aggressione contro la
Jugoslavia.
Quando si parla del "famoso [?!] calcio vibrato dal croato Boban allo
stomaco di un poliziotto serbo" si vuole forse giustificare per
l’opinione pubblica italiana un atto puramente teppistico per ragioni
"politiche", perché il poliziotto è serbo, cattivo, e perciò se lo è
meritato? Altrimenti a che pro specificare l’etnia di appartenenza? Non
ho mai sentito giustificare un’aggressione tipicamente vandalica contro
persone del servizio d’ordine in quanto sardi, abruzzesi o altro...
Ma in fondo e' vero: quel poverino di Boban ha dovuto "dormire fuori
casa nelle due notti successive". E dov’era Boban quando nella sua
Zagabria, in quello stesso anno, l’inno della squadra nazionale
jugoslava
era sonoramente fischiato alla partita per le qualificazioni agli
Europei? Guarda caso, questo sfegatato nazionalista, estremista e
acclamata stella del Milan, ha contribuito alla campagna elettorale per
il suo Tudjman.
Guardiamo ancora un po' all'indietro: alla Expo di Siviglia nel
1992, durante le Olimpiadi, alcuni giocatori della squadra croata di
basket capeggiati da Vrankovic distrussero le vetrine del padiglione del
turismo jugoslavo. E come la mettiamo con i gravi disordini che
avvengono ora regolarmente tra le tifoserie di Spalato e di Zagabria,
nella Croazia "indipendente"?
Anche ai Mondiali di Parigi nel 1998 il clima era pesantemente
antijugoslavo, e in certi ben noti ambienti girò la proposta di
estromettere la formazione jugoslava - proposta reiterata anche in
questi ultimi Europei da parte albanese e belga. Ma allora ci
furono persino intimidazioni ed atti terroristici, come un pacco-bomba
recapitato a casa di una famiglia di immigrati serbi in Francia.
Infine, per sua conoscenza - a meno che non voglia rimanere nella
ignoranza e prendere fischi per fiaschi: Sinisa Mihajlovic è nato a
Vukovar, di padre serbo e madre croata, che sono dovuti scappare
entrambi in Serbia a causa della pulizia etnica e dei crimini commessi
dai nazionalisti ustascia con a capo un tizio che adesso siede nel
parlamento croato, un "certo" Mercep... Fatti sui quali le allego un po’
di documentazione.
Resti nel dubbio, caro giornalista... Con quali parole potrei
salutarla?
Ivan P. Istrijan, luglio 2000
(il mio cognome rivela le mie origini natali)
---
FUORI TEMA, MA NON TROPPO
> Cari compagni,
> mi arriva questo mail nel quale si sostiene che la Jugoslavia agli
> europei sarebbe stata vittima di accanimento arbitrale. Francamente, mi
> sembra che la Jugoslavia abbia avuto anche sfiga, pero' secondo me quel
> laziale di Mihajlovic l'espulsione se l'e' pure meritata...
>
> Saluti internazionalisti e romanisti :-)
>
Non è per fare il laziale quale sono, e orgoglioso di esserlo, ma per
lavoro
(in questo momento lavoro come operatore internet in una redazione
sportiva)
sto seguendo gli europei di calcio.
Bè mi sembra proprio che la proposta di varie federazioni sportive, tra
cui
i belgi padroni di casa, di escludere la nazionale jugoslava, seppure si
sia
qualificata regolarmente (e ai danni della Croazia pergiunta!), non
abbia
fatto iniziare questa competizione con un clima disteso intorno agli
uomini
di Boskov. Una espulsione a partita mi sembra francamente troppo anche
per
una nazionale sicuramente "grintosa", non più di quella italiana però,
come
quella jugoslava. E poi una (Kezman) dopo quattro secondi dall'ingresso
del
giocatore ed al suo primo intervento...mah!
Per quanto riguarda "quel laziale (e scudettato, nda) di Mihajlovic", il
suo
nervosismo risale alle polemiche sullo striscione su Arkan e non è nuovo
a
questi gesti eccessivi ma dovuti, mi sembra, al fatto che è uno di
quelli
che, pur essendo nato in Croazia a Vukovar, tiene di più alla Jugoslavia
come nazione unita.
Il fatto è che, seppur reale, questo "attacco" alla Jugoslavia è del
tutto
secondario di fronte ad altri che si stanno verificando in questo
momento.
Mi riferisco al silenzio su ciò che sta avvenendo nel Protettorato
dell'(UC)Kosovo ed al sostegno (anche da parte del "Movimento" in
Italia, VO
ne sa qualcosa...) alle formazione filo-occidente (da cui troppo spesso
sono
finanziate) in Jugoslavia...
Saluti antimperialisti (e laziali)
---
>
> Date:
> Fri, 23 Jun 2000 14:39:01 +0200
> Subject:
> [LISEZ-MOI CA !] Les Emirats europé ens du Football
> From:
> "Atelier" <agedhomme@...> | Block addres
> SUJET:
>
> Quand l'OTAN joue au football.
>
> RESUME
>
> Au cours du premier tour du championnat d'Europe, l'équipe de
> Yougoslavie a
> fini tous ses matches à 10 joueurs, victime d'un arbitrage
> particulièrement
> sévère, alors qu'elle n'est pas plus brutale qu'une autre. Le
> Yougoslavie-Espagne (3:4) du 21 juin a été un monument de partialité
> arbitrale. Consigne politique ou préjugé culturel?
>
> LE TEXTE
>
> L'OTAN n'est pas seulement une alliance militaire. C'est un club, au
> sens
> britannique du mot: une société de gens nantis, dotés d'une même
> éducation
> et liés par des loisirs et des intérêts communs. Quelquefois ce club se
> ligue en milice pour protéger ou étendre ces intérêts. Le reste du
> temps, il
> se construit une "maison commune" où les loisirs et les sports sont, à
> défaut d'autre chose, un important facteur de cohésion.
>
> L'Euro 2000 de football a lieu dans une contrée aux joues roses, le
> Benelux..
> Au siège même de l'Union européenne et de l'OTAN. Or, lorsque l'OTAN
> organise un tournoi de football, il ne laisse rien au hasard. S'il
> admet, en
> principe, toutes les équipes issues des éliminatoires, ses médias se
> chargent de faire la part des "favoris" et des "parias".
>
> Les "favoris" ne sont pas nécessairement les meilleures nations du
> moment.
> Mais ce sont celles qui devraient "naturellement" se qualifier pour les
> phases avancées du tournoi. Elles ont un jeu élaboré, une stratégie, une
>
> discipline de groupe, une volonté. Elles ont des traditions, une
> légende.
> Elles font toutes partie de l'UE.
>
> Les "parias" ne sont pas, non plus, des nations de moindre valeur
> sportive.
> Leur handicap est socio-économique: avec leur niveau de vie inférieur,
> elles
> servent de vivier pour la pêche aux talents des grandes équipes
> ouest-européennes. Lesquelles y "achètent" des gosses de 16 ans, les
> forment
> et les gardent ou les revendent selon les cas. Les "parias" sont pour la
>
> plupart slaves et/ou orthodoxes. Ils ont tous, selon les journalistes,
> "une
> technique époustouflante", de "grandes valeurs individuelles", mais
> également un "moral fragile" et un "manque de cohésion". Le handicap
> économique se mue discrètement en une tare culturelle.
>
> Le solide jeu collectif de la Roumanie, de la Slovénie et de la
> Yougoslavie
> a fait litière de ce préjugé. De même que, a contrario, les débâcles
> collectives de l'Angleterre, de l'Allemagne, du Danemark et de la
> Belgique,
> la pauvreté de la Norvège, la stérilité de la Suède. Du premier tour de
> l'Euro 2000, l'OTAN sort honteux et laminé. Malgré cela, les succès
> réguliers des "parias" devant des équipes occidentales nécrosées par
> l'argent et le mercenariat étranger continuent d'être accueillis en
> divines
> surprises. Pour les titres, on ne parie pas sur les parias.
>
> Enfin, que ces derniers fassent le spectacle, passe encore. Mais qu'ils
> arbitrent le jeu des vedettes, pas question. Benelucky s'est choisi des
> arbitres uniquement dans son proche voisinage, rien au-delà de Vienne.
> Non
> qu'il ait des préjugés, mais, vous comprenez, avec "ces gens-là" si
> corruptibles, si chauvins...
>
> (C'est le même raisonnement qu'a suivi le "Tribunal pénal international"
>
> sponsorisé à La Haye par l'OTAN et les pétrodollars: ses magistrats
> peuvent
> venir de Chine ou de Malaisie ‹ démocraties réputées pour leur respect
> du
> droit ‹ mais certainement pas de Russie ou de Roumanie. Ses procureurs
> ne
> peuvent être qu'anglo-saxons ou, depuis peu, suisses, ce qui est
> actuellement un bon gage de servilité.)
>
> *
>
> Or, dans cet Euro 2000, il y a encore plus paria que les parias :
> l'équipe
> de Yougoslavie. Une équipe composée de Serbes et d'un Hongrois. Nous
> n'avons
> jamais entendu aucun journaliste occidental préciser ce détail. Le Serbe
> qui
> joue au football est un Yougoslave. Le Yougoslave qui fait la guerre est
> un
> Serbe. Entre ces deux disciplines pourtant apparentées, le même peuple
> change systématiquement d'appellation.
>
> Quoi qu'il en soit, cette Serboslavie a déboulé dans un cercle de 16
> nations
> dont presque toutes font partie de la coalition militaire qui l'a
> agressée
> au printemps 1999. Même celles qui n'en étaient pas (Slovénie, Tchéquie,
>
> Roumanie) ont demandé à en être. Leurs gouvernements, du moins.
>
> Or les Serbes sont impossibles. En pleine guerre civile doublée
> d'embargo,
> ils se sont arrangés pour être champions d'Europe et du monde de
> basketball..
> Ils n'ont cédé l'or olympique aux Américains, chez eux, qu'au terme d'un
>
> match éprouvant où la "Dream Team" avait pété les plombs. Quel pied de
> nez!
> Quel atout politique pour le régime de Belgrade! Or le basket n'est
> qu'un
> passe-temps d'initiés en comparaison du football.
>
> Ayant cela en vue, on comprend mieux le drame des dirigeants
> occidentaux.
> Ils n'ont pas pu, une troisième fois, bannir la Yougoslavie de l'Euro
> pour
> raisons politiques. Mais il leur serait aussi impossible (à Dieu ne
> plaise!)
> de remettre la coupe à un Dragan Stojkovic qu'il était impossible à
> Hitler
> de serrer la main de Jesse Owens aux JO de Munich. Or cette équipe est
> trop
> bonne pour qu'on puisse se fier à une élimination spontanée. Quelles
> solutions reste-t-il? L'exclusion administrative? Mais leurs supporters,
> à
> la différence de ceux des "favoris", ne sont pas des hooligans. Les
> arbitres? Ils sont des nôtres. Va pour les arbitres.
>
> Cela ne signifie pas que les arbitres qui ont contraint la Yougoslavie,
> et
> elle seule, à finir tous ses matches en infériorité numérique, qui lui
> ont
> collé du rouge là où, à d'autres, ils auraient donné du jaune, et du
> jaune
> là où ils n'auraient même pas levé le sifflet, qui ont sapé le rythme
> et le
> moral d'une équipe notoirement subtile et correcte en relevant la
> moindre de
> ses irrégularités, étaient soudoyés ou drillés politiquement. Cela
> signifie
> que le matraquage médiatique qui se poursuit depuis dix ans contre cette
>
> nation les pousse à voir dans toute faute serbe la preuve d'une nature
> impénitente qui ne trouve son salut que dans le châtiment, alors que
> chez
> les "civilisés", le même geste n'est qu'une maladresse qui n'entache en
> rien
> un fonds positif. L'iniquité apparente des hommes en noir (couleur des
> prédicateurs et des juges) n'est qu'une adaptation aux besoins intimes
> des
> patients: aux uns le bâton, aux autres la caresse. L'Européen moyen est
> pédagogue dans l'âme et théologien sans le savoir.
>
> Les Serbes ne sont pas les seuls cobayes de cette pédagogie. Les
> Roumains en
> ont tâté eux aussi dans leur rencontre avec l'Angleterre.
>
> Ajoutons aussi que les Serbes ont, avec l'Europe, un long contentieux
> d'arbitrage. Depuis l'intercession calamiteuse de la "commission
> Badinter"
> dans les affaires intérieures yougoslaves, qui avait récrit le droit
> international pour complaire à l'Allemagne et démembrer leur pays,
> depuis la
> création d'un tribunal ad hoc chargé de poursuivre leurs dirigeants élus
> à
> l'exclusion des autres méchants de la région, ils se méfient de
> l'impartialité occidentale. Ils ne se privent pas de le dire, et
> quelquefois
> vertement. Ce qui indigne le camp d'en face, amoureux de sa pureté, tout
> en
> inculquant aux intéressés un complexe de persécution non dénué de
> fondement..
>
> *
>
> Tout ceci pour en arriver à ce chef-d'oeuvre de tricherie arbitrale qu'a
> été
> le Yougoslavie-Espagne du 21 juin. L'Espagne devait gagner pour passer.
> Avec
> la victoire probable de la Norvège contre la Slovénie, la question serbe
>
> était réglée.
>
> Or l'Espagne était loin du compte. Elle n'a fait qu'égaliser, par deux
> fois,
> avant de se faire encore distancer. A l'issue du temps réglementaire,
> elle
> était éliminée. L'arbitre français, un M. Vestiaire, avait pourtant fait
>
> tout son possible, châtiant le Serbe autant qu'il excusait l'Ibère,
> expulsant enfin, comme il se doit, un défenseur yougo. Le commentateur
> de la
> Télévision suisse romande que nous écoutions murmurait de temps à autre
> que
> "M. Vestiaire est inconséquent dans ses décisions", ce qui pour un
> Suisse
> est le sommet de la contestation.
>
> Cause perdue? Voire. A la 87e minute, j'ai dit devant témoins: "vous
> allez
> voir, il va leur inventer un penalty". Et de fait: après avoir offert
> aux
> "favoris" la plus longue prolongation de cet Euro, M. Vestale
> récompensait
> une chute espagnole qu'il eût aussi bien pu sanctionner pour simulation.
> "Un
> penalty pour le moins généreux", commenta le sceptique de la TSR, mais
> c'était 3 à 3. Puis un beau tir d'Alfonso, devant une défense serbe
> médusée
> par tant d'acharnement, qualifiait l'Espagne. C'était largement APRES la
> fin
> de la prolongation.
>
> Le scénario était parfait. Mais on avait oublié une chose. On avait omis
>
> d'expliquer aux Norvégiens comment se défaire de la Slovénie. M.
> Vestiaire
> n'avait réussi à éliminer que... la Norvège! Les Nordiques, ulcérés, ont
>
> d'ailleurs annoncé en conférence de presse qu'ils déposeraient protêt
> contre
> l'arbitrage du Yougoslavie-Espagne.
>
> Conclusion de cet imbroglio minable: La Yougoslavie va affronter la
> Hollande, pays organisateur et favori des "favoris", chez elle à
> Rotterdam,
> samedi 24 juin à 18 heures. Il est exclu qu'elle puisse l'emporter.
> Faudra-t-il, comme à Munich en 72, mitrailler une équipe dans son
> vestiaire?
> Ou se contentera t'on de faire arbitrer la rencontre par un Européen
> moyen?
>
> *** SD ***
>
> LECTURE
>
> Vladimir Dimitrijevic: "Les Emirats européens du football" (à paraître,
> septembre 2000).
>
> ________________________________________________________________________________
>
> OSEZ LIRE CE QUE NOUS OSONS EDITER !
>
> L'A G E D'H O M M E
> Editions-Diffusion-Librairies
>
> (CH) Rue de Genève 10, CP 32, 1000 Lausanne 9
> T 021 312 00 95 F 021 320 84 40
> agedhomme@...
> (F) 5, rue Férou, 75006 Paris
> T 01 55 42 79 79 F 01 40 51 71 02
> lagedhomme@...
> (YU) Knez Mihailova 40, 11000 Beograd
> T & F 011 186 247
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Scambio di opinioni sulla Jugoslavia agli Europei - e altro.
* Accanimento arbitrale?
---
Alla Redazione del "MANIFESTO" - Roma
c.a. Pippo Russo
Ho provato un profondo disgusto leggendo l’articolo "Conti aperti
tra
Slovenia e Jugoslavia" del 13 giugno u.s. di Pippo Russo, dedicato alla
partita dei Campionati Europei - che e' poi finita 3 a 3 dopo una
rocambolesca rimonta da parte jugoslava. Nell'articolo mancano tante
informazioni... "Ma Pippo, Pippo non lo sa..."? E’ dal 1992 che richiamo
e richiamiamo l’attenzione dei giornalisti sportivi perche' trattino le
problematiche vicende degli atleti e delle compagini jugoslave con una
maggiore obiettività ed aderenza alla realtà di quanto accade in quelle
terre.
Iniziava allora una campagna unilaterale, indiscriminata, contro
quelli che hanno scelto con dignità di essere, e rimanere, jugoslavi.
Già allora le rappresentative jugoslave venivano escluse dai giochi
olimpici di Barcellona, e pure alla squadra di calcio veniva impedito di
partecipare agli Europei... Se lo sport è un elemento unificante, al di
là
delle differenze "etniche", religiose, culturali, questo dovrebbe valere
a maggior ragione per la Jugoslavia. E non è soltanto retorica: l’hanno
dimostrato anche qui a Roma gli atleti jugoslavi durante il campionato
europeo di basket in quel fatidico anno 1991!
In quegli anni la nostra "civile comunita' internazionale"
incominciava a sfasciare la Jugoslavia e (all'uopo) demonizzava la parte
serba anche nelle cronache, e sui campi sportivi! Monika Seles finiva
accoltellata da un tedesco entrato in campo carico di odio antiserbo -
povero deficiente, non poteva nemmeno capire che la Seles e' di origine
ungherese della Vojvodina, dunque nemmeno "serba"... Ma si sa, ormai:
piu' sei "jugoslavo", in senso multinazionale, e piu' vieni demonizzato
in quanto "serbo", perche' minacci alle fondamenta l'equazione che la
Jugoslavia va sfasciata a tutti i costi...
Pippo Russo dimostra di non conoscere la storia recente quando si
riferisce al "regime di Milosevic" parlando della Zagabria del 1990,
quando Milosevic era solamente Presidente della Repubblica di Serbia. Ed
ora: quale partita dei "conti aperti" tra Jugoslavia e Slovenia??!! Si è
forse chiesto l’articolista chi sono i vari Amir, Zahovic, se non
musulmano-bosniaci che giocano per la Slovenia insieme ad altri serbi e
montenegrini?... Mentre Mateja Kezman, tipico nome e cognome sloveno,
gioca nella squadra avversaria!!!
A me, Jugoslavia-Slovenia è sembrata più che altro una partita tra
"Jugoslavia squadra A" e "Jugoslavia squadra B".
Leggo dall'articolo: "...del suo ritiro parlano di un ambiente
spartano per necessità economiche." Lo slogan separatista della Slovenia
era: "Meglio ultimi in Europa che primi in Jugoslavia"... E la
Jugoslavia in che situazione si trova?! Peccato, perché i "compagni" del
Manifesto hanno perso ancora un’altra occasione per condannare
l’isolamento, le sanzioni e la continua aggressione contro la
Jugoslavia.
Quando si parla del "famoso [?!] calcio vibrato dal croato Boban allo
stomaco di un poliziotto serbo" si vuole forse giustificare per
l’opinione pubblica italiana un atto puramente teppistico per ragioni
"politiche", perché il poliziotto è serbo, cattivo, e perciò se lo è
meritato? Altrimenti a che pro specificare l’etnia di appartenenza? Non
ho mai sentito giustificare un’aggressione tipicamente vandalica contro
persone del servizio d’ordine in quanto sardi, abruzzesi o altro...
Ma in fondo e' vero: quel poverino di Boban ha dovuto "dormire fuori
casa nelle due notti successive". E dov’era Boban quando nella sua
Zagabria, in quello stesso anno, l’inno della squadra nazionale
jugoslava
era sonoramente fischiato alla partita per le qualificazioni agli
Europei? Guarda caso, questo sfegatato nazionalista, estremista e
acclamata stella del Milan, ha contribuito alla campagna elettorale per
il suo Tudjman.
Guardiamo ancora un po' all'indietro: alla Expo di Siviglia nel
1992, durante le Olimpiadi, alcuni giocatori della squadra croata di
basket capeggiati da Vrankovic distrussero le vetrine del padiglione del
turismo jugoslavo. E come la mettiamo con i gravi disordini che
avvengono ora regolarmente tra le tifoserie di Spalato e di Zagabria,
nella Croazia "indipendente"?
Anche ai Mondiali di Parigi nel 1998 il clima era pesantemente
antijugoslavo, e in certi ben noti ambienti girò la proposta di
estromettere la formazione jugoslava - proposta reiterata anche in
questi ultimi Europei da parte albanese e belga. Ma allora ci
furono persino intimidazioni ed atti terroristici, come un pacco-bomba
recapitato a casa di una famiglia di immigrati serbi in Francia.
Infine, per sua conoscenza - a meno che non voglia rimanere nella
ignoranza e prendere fischi per fiaschi: Sinisa Mihajlovic è nato a
Vukovar, di padre serbo e madre croata, che sono dovuti scappare
entrambi in Serbia a causa della pulizia etnica e dei crimini commessi
dai nazionalisti ustascia con a capo un tizio che adesso siede nel
parlamento croato, un "certo" Mercep... Fatti sui quali le allego un po’
di documentazione.
Resti nel dubbio, caro giornalista... Con quali parole potrei
salutarla?
Ivan P. Istrijan, luglio 2000
(il mio cognome rivela le mie origini natali)
---
FUORI TEMA, MA NON TROPPO
> Cari compagni,
> mi arriva questo mail nel quale si sostiene che la Jugoslavia agli
> europei sarebbe stata vittima di accanimento arbitrale. Francamente, mi
> sembra che la Jugoslavia abbia avuto anche sfiga, pero' secondo me quel
> laziale di Mihajlovic l'espulsione se l'e' pure meritata...
>
> Saluti internazionalisti e romanisti :-)
>
Non è per fare il laziale quale sono, e orgoglioso di esserlo, ma per
lavoro
(in questo momento lavoro come operatore internet in una redazione
sportiva)
sto seguendo gli europei di calcio.
Bè mi sembra proprio che la proposta di varie federazioni sportive, tra
cui
i belgi padroni di casa, di escludere la nazionale jugoslava, seppure si
sia
qualificata regolarmente (e ai danni della Croazia pergiunta!), non
abbia
fatto iniziare questa competizione con un clima disteso intorno agli
uomini
di Boskov. Una espulsione a partita mi sembra francamente troppo anche
per
una nazionale sicuramente "grintosa", non più di quella italiana però,
come
quella jugoslava. E poi una (Kezman) dopo quattro secondi dall'ingresso
del
giocatore ed al suo primo intervento...mah!
Per quanto riguarda "quel laziale (e scudettato, nda) di Mihajlovic", il
suo
nervosismo risale alle polemiche sullo striscione su Arkan e non è nuovo
a
questi gesti eccessivi ma dovuti, mi sembra, al fatto che è uno di
quelli
che, pur essendo nato in Croazia a Vukovar, tiene di più alla Jugoslavia
come nazione unita.
Il fatto è che, seppur reale, questo "attacco" alla Jugoslavia è del
tutto
secondario di fronte ad altri che si stanno verificando in questo
momento.
Mi riferisco al silenzio su ciò che sta avvenendo nel Protettorato
dell'(UC)Kosovo ed al sostegno (anche da parte del "Movimento" in
Italia, VO
ne sa qualcosa...) alle formazione filo-occidente (da cui troppo spesso
sono
finanziate) in Jugoslavia...
Saluti antimperialisti (e laziali)
---
>
> Date:
> Fri, 23 Jun 2000 14:39:01 +0200
> Subject:
> [LISEZ-MOI CA !] Les Emirats europé ens du Football
> From:
> "Atelier" <agedhomme@...> | Block addres
> SUJET:
>
> Quand l'OTAN joue au football.
>
> RESUME
>
> Au cours du premier tour du championnat d'Europe, l'équipe de
> Yougoslavie a
> fini tous ses matches à 10 joueurs, victime d'un arbitrage
> particulièrement
> sévère, alors qu'elle n'est pas plus brutale qu'une autre. Le
> Yougoslavie-Espagne (3:4) du 21 juin a été un monument de partialité
> arbitrale. Consigne politique ou préjugé culturel?
>
> LE TEXTE
>
> L'OTAN n'est pas seulement une alliance militaire. C'est un club, au
> sens
> britannique du mot: une société de gens nantis, dotés d'une même
> éducation
> et liés par des loisirs et des intérêts communs. Quelquefois ce club se
> ligue en milice pour protéger ou étendre ces intérêts. Le reste du
> temps, il
> se construit une "maison commune" où les loisirs et les sports sont, à
> défaut d'autre chose, un important facteur de cohésion.
>
> L'Euro 2000 de football a lieu dans une contrée aux joues roses, le
> Benelux..
> Au siège même de l'Union européenne et de l'OTAN. Or, lorsque l'OTAN
> organise un tournoi de football, il ne laisse rien au hasard. S'il
> admet, en
> principe, toutes les équipes issues des éliminatoires, ses médias se
> chargent de faire la part des "favoris" et des "parias".
>
> Les "favoris" ne sont pas nécessairement les meilleures nations du
> moment.
> Mais ce sont celles qui devraient "naturellement" se qualifier pour les
> phases avancées du tournoi. Elles ont un jeu élaboré, une stratégie, une
>
> discipline de groupe, une volonté. Elles ont des traditions, une
> légende.
> Elles font toutes partie de l'UE.
>
> Les "parias" ne sont pas, non plus, des nations de moindre valeur
> sportive.
> Leur handicap est socio-économique: avec leur niveau de vie inférieur,
> elles
> servent de vivier pour la pêche aux talents des grandes équipes
> ouest-européennes. Lesquelles y "achètent" des gosses de 16 ans, les
> forment
> et les gardent ou les revendent selon les cas. Les "parias" sont pour la
>
> plupart slaves et/ou orthodoxes. Ils ont tous, selon les journalistes,
> "une
> technique époustouflante", de "grandes valeurs individuelles", mais
> également un "moral fragile" et un "manque de cohésion". Le handicap
> économique se mue discrètement en une tare culturelle.
>
> Le solide jeu collectif de la Roumanie, de la Slovénie et de la
> Yougoslavie
> a fait litière de ce préjugé. De même que, a contrario, les débâcles
> collectives de l'Angleterre, de l'Allemagne, du Danemark et de la
> Belgique,
> la pauvreté de la Norvège, la stérilité de la Suède. Du premier tour de
> l'Euro 2000, l'OTAN sort honteux et laminé. Malgré cela, les succès
> réguliers des "parias" devant des équipes occidentales nécrosées par
> l'argent et le mercenariat étranger continuent d'être accueillis en
> divines
> surprises. Pour les titres, on ne parie pas sur les parias.
>
> Enfin, que ces derniers fassent le spectacle, passe encore. Mais qu'ils
> arbitrent le jeu des vedettes, pas question. Benelucky s'est choisi des
> arbitres uniquement dans son proche voisinage, rien au-delà de Vienne.
> Non
> qu'il ait des préjugés, mais, vous comprenez, avec "ces gens-là" si
> corruptibles, si chauvins...
>
> (C'est le même raisonnement qu'a suivi le "Tribunal pénal international"
>
> sponsorisé à La Haye par l'OTAN et les pétrodollars: ses magistrats
> peuvent
> venir de Chine ou de Malaisie ‹ démocraties réputées pour leur respect
> du
> droit ‹ mais certainement pas de Russie ou de Roumanie. Ses procureurs
> ne
> peuvent être qu'anglo-saxons ou, depuis peu, suisses, ce qui est
> actuellement un bon gage de servilité.)
>
> *
>
> Or, dans cet Euro 2000, il y a encore plus paria que les parias :
> l'équipe
> de Yougoslavie. Une équipe composée de Serbes et d'un Hongrois. Nous
> n'avons
> jamais entendu aucun journaliste occidental préciser ce détail. Le Serbe
> qui
> joue au football est un Yougoslave. Le Yougoslave qui fait la guerre est
> un
> Serbe. Entre ces deux disciplines pourtant apparentées, le même peuple
> change systématiquement d'appellation.
>
> Quoi qu'il en soit, cette Serboslavie a déboulé dans un cercle de 16
> nations
> dont presque toutes font partie de la coalition militaire qui l'a
> agressée
> au printemps 1999. Même celles qui n'en étaient pas (Slovénie, Tchéquie,
>
> Roumanie) ont demandé à en être. Leurs gouvernements, du moins.
>
> Or les Serbes sont impossibles. En pleine guerre civile doublée
> d'embargo,
> ils se sont arrangés pour être champions d'Europe et du monde de
> basketball..
> Ils n'ont cédé l'or olympique aux Américains, chez eux, qu'au terme d'un
>
> match éprouvant où la "Dream Team" avait pété les plombs. Quel pied de
> nez!
> Quel atout politique pour le régime de Belgrade! Or le basket n'est
> qu'un
> passe-temps d'initiés en comparaison du football.
>
> Ayant cela en vue, on comprend mieux le drame des dirigeants
> occidentaux.
> Ils n'ont pas pu, une troisième fois, bannir la Yougoslavie de l'Euro
> pour
> raisons politiques. Mais il leur serait aussi impossible (à Dieu ne
> plaise!)
> de remettre la coupe à un Dragan Stojkovic qu'il était impossible à
> Hitler
> de serrer la main de Jesse Owens aux JO de Munich. Or cette équipe est
> trop
> bonne pour qu'on puisse se fier à une élimination spontanée. Quelles
> solutions reste-t-il? L'exclusion administrative? Mais leurs supporters,
> à
> la différence de ceux des "favoris", ne sont pas des hooligans. Les
> arbitres? Ils sont des nôtres. Va pour les arbitres.
>
> Cela ne signifie pas que les arbitres qui ont contraint la Yougoslavie,
> et
> elle seule, à finir tous ses matches en infériorité numérique, qui lui
> ont
> collé du rouge là où, à d'autres, ils auraient donné du jaune, et du
> jaune
> là où ils n'auraient même pas levé le sifflet, qui ont sapé le rythme
> et le
> moral d'une équipe notoirement subtile et correcte en relevant la
> moindre de
> ses irrégularités, étaient soudoyés ou drillés politiquement. Cela
> signifie
> que le matraquage médiatique qui se poursuit depuis dix ans contre cette
>
> nation les pousse à voir dans toute faute serbe la preuve d'une nature
> impénitente qui ne trouve son salut que dans le châtiment, alors que
> chez
> les "civilisés", le même geste n'est qu'une maladresse qui n'entache en
> rien
> un fonds positif. L'iniquité apparente des hommes en noir (couleur des
> prédicateurs et des juges) n'est qu'une adaptation aux besoins intimes
> des
> patients: aux uns le bâton, aux autres la caresse. L'Européen moyen est
> pédagogue dans l'âme et théologien sans le savoir.
>
> Les Serbes ne sont pas les seuls cobayes de cette pédagogie. Les
> Roumains en
> ont tâté eux aussi dans leur rencontre avec l'Angleterre.
>
> Ajoutons aussi que les Serbes ont, avec l'Europe, un long contentieux
> d'arbitrage. Depuis l'intercession calamiteuse de la "commission
> Badinter"
> dans les affaires intérieures yougoslaves, qui avait récrit le droit
> international pour complaire à l'Allemagne et démembrer leur pays,
> depuis la
> création d'un tribunal ad hoc chargé de poursuivre leurs dirigeants élus
> à
> l'exclusion des autres méchants de la région, ils se méfient de
> l'impartialité occidentale. Ils ne se privent pas de le dire, et
> quelquefois
> vertement. Ce qui indigne le camp d'en face, amoureux de sa pureté, tout
> en
> inculquant aux intéressés un complexe de persécution non dénué de
> fondement..
>
> *
>
> Tout ceci pour en arriver à ce chef-d'oeuvre de tricherie arbitrale qu'a
> été
> le Yougoslavie-Espagne du 21 juin. L'Espagne devait gagner pour passer.
> Avec
> la victoire probable de la Norvège contre la Slovénie, la question serbe
>
> était réglée.
>
> Or l'Espagne était loin du compte. Elle n'a fait qu'égaliser, par deux
> fois,
> avant de se faire encore distancer. A l'issue du temps réglementaire,
> elle
> était éliminée. L'arbitre français, un M. Vestiaire, avait pourtant fait
>
> tout son possible, châtiant le Serbe autant qu'il excusait l'Ibère,
> expulsant enfin, comme il se doit, un défenseur yougo. Le commentateur
> de la
> Télévision suisse romande que nous écoutions murmurait de temps à autre
> que
> "M. Vestiaire est inconséquent dans ses décisions", ce qui pour un
> Suisse
> est le sommet de la contestation.
>
> Cause perdue? Voire. A la 87e minute, j'ai dit devant témoins: "vous
> allez
> voir, il va leur inventer un penalty". Et de fait: après avoir offert
> aux
> "favoris" la plus longue prolongation de cet Euro, M. Vestale
> récompensait
> une chute espagnole qu'il eût aussi bien pu sanctionner pour simulation.
> "Un
> penalty pour le moins généreux", commenta le sceptique de la TSR, mais
> c'était 3 à 3. Puis un beau tir d'Alfonso, devant une défense serbe
> médusée
> par tant d'acharnement, qualifiait l'Espagne. C'était largement APRES la
> fin
> de la prolongation.
>
> Le scénario était parfait. Mais on avait oublié une chose. On avait omis
>
> d'expliquer aux Norvégiens comment se défaire de la Slovénie. M.
> Vestiaire
> n'avait réussi à éliminer que... la Norvège! Les Nordiques, ulcérés, ont
>
> d'ailleurs annoncé en conférence de presse qu'ils déposeraient protêt
> contre
> l'arbitrage du Yougoslavie-Espagne.
>
> Conclusion de cet imbroglio minable: La Yougoslavie va affronter la
> Hollande, pays organisateur et favori des "favoris", chez elle à
> Rotterdam,
> samedi 24 juin à 18 heures. Il est exclu qu'elle puisse l'emporter.
> Faudra-t-il, comme à Munich en 72, mitrailler une équipe dans son
> vestiaire?
> Ou se contentera t'on de faire arbitrer la rencontre par un Européen
> moyen?
>
> *** SD ***
>
> LECTURE
>
> Vladimir Dimitrijevic: "Les Emirats européens du football" (à paraître,
> septembre 2000).
>
> ________________________________________________________________________________
>
> OSEZ LIRE CE QUE NOUS OSONS EDITER !
>
> L'A G E D'H O M M E
> Editions-Diffusion-Librairies
>
> (CH) Rue de Genève 10, CP 32, 1000 Lausanne 9
> T 021 312 00 95 F 021 320 84 40
> agedhomme@...
> (F) 5, rue Férou, 75006 Paris
> T 01 55 42 79 79 F 01 40 51 71 02
> lagedhomme@...
> (YU) Knez Mihailova 40, 11000 Beograd
> T & F 011 186 247
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
L'appello che segue, da noi gia' diffuso nella ricorrenza della
aggressione della NATO alla RF di Jugoslavia, sta raccogliendo un numero
sempre crescente di adesioni:
-
KOSOVO, NO ALL'OBLIO
L'APPELLO DI BRUXELLES
Nel corso della primavera del 1999, la città di Bruxelles, in quanto
sede della NATO, è stata il centro decisionale ed esecutivo dei
bombardamenti effettuati, nel nome del diritto umanitario, contro la
Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia da parte dei Paesi membri di questa
organizzazione.
Noi, membri attivi o in pensione dell'insegnamento del Diritto
Internazionale, crediamo che il primo anniversario di un evento così
grave non possa passare inosservato e debba, al contrario, suscitare in
ogni cittadino una seria riflessione commisurata alla sfida.
La guerra è stata preparata, decisa e condotta contro i principi
fondamentali del diritto internazionale.
L'azione della NATO seguì al fallimento delle negoziazioni di
Rambouillet. Ebbene, queste avevano comportato dei concreti passi avanti
in relazione agli aspetti politici del conflitto, prima che le
condizioni dell'ultimo minuto, del tutto inaccettabili per la parte
serba, ne precipitassero l'impasse. Ovvero la guerra.
L'attacco violò chiaramente la Carta delle Nazioni Unite, che autorizza
eccezionalmente il ricorso alla forza limitatamente al caso di legittima
difesa o in seguito a specifica autorizzazione del Consiglio di
Sicurezza. Premesse inesistenti in questo caso.
Infine, il modo in cui i bombardamenti sono stati condotti contraddice
le regole del diritto internazionale che disciplinano la condotta delle
ostilità. In via generale, la distruzione sistematica delle
infrastrutture economiche e dei mezzi di comunicazione, deliberatamente
destinata a prostrare la popolazione e a provocare il suo sollevamento,
sono incompatibili con i principi umanitari invocati per giustificarla.
In considerazione di quanto appena affermato, vorremmo manifestare con
chiarezza che la nostra condanna senza riserva dell'azione della NATO
non implica in alcun modo né adesione, né compiacenza, verso le autorità
di Belgrado ed, in particolar modo, verso la loro gestione della
questione etnica. Allo stesso modo, la nostra riprovazione, sempre
attuale, in merito alla condotta senza fondamenti legali dei
bombardamento dell'Iraq e dell'embargo contro questo Paese, non puo'
essere interpretato come un qualsivoglia vassallaggio verso il regime di
Baghdad.
La strategia della guerra, che ha devastato la Jugoslavia e ha reso
ingovernabile il Kosovo, ha prodotto più rifugiati e vittime di quanto
una qualsiasi altra combinazione di forza e diplomazia avrebbe
comportato. Essa va contestata, sia dal punto di vista politico, sia dal
punto di vista morale. Essa è stata del resto accompagnata da una
campagna mediatica volta a legittimare sistematicamente le operazioni in
corso.
Le disposizioni prese dopo la fine dei bombardamenti tendono a
subordinare l'aiuto internazionale ai risultati elettorali interni in
Jugoslavia ed a privilegiare l'aiuto in funzione delle opzioni politiche
prese dai suoi destinatari, fatto che costituisce un mezzo poco
onorevole d'intervento politico negli affari interni di un Paese terzo.
Quanto al Kosovo, esso è divenuto, sotto l'amministrazione creata dalle
forze della NATO, una regione praticamente monoetnica dove le minoranze
non albanesi, siano esse serbe, rom, slave, musulmane, ebraiche, turche
o croate, sono dovute fuggire per gli attentati o rifugiarsi in ghetti.
Vorremmo anche sottolineare il fatto che la guerra condotta in
Jugoslavia riveste un significato che va ben oltre la realtà di questo
Paese. In effetti, l'intervento della NATO in Kosovo, sotto la direzione
degli Stati Uniti d'America, s'iscrive in una serie di scelte operate
dall'unica superpotenza al mondo. Il gigantismo del suo budget militare;
la scelta di mantenere la NATO malgrado la dissoluzione del Patto di
Varsavia e la fine dell'URSS, e successivamente il suo allargamento ad
Est; il rifiuto di ratificare il Trattato d'Interdizione degli
Esperimenti Nucleari; lo sviluppo dei sistemi antimissile e la recente
rivelazione dell'esistenza di un sistema mondiale di ascolto delle
comunicazioni private e ufficiali, tali sono gli aspetti più salienti di
una politica decisa sempre più à Washington. Tutto questo lascia
presagire la nascita di un nuovo modello di esercizio del potere in
virtù del quale la sola legittimità risiederebbe nel possesso e
l'impiego dei mezzi di coercizione sempre più potenti.
Ecco perché invitiamo tutti coloro che condividono queste inquietudini e
che non vogliono più che le bombe siano l'alternativa alla legalità
internazionale, alla negoziazione, al dialogo democratico, a
sottoscrivere questo appello ed a farne, ovunque nel mondo, uno
strumento di resistenza morale di fronte al nuovo "ordine" universale
annunciato.
Primi firmatari:
Olivier CORTEN, professore presso il Centro di Diritto Internazionale,
Università Libera di Bruxelles (ULB); Eric DAVID, professore presso
l'ULB;
Barbara DELCOURT, membro dell'Istituto di Studi Europei, professore
presso
l'ULB; François HOUTART, professore emerito all'Università Cattolica di
Lovagno/Louvain (UCL); Pierre KLEIN, professore presso l'ULB, Paulette
PIERSON-MATHY, professore all'ULB, Yves ROGISTER, ricercatore presso il
CADOP, Università di Liegi, François RIGAUX, professore emerito all'UCL,
già
preside della Facoltà di Diritto, Jean SALMON, professore emerito
all'ULB.Eric SUY, professore emerito alla KUL, ex-vicesegretario
generale delle Nazioni Unite.
Le adesioni possono essere inviate agli indirizzi seguenti:
per mail: action-kosovo@...
per fax: 00.32 10 453152
-
KOSOVO, CONTRE L'OUBLI :
L'APPEL DE BRUXELLES
Au cours du printemps 1999, la ville de Bruxelles, en sa qualité de
siège de l'OTAN, était le centre de décision et d'exécution des
bombardements de la Yougoslavie par les pays membres de cette
organisation, au nom du droit humanitaire. Nous, membres actifs ou à la
retraite de l'enseignement du droit, nous croyons que le premier
anniversaire d'un événement aussi grave ne peut passer inaperçu et doit,
au contraire, susciter chez tout citoyen une sérieuse réflexion à la
mesure de l'enjeu.
La guerre a été préparée, décidée et menée à l'encontre des principes
les plus fondamentaux du droit international.
L'action de l'OTAN suivit l'échec des négociations de Rambouillet. Or,
ces dernières avaient enregistré des avancées sérieuses sur les dossiers
politiques du conflit, avant que des conditions de dernière minute, de
toute évidence inacceptables pour la partie serbe, ne précipitent
l'impasse. C'est à dire la guerre.
Son déclenchement violait à l'évidence la Charte des Nations Unies, qui
n'autorise exceptionnellement le recours à la force qu'en cas de
légitime défense ou d'autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Prémisses
inexistantes dans ce cas.
Enfin, la manière dont les bombardements ont été menés contredit les
règles de droit international qui régissent la conduite des hostilités.
De manière générale, la destruction systématique de l'infrastructure
économique et des moyens de communication, délibérément destinée à
décourager la population et à provoquer son soulèvement, sont
incompatibles avec les principes humanitaires invoqués pour les
justifier.
Ceci dit, nous voudrions manifester avec clarté que notre condamnation
sans réserve de l'action de l'OTAN, n'implique nullement adhésion ni
complaisance envers les autorités de Belgrade et particulièrement envers
leur gestion de la question ethnique. De même, notre réprobation,
toujours actuelle, de la poursuite sans fondement légal des
bombardements de l'Irak et de l'embargo contre ce pays, ne peut être
interprétée comme une quelconque allégeance envers le régime de Bagdad.
La stratégie de guerre, qui a dévasté la Yougoslavie et rendu non-viable
le Kosovo, a produit plus de réfugiés et de victimes qu'en aurait causé
toute autre combinaison de pression politique et de diplomatie. Elle
mérite d'être contestée, tant du point de vue politique que du point de
vue moral. Elle fut par ailleurs accompagnée d'une campagne médiatique
visant à légitimer systématiquement l'agression en cours.
Les dispositions prises après la fin des bombardements tendent à
conditionner l'aide internationale aux résultats électoraux internes en
Yougoslavie et à privilégier l'aide en fonction des options politiques
prises par ses destinataires, ce qui constitue un moyen peu honorable
d'intervention politique dans les affaires internes d'un pays souverain.
Quant au Kosovo, il est devenu, sous l'administration créée suite à
l'agression de l'OTAN, une région quasiment mono-ethnique où les
minorités non albanaises, qu'elles soient serbe, rom, slave, musulmane,
juive, turque ou croate, ont dû fuir les attentats ou se réfugier dans
des ghettos.
Nous voudrions aussi souligner le fait que la guerre menée en
Yougoslavie revêt une signification qui dépasse de loin le cas de ce
pays. En effet, l'intervention de l'OTAN au Kosovo, sous la direction
des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, s'inscrit dans une série de choix opérés par
l'unique superpuissance du monde. Le gigantisme de son budget militaire;
le choix de maintenir l'OTAN malgré la dissolution du Traité de Varsovie
et la fin de l'URSS, puis de l'élargir à l'Est de l'Europe; le refus de
ratifier le Traité d'interdiction des essais nucléaires; le
développement des systèmes antimissiles et la récente révélation de
l'existence d'un système mondial d'écoute des communications privées et
officielles, tels sont les aspects les plus saillants d'un nouveau
modèle d'exercice du pouvoir dessiné à Washington et dont la seule
légitimité résiderait dans la possession et l'emploi d'outils de
coercition chaque fois plus performants.
Voilà pourquoi, nous invitons tous ceux qui partagent ces inquiétudes
et qui refusent que les bombes soient l'alternative à la légalité
internationale, à la négociation, au dialogue démocratique, à signer cet
appel et à faire de lui, partout dans le monde, un instrument de
résistance morale face au nouvel "ordre" planétaire qui s'annonce.
Premièrs signataires :
Olivier CORTEN, professeur au Centre de Droit International, Université
libre de Bruxelles (ULB); Eric DAVID, professeur à l'ULB; Barbara
DELCOURT, membre de l'Institut d'études européennes, professeur à l'ULB;
François HOUTART, professeur émérite à l'Université catholique de
Louvain (UCL); Pierre KLEIN, professeur à l'ULB, Paulette PIERSON-MATHY,
professeur à l'ULB, Yves ROGISTER, chargé de recherche auprès du CADOP,
université de Liège, François RIGAUX, professeur émérite à l'UCL, ancien
doyen de la Faculté de Droit, Jean SALMON, professeur émérite à l'ULB;
Eric SUY, professeur émérite à la KUL, ancien secrétaire général adjoint
des Nations Unies.
Les adhésions peuvent être envoyées aux adresses suivantes:
François Houtart, CETRI
5, Av. Sainte Gertrude
B- 1348 LOUVAIN LA NEUVE
par e-mail: action-kosovo@...
par fax : 010-45083152
Soutien financier: CETRI, N° de cpte 068-0602320-74; mention: l'Appel de
Bruxelles.
-
KOSOVO must not be forgotten:
BRUSSELS APPEAL
In the spring of 1999 Brussels, as the headquarters of NATO, was the
centre of decision and execution of the bombing of Yugoslavia by the 19
member nations of that organisation in the name of human rights. We,
active in or retired from the teaching of law, believe that the first
anniversary of such a serious event must not go unnoticed, but on the
contrary should induce every citizen to think seriously about the
enormous stakes.
The war was prepared, decided and prosecuted against the most
fundamental principles of international law.
NATO decided to take action after the Rambouillet talks broke down. And
yet these talks had made serious progress of the political issues before
last minute conditions, which were totally unacceptable to the Serbs,
led to an impasse. In other words, to war.
The outbreak of the war was a flagrant violation of the United Nations
Charter, which authorises the use of force only in exceptional cases of
legitimate self-defence or with the authorisation of the Security
Council. There were no such premises, in this case.
Finally, the way in which the bombing was carried out violates the rules
of international law which govern the conduct of hostilities. In
general, the systematic destruction of the economic infrastructure and
the means of communication, deliberately intended to discourage the
population and provoke an uprising, are incompatible with the
humanitarian principles invoked to justify them.
That said, our wishing to express our unequivocal and unreserved
condemnation of the action taken by NATO in no way implies any support
of or complacency towards the Belgrade authorities and in particular
their management of the ethnic question. Similarly, our sustained
reprobation of the continuation, without any legal grounds, of the
bombing of Iraq and the embargo imposed on this country, must not be
interpreted as any allegiance to the Baghdad regime.
The war strategy that devastated Yugoslavia and made Kosovo non-liveable
produced more refugees and victims than would have been caused by any
other combination of force and diplomacy. So it must be contested, both
from the political and the moral point of view. It was accompanied by a
media campaign to systematically legitimise the operations under way.
The arrangements made at the end of the bombing are intended to make
international aid contingent to the results of elections in Yugoslavia
and make aid contingent on the political options adopted by its
beneficiaries, which is not a very honourable means of political
interventions in the internal affairs of a third country. For its part,
under the UN administration created in Kosovo following the NATO
aggression, this region has become a virtually mono-ethnical one, where
non-Albanian minorities, be they Serbs, Gypsies, Slavs, Muslims, Jews,
Turks or Croats, had to flee from attacks or take refuge in ghettos.
We should also like to underscore the fact that the consequences of the
war waged in Yugoslavia extend far beyond the borders of this country.
More specifically, NATO's intervention in Kosovo, under the leadership
of the United States, is in line with a series of choices made by the
sole remaining superpower. Its gargantuan military budget; keeping NATO
in place, in spite of the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the end of
the USSR, and even to enlarge it by including Eastern Europe; projecting
armed force on the world arena by treating international institutions
with disdain; refusing to ratify the nuclear test ban treat; developing
anti-missile systems and, as recently discovered, a world-wide system
for eavesdropping on private and official calls are the most salient
aspects of a new model for exercising power charted in Washington, based
solely on the possession and use of ever more sophisticated instruments
of coercion.
That is why we call on all those who share these concerns and no longer
wish to see bombs as the alternative to international law, negotiations,
and democratic dialogue, to sign this appeal and turn it, everywhere in
the world, into an instrument of moral resistance against the new world
"order" that is emerging.
First signatories,
Olivier Corten, Professor at the Centre for International Law, Free
University of Brussels (ULB); Eric David, Professor at the ULB; Barbara
Delcourt, member of the Institute of European Studies, Professor at the
ULB;
François Houtart, Professor Emeritus at the Catholic University of
Louvain
(UCL); Pierre Klein, Professor at the ULB; Paulette Pierson-Mathy,
Professor at the ULB; Yves Rogister, Researcher at the CADOP, University
of
Liège; François Rigaux, Professor Emeritus at the UCL, former Dean of
the
Faculty of Law; Jean Salmon, Professor Emeritus at the ULB ; Eric Suy,
Professor Emeritus at the KUL ; former assistant general secretary of
the United Nations."
If you want to adhere to the Appeal, please send your name to:
CETRI
5, Av. Sainte Gertrude
1348 Louvain La Neuve
BELGIUM
By e-mail: action-kosovo@...
or fax to 32.10.453152
Financial support: CETRI; Account no. 000-1306002-91; mention:
Brussels Appeal
-
> Liste d'adhésions par pays au 01.06.2000
>
>
> ALLEMAGNE
>
>
> Altvater, Elmar; prefesseur à l'Université de Berlin; président de la
> Fondation
> Lelio Basso.
> Roksandic Mirjana ; Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research ;
> Rostock
> Wilke, Joachim; philosophe
>
> AUTRICHE
>
> Blau, Paul; professeur à l'Université de Vienne
> Meissner, Freda; journaliste
>
>
> BELGIQUE
>
> Algoet Peter ; filosoof, socratiker, Gent
> André Edgar ; prof. hon. univ. Mons-Hainaut ; Havré
> Arnauts Laurent ; avocat
>
> Bàrdos-Féltoronyi Nicolas ; professeur UCL
> Bekaert Xavier ; Université Libre de Bruxelles
> Benda Wim ; KU Leuven
> Berghezan Georges ; journaliste, Bruxelles
> Biot, Paul ; directeur du Centre de Théâtre Action
> Bouckaert André ; professeur. UCL
> Bovy Yannick ; journaliste
> Bricmont Jean ; professeur de physique, UCL
> Carton Bruno ; chargé de recherches GRESEA
> Collon Michel ; écrivain; journaliste
> De Belder Bert ; coordinateur Médecine pour le tiers-monde
> De Brabander Ludo ; Mouvement pour la Paix "Vrede vzw"
> Decroly Vincent ; député Parti Ecolo
> Dermagne Jean-Marie ; avocat, chargé de recherche au SIRDE,
> Louvain-la-Neuve
> De Vos Pol ; Président Ligue anti-impérialiste
> De Wilde Yvon ; documentaliste , Bruxelles
> Dhont Riet ; Parti du travail de Belgique
> Doyen, Paul, enseignant, Bruxelles
> Dutry Guillemine ; Grez-Doiceau
>
> Franchoo Serge ; chercheur Université Catholique Leuven
> Franck Robert ; prof. Université Catholique de Louvain
>
> Galand Pierre ; Ancien Président d'OXFAM-Belgique; Président du
CNPPD;
> Président du Forum Nord-Sud
> Georlette, Rob ; pharmacien à Putte
>
> Kapper, Alain ; chercheur
> Kerckhofs J.P. ; porte-parole de l'Appel pour une école démocratique"
> Kontodimas Christos ; journaliste
>
> Martens Ludo ; président du Parti du travail de Belgique
> Merckx Kris ; Nationaal woordvoerder Partij van de Arbeid van België
> Moins, Jacques; ancien député par Bruxelles; avocat; journaliste
>
> Nerinckx Wim ; Univ. Gent
>
> Peeters Anne ; directrice GRESEA
> Pestiau Jean ; professeur de physique, UCL
> Piérart Pierre ; prof. honoraire Université Mons-Hainaut
> Pôlet Claudine ; Comité de surveillance OTAN, Bruxelles
> Poznanski Marcel ; Comité de surveillance OTAN, Bruxelles
>
> Romain Roger ; ex-conseiller communal PCB
> Rossa Rosso Nadine ; secrétaire générale du Parti du travail de
Belgique
>
> Soetewey Jan ; Christenen voor het Socialisme
> Spriet Georges ; Vrede vzw
>
> Van den Hove Didier ; Louvain-la-Neuve
> Valverde t.a., Hernán ; avocat au barreau de Bruxelles ; licencié en
> droit
> international
> Vandepitte Marc ; Deurne
> Vanhoutte Peter ; volksvertegenwoodiger (député) Agalev
> Vanoost, Lode ; AGALEV (parti écolo-flamand), vice-président de la
> chambre
> de répresentants
> Versluys Jan ; Destelbergen
> Watté Jeroen ; KU Leuven
>
>
> BOSNIE HERZEGOVINE
>
> Past Martin S. ; Peace Office Outpost Sarajevo
>
> BULGARIE
>
> Doncheva Blagovesta
>
>
> CANADA
>
> Baillargeon Normand ; prof. Univ. du Québec, Montréal
> Soucy Pascal ; Gaspé
> Wells Christopher ; Hunter River, P.E.I.
>
>
> COSTA RICA
>
> Wagner Ureta Eric
>
>
> DANEMARK
>
> Diwan Zohair ; lecturer, economist
> Tarp Sven ; Associated professor Aarhus School of Business
>
>
> ESPAGNE
>
> Pena Lorenzo ; maître de recherche au CSIC, Madrid
> Rademacher, Gerda
> de Trazegnies Granda, Leopoldo ; prof. F.P.O. Sevilla
> Etxezarreta, Miren, Professeur d'économie appliqué; Université de
> Barcelona
>
>
> ETATS-UNIS D'AMERIQUE
>
> Chomsky Noam; Linguiste, écrivain, Professeur au Massachusets
Institut
> of
> Technology.
> d'Aymery Gilles ; Swans.com
> Dion Roland ; San Diego CA
> Feldman Alex ; Boston, MA
> Hey Nancy Alison ; Washington D.C.
> Johnstone, Diana ; journaliste
> Makara Petar ; IBM TJ Watson Research Center, Yorktown, NY
> Mitrovic-Minic Snezana ; Senior Software Engineer, Simon Fraser
> University,
> Burnaby, BC
> Progovac Ljiljana ; Associate Professor, Wayne State University,
> Detroit, MI
> Robertson Barton W. ; Torrance, CA
> Ward, Morehouse; Leading member of the Council on International and
> Public Affairs, New York
> Welsh Joe ; student, Ohio University
>
>
> FRANCE
>
> Albala, Nuri; Avocat à la Cour, Paris; membre de l'AIJD.
> Andréani Caroline ; comité "Halte à l'OTAN"
> Badiou, Alain; philosophe, dramaturge, professeur à l'École Normale
> Supérieur d'Ulm et à l'Université de Paris VII
> Ballin Bernard ; médecin ; Chazey-sur-Ain
> Belougne Dominique ; Université de Bordeaux II
> Bidard, Sophie ; site Internet Résistance, Paris
> Bourdieu Pierre ; sociologue, professeur au Collège de France
> Bullard Linda ; présidente Féd. int. des mouvements de l'agriculture
> biologique
> Debray, Régis ; écrivain
> Delorca, Frédéric; co-fondateur du site "Résistance", Paris
> Fonseca Jean-Marc
> Krivine Jean-Paul ; psychologue
> Labica Georges ; prof. émérite des Universités (F)
> Menexiadis Dimitri ; maître de conférences, Université Bretagne Sud,
> Lorient
> Miracle Sole, salvador ; chercheur CNRS, Marseille
> Pecker, Jean-Claude; Professeur honoraire d'Astrophysique théorique
au
> College de France.
> Pergnier Maurice ; Prof. émérite Univérsité Paris-Val de Marne
> Richier Jean-Paul ; medecin, Paris
> Van Muylder, Céline ; étudiante ;
> Weil, Roland; Avocat; Président de l'Association Internationale de
> Juristes
> Démocrates
>
>
> GRECE
>
> Axelos, Loukas ; écrivain
> Charamambidis, Michalist ; sociologue
> Damianakou, Maria ; écrivain
> Meletzis, Spyros ; photographe ; ancien résistant
> Kalomendou, Theophanie ; docteur en philosophie
>
>
> INDE
>
> Sharma, Jitendra; Senior Advocate at the Indias's Supreme Court;
> Secretary
> General, International Association of Democratic Lawyers.
>
>
> ISRAEL
>
> Budeiri Musa ; Bir Zeit Univ., Jérusalem
> Cohen Raya ;
> Eylon Debbie ; Jérusalem
> Matar Anat ; Tel Aviv Univ.
> Pelleg Sryck Tamar ; Human rights lawyer
> Weiss Ronit
> Wollin Amos ; journaliste, Tel Aviv
>
>
> ITALIE
>
> Amit Daniel ; Istituto "La Sapienza", Rome
> Gallo Domenico; juge, Rome
> Hambye Thomas ; chercheur au Laboratori Nazionali di Frascati, Rome
> La Valle, Ranieri; sénateur
> Marenco Franco ; ENEA, Roma
> Parisi Giorgio ; Université de Roma "La Sapienza"
> Tognoni, Gino; Sécretaire Général de la Fondation International Lelio
> Basso
>
>
> MEXIQUE
>
> Dvoeglazov Valeri ; Professeur, Mexico
> Lopez Castro Gabriel, Professeur, Cinvestav-IPN, Mexico
> Lopez Laval Hilda ;
> Manko Vladimir S., Professeur, Cinvestav-IPN, Mexico
>
>
> PALESTINE (territoires occupés)
>
> Budeiri Musa ; Bir Zeit Univ. , Jérusalem
>
>
> PAYS - BAS
>
> Dekker Nico ; Université libre d'Amsterdam
> de Tollenaere Herman ; écrivain historien, Leiden
> van Asseldonk Chris, Ton ; La Haye
>
> PHILIPPINES
>
> Mariano Rafael ; chairperson, BAYAN Philippines (New Patriotic
Alliance)
>
> Pagaduan-Araullo Carolina ; executive director, Philippine Peace
Center
>
>
> ROYAUME - UNI
>
> Browne Chedmond ; African history lecturer, Montserrat
> Hall Duncan ; chercheur
> Jayan, Nayar; professor at the School of Law; University of Warwick
> Liebling, Helen; psychologue, University of Warwick
> McGettigan Andrew ; social housing worker
> Paliwala, Abdul; professeur at the School of Law; University of
Warwick
> Rangwalla, Glenn; Political Sciences professor Cambridge University
> White Jonathan ; Research student
>
>
> RUSSIE
>
> Lukin Alexander; fondateur du Comité pour la Paix en Yougoslavie,
>
>
> SRI LANKA
>
> Bala, Tampoe; secrétaire général de la Ceylan Mercantil Industrie,
Sir
> Lanka
>
>
> SUISSE
>
> Sanz Markus ; membre fondateur du Comité pour la Paix en Yougoslavie,
> professeur au collège de Genève (CH) (050400)
> Weber, Franz; écologiste; président de la Fondation "Weber"
>
>
> VENEZUELA
>
> Pardo Adolfo ; dirigeant syndical, Caracas
>
>
> YOUGOSLAVIE
>
> Grubacic Andrej ; co-fondateur du site Résistance, Belgrade.
> Vidanovic Djordje ; Prof. Univ. Nis
>
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
aggressione della NATO alla RF di Jugoslavia, sta raccogliendo un numero
sempre crescente di adesioni:
-
KOSOVO, NO ALL'OBLIO
L'APPELLO DI BRUXELLES
Nel corso della primavera del 1999, la città di Bruxelles, in quanto
sede della NATO, è stata il centro decisionale ed esecutivo dei
bombardamenti effettuati, nel nome del diritto umanitario, contro la
Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia da parte dei Paesi membri di questa
organizzazione.
Noi, membri attivi o in pensione dell'insegnamento del Diritto
Internazionale, crediamo che il primo anniversario di un evento così
grave non possa passare inosservato e debba, al contrario, suscitare in
ogni cittadino una seria riflessione commisurata alla sfida.
La guerra è stata preparata, decisa e condotta contro i principi
fondamentali del diritto internazionale.
L'azione della NATO seguì al fallimento delle negoziazioni di
Rambouillet. Ebbene, queste avevano comportato dei concreti passi avanti
in relazione agli aspetti politici del conflitto, prima che le
condizioni dell'ultimo minuto, del tutto inaccettabili per la parte
serba, ne precipitassero l'impasse. Ovvero la guerra.
L'attacco violò chiaramente la Carta delle Nazioni Unite, che autorizza
eccezionalmente il ricorso alla forza limitatamente al caso di legittima
difesa o in seguito a specifica autorizzazione del Consiglio di
Sicurezza. Premesse inesistenti in questo caso.
Infine, il modo in cui i bombardamenti sono stati condotti contraddice
le regole del diritto internazionale che disciplinano la condotta delle
ostilità. In via generale, la distruzione sistematica delle
infrastrutture economiche e dei mezzi di comunicazione, deliberatamente
destinata a prostrare la popolazione e a provocare il suo sollevamento,
sono incompatibili con i principi umanitari invocati per giustificarla.
In considerazione di quanto appena affermato, vorremmo manifestare con
chiarezza che la nostra condanna senza riserva dell'azione della NATO
non implica in alcun modo né adesione, né compiacenza, verso le autorità
di Belgrado ed, in particolar modo, verso la loro gestione della
questione etnica. Allo stesso modo, la nostra riprovazione, sempre
attuale, in merito alla condotta senza fondamenti legali dei
bombardamento dell'Iraq e dell'embargo contro questo Paese, non puo'
essere interpretato come un qualsivoglia vassallaggio verso il regime di
Baghdad.
La strategia della guerra, che ha devastato la Jugoslavia e ha reso
ingovernabile il Kosovo, ha prodotto più rifugiati e vittime di quanto
una qualsiasi altra combinazione di forza e diplomazia avrebbe
comportato. Essa va contestata, sia dal punto di vista politico, sia dal
punto di vista morale. Essa è stata del resto accompagnata da una
campagna mediatica volta a legittimare sistematicamente le operazioni in
corso.
Le disposizioni prese dopo la fine dei bombardamenti tendono a
subordinare l'aiuto internazionale ai risultati elettorali interni in
Jugoslavia ed a privilegiare l'aiuto in funzione delle opzioni politiche
prese dai suoi destinatari, fatto che costituisce un mezzo poco
onorevole d'intervento politico negli affari interni di un Paese terzo.
Quanto al Kosovo, esso è divenuto, sotto l'amministrazione creata dalle
forze della NATO, una regione praticamente monoetnica dove le minoranze
non albanesi, siano esse serbe, rom, slave, musulmane, ebraiche, turche
o croate, sono dovute fuggire per gli attentati o rifugiarsi in ghetti.
Vorremmo anche sottolineare il fatto che la guerra condotta in
Jugoslavia riveste un significato che va ben oltre la realtà di questo
Paese. In effetti, l'intervento della NATO in Kosovo, sotto la direzione
degli Stati Uniti d'America, s'iscrive in una serie di scelte operate
dall'unica superpotenza al mondo. Il gigantismo del suo budget militare;
la scelta di mantenere la NATO malgrado la dissoluzione del Patto di
Varsavia e la fine dell'URSS, e successivamente il suo allargamento ad
Est; il rifiuto di ratificare il Trattato d'Interdizione degli
Esperimenti Nucleari; lo sviluppo dei sistemi antimissile e la recente
rivelazione dell'esistenza di un sistema mondiale di ascolto delle
comunicazioni private e ufficiali, tali sono gli aspetti più salienti di
una politica decisa sempre più à Washington. Tutto questo lascia
presagire la nascita di un nuovo modello di esercizio del potere in
virtù del quale la sola legittimità risiederebbe nel possesso e
l'impiego dei mezzi di coercizione sempre più potenti.
Ecco perché invitiamo tutti coloro che condividono queste inquietudini e
che non vogliono più che le bombe siano l'alternativa alla legalità
internazionale, alla negoziazione, al dialogo democratico, a
sottoscrivere questo appello ed a farne, ovunque nel mondo, uno
strumento di resistenza morale di fronte al nuovo "ordine" universale
annunciato.
Primi firmatari:
Olivier CORTEN, professore presso il Centro di Diritto Internazionale,
Università Libera di Bruxelles (ULB); Eric DAVID, professore presso
l'ULB;
Barbara DELCOURT, membro dell'Istituto di Studi Europei, professore
presso
l'ULB; François HOUTART, professore emerito all'Università Cattolica di
Lovagno/Louvain (UCL); Pierre KLEIN, professore presso l'ULB, Paulette
PIERSON-MATHY, professore all'ULB, Yves ROGISTER, ricercatore presso il
CADOP, Università di Liegi, François RIGAUX, professore emerito all'UCL,
già
preside della Facoltà di Diritto, Jean SALMON, professore emerito
all'ULB.Eric SUY, professore emerito alla KUL, ex-vicesegretario
generale delle Nazioni Unite.
Le adesioni possono essere inviate agli indirizzi seguenti:
per mail: action-kosovo@...
per fax: 00.32 10 453152
-
KOSOVO, CONTRE L'OUBLI :
L'APPEL DE BRUXELLES
Au cours du printemps 1999, la ville de Bruxelles, en sa qualité de
siège de l'OTAN, était le centre de décision et d'exécution des
bombardements de la Yougoslavie par les pays membres de cette
organisation, au nom du droit humanitaire. Nous, membres actifs ou à la
retraite de l'enseignement du droit, nous croyons que le premier
anniversaire d'un événement aussi grave ne peut passer inaperçu et doit,
au contraire, susciter chez tout citoyen une sérieuse réflexion à la
mesure de l'enjeu.
La guerre a été préparée, décidée et menée à l'encontre des principes
les plus fondamentaux du droit international.
L'action de l'OTAN suivit l'échec des négociations de Rambouillet. Or,
ces dernières avaient enregistré des avancées sérieuses sur les dossiers
politiques du conflit, avant que des conditions de dernière minute, de
toute évidence inacceptables pour la partie serbe, ne précipitent
l'impasse. C'est à dire la guerre.
Son déclenchement violait à l'évidence la Charte des Nations Unies, qui
n'autorise exceptionnellement le recours à la force qu'en cas de
légitime défense ou d'autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Prémisses
inexistantes dans ce cas.
Enfin, la manière dont les bombardements ont été menés contredit les
règles de droit international qui régissent la conduite des hostilités.
De manière générale, la destruction systématique de l'infrastructure
économique et des moyens de communication, délibérément destinée à
décourager la population et à provoquer son soulèvement, sont
incompatibles avec les principes humanitaires invoqués pour les
justifier.
Ceci dit, nous voudrions manifester avec clarté que notre condamnation
sans réserve de l'action de l'OTAN, n'implique nullement adhésion ni
complaisance envers les autorités de Belgrade et particulièrement envers
leur gestion de la question ethnique. De même, notre réprobation,
toujours actuelle, de la poursuite sans fondement légal des
bombardements de l'Irak et de l'embargo contre ce pays, ne peut être
interprétée comme une quelconque allégeance envers le régime de Bagdad.
La stratégie de guerre, qui a dévasté la Yougoslavie et rendu non-viable
le Kosovo, a produit plus de réfugiés et de victimes qu'en aurait causé
toute autre combinaison de pression politique et de diplomatie. Elle
mérite d'être contestée, tant du point de vue politique que du point de
vue moral. Elle fut par ailleurs accompagnée d'une campagne médiatique
visant à légitimer systématiquement l'agression en cours.
Les dispositions prises après la fin des bombardements tendent à
conditionner l'aide internationale aux résultats électoraux internes en
Yougoslavie et à privilégier l'aide en fonction des options politiques
prises par ses destinataires, ce qui constitue un moyen peu honorable
d'intervention politique dans les affaires internes d'un pays souverain.
Quant au Kosovo, il est devenu, sous l'administration créée suite à
l'agression de l'OTAN, une région quasiment mono-ethnique où les
minorités non albanaises, qu'elles soient serbe, rom, slave, musulmane,
juive, turque ou croate, ont dû fuir les attentats ou se réfugier dans
des ghettos.
Nous voudrions aussi souligner le fait que la guerre menée en
Yougoslavie revêt une signification qui dépasse de loin le cas de ce
pays. En effet, l'intervention de l'OTAN au Kosovo, sous la direction
des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, s'inscrit dans une série de choix opérés par
l'unique superpuissance du monde. Le gigantisme de son budget militaire;
le choix de maintenir l'OTAN malgré la dissolution du Traité de Varsovie
et la fin de l'URSS, puis de l'élargir à l'Est de l'Europe; le refus de
ratifier le Traité d'interdiction des essais nucléaires; le
développement des systèmes antimissiles et la récente révélation de
l'existence d'un système mondial d'écoute des communications privées et
officielles, tels sont les aspects les plus saillants d'un nouveau
modèle d'exercice du pouvoir dessiné à Washington et dont la seule
légitimité résiderait dans la possession et l'emploi d'outils de
coercition chaque fois plus performants.
Voilà pourquoi, nous invitons tous ceux qui partagent ces inquiétudes
et qui refusent que les bombes soient l'alternative à la légalité
internationale, à la négociation, au dialogue démocratique, à signer cet
appel et à faire de lui, partout dans le monde, un instrument de
résistance morale face au nouvel "ordre" planétaire qui s'annonce.
Premièrs signataires :
Olivier CORTEN, professeur au Centre de Droit International, Université
libre de Bruxelles (ULB); Eric DAVID, professeur à l'ULB; Barbara
DELCOURT, membre de l'Institut d'études européennes, professeur à l'ULB;
François HOUTART, professeur émérite à l'Université catholique de
Louvain (UCL); Pierre KLEIN, professeur à l'ULB, Paulette PIERSON-MATHY,
professeur à l'ULB, Yves ROGISTER, chargé de recherche auprès du CADOP,
université de Liège, François RIGAUX, professeur émérite à l'UCL, ancien
doyen de la Faculté de Droit, Jean SALMON, professeur émérite à l'ULB;
Eric SUY, professeur émérite à la KUL, ancien secrétaire général adjoint
des Nations Unies.
Les adhésions peuvent être envoyées aux adresses suivantes:
François Houtart, CETRI
5, Av. Sainte Gertrude
B- 1348 LOUVAIN LA NEUVE
par e-mail: action-kosovo@...
par fax : 010-45083152
Soutien financier: CETRI, N° de cpte 068-0602320-74; mention: l'Appel de
Bruxelles.
-
KOSOVO must not be forgotten:
BRUSSELS APPEAL
In the spring of 1999 Brussels, as the headquarters of NATO, was the
centre of decision and execution of the bombing of Yugoslavia by the 19
member nations of that organisation in the name of human rights. We,
active in or retired from the teaching of law, believe that the first
anniversary of such a serious event must not go unnoticed, but on the
contrary should induce every citizen to think seriously about the
enormous stakes.
The war was prepared, decided and prosecuted against the most
fundamental principles of international law.
NATO decided to take action after the Rambouillet talks broke down. And
yet these talks had made serious progress of the political issues before
last minute conditions, which were totally unacceptable to the Serbs,
led to an impasse. In other words, to war.
The outbreak of the war was a flagrant violation of the United Nations
Charter, which authorises the use of force only in exceptional cases of
legitimate self-defence or with the authorisation of the Security
Council. There were no such premises, in this case.
Finally, the way in which the bombing was carried out violates the rules
of international law which govern the conduct of hostilities. In
general, the systematic destruction of the economic infrastructure and
the means of communication, deliberately intended to discourage the
population and provoke an uprising, are incompatible with the
humanitarian principles invoked to justify them.
That said, our wishing to express our unequivocal and unreserved
condemnation of the action taken by NATO in no way implies any support
of or complacency towards the Belgrade authorities and in particular
their management of the ethnic question. Similarly, our sustained
reprobation of the continuation, without any legal grounds, of the
bombing of Iraq and the embargo imposed on this country, must not be
interpreted as any allegiance to the Baghdad regime.
The war strategy that devastated Yugoslavia and made Kosovo non-liveable
produced more refugees and victims than would have been caused by any
other combination of force and diplomacy. So it must be contested, both
from the political and the moral point of view. It was accompanied by a
media campaign to systematically legitimise the operations under way.
The arrangements made at the end of the bombing are intended to make
international aid contingent to the results of elections in Yugoslavia
and make aid contingent on the political options adopted by its
beneficiaries, which is not a very honourable means of political
interventions in the internal affairs of a third country. For its part,
under the UN administration created in Kosovo following the NATO
aggression, this region has become a virtually mono-ethnical one, where
non-Albanian minorities, be they Serbs, Gypsies, Slavs, Muslims, Jews,
Turks or Croats, had to flee from attacks or take refuge in ghettos.
We should also like to underscore the fact that the consequences of the
war waged in Yugoslavia extend far beyond the borders of this country.
More specifically, NATO's intervention in Kosovo, under the leadership
of the United States, is in line with a series of choices made by the
sole remaining superpower. Its gargantuan military budget; keeping NATO
in place, in spite of the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the end of
the USSR, and even to enlarge it by including Eastern Europe; projecting
armed force on the world arena by treating international institutions
with disdain; refusing to ratify the nuclear test ban treat; developing
anti-missile systems and, as recently discovered, a world-wide system
for eavesdropping on private and official calls are the most salient
aspects of a new model for exercising power charted in Washington, based
solely on the possession and use of ever more sophisticated instruments
of coercion.
That is why we call on all those who share these concerns and no longer
wish to see bombs as the alternative to international law, negotiations,
and democratic dialogue, to sign this appeal and turn it, everywhere in
the world, into an instrument of moral resistance against the new world
"order" that is emerging.
First signatories,
Olivier Corten, Professor at the Centre for International Law, Free
University of Brussels (ULB); Eric David, Professor at the ULB; Barbara
Delcourt, member of the Institute of European Studies, Professor at the
ULB;
François Houtart, Professor Emeritus at the Catholic University of
Louvain
(UCL); Pierre Klein, Professor at the ULB; Paulette Pierson-Mathy,
Professor at the ULB; Yves Rogister, Researcher at the CADOP, University
of
Liège; François Rigaux, Professor Emeritus at the UCL, former Dean of
the
Faculty of Law; Jean Salmon, Professor Emeritus at the ULB ; Eric Suy,
Professor Emeritus at the KUL ; former assistant general secretary of
the United Nations."
If you want to adhere to the Appeal, please send your name to:
CETRI
5, Av. Sainte Gertrude
1348 Louvain La Neuve
BELGIUM
By e-mail: action-kosovo@...
or fax to 32.10.453152
Financial support: CETRI; Account no. 000-1306002-91; mention:
Brussels Appeal
-
> Liste d'adhésions par pays au 01.06.2000
>
>
> ALLEMAGNE
>
>
> Altvater, Elmar; prefesseur à l'Université de Berlin; président de la
> Fondation
> Lelio Basso.
> Roksandic Mirjana ; Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research ;
> Rostock
> Wilke, Joachim; philosophe
>
> AUTRICHE
>
> Blau, Paul; professeur à l'Université de Vienne
> Meissner, Freda; journaliste
>
>
> BELGIQUE
>
> Algoet Peter ; filosoof, socratiker, Gent
> André Edgar ; prof. hon. univ. Mons-Hainaut ; Havré
> Arnauts Laurent ; avocat
>
> Bàrdos-Féltoronyi Nicolas ; professeur UCL
> Bekaert Xavier ; Université Libre de Bruxelles
> Benda Wim ; KU Leuven
> Berghezan Georges ; journaliste, Bruxelles
> Biot, Paul ; directeur du Centre de Théâtre Action
> Bouckaert André ; professeur. UCL
> Bovy Yannick ; journaliste
> Bricmont Jean ; professeur de physique, UCL
> Carton Bruno ; chargé de recherches GRESEA
> Collon Michel ; écrivain; journaliste
> De Belder Bert ; coordinateur Médecine pour le tiers-monde
> De Brabander Ludo ; Mouvement pour la Paix "Vrede vzw"
> Decroly Vincent ; député Parti Ecolo
> Dermagne Jean-Marie ; avocat, chargé de recherche au SIRDE,
> Louvain-la-Neuve
> De Vos Pol ; Président Ligue anti-impérialiste
> De Wilde Yvon ; documentaliste , Bruxelles
> Dhont Riet ; Parti du travail de Belgique
> Doyen, Paul, enseignant, Bruxelles
> Dutry Guillemine ; Grez-Doiceau
>
> Franchoo Serge ; chercheur Université Catholique Leuven
> Franck Robert ; prof. Université Catholique de Louvain
>
> Galand Pierre ; Ancien Président d'OXFAM-Belgique; Président du
CNPPD;
> Président du Forum Nord-Sud
> Georlette, Rob ; pharmacien à Putte
>
> Kapper, Alain ; chercheur
> Kerckhofs J.P. ; porte-parole de l'Appel pour une école démocratique"
> Kontodimas Christos ; journaliste
>
> Martens Ludo ; président du Parti du travail de Belgique
> Merckx Kris ; Nationaal woordvoerder Partij van de Arbeid van België
> Moins, Jacques; ancien député par Bruxelles; avocat; journaliste
>
> Nerinckx Wim ; Univ. Gent
>
> Peeters Anne ; directrice GRESEA
> Pestiau Jean ; professeur de physique, UCL
> Piérart Pierre ; prof. honoraire Université Mons-Hainaut
> Pôlet Claudine ; Comité de surveillance OTAN, Bruxelles
> Poznanski Marcel ; Comité de surveillance OTAN, Bruxelles
>
> Romain Roger ; ex-conseiller communal PCB
> Rossa Rosso Nadine ; secrétaire générale du Parti du travail de
Belgique
>
> Soetewey Jan ; Christenen voor het Socialisme
> Spriet Georges ; Vrede vzw
>
> Van den Hove Didier ; Louvain-la-Neuve
> Valverde t.a., Hernán ; avocat au barreau de Bruxelles ; licencié en
> droit
> international
> Vandepitte Marc ; Deurne
> Vanhoutte Peter ; volksvertegenwoodiger (député) Agalev
> Vanoost, Lode ; AGALEV (parti écolo-flamand), vice-président de la
> chambre
> de répresentants
> Versluys Jan ; Destelbergen
> Watté Jeroen ; KU Leuven
>
>
> BOSNIE HERZEGOVINE
>
> Past Martin S. ; Peace Office Outpost Sarajevo
>
> BULGARIE
>
> Doncheva Blagovesta
>
>
> CANADA
>
> Baillargeon Normand ; prof. Univ. du Québec, Montréal
> Soucy Pascal ; Gaspé
> Wells Christopher ; Hunter River, P.E.I.
>
>
> COSTA RICA
>
> Wagner Ureta Eric
>
>
> DANEMARK
>
> Diwan Zohair ; lecturer, economist
> Tarp Sven ; Associated professor Aarhus School of Business
>
>
> ESPAGNE
>
> Pena Lorenzo ; maître de recherche au CSIC, Madrid
> Rademacher, Gerda
> de Trazegnies Granda, Leopoldo ; prof. F.P.O. Sevilla
> Etxezarreta, Miren, Professeur d'économie appliqué; Université de
> Barcelona
>
>
> ETATS-UNIS D'AMERIQUE
>
> Chomsky Noam; Linguiste, écrivain, Professeur au Massachusets
Institut
> of
> Technology.
> d'Aymery Gilles ; Swans.com
> Dion Roland ; San Diego CA
> Feldman Alex ; Boston, MA
> Hey Nancy Alison ; Washington D.C.
> Johnstone, Diana ; journaliste
> Makara Petar ; IBM TJ Watson Research Center, Yorktown, NY
> Mitrovic-Minic Snezana ; Senior Software Engineer, Simon Fraser
> University,
> Burnaby, BC
> Progovac Ljiljana ; Associate Professor, Wayne State University,
> Detroit, MI
> Robertson Barton W. ; Torrance, CA
> Ward, Morehouse; Leading member of the Council on International and
> Public Affairs, New York
> Welsh Joe ; student, Ohio University
>
>
> FRANCE
>
> Albala, Nuri; Avocat à la Cour, Paris; membre de l'AIJD.
> Andréani Caroline ; comité "Halte à l'OTAN"
> Badiou, Alain; philosophe, dramaturge, professeur à l'École Normale
> Supérieur d'Ulm et à l'Université de Paris VII
> Ballin Bernard ; médecin ; Chazey-sur-Ain
> Belougne Dominique ; Université de Bordeaux II
> Bidard, Sophie ; site Internet Résistance, Paris
> Bourdieu Pierre ; sociologue, professeur au Collège de France
> Bullard Linda ; présidente Féd. int. des mouvements de l'agriculture
> biologique
> Debray, Régis ; écrivain
> Delorca, Frédéric; co-fondateur du site "Résistance", Paris
> Fonseca Jean-Marc
> Krivine Jean-Paul ; psychologue
> Labica Georges ; prof. émérite des Universités (F)
> Menexiadis Dimitri ; maître de conférences, Université Bretagne Sud,
> Lorient
> Miracle Sole, salvador ; chercheur CNRS, Marseille
> Pecker, Jean-Claude; Professeur honoraire d'Astrophysique théorique
au
> College de France.
> Pergnier Maurice ; Prof. émérite Univérsité Paris-Val de Marne
> Richier Jean-Paul ; medecin, Paris
> Van Muylder, Céline ; étudiante ;
> Weil, Roland; Avocat; Président de l'Association Internationale de
> Juristes
> Démocrates
>
>
> GRECE
>
> Axelos, Loukas ; écrivain
> Charamambidis, Michalist ; sociologue
> Damianakou, Maria ; écrivain
> Meletzis, Spyros ; photographe ; ancien résistant
> Kalomendou, Theophanie ; docteur en philosophie
>
>
> INDE
>
> Sharma, Jitendra; Senior Advocate at the Indias's Supreme Court;
> Secretary
> General, International Association of Democratic Lawyers.
>
>
> ISRAEL
>
> Budeiri Musa ; Bir Zeit Univ., Jérusalem
> Cohen Raya ;
> Eylon Debbie ; Jérusalem
> Matar Anat ; Tel Aviv Univ.
> Pelleg Sryck Tamar ; Human rights lawyer
> Weiss Ronit
> Wollin Amos ; journaliste, Tel Aviv
>
>
> ITALIE
>
> Amit Daniel ; Istituto "La Sapienza", Rome
> Gallo Domenico; juge, Rome
> Hambye Thomas ; chercheur au Laboratori Nazionali di Frascati, Rome
> La Valle, Ranieri; sénateur
> Marenco Franco ; ENEA, Roma
> Parisi Giorgio ; Université de Roma "La Sapienza"
> Tognoni, Gino; Sécretaire Général de la Fondation International Lelio
> Basso
>
>
> MEXIQUE
>
> Dvoeglazov Valeri ; Professeur, Mexico
> Lopez Castro Gabriel, Professeur, Cinvestav-IPN, Mexico
> Lopez Laval Hilda ;
> Manko Vladimir S., Professeur, Cinvestav-IPN, Mexico
>
>
> PALESTINE (territoires occupés)
>
> Budeiri Musa ; Bir Zeit Univ. , Jérusalem
>
>
> PAYS - BAS
>
> Dekker Nico ; Université libre d'Amsterdam
> de Tollenaere Herman ; écrivain historien, Leiden
> van Asseldonk Chris, Ton ; La Haye
>
> PHILIPPINES
>
> Mariano Rafael ; chairperson, BAYAN Philippines (New Patriotic
Alliance)
>
> Pagaduan-Araullo Carolina ; executive director, Philippine Peace
Center
>
>
> ROYAUME - UNI
>
> Browne Chedmond ; African history lecturer, Montserrat
> Hall Duncan ; chercheur
> Jayan, Nayar; professor at the School of Law; University of Warwick
> Liebling, Helen; psychologue, University of Warwick
> McGettigan Andrew ; social housing worker
> Paliwala, Abdul; professeur at the School of Law; University of
Warwick
> Rangwalla, Glenn; Political Sciences professor Cambridge University
> White Jonathan ; Research student
>
>
> RUSSIE
>
> Lukin Alexander; fondateur du Comité pour la Paix en Yougoslavie,
>
>
> SRI LANKA
>
> Bala, Tampoe; secrétaire général de la Ceylan Mercantil Industrie,
Sir
> Lanka
>
>
> SUISSE
>
> Sanz Markus ; membre fondateur du Comité pour la Paix en Yougoslavie,
> professeur au collège de Genève (CH) (050400)
> Weber, Franz; écologiste; président de la Fondation "Weber"
>
>
> VENEZUELA
>
> Pardo Adolfo ; dirigeant syndical, Caracas
>
>
> YOUGOSLAVIE
>
> Grubacic Andrej ; co-fondateur du site Résistance, Belgrade.
> Vidanovic Djordje ; Prof. Univ. Nis
>
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
PATENTE SERBA
Mi sento in obbligo di segnalare una cosa,
assolutamente non giusta. Sono serbo, impiegato in
Italia. A Belgrado mi sono laureato in ingegneria
elettronica, dopo di che ho fatto un master alla
Bocconi. In Italia la patente di guida serba non e'
riconosciuta. Invece, ad esempio, quella croata o
slovena sì.
Visto che più di dieci anni fa, in ex-Jugoslavia,
tutti abbiamo fatto la stessa scuola di guida (l'unica
che c'era, quella statale) sembrerebbe almeno ridicolo
dire che croati o sloveni guidano meglio di serbi.
Dejan Pesic
Lettera apparsa su "La Repubblica" del 9/7/2000
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Mi sento in obbligo di segnalare una cosa,
assolutamente non giusta. Sono serbo, impiegato in
Italia. A Belgrado mi sono laureato in ingegneria
elettronica, dopo di che ho fatto un master alla
Bocconi. In Italia la patente di guida serba non e'
riconosciuta. Invece, ad esempio, quella croata o
slovena sì.
Visto che più di dieci anni fa, in ex-Jugoslavia,
tutti abbiamo fatto la stessa scuola di guida (l'unica
che c'era, quella statale) sembrerebbe almeno ridicolo
dire che croati o sloveni guidano meglio di serbi.
Dejan Pesic
Lettera apparsa su "La Repubblica" del 9/7/2000
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
I telegiornali nei giorni scorsi ci informavano che le truppe italiane
hanno finalmente preso il controllo dell'aereoporto di Pristina.
Viva le truppe italiane!
Viva L'Italia!
Viva l'Albania italiana!
Eia eia alala'!
* ELENCO ATTI TERRORISTICI DAL 24 MAGGIO AL 26 GIUGNO SCORSI
* TRUPPE OCCUPATRICI ARRESTANO SERBO ORGANIZZATORE DELLE PROTESTE
* VERSO LA DISTRUZIONE DEL MONASTERO DI DECANI
* L'ANALISI DELL'ISTITUTO CATO (LINK)
* KOSOVO UN ANNO DOPO TRA MENZOGNE ED OMERTA'
* FLASHBACK: GLI EBREI KOSOVARI SCACCIATI DALL'UCKFOR
* IL PRESIDENTE DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA ONORA I MARTIRI DELL'UCK
---
CRIMINI COMMESSI DAL FANATISMO NAZIONALISTA PANALBANESE
IN KOSMET TRA IL 24 MAGGIO ED IL 26 GIUGNO 2000.
***DA NON RIPORTARE SUI GIORNALI***
(From: John Jay Sent: Wednesday, July 05, 2000 2:49 AM
Subject: Re: [STOPNATO] [serbrights] [Fwd: sign and email/KOSOVO] STOP
NATO:
¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM )
_________
So far, we've only sent this out to the IHT. Of course, there are many
other
newspapers/TV channels, etc., ...
_________
Sir: - We challenge the International Herald Tribune to publish the
disgraceful diary of evil racial persecution set out below.
We dare the IHT to show its readers, all over the world, what
kind
of a job of "Humanitarian Protection" KFOR troops and UNMIK's so-called
"Peacekeepers" are doing to "keep the peace" in Kosovo today ?... This
is
real news... Why not publish it ?... Let's see how fair and open-minded
a
'great' "Democratic" newspaper can honestly be !
The Western media shows remarkably little interest in the
suffering
of Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo. Sure, we're told of an
occasional incident, here and there, but even then obscured in very
small
print, usually on the inside pages - where are the headlines !
Is
this what is really meant by "Free" Press - the "freedom" merely to pick
and
choose what you tell your readers, strictly according to how its telling
may
or may not suit the agendas of the incumbent political administrators in
Washington ? Do you believe that votes supposedly reflecting American
public
'opinion' formed in this way, on the basis of selective misinformation,
is
anything like an exercise in true 'democracy' ?
Your readers wouldn't ! - If they only knew that's how it
really is
- ! Happy 4th of July !...
All details and statistics below- (strictly according to
routine
nformation known to and monitored by members of the International Red
Cross)
- are matters of official UNMIK record.
All were in Kosovo, an autonomous province of the sovereign
Yugoslav constituent Republic of Serbia - currently occupied and
supposedly
"protected", under UN mandate, by KFOR troops.
This is just a one month catalogue of the racial crime and
brutal
persecution carried out against Serbs and other non-Albanians between 24
May
and 26 June of this year only !
__________________________________________
TERRORIST ACTS COMMITTED BY ALBANIANS,
FORMERLY OF THE (KLA) THE KOSOVO LIBERATION ARMY,
BETWEEN 24 MAY - 26 JUNE 2000.
1. Murder of Vladimir Ilic, a Kosovo Serb, 50, on his doorstep at Vitina
on
24 May;
2. Attack on Kosovo Serbs in the village of Dobrotin, Municipality of
Lipljan, on 26 May, on which occasion 4 Serbian civilians were gravely
wounded;
3. Throwing of a hand grenade on a Serbian cafe at Bresje on 26 May, on
which occasion 5 Serbians were gravely wounded;
4. Setting a fire in the Trepca complex in southern Kosovska Mitrovica
on 6
May which caused enormous material damage;
5. Attack on a group of Serbs in front of a store in the village of
Cernica, on 28 May, in the Municipality of Gnjilane, on which occasion
Tihomir Trifunovic, Vojin Vasic and a 5-year old, Milos Petrovic, were
killed and two other Serbian civilians were gravely wounded;
6. Armed attacks on a local police patrol in the village of Konculj on
23
and 24 May and a mortar attack on the members of local Kosovo Serbian
police, on 30 May, in the village of Lucane ;
7. Attack on Serbian civilians in the village of Klokot, Municipality
of
Vitina, on 31 May, in which Lepterka Marinkovic, 67, was killed and
another
3 Serbs were gravely wounded;
8. Murder of Milutin Trajkovic, 33, a Serbian, in the village of Babin
Most,
on 31 May, in the Municipality of Obilic;
9. Murder of Iso Heta, 71, an elderly retired member of the Ministry of
the
Interior, on 31 May;
10. Throwing of a hand grenade on the house of Kosovo Serb, Djordje
Velickovic, on 1 June, at Obilic, on which occasion Misko Todorovic was
also gravely wounded;
11. Killing of two Serbs, Sinisa Dimic and Vlastimir Milic, and
wounding of
3 others on 2 June, two of them underage children, in an automobile
which
ran over an anti-tank mine planted by Albanian terrorists the night
before
on the road between the Serbian villages of Ugljari and Preoce near
Pristina;
12. Burning down of a number of Serbian houses in both Prizren and
Decani on
3 June;
13. Continued arbitrary arrests of Kosovo Serbian civilians by KFOR and
UNMIK, on 7 June, of which one of the most drastic examples was the
arrest
of Nebojsa Stojanovic, 30, at Gracanica, who was apprehended while in an
intensive care unit following a serious injury sustained after KFOR
opened
automatic fire on Serbs protesting about the terror of the so-called
Kosovo
Liberation Army, (of which this catalogue is one brief example);
14. Brutal attack and wounding of Jovan Cerovic, 55, a Serb, on 8 June,
by
10 terrorists with clubs in the district of Obilic;
15. Burning of a number of Serbian houses at Obilic on 9 June;
16. Anduction of Safet Pucurica, 37, a worker from Kosovska Mitrovica on
10
June, on the road Vucitrn-Kosovska Mitrovica;
17. Armed attack on an automobile driven by 4 Goranci (non-Albanian
Muslim)
on 9 June, near Orcus, Municipality of Gora, on which occasion one of
these
civilians was severely wounded;
18. Burning of Serbian houses at Obilic and the dynamiting of Roma
(Gypsy)
houses on 10 June, in the village of Novo Rujce, Municipality of
Lipljan;
19. Setting a fire in the Kosovo Serbian restaurant "Lotos" on 10 June;
20. Mortar attack on Serbian houses at Orahovac on 12 and 13 June;
21. Mortar attack on Serbian houses at Obilic on 14 June;
22. Abduction, rape and mutilation of a 14-year old Serbian girl in
Pristina
on 14 June;
23. Killing of Zlatibor Denic and Borko Filipovic and the wounding of
Dejan
Filipovic on 15 June, the latter losing both his arms and legs, in an
automobile which ran over an anti-tank mine planted by the terrorists of
the
Kosovo Liberation Army on the road between the villages of Preoce and
Lepina;
24. Attack on humanitarian convoys heading for Serbian Strpce on both 30
May
and on 16 June, in the villages of Radivojce and Pozarane;
25. Mortar attack on the Decani monastery near Pec, on the night of 21
and
22 June. Decani monastery was built in 1335. It is one of the treasures
of
Serbian cultural heritage, housing frescoes of great value and a large
number of priceless ancient manuscripts and icons;
26. Throwing of a hand grenade on the house of a Serb, Toma Ivkovic, in
Gnjilane on 21 June, on which occasion Mr. Ivkovic's mother was wounded;
27. Brutal abduction of 2 Serbs, Vlada, 80, and Persa Miletic, 50, on 21
June, in the village of Mali Trnovac, in the Municipality of Bujanovac.
Their fate is still unknown;
28. Abduction of Serb, Bozidar Markovic, 60, on 23 June, in the village
of
Susice, Municipality of Strpci ;
29. Abduction of 14-year Serbian boy Jovica Milic, while tending his
herd on
24 June, in the village of Susice, Municipality of Stprce. He managed to
escape, sustaining serious injuries and psychological stress;
30. Mortar attack on eleven Serbian houses in the village of Velika
Hoca, on
24 June in the Municipality of Orahovac ;
31. Abduction of Kosovo Serbian, Tomislav Markovic, on the
Podujevo-Pristina
road on 24 June;
32. Murder of Kica Milanovic, 50, a Kosovo Serbian, on his doorstep at
Kosovo Polje on 25 June;
33. Attempt to abduct Milorad Soric, a Kosovo Serb civilian, in front of
his
house on 26 June, in Orahovac, on which occasion he escaped but was
seriously injured."
The UN calls this - "Humanitarian Protection" ?.... What would
your
readers call it ???...They were shown more of a single child's boot
(blue -
remember it ?) than they will ever see of the continuing inhuman misery
inflicted, every day, on Serbian men, women and children in Kosovo.
John Jay
London
ppdscat@...
"Human rights are for ALL humans, including Serbs!"
---
ARRESTATO DALLE TRUPPE DI OCCUPAZIONE STATUNITENSI SERBO
ORGANIZZATORE DELLE PROTESTE CONTRO IL REGIME RAZZISTA DELLA KFOR
> > Danas, Belgrade, Yugoslavia
> > July 6, 2000
> >
> > Radojko Kecic arrested
> >
> > Strpce (Beta) - American KFOR soldiers arrested
> > photographer Radojko Kecic
> > of Strpce yesterday for organizing the demonstration
> > of the Serbs in this
> > town in the south of Kosovo. Kecic, the owner of a
> > photo shop, was taken to
> > the American military base Bondsteel near Urosevac.
> >
> > Approximately ten Polish and American special forces
> > soldiers arrested
> > Kecic while he was purchasing food at a nearby kiosk.
> > According to Serb
> > sources in Strpce, American KFOR soldiers have created
> > a list of 46 persons
> > of Serb nationality who participated in the
> > demonstrations and road blocks
> > in Strpce. Kecic, the same sources state, is the first
> > from that list to be
> > arrested.
> >
> > Translated by S. Lazovic (July 6, 2000)
---
VERSO LA DISTRUZIONE DEL MONASTERO MEDIOEVALE DI DECANI.
SILENZIO ASSOLUTO DEGLI "INTELLETTUALI" SERVILI D'EUROPA
SUL VANDALISMO CONTINUATO A SFONDO RAZZISTA AI DANNI DEI
MONUMENTI DELLA CULTURA ORTODOSSA IN KOSOVO-METOHIJA
> From: Kiehl <emilia@...>
> To: Undisclosed.Recipients@...
> Subject: Fw: DECANI IN PERIL - need assistance
> Date: Jueves 22 de Junio de 2000 12:00 PM
>
>
>
> Date: 22 June 2000 09:30
> Subject: Fw: DECANI IN PERIL - need assistance
>
>
> >Dear all, please see if you can help and/or forward to anyone who you
may
> >think can do something about this. Love Branka
> >-----Original Message-----
> >From: Bob Petrovich <bojanp@...>
> >To: Branka Perry <branka.jp@...>
> >Date: 22 June 2000 04:01
> >Subject: DECANI IN PERIL - need assistance
> >
> >
> >>
> >>Branka, I need help, someone who can write
> >>letter in precise legalese on subject explained below.
> >>
> >>I plan to press Finnish government for
> >>their role in destruction of Christian
> >> shrines in Kosovo !
> >>
> >>There is no time, we have to start Friday, to time delivery for
> >>Monday morning.
> >>
> >>20 people from 10 or so OSCE countries will do the trick.
> >>
> >>For success, we need several waves of 20 people spread in several days.
> >>
> >>I have already collected emails and phone numbers of
> >>people in Finnish Foreign ministry, Public prosecutor for international
> >>affairs and others in Ministry
> >>of justice and Government ombudsman. I will distibute that list to
anyone
> >>who
> >>agree to actively participate ( send e-mail and
> >>later follow up over the phone)
> >>
> >>
> >>Under Finnish law, anyone REGARDLESS OF NATIONALITY can file
> >>complaint for criminal conduct of Finnish public servant. They forgot
to
> >>change rules with advent of the Net.
> >>
> >>Please let me know what you think about it, can you help and if your
group
> >>want to participate.
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>Best,
> >>
> >>B.
> >>-------------------------------------------
> >>
> >>Dear xxxx
> >>
> >>Maybe you have already seen the urgent appeal of
> >>Fr. Sava regarding Decani Monastery.
> >>
> >>It is not only theft of private property and flagrant
> >>breach of the law, it is much worse.
> >>Monastery sits at the bottom of the mountain and water
> >>tower 150ft above it presents a real threat. Sabotage
> >>may cause water blast able of destroying monastery and
> >>killing everyone inside.
> >>
> >>The monks from the brotherhood are the last remaining
> >>Serbs in Decani area. All others minority Serbs are
> >>ethnically cleansed with silent approval of UNMIK and
> >>KFOR.
> >>
> >>Theft of Monastery land and plan to put Monastery in
> >>peril can not be seen but attempt to eradicate Serbs
> >>from the area.
> >>
> >>In Decani, local UNMIK administrator is Finnish.
> >>
> >>In another case, Finnish commander of KFOR approves of
> >>
> >>destruction of religious shrines.
> >>
> >>I want to stage blitz on Finnish institutions and ask
> >>the questions of Finnish Government involvement.
> >>Also, plan to ask for help Finnish Orthodox Church.
> >>
> >>Please could you help me and elaborate breaches of the
> >>law in both cases. I am lay person and can not do it.
> >>
> >>I will do the rest. Finland is "the most wired country
> >>in the world" and I intend to use it to the fullest
> >>extent.
> >>
> >>Every member of government and judicary
> >>is reachable by e-mail.
> >>
> >>If you agree with strategy, I will send you the list
> >>of all relevant e-mail addresses of all relevant
> >>institutions in Finland so you could start next wave
> >>
> >>Very truly yours,
> >>
> >>Bob Petrovich
> >>Willowdale, Canada
> >>mailto:bojanp@...
> >>
> >>-----------------------------------------------------
> >>
> >>Name: Ms.Helina Kokarinnen, Finland,
> >>Function: municipal administrator for Decani, Kosovo,
> >>Yugoslavia
> >>
> >>Illegal acts commited:
> >>
> >>1. Violation of private property. Ms.Kokarinnen issued
> >>licence for ground preparation works for building
> >>of water tower on private property without approval of
> >>the land owner (Serbian Orthodox Church). Work has
> >>commneced, tresspassers cut the ancient wood and stole
> >>lumber.
> >>
> >>2. endangering cultural monument - medieval monastery.
> >>Planned Water tower 50 meters above Monastery
> >>represent threat to Monastery . Sabotage or structural
> >>failure will cause water tidal wave able to destroy
> >>monastery.
> >>
> >>3. putting human lives in peril.monastery is
> >>permanently inhabited by monk brotherhood.
> >>
> >>4. failure to prevent criminal act -theft of private
> >>property ( lumber)
> >>
> >>Evidence:
> >>
> >>Fr. Sava possess copies of UNMIK documents.
> >>
> >>Text of documents can be seen at:
> >>http://www.egroups.com/message/yugoslaviainfo/2064?&start=2038
> >>
> >>Fr. Sava can be reached at:
> >>
> >>Fr. Sava
> >>Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Kosovo and Metohija
> >>Gracanica Monastery, Pristina,Kosovo and Metohija
> >>http://www.decani.yunet.com
> >>http://www.kosovo.com
> >>Sat phone:: +870-762-146-565
> >>Mobile phone: +381-63-371-909
> >>Fax (voice mail) +44-207-681-2601
> >>------------------------------------------------------
> >>pattern:
> >>-------------------------------------------------------
> >>Name: Colonel Arto Raty, Finland
> >>Function: head of KFOR operations in Slovinje,
> >>Kosovo, Yugoslavia
> >>
> >>Illegal act:
> >>public incitement of ethnic cleansing
> >>public incitement of dectruction of religious shrine
> >>activity contrary to given duty (enforcing UNSC 1244)
> >>
> >>Evidence:
> >>
> >>"If a church has value as a historical place then
> >>clearly it should be guarded,but if it has no
> >>historical value and there is no chance of the
> >>Serbs returning anytime soon to the area, then
> >>it should be gently dismantled,"
> >>
> >>Finnish Colonel Arto Raty
> >>head of KFOR operations in Slovinje
> >>Source: REUTERS
> >>http://abcnews.go.com/wire/World/reuters20000613_699.html
> >>
> >>For importance of Churches for communities see the
> >>letter of World Council of Churches:
> >>
>
>>http://platon.ee.duth.gr/data/maillist-archives/orthodoxia/1999_12/msg0007
> 2
> >.
> >>html
> >>
> >>Church in Slovinje, where Col. Raty is head of KFOR
> >>was destroyed by Albanian externists.
> >>
> >>http://www.kosovo.com/crucified/default.htm#_catalog
> From: "Nancy A. Hey" <cattynancy@...> (by way of Herman de
> Tollenaere <hermantl@...>)
> To: office@...
> Subject: Decani old growth forest threatened in Kosovo [fwd]
> Date: Thu, 22 Jun 2000 18:27:32 +0200
>
> [small spelling corrections made]
>
> Subject: Decani Monastery Wood being Destroyed with UNMIK written
permission
>
> URGENT.....URGENT.....URGENT
>
> ALBANIANS DESTROYING THE MOST BEAUTIFUL MONASTERY FOREST WITH UNMIK
WRITTEN
> PERMISSION
>
> I am taking this opportunity to inform you about very deplorable events
> which happened around Decani monastery in the last few days. According to
> the written permission of the municipal administrator for Decani, Ms.
> Helina Kokarinnen, local Albanian contractors were allowed to start
> cutting the monastery century old pine wood just 50 m above monastery of
> Decani. The cutting of wood was in fact a preparation for the building of
a
> water tower which is a part of a larger project of enlargement of the
water
> system for Decani. This project is undertaken by the Italian Company
COOPI.
> According to the information received
> yesterday from COOPI the plan was made in September 1999 and was approved
> by local UNMIK office.
>
> Neither the UNMIK administrator nor KFOR authorities or COOPI ever
> contacted the Monastery authorities about this undertaking, although the
> cutting of the wood and the clearing of the ground for a water tower is
> done on the property of Decani Monastery. The monks have reacted the very
> first day and requested from KFOR to stop the destruction of the monastery
> forest but KFOR answered with almost two days of delay granting the
> security to the monks to go to the location just 50 meters from the
> monastery. The monks had not dared go alone because of constant danger
from
> Kosovo Albanians who had even launched a mortar attacks three months ago
> against the monastery and make great pressures against the brotherhood.
>
> The consequences of this illegal operation are deplorable. More than 40
> cubic meters of pine wood have been cut and stolen by ethnic Albanians in
> their trucks ( 8 big trees). At least 20 more trees have been burned
> because the contractors wanted to be sure that the terrain is not mined
and
> conducted a mine-clearing operation destroying many other trees in the
> area. It is very important to know that this wood had been planted three
> centuries ago by Decani monks and majority of the cut pines, which were a
> landmark of Decani Monastery, are more than 150 years old. Therefore this
> is not only an issue of violation of the private property by UN
authorities
> and KFOR but also an environmental violation of one of the most beautiful
> and oldest pine forest in Kosovo.
>
> Decani Monastery and the Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Kosovo and Metohija
> have condemned this illegal act in strongest terms. The Church will ask
> from the Special Representative of the Secretary General Dr. Bernard
> Kouchner to launch a full investigation on this issue and the
> recompensation for the done damage.
>
> Attachment:
> Copy of the letter by which the UN administrator Ms HELINA KOKARINNEN
> granted a written permission to Kosovo Albanian contractor to cut
> unspecified number of trees in the monastery forest. Ms. Kokarinnen in
> her conversation with the monks behaved as if she did not know exactly
> what it was all about. This morning she left to Finland without any
> explanation to the monastery which requested an urgent meeting for today.
>
> >------------------------------------
> To KFOR - Decan/Decani
>
> June 14, 2000
>
> I have discussed with Nue Mulaj who is working for the organization
> COOPI (ID card no 26) as an excavator driver. Nue Mulaj is ready to cut
the
> trees needed for water supply working. According to Mr. Mulaj he has
agreed
> about cutting and carrying the trees with COOPI, wood company Djeravica
and
> KFOR representative. Mr. Mulaj can take and carry the trees for free from
> the forest.
>
> Helina Kokarinen
> Municipal administrator Municipality of Decan/Decani
>
> >--------------------------------------------
> With this letter which was shown by KFOR to the Monastery Authorities
> (we have a copy) it is evident that UNMIK administrator knew all from
> the beginning and in fact issued a blank permission to Kosovo Albanians to
> cut as many trees as they like. From COOPI authorities the Monastery
> learned that the location for this water tower was chosen by Albanians and
> that from the technical point of view the tower may have been constructed
> on another location. The monastery authorities think that the local
> Albanians deliberately chose this location in order to make a pressure on
> the monastery, violate its property and steal the valuable pine trees
free.
> It is sad that UNMIK and KFOR played such a deplorable role in all this.
>
> Fr. Sava
>
>
> >--
> Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Kosovo and Metohija
> Gracanica Monastery, Pristina,
> Kosovo and Metohija
>
> http://www.decani.yunet.com
> http://www.kosovo.com
>
> decani@...
> Sat phone:: +870-762-146-565
> Mobile phone: +381-63-371-909
> Fax (voice mail) +44-207-681-2601
>
>
>
---
L'ANALISI DELLA SITUAZIONE SECONDO L'ISTITUTO CATO
Cato Policy Analysis No. 373
June 10, 2000
Dubious Anniversary: Kosovo One Year Later
by Christopher Layne and Benjamin Schwarz
Christopher Layne is a visiting fellow in foreign policy studies at the
Cato Institute. Benjamin
Schwarz is a correspondent for the Atlantic Monthly
Executive Summary
One year after NATO ended its bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, the
Clinton
administration’s Kosovo policy is a conspicuous failure. Kosovo is now
the scene of a brutal ethnic
cleansing campaign carried out by NATO’s erstwhile de facto ally, the
Kosovo Liberation Army,
an organization profoundly inimical to America’s interests and professed
values. The KLA is also
currently fomenting an insurgency elsewhere in Serbia, which promises to
destabilize the Balkans
even further.
The Clinton administration has embarked on yet another
multi-billion-dollar nation-building
adventure, which many analysts suggest will entangle the U.S. military
for a decade or longer.
This situation could have been avoided. Because of its inept diplomacy
and strategic
miscalculation, the administration bears a large measure of
responsibility for both Kosovo’s
humanitarian crisis a year ago and the KLA’s postwar thuggery. It is now
clear that the
administration’s claims of "horrific slaughter" and attempts at
"genocide" by the Serbs were gross
exaggerations designed to whip up
support for intervention from a skeptical Congress and public.
Confronting Kosovo’s depressing prospects, the administration consoles
itself that, as President
Clinton says, it "did the right thing in the right way" when it
intervened. Even granting that
doubtful premise, this is not enough to exonerate policymakers from
their responsibility for the
situation the United States confronts today. In the real world,
policymakers are judged by the
consequences of their actions, not by their intentions. The Kosovo war
has not vindicated the
administration’s doctrine of "virtuous power." By waging an avoidable
war, the Clinton
administration has saddled
the United States with a host of intractable problems.
Full Text of Policy Analysis No. 373 (PDF, 19 pgs, 79 Kb)
---
KOSOVO UN ANNO DOPO: MENZOGNE ED OMERTA'
>Original message:
>From: "robert rodvik" <robrod@...>
>To: <Undisclosed Recipients>
>Subject: Fw: KOSOVO ONE YEAR ON - LIES AND DECEIT
>Date: Fri, 23 Jun 2000 13:13:43 -0700
>
>
>
>
>Date: Friday, June 23, 2000 1:07 PM
>Subject: KOSOVO ONE YEAR ON - LIES AND DECEIT
>
>
> In keeping with its propaganda role, CBC-TV continues the distortions
>and spin that characterized its coverage during NATO's bombing spree. The
>Ministry of Truth indicates that tonight, Friday June 23, 2000 that it is
>going to once again reprise the situation in Kosovo and surrounding
>environs. You can tune in to The National at 10p.m. and get all the latest
>spin on the National Magazine, which will most likely reiterate that the
>crimes of the Serbs were so evil that NATO had no other choice.
> The sad part of all this is that the Canadian taxpayer funds this
>propaganda operation.
>NIL ILLIGITIMUS CARBORUNDUM
>RR
>____________________________________________________________
>
>
>
>
>
>KOSOVO ONE YEAR LATER: FROM SERB REPRESSION TO
>NATO-SPONSORED ETHNIC CLEANSING
>Edward S. Herman and David Peterson
>
>Now a little more than one year after the ending of Nato's
>78- day bombing of Yugoslavia and the beginning of Nato
>control of Kosovo (June 10-12, 1999), the mainstream media
>have been exceedingly reticent in offering the public
>serious retrospectives on the war and its aftermath. One
>reason for this may be that Nato's bombing campaign and
>year-long occupation not only failed to realize most of
>Nato's proclaimed objectives, but the intervention also
>produced a far higher level of ethnic violence than had
>existed previously--first against ethnic Albanians, then
>later against all ethnic minorities. As the Norwegian
>foreign affairs analyst Jan Oberg notes, "the largest ethnic
>cleansing in the Balkans [in percentage that fled] has
>happened under the very eyes of 45,000 Nato troops" in
>occupied Kosovo.
>
>True, Nato did eventually succeed in getting Belgrade to
>withdraw the Serb army from Kosovo. But in the process,
>Nato's bombing campaign triggered a Serb military response
>against ethnic Albanians that Nato officials themselves had
>predicted would occur; a response that was based not on the
>unprovoked nastiness of Serbs but rather on rational
>military calculations. Expulsions were greatest where
>fighting was heaviest, mainly in territories controlled by
>the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Indeed, in the words of
>the OSCE, much of the refugee flow was designed "to keep
>main communications routes open to supply Serb forces with
>material, fuel, and food." Moreover, although Nato had
>denied any collaboration with rebel forces during the
>bombing, top Nato officials now admit that KLA guerrillas
>were "constantly on the phone to Nato," and that Nato had
>"instigated" a major KLA offensive (Paul Richter, LA Times,
>June 10, 2000). President Clinton may have announced that
>the main purpose of bombing was "to deter an even bloodier
>offensive against innocent civilians in Kosovo" (March 24,
>1999), but as the bombing increased it exponentially (as
>well as adding Nato's contribution to Albanian pain), that
>aim was clearly not met.
>
>With the increase in violence following the bombing, Nato
>officials quickly announced that the Serb attacks and
>expulsions would have taken place anyway, under a
>pre-arranged plan the Serbs allegedly called "Operation
>Horseshoe." But no mention had ever been made of such a plan
>prior to the bombing, and a pre-war German Foreign Office
>report had even denied that Serb actions in Kosovo
>constituted "ethnic cleansing;" instead, the report found
>that the Serb military campaign was designed to quell an
>insurgency. UN Special Envoy Jiri Dienstbier says the same:
>"Before the bombing Albanians were not driven away on the
>basis of ethnic principle. [They were] victims of the brutal
>war between the Yugoslav army and the Kosovo Liberation
>Army" (CTK National News Wire, April 20, 2000). The fact
>that Belgrade was willing to allow 2,000 OSCE observers into
>Kosovo (although the OSCE contingent never exceeded 1,400),
>and that it objected strongly to their removal before Nato
>launched its bombing, is also inconsistent with a planned
>"Operation Horseshoe." As the retired German Brigadier
>General, and now a consultant with the OSCE, D. Heinz Loquai
>argues in his recent book, Der Kosovo-Konflikt Wege in einen
>Vermeidbaren Krieg ("The Kosovo Conflict: The Road to an
>Avoidable War"), the German Foreign Ministry's revelation
>two weeks into the war that it possessed intelligence
>confirming the existence of "Operation Horseshoe" was an
>outright fabrication culled from Bulgarian intelligence
>reports and the imagination of Nato military propagandists.
>None of this, however, has prevented apologists for Nato's
>war from repeating the lie that Operation Allied Force was
>justified by the imminent implementation of this mythical
>plan to "ethnically cleanse" Kosovo of its Albanian
>population. (On June 11, 2000, the ineffable George
>Robertson asked Jonathan Dimbleby on Britain's ITV to
>"imagine if almost 2 million refugees had been expelled...if
>Milosevic had succeeded with that ethnic cleansing.")
>
>In the face of the Nato-induced surge in violence in March
>and April 1999, Nato officials changed course and proclaimed
>that their new main objective was returning the Kosovo
>Albanians to their homes quickly and safely; and with the
>help of the media Nato successfully portrayed the bombing as
>a response to the mass exodus rather than its cause. But
>even this new objective was met only in part--the Albanians
>who had fled Kosovo did return quickly, but their safety and
>welfare were compromised by several factors. One was that
>Nato bombs had killed and seriously injured many hundreds of
>fleeing Albanians. Nato also used both deadly cluster bombs
>and depleted uranium munitions in Kosovo, a choice of
>weapons not conducive to the long-run safety of the
>returnees. To date, an estimated 100 people have been killed
>and many hundreds injured by exploding fragmentation bombs.
>The toll from depleted uranium-- radiation-induced
>illness--will come later, as it has in Iraq.
>
>Nato's bombing also contributed heavily to infrastructure
>damage, and reconstruction has been slow. Nato's generosity
>was largely exhausted in providing resources to destroy and
>kill--the estimated cost of the military operations against
>Yugoslavia has run in excess of $10 billion, whereas the
>resources spent for humanitarian aid and reconstruction in
>Kosovo have been well under $1 billion. Thus, hundreds of
>thousands remain homeless, jobless, and lacking in basic
>facilities.
>
>Nato's occupation also failed to bring law and order to
>Kosovo. This was partly a consequence of the destruction,
>poverty, and exacerbated hatred produced by the war. But it
>was also a result of the fact that, in direct violation of
>UN Resolution 1244 which called for the "demilitarization"
>of the KLA, under Nato authority the KLA has been
>incorporated into a "Kosovo Protection Corps," thereby
>legalizing and legitimating what until then had been an
>armed rebel force. This, plus the Nato bias in favor of the
>KLA and against the Serbs, has helped institutionalize a
>system of violence and pervasive fear, mainly damaging to
>the minority Serbs, Roma and Turks, but also adversely
>affecting most Kosovo Albanians. On top of this, organized
>crime has soared throughout the region. The British-based
>Jane's Intelligence Review reports that "large numbers of
>international criminals are now seeking refuge in Kosovo"
>(Paul Harris, June 1, 2000). According to a study by the
>International Crisis Group, the areas of southwest Serbia
>(both Kosovo and parts of Serbia proper) where the KLA's
>influence remains greatest have become the preferred "Balkan
>route" for the "heroin trail" between Turkey and Western
>Europe ("What Happened to the KLA," March 3, 2000).
>
>It must be admitted, however, that Nato did succeed in
>"teaching the Serbs a lesson." But what exactly was that
>lesson? Certainly not that ethnic cleansing is unacceptable
>to the Western conscience. Although Nato allegedly waged war
>to terminate ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, and although an
>agreement of June 9, 1999, stipulated that Nato would
>"establish and maintain a secure environment for all
>citizens of Kosovo," under Nato's occupation somewhere
>between 60 and 90 percent of Serbs and Roma have left
>Kosovo, mainly because of KLA harassment, home burnings, and
>killing, and a large fraction of Kosovo's Jews and Turks
>have also fled. Thus the biggest story of Nato's 12-month
>occupation is that under Nato's watch, Kosovo's ethnic
>minorities have been subjected to a truly massive
>multi-ethnic cleansing. For the media, however, Nato is
>trying to do its best under difficult circumstances, and
>Milosevic remains the only villain in sight. And they fail
>to see that the only lesson taught the Serbs by Nato has
>been "Don't mess with us"--a lesson devoid of moral content.
>
>Now one year later, Nato's policies have not brought peace
>and stability to Kosovo and the Balkans. Kosovo is still
>legally a part of Yugoslavia, but while a Nato protectorate
>it has been turned over to the Albanians and KLA. This has
>allowed them to do a fine job of ethnic cleansing, but has
>made Kosovo a cauldron of hatred and violence and a likely
>base for further instability and warfare. Unwilling to
>provide large resources for rebuilding, Nato has no
>solutions and no evident "exit strategy." This was not
>"humanitarian intervention," it has been an irresponsible
>misuse of power that made a bad situation worse, gilded over
>with lofty rhetoric.
>
>Edward Herman is co-editor, with Philip Hammond, of Degraded
>Capability: The Media and the Kosovo Crisis (Pluto, 2000);
>David Peterson is a Chicago-based researcher and journalist.
>
---
DISCORSO DI CEDOMIR PRLINCEVIC, LEADER DELLA COMUNITA' EBRAICA
IN KOSMET, SCACCIATO DALL'UCKFOR, AD AMSTERDAM NELL'OTTOBRE SCORSO
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
SOLDIERS FOR THE TRUTH
"DEFENDING AMERICA NEWSLETTER"
14 June 2000 - FLAG DAY
"When we assumed the Soldier, we did not lay aside the Citizen."
General George Washington, New York Legislature, 1775
Soldiers For The Truth Foundation, PO Box 63840, Colorado Springs, CO
80962-3840
HTTP://WWW.SFTT.ORG
*****************************************************************
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Terror in Kosovo"
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Ed.: The truth about Kosovo is still elusive. Was there a War? Did we
really win it? Are we supporting the right people? The following piece
offers a different perspective and questions our current understanding.
Introduced by Ben Works, Balkan scholar and one of our SFTT Trustees,
BenWorks@....
Last October, Colleagues of mine tracked down the head of the small
Jewish
community in Pristina, Kosovo for an interview. Mr Cedemir Prlincevic
confirmed that the Jewish community had been ethnically cleansed by the
KLA
and associated gangsters from Albania who overwhelmed Kosovo as they
flooded
into the province in tandem with NATO's occupation troops.
Today, our troops are surrounded by hostile KLA gunmen determined to
wrest
Kosovo from its native communities, and by sullen Serbs who have about
reached their limit of patience. It is an out-of-control situation.
A longer interview with Mr. Prlincevic is accessible at Mr. Israel's
website
"The Emperors Clothes":
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/ceda.htm,
or www.tenc.net
**********************************************************************
By Cedomir Prlincevic
Archivist & head of the Jewish community of Pristina and Jared Israel 24
October 1999
I appreciate very much the invitations from Global Reflexion to address
the
meeting held last night in Amsterdam, and the invitation from
"Association
Dialogue" to address the Conference tomorrow in Paris...
For months people in the West, and also, through satellite transmission,
those of us in Yugoslavia, have been bombarded with Western media claims
that NATO, that is the US and Germany, want to create, in Kosovo, a
multiethnic, democratic society.
We tend to believe that other people mean what they say. And therefore
I
and others in Pristina, believed that when KFOR, that is NATO, marched
into
Kosovo, they would protect the rights of Serbs and other non-Albanians.
The KFOR troops and the UCK crossed the border into Kosovo together;
they
entered Pristina together. Immediately the UCK and gangster elements
under
their leadership took over government institutions and fanned out, going
after the homes of non-Albanians and pro-Yugoslav Albanians.
I lived in a large complex of nice apartments inhabited by doctors,
lawyers,
university professors, managers of various institutions, the
intellectual
core of Pristina society. Right after KFOR arrived, the gangster
elements
attacked this section, called Milana. They moved up and down through
the
buildings, banging on doors, breaking down doors, throwing tear gas into
people's apartments, forcing them out on pain of death.
The Western media claims that KFOR has been "unable" to control the
action
of "mysterious gangs" who unfortunately have targeted Serbs, nor have
they
the manpower needed to prevent ethnic Albanians from Kosovo from
exacting
revenge. This is simply untrue.
When the Albanians attacked, one of my neighbors (a doctor) called
KFOR. An
English Major arrived with his squad. But the Albanians did not flee.
I
spoke to this Major. I asked him why he didn't do anything. He said
"This
is a job for the Civil Authorities." But you see, by then there were no
civil authorities other than the UCK. He said KFOR was only interested
in
cases of murder.
I showed him documents, confirming that I was the President of the
Jewish
community in Pristina. He replied: "Later." He didn't have time to
examine these papers. While the Major and his squad were there - before
their eyes - the gangsters continued their work. In some cases, when
residents
appealed to these British KFOR troops, the KFOR people took the part of
modern day Solomons. The Albanians explained their plight: "We have no
place to stay tonight." So the KFOR people said, "Why don't you share
this
apartment amongst yourselves!" - in other words, the gangsters were to
move
in with the prey.
KFOR left, the Albanians moved in, and then the Albanians said, "Now
leave
or we will slaughter you."
Under these circumstances, who would stay? We lost everything, years of
our
lives - our lives, and our community, the only place we can ever be at
home - gone. Stolen. About 30,000 people were driven from this huge
complex
in Milana in a matter of days. I have had to flee to tiny quarters in
Belgrade, I and my family, including my 81 year old mother.
The behavior of a large part of the Albanian population was terrible.
They
lied to support the NATO campaign of lies, inventing tales of harassment
and
mass executions. Secretly, and then openly, they supported the UCK.
These
people would never have done such terrible things were it not for years
of
encouragement from two centers - the United States and Germany.
Albanian culture unfortunately includes a strong strain of intolerance;
it
also has a powerful Clan structure which puts Clan leaders in a
dictatorial
position. These two cultural traits have been utilized by NATO to
provide
foot soldiers for modern-day fascism, complete with a liberal rhetorical
cover.
Recently I have tried to communicate to interviewers why the Albanians
left
for Macedonia and Albania during the war. I told them they didn't
understand the significance of certain features of modern Albanian
culture.
It is very closed off, very self-oriented, and very much under the
control
of the leaders of Clans. The word 'clans' is not used here simply to
describe a formal structural feature of Albanian society. Quite the
contrary, clans are the actual, functioning social unit of vast numbers
of
Albanians.
During the bombing, my neighbor, an ethnic Albanian, left. I asked him
why
are you leaving? We're not getting killed in this housing development,
we're all helping each other, and we're all together in the air raid
shelter - why are you leaving? And he just looked at me, and he
said, "I have to. I've been told to leave now. Everyone will be
leaving
now."
And that was that. This man and his wife, who were sophisticated
intellectuals, whose children played with the Serbian children, whom I
had
considered to be friends - they were leaving.
Many opponents of the war thought the UCK was making a big mistake by
terrorizing Albanians. But it wasn't making a mistake. It was making a
point to the clan leaders: we have the backing of NATO and we will kill
Albanians who buck us. Given the existence of anti-Serb racism among
Albanians, this we're-the-winning-team argument brought the leaders into
line.
Huge numbers of Albanians left Kosovo during the bombing. They did not
leave because Serbs were slaughtering them, which was a made-up story.
They
did not leave because they were getting bombed; though they were getting
bombed. They left because they were told to leave by their clan
leaders.
Vast numbers of people from all over the world have protested the
bombing of
Yugoslavia. In doing so they have created a movement out of the
political
shambles of our world.
And yet it is now, after the cessation of bombing, that we have entered
the
worst hell. This terrible fascist-like invasion has created far worse
suffering than the bombing. Some are driven out, some disappear, some
are
murdered and their murders attributed to forces beyond NATO's control.
Some, like the Serbs and Roma of Orahovac, have been imprisoned in a new
Warsaw Ghetto.
I urge those who care about Justice not to remain silent.
---
IL PRESIDENTE DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA ONORA I MARTIRI DELL'UCK
http://www.albaniannews.com
Albanian Daily News
June 14, 2000
President Honours Albanian KLA Volunteers Killed in Kosovo
TIRANA - Albanian President Rexhep Meidani has honoured two Albanians
killed while fighting for the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
against Serbian forces last year, the presidency said on Tuesday.
Meidani, marking the first anniversary of the entry of NATO troops into
Kosovo, acknowledged for the first time the role played by Albanian
volunteers by awarding Indrit Cara and Astrit Suli the Golden Eagle
medal.
Albania has already honoured former NATO commander Wesley Clark with its
highest award for foreigners. The alliance's former Secretary-General,
Javier Solana, will also receive the Skenderbeg Award.
Cara, originally from Kavaja in western Albania, joined Kosovo Albanian
friends who had been living as immigrants in Britain in signing up for
the KLA.
Many Albanian volunteers, most of them former soldiers, joined the ranks
of the KLA, moved by the atrocities Serbian forces had committed and
were committing in Kosovo, some 90 percent of whose population were
ethnic Albanian, or by the prospect of better pay in the irregular army.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
hanno finalmente preso il controllo dell'aereoporto di Pristina.
Viva le truppe italiane!
Viva L'Italia!
Viva l'Albania italiana!
Eia eia alala'!
* ELENCO ATTI TERRORISTICI DAL 24 MAGGIO AL 26 GIUGNO SCORSI
* TRUPPE OCCUPATRICI ARRESTANO SERBO ORGANIZZATORE DELLE PROTESTE
* VERSO LA DISTRUZIONE DEL MONASTERO DI DECANI
* L'ANALISI DELL'ISTITUTO CATO (LINK)
* KOSOVO UN ANNO DOPO TRA MENZOGNE ED OMERTA'
* FLASHBACK: GLI EBREI KOSOVARI SCACCIATI DALL'UCKFOR
* IL PRESIDENTE DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA ONORA I MARTIRI DELL'UCK
---
CRIMINI COMMESSI DAL FANATISMO NAZIONALISTA PANALBANESE
IN KOSMET TRA IL 24 MAGGIO ED IL 26 GIUGNO 2000.
***DA NON RIPORTARE SUI GIORNALI***
(From: John Jay Sent: Wednesday, July 05, 2000 2:49 AM
Subject: Re: [STOPNATO] [serbrights] [Fwd: sign and email/KOSOVO] STOP
NATO:
¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM )
_________
So far, we've only sent this out to the IHT. Of course, there are many
other
newspapers/TV channels, etc., ...
_________
Sir: - We challenge the International Herald Tribune to publish the
disgraceful diary of evil racial persecution set out below.
We dare the IHT to show its readers, all over the world, what
kind
of a job of "Humanitarian Protection" KFOR troops and UNMIK's so-called
"Peacekeepers" are doing to "keep the peace" in Kosovo today ?... This
is
real news... Why not publish it ?... Let's see how fair and open-minded
a
'great' "Democratic" newspaper can honestly be !
The Western media shows remarkably little interest in the
suffering
of Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo. Sure, we're told of an
occasional incident, here and there, but even then obscured in very
small
print, usually on the inside pages - where are the headlines !
Is
this what is really meant by "Free" Press - the "freedom" merely to pick
and
choose what you tell your readers, strictly according to how its telling
may
or may not suit the agendas of the incumbent political administrators in
Washington ? Do you believe that votes supposedly reflecting American
public
'opinion' formed in this way, on the basis of selective misinformation,
is
anything like an exercise in true 'democracy' ?
Your readers wouldn't ! - If they only knew that's how it
really is
- ! Happy 4th of July !...
All details and statistics below- (strictly according to
routine
nformation known to and monitored by members of the International Red
Cross)
- are matters of official UNMIK record.
All were in Kosovo, an autonomous province of the sovereign
Yugoslav constituent Republic of Serbia - currently occupied and
supposedly
"protected", under UN mandate, by KFOR troops.
This is just a one month catalogue of the racial crime and
brutal
persecution carried out against Serbs and other non-Albanians between 24
May
and 26 June of this year only !
__________________________________________
TERRORIST ACTS COMMITTED BY ALBANIANS,
FORMERLY OF THE (KLA) THE KOSOVO LIBERATION ARMY,
BETWEEN 24 MAY - 26 JUNE 2000.
1. Murder of Vladimir Ilic, a Kosovo Serb, 50, on his doorstep at Vitina
on
24 May;
2. Attack on Kosovo Serbs in the village of Dobrotin, Municipality of
Lipljan, on 26 May, on which occasion 4 Serbian civilians were gravely
wounded;
3. Throwing of a hand grenade on a Serbian cafe at Bresje on 26 May, on
which occasion 5 Serbians were gravely wounded;
4. Setting a fire in the Trepca complex in southern Kosovska Mitrovica
on 6
May which caused enormous material damage;
5. Attack on a group of Serbs in front of a store in the village of
Cernica, on 28 May, in the Municipality of Gnjilane, on which occasion
Tihomir Trifunovic, Vojin Vasic and a 5-year old, Milos Petrovic, were
killed and two other Serbian civilians were gravely wounded;
6. Armed attacks on a local police patrol in the village of Konculj on
23
and 24 May and a mortar attack on the members of local Kosovo Serbian
police, on 30 May, in the village of Lucane ;
7. Attack on Serbian civilians in the village of Klokot, Municipality
of
Vitina, on 31 May, in which Lepterka Marinkovic, 67, was killed and
another
3 Serbs were gravely wounded;
8. Murder of Milutin Trajkovic, 33, a Serbian, in the village of Babin
Most,
on 31 May, in the Municipality of Obilic;
9. Murder of Iso Heta, 71, an elderly retired member of the Ministry of
the
Interior, on 31 May;
10. Throwing of a hand grenade on the house of Kosovo Serb, Djordje
Velickovic, on 1 June, at Obilic, on which occasion Misko Todorovic was
also gravely wounded;
11. Killing of two Serbs, Sinisa Dimic and Vlastimir Milic, and
wounding of
3 others on 2 June, two of them underage children, in an automobile
which
ran over an anti-tank mine planted by Albanian terrorists the night
before
on the road between the Serbian villages of Ugljari and Preoce near
Pristina;
12. Burning down of a number of Serbian houses in both Prizren and
Decani on
3 June;
13. Continued arbitrary arrests of Kosovo Serbian civilians by KFOR and
UNMIK, on 7 June, of which one of the most drastic examples was the
arrest
of Nebojsa Stojanovic, 30, at Gracanica, who was apprehended while in an
intensive care unit following a serious injury sustained after KFOR
opened
automatic fire on Serbs protesting about the terror of the so-called
Kosovo
Liberation Army, (of which this catalogue is one brief example);
14. Brutal attack and wounding of Jovan Cerovic, 55, a Serb, on 8 June,
by
10 terrorists with clubs in the district of Obilic;
15. Burning of a number of Serbian houses at Obilic on 9 June;
16. Anduction of Safet Pucurica, 37, a worker from Kosovska Mitrovica on
10
June, on the road Vucitrn-Kosovska Mitrovica;
17. Armed attack on an automobile driven by 4 Goranci (non-Albanian
Muslim)
on 9 June, near Orcus, Municipality of Gora, on which occasion one of
these
civilians was severely wounded;
18. Burning of Serbian houses at Obilic and the dynamiting of Roma
(Gypsy)
houses on 10 June, in the village of Novo Rujce, Municipality of
Lipljan;
19. Setting a fire in the Kosovo Serbian restaurant "Lotos" on 10 June;
20. Mortar attack on Serbian houses at Orahovac on 12 and 13 June;
21. Mortar attack on Serbian houses at Obilic on 14 June;
22. Abduction, rape and mutilation of a 14-year old Serbian girl in
Pristina
on 14 June;
23. Killing of Zlatibor Denic and Borko Filipovic and the wounding of
Dejan
Filipovic on 15 June, the latter losing both his arms and legs, in an
automobile which ran over an anti-tank mine planted by the terrorists of
the
Kosovo Liberation Army on the road between the villages of Preoce and
Lepina;
24. Attack on humanitarian convoys heading for Serbian Strpce on both 30
May
and on 16 June, in the villages of Radivojce and Pozarane;
25. Mortar attack on the Decani monastery near Pec, on the night of 21
and
22 June. Decani monastery was built in 1335. It is one of the treasures
of
Serbian cultural heritage, housing frescoes of great value and a large
number of priceless ancient manuscripts and icons;
26. Throwing of a hand grenade on the house of a Serb, Toma Ivkovic, in
Gnjilane on 21 June, on which occasion Mr. Ivkovic's mother was wounded;
27. Brutal abduction of 2 Serbs, Vlada, 80, and Persa Miletic, 50, on 21
June, in the village of Mali Trnovac, in the Municipality of Bujanovac.
Their fate is still unknown;
28. Abduction of Serb, Bozidar Markovic, 60, on 23 June, in the village
of
Susice, Municipality of Strpci ;
29. Abduction of 14-year Serbian boy Jovica Milic, while tending his
herd on
24 June, in the village of Susice, Municipality of Stprce. He managed to
escape, sustaining serious injuries and psychological stress;
30. Mortar attack on eleven Serbian houses in the village of Velika
Hoca, on
24 June in the Municipality of Orahovac ;
31. Abduction of Kosovo Serbian, Tomislav Markovic, on the
Podujevo-Pristina
road on 24 June;
32. Murder of Kica Milanovic, 50, a Kosovo Serbian, on his doorstep at
Kosovo Polje on 25 June;
33. Attempt to abduct Milorad Soric, a Kosovo Serb civilian, in front of
his
house on 26 June, in Orahovac, on which occasion he escaped but was
seriously injured."
The UN calls this - "Humanitarian Protection" ?.... What would
your
readers call it ???...They were shown more of a single child's boot
(blue -
remember it ?) than they will ever see of the continuing inhuman misery
inflicted, every day, on Serbian men, women and children in Kosovo.
John Jay
London
ppdscat@...
"Human rights are for ALL humans, including Serbs!"
---
ARRESTATO DALLE TRUPPE DI OCCUPAZIONE STATUNITENSI SERBO
ORGANIZZATORE DELLE PROTESTE CONTRO IL REGIME RAZZISTA DELLA KFOR
> > Danas, Belgrade, Yugoslavia
> > July 6, 2000
> >
> > Radojko Kecic arrested
> >
> > Strpce (Beta) - American KFOR soldiers arrested
> > photographer Radojko Kecic
> > of Strpce yesterday for organizing the demonstration
> > of the Serbs in this
> > town in the south of Kosovo. Kecic, the owner of a
> > photo shop, was taken to
> > the American military base Bondsteel near Urosevac.
> >
> > Approximately ten Polish and American special forces
> > soldiers arrested
> > Kecic while he was purchasing food at a nearby kiosk.
> > According to Serb
> > sources in Strpce, American KFOR soldiers have created
> > a list of 46 persons
> > of Serb nationality who participated in the
> > demonstrations and road blocks
> > in Strpce. Kecic, the same sources state, is the first
> > from that list to be
> > arrested.
> >
> > Translated by S. Lazovic (July 6, 2000)
---
VERSO LA DISTRUZIONE DEL MONASTERO MEDIOEVALE DI DECANI.
SILENZIO ASSOLUTO DEGLI "INTELLETTUALI" SERVILI D'EUROPA
SUL VANDALISMO CONTINUATO A SFONDO RAZZISTA AI DANNI DEI
MONUMENTI DELLA CULTURA ORTODOSSA IN KOSOVO-METOHIJA
> From: Kiehl <emilia@...>
> To: Undisclosed.Recipients@...
> Subject: Fw: DECANI IN PERIL - need assistance
> Date: Jueves 22 de Junio de 2000 12:00 PM
>
>
>
> Date: 22 June 2000 09:30
> Subject: Fw: DECANI IN PERIL - need assistance
>
>
> >Dear all, please see if you can help and/or forward to anyone who you
may
> >think can do something about this. Love Branka
> >-----Original Message-----
> >From: Bob Petrovich <bojanp@...>
> >To: Branka Perry <branka.jp@...>
> >Date: 22 June 2000 04:01
> >Subject: DECANI IN PERIL - need assistance
> >
> >
> >>
> >>Branka, I need help, someone who can write
> >>letter in precise legalese on subject explained below.
> >>
> >>I plan to press Finnish government for
> >>their role in destruction of Christian
> >> shrines in Kosovo !
> >>
> >>There is no time, we have to start Friday, to time delivery for
> >>Monday morning.
> >>
> >>20 people from 10 or so OSCE countries will do the trick.
> >>
> >>For success, we need several waves of 20 people spread in several days.
> >>
> >>I have already collected emails and phone numbers of
> >>people in Finnish Foreign ministry, Public prosecutor for international
> >>affairs and others in Ministry
> >>of justice and Government ombudsman. I will distibute that list to
anyone
> >>who
> >>agree to actively participate ( send e-mail and
> >>later follow up over the phone)
> >>
> >>
> >>Under Finnish law, anyone REGARDLESS OF NATIONALITY can file
> >>complaint for criminal conduct of Finnish public servant. They forgot
to
> >>change rules with advent of the Net.
> >>
> >>Please let me know what you think about it, can you help and if your
group
> >>want to participate.
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>Best,
> >>
> >>B.
> >>-------------------------------------------
> >>
> >>Dear xxxx
> >>
> >>Maybe you have already seen the urgent appeal of
> >>Fr. Sava regarding Decani Monastery.
> >>
> >>It is not only theft of private property and flagrant
> >>breach of the law, it is much worse.
> >>Monastery sits at the bottom of the mountain and water
> >>tower 150ft above it presents a real threat. Sabotage
> >>may cause water blast able of destroying monastery and
> >>killing everyone inside.
> >>
> >>The monks from the brotherhood are the last remaining
> >>Serbs in Decani area. All others minority Serbs are
> >>ethnically cleansed with silent approval of UNMIK and
> >>KFOR.
> >>
> >>Theft of Monastery land and plan to put Monastery in
> >>peril can not be seen but attempt to eradicate Serbs
> >>from the area.
> >>
> >>In Decani, local UNMIK administrator is Finnish.
> >>
> >>In another case, Finnish commander of KFOR approves of
> >>
> >>destruction of religious shrines.
> >>
> >>I want to stage blitz on Finnish institutions and ask
> >>the questions of Finnish Government involvement.
> >>Also, plan to ask for help Finnish Orthodox Church.
> >>
> >>Please could you help me and elaborate breaches of the
> >>law in both cases. I am lay person and can not do it.
> >>
> >>I will do the rest. Finland is "the most wired country
> >>in the world" and I intend to use it to the fullest
> >>extent.
> >>
> >>Every member of government and judicary
> >>is reachable by e-mail.
> >>
> >>If you agree with strategy, I will send you the list
> >>of all relevant e-mail addresses of all relevant
> >>institutions in Finland so you could start next wave
> >>
> >>Very truly yours,
> >>
> >>Bob Petrovich
> >>Willowdale, Canada
> >>mailto:bojanp@...
> >>
> >>-----------------------------------------------------
> >>
> >>Name: Ms.Helina Kokarinnen, Finland,
> >>Function: municipal administrator for Decani, Kosovo,
> >>Yugoslavia
> >>
> >>Illegal acts commited:
> >>
> >>1. Violation of private property. Ms.Kokarinnen issued
> >>licence for ground preparation works for building
> >>of water tower on private property without approval of
> >>the land owner (Serbian Orthodox Church). Work has
> >>commneced, tresspassers cut the ancient wood and stole
> >>lumber.
> >>
> >>2. endangering cultural monument - medieval monastery.
> >>Planned Water tower 50 meters above Monastery
> >>represent threat to Monastery . Sabotage or structural
> >>failure will cause water tidal wave able to destroy
> >>monastery.
> >>
> >>3. putting human lives in peril.monastery is
> >>permanently inhabited by monk brotherhood.
> >>
> >>4. failure to prevent criminal act -theft of private
> >>property ( lumber)
> >>
> >>Evidence:
> >>
> >>Fr. Sava possess copies of UNMIK documents.
> >>
> >>Text of documents can be seen at:
> >>http://www.egroups.com/message/yugoslaviainfo/2064?&start=2038
> >>
> >>Fr. Sava can be reached at:
> >>
> >>Fr. Sava
> >>Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Kosovo and Metohija
> >>Gracanica Monastery, Pristina,Kosovo and Metohija
> >>http://www.decani.yunet.com
> >>http://www.kosovo.com
> >>Sat phone:: +870-762-146-565
> >>Mobile phone: +381-63-371-909
> >>Fax (voice mail) +44-207-681-2601
> >>------------------------------------------------------
> >>pattern:
> >>-------------------------------------------------------
> >>Name: Colonel Arto Raty, Finland
> >>Function: head of KFOR operations in Slovinje,
> >>Kosovo, Yugoslavia
> >>
> >>Illegal act:
> >>public incitement of ethnic cleansing
> >>public incitement of dectruction of religious shrine
> >>activity contrary to given duty (enforcing UNSC 1244)
> >>
> >>Evidence:
> >>
> >>"If a church has value as a historical place then
> >>clearly it should be guarded,but if it has no
> >>historical value and there is no chance of the
> >>Serbs returning anytime soon to the area, then
> >>it should be gently dismantled,"
> >>
> >>Finnish Colonel Arto Raty
> >>head of KFOR operations in Slovinje
> >>Source: REUTERS
> >>http://abcnews.go.com/wire/World/reuters20000613_699.html
> >>
> >>For importance of Churches for communities see the
> >>letter of World Council of Churches:
> >>
>
>>http://platon.ee.duth.gr/data/maillist-archives/orthodoxia/1999_12/msg0007
> 2
> >.
> >>html
> >>
> >>Church in Slovinje, where Col. Raty is head of KFOR
> >>was destroyed by Albanian externists.
> >>
> >>http://www.kosovo.com/crucified/default.htm#_catalog
> From: "Nancy A. Hey" <cattynancy@...> (by way of Herman de
> Tollenaere <hermantl@...>)
> To: office@...
> Subject: Decani old growth forest threatened in Kosovo [fwd]
> Date: Thu, 22 Jun 2000 18:27:32 +0200
>
> [small spelling corrections made]
>
> Subject: Decani Monastery Wood being Destroyed with UNMIK written
permission
>
> URGENT.....URGENT.....URGENT
>
> ALBANIANS DESTROYING THE MOST BEAUTIFUL MONASTERY FOREST WITH UNMIK
WRITTEN
> PERMISSION
>
> I am taking this opportunity to inform you about very deplorable events
> which happened around Decani monastery in the last few days. According to
> the written permission of the municipal administrator for Decani, Ms.
> Helina Kokarinnen, local Albanian contractors were allowed to start
> cutting the monastery century old pine wood just 50 m above monastery of
> Decani. The cutting of wood was in fact a preparation for the building of
a
> water tower which is a part of a larger project of enlargement of the
water
> system for Decani. This project is undertaken by the Italian Company
COOPI.
> According to the information received
> yesterday from COOPI the plan was made in September 1999 and was approved
> by local UNMIK office.
>
> Neither the UNMIK administrator nor KFOR authorities or COOPI ever
> contacted the Monastery authorities about this undertaking, although the
> cutting of the wood and the clearing of the ground for a water tower is
> done on the property of Decani Monastery. The monks have reacted the very
> first day and requested from KFOR to stop the destruction of the monastery
> forest but KFOR answered with almost two days of delay granting the
> security to the monks to go to the location just 50 meters from the
> monastery. The monks had not dared go alone because of constant danger
from
> Kosovo Albanians who had even launched a mortar attacks three months ago
> against the monastery and make great pressures against the brotherhood.
>
> The consequences of this illegal operation are deplorable. More than 40
> cubic meters of pine wood have been cut and stolen by ethnic Albanians in
> their trucks ( 8 big trees). At least 20 more trees have been burned
> because the contractors wanted to be sure that the terrain is not mined
and
> conducted a mine-clearing operation destroying many other trees in the
> area. It is very important to know that this wood had been planted three
> centuries ago by Decani monks and majority of the cut pines, which were a
> landmark of Decani Monastery, are more than 150 years old. Therefore this
> is not only an issue of violation of the private property by UN
authorities
> and KFOR but also an environmental violation of one of the most beautiful
> and oldest pine forest in Kosovo.
>
> Decani Monastery and the Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Kosovo and Metohija
> have condemned this illegal act in strongest terms. The Church will ask
> from the Special Representative of the Secretary General Dr. Bernard
> Kouchner to launch a full investigation on this issue and the
> recompensation for the done damage.
>
> Attachment:
> Copy of the letter by which the UN administrator Ms HELINA KOKARINNEN
> granted a written permission to Kosovo Albanian contractor to cut
> unspecified number of trees in the monastery forest. Ms. Kokarinnen in
> her conversation with the monks behaved as if she did not know exactly
> what it was all about. This morning she left to Finland without any
> explanation to the monastery which requested an urgent meeting for today.
>
> >------------------------------------
> To KFOR - Decan/Decani
>
> June 14, 2000
>
> I have discussed with Nue Mulaj who is working for the organization
> COOPI (ID card no 26) as an excavator driver. Nue Mulaj is ready to cut
the
> trees needed for water supply working. According to Mr. Mulaj he has
agreed
> about cutting and carrying the trees with COOPI, wood company Djeravica
and
> KFOR representative. Mr. Mulaj can take and carry the trees for free from
> the forest.
>
> Helina Kokarinen
> Municipal administrator Municipality of Decan/Decani
>
> >--------------------------------------------
> With this letter which was shown by KFOR to the Monastery Authorities
> (we have a copy) it is evident that UNMIK administrator knew all from
> the beginning and in fact issued a blank permission to Kosovo Albanians to
> cut as many trees as they like. From COOPI authorities the Monastery
> learned that the location for this water tower was chosen by Albanians and
> that from the technical point of view the tower may have been constructed
> on another location. The monastery authorities think that the local
> Albanians deliberately chose this location in order to make a pressure on
> the monastery, violate its property and steal the valuable pine trees
free.
> It is sad that UNMIK and KFOR played such a deplorable role in all this.
>
> Fr. Sava
>
>
> >--
> Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Kosovo and Metohija
> Gracanica Monastery, Pristina,
> Kosovo and Metohija
>
> http://www.decani.yunet.com
> http://www.kosovo.com
>
> decani@...
> Sat phone:: +870-762-146-565
> Mobile phone: +381-63-371-909
> Fax (voice mail) +44-207-681-2601
>
>
>
---
L'ANALISI DELLA SITUAZIONE SECONDO L'ISTITUTO CATO
Cato Policy Analysis No. 373
June 10, 2000
Dubious Anniversary: Kosovo One Year Later
by Christopher Layne and Benjamin Schwarz
Christopher Layne is a visiting fellow in foreign policy studies at the
Cato Institute. Benjamin
Schwarz is a correspondent for the Atlantic Monthly
Executive Summary
One year after NATO ended its bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, the
Clinton
administration’s Kosovo policy is a conspicuous failure. Kosovo is now
the scene of a brutal ethnic
cleansing campaign carried out by NATO’s erstwhile de facto ally, the
Kosovo Liberation Army,
an organization profoundly inimical to America’s interests and professed
values. The KLA is also
currently fomenting an insurgency elsewhere in Serbia, which promises to
destabilize the Balkans
even further.
The Clinton administration has embarked on yet another
multi-billion-dollar nation-building
adventure, which many analysts suggest will entangle the U.S. military
for a decade or longer.
This situation could have been avoided. Because of its inept diplomacy
and strategic
miscalculation, the administration bears a large measure of
responsibility for both Kosovo’s
humanitarian crisis a year ago and the KLA’s postwar thuggery. It is now
clear that the
administration’s claims of "horrific slaughter" and attempts at
"genocide" by the Serbs were gross
exaggerations designed to whip up
support for intervention from a skeptical Congress and public.
Confronting Kosovo’s depressing prospects, the administration consoles
itself that, as President
Clinton says, it "did the right thing in the right way" when it
intervened. Even granting that
doubtful premise, this is not enough to exonerate policymakers from
their responsibility for the
situation the United States confronts today. In the real world,
policymakers are judged by the
consequences of their actions, not by their intentions. The Kosovo war
has not vindicated the
administration’s doctrine of "virtuous power." By waging an avoidable
war, the Clinton
administration has saddled
the United States with a host of intractable problems.
Full Text of Policy Analysis No. 373 (PDF, 19 pgs, 79 Kb)
---
KOSOVO UN ANNO DOPO: MENZOGNE ED OMERTA'
>Original message:
>From: "robert rodvik" <robrod@...>
>To: <Undisclosed Recipients>
>Subject: Fw: KOSOVO ONE YEAR ON - LIES AND DECEIT
>Date: Fri, 23 Jun 2000 13:13:43 -0700
>
>
>
>
>Date: Friday, June 23, 2000 1:07 PM
>Subject: KOSOVO ONE YEAR ON - LIES AND DECEIT
>
>
> In keeping with its propaganda role, CBC-TV continues the distortions
>and spin that characterized its coverage during NATO's bombing spree. The
>Ministry of Truth indicates that tonight, Friday June 23, 2000 that it is
>going to once again reprise the situation in Kosovo and surrounding
>environs. You can tune in to The National at 10p.m. and get all the latest
>spin on the National Magazine, which will most likely reiterate that the
>crimes of the Serbs were so evil that NATO had no other choice.
> The sad part of all this is that the Canadian taxpayer funds this
>propaganda operation.
>NIL ILLIGITIMUS CARBORUNDUM
>RR
>____________________________________________________________
>
>
>
>
>
>KOSOVO ONE YEAR LATER: FROM SERB REPRESSION TO
>NATO-SPONSORED ETHNIC CLEANSING
>Edward S. Herman and David Peterson
>
>Now a little more than one year after the ending of Nato's
>78- day bombing of Yugoslavia and the beginning of Nato
>control of Kosovo (June 10-12, 1999), the mainstream media
>have been exceedingly reticent in offering the public
>serious retrospectives on the war and its aftermath. One
>reason for this may be that Nato's bombing campaign and
>year-long occupation not only failed to realize most of
>Nato's proclaimed objectives, but the intervention also
>produced a far higher level of ethnic violence than had
>existed previously--first against ethnic Albanians, then
>later against all ethnic minorities. As the Norwegian
>foreign affairs analyst Jan Oberg notes, "the largest ethnic
>cleansing in the Balkans [in percentage that fled] has
>happened under the very eyes of 45,000 Nato troops" in
>occupied Kosovo.
>
>True, Nato did eventually succeed in getting Belgrade to
>withdraw the Serb army from Kosovo. But in the process,
>Nato's bombing campaign triggered a Serb military response
>against ethnic Albanians that Nato officials themselves had
>predicted would occur; a response that was based not on the
>unprovoked nastiness of Serbs but rather on rational
>military calculations. Expulsions were greatest where
>fighting was heaviest, mainly in territories controlled by
>the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Indeed, in the words of
>the OSCE, much of the refugee flow was designed "to keep
>main communications routes open to supply Serb forces with
>material, fuel, and food." Moreover, although Nato had
>denied any collaboration with rebel forces during the
>bombing, top Nato officials now admit that KLA guerrillas
>were "constantly on the phone to Nato," and that Nato had
>"instigated" a major KLA offensive (Paul Richter, LA Times,
>June 10, 2000). President Clinton may have announced that
>the main purpose of bombing was "to deter an even bloodier
>offensive against innocent civilians in Kosovo" (March 24,
>1999), but as the bombing increased it exponentially (as
>well as adding Nato's contribution to Albanian pain), that
>aim was clearly not met.
>
>With the increase in violence following the bombing, Nato
>officials quickly announced that the Serb attacks and
>expulsions would have taken place anyway, under a
>pre-arranged plan the Serbs allegedly called "Operation
>Horseshoe." But no mention had ever been made of such a plan
>prior to the bombing, and a pre-war German Foreign Office
>report had even denied that Serb actions in Kosovo
>constituted "ethnic cleansing;" instead, the report found
>that the Serb military campaign was designed to quell an
>insurgency. UN Special Envoy Jiri Dienstbier says the same:
>"Before the bombing Albanians were not driven away on the
>basis of ethnic principle. [They were] victims of the brutal
>war between the Yugoslav army and the Kosovo Liberation
>Army" (CTK National News Wire, April 20, 2000). The fact
>that Belgrade was willing to allow 2,000 OSCE observers into
>Kosovo (although the OSCE contingent never exceeded 1,400),
>and that it objected strongly to their removal before Nato
>launched its bombing, is also inconsistent with a planned
>"Operation Horseshoe." As the retired German Brigadier
>General, and now a consultant with the OSCE, D. Heinz Loquai
>argues in his recent book, Der Kosovo-Konflikt Wege in einen
>Vermeidbaren Krieg ("The Kosovo Conflict: The Road to an
>Avoidable War"), the German Foreign Ministry's revelation
>two weeks into the war that it possessed intelligence
>confirming the existence of "Operation Horseshoe" was an
>outright fabrication culled from Bulgarian intelligence
>reports and the imagination of Nato military propagandists.
>None of this, however, has prevented apologists for Nato's
>war from repeating the lie that Operation Allied Force was
>justified by the imminent implementation of this mythical
>plan to "ethnically cleanse" Kosovo of its Albanian
>population. (On June 11, 2000, the ineffable George
>Robertson asked Jonathan Dimbleby on Britain's ITV to
>"imagine if almost 2 million refugees had been expelled...if
>Milosevic had succeeded with that ethnic cleansing.")
>
>In the face of the Nato-induced surge in violence in March
>and April 1999, Nato officials changed course and proclaimed
>that their new main objective was returning the Kosovo
>Albanians to their homes quickly and safely; and with the
>help of the media Nato successfully portrayed the bombing as
>a response to the mass exodus rather than its cause. But
>even this new objective was met only in part--the Albanians
>who had fled Kosovo did return quickly, but their safety and
>welfare were compromised by several factors. One was that
>Nato bombs had killed and seriously injured many hundreds of
>fleeing Albanians. Nato also used both deadly cluster bombs
>and depleted uranium munitions in Kosovo, a choice of
>weapons not conducive to the long-run safety of the
>returnees. To date, an estimated 100 people have been killed
>and many hundreds injured by exploding fragmentation bombs.
>The toll from depleted uranium-- radiation-induced
>illness--will come later, as it has in Iraq.
>
>Nato's bombing also contributed heavily to infrastructure
>damage, and reconstruction has been slow. Nato's generosity
>was largely exhausted in providing resources to destroy and
>kill--the estimated cost of the military operations against
>Yugoslavia has run in excess of $10 billion, whereas the
>resources spent for humanitarian aid and reconstruction in
>Kosovo have been well under $1 billion. Thus, hundreds of
>thousands remain homeless, jobless, and lacking in basic
>facilities.
>
>Nato's occupation also failed to bring law and order to
>Kosovo. This was partly a consequence of the destruction,
>poverty, and exacerbated hatred produced by the war. But it
>was also a result of the fact that, in direct violation of
>UN Resolution 1244 which called for the "demilitarization"
>of the KLA, under Nato authority the KLA has been
>incorporated into a "Kosovo Protection Corps," thereby
>legalizing and legitimating what until then had been an
>armed rebel force. This, plus the Nato bias in favor of the
>KLA and against the Serbs, has helped institutionalize a
>system of violence and pervasive fear, mainly damaging to
>the minority Serbs, Roma and Turks, but also adversely
>affecting most Kosovo Albanians. On top of this, organized
>crime has soared throughout the region. The British-based
>Jane's Intelligence Review reports that "large numbers of
>international criminals are now seeking refuge in Kosovo"
>(Paul Harris, June 1, 2000). According to a study by the
>International Crisis Group, the areas of southwest Serbia
>(both Kosovo and parts of Serbia proper) where the KLA's
>influence remains greatest have become the preferred "Balkan
>route" for the "heroin trail" between Turkey and Western
>Europe ("What Happened to the KLA," March 3, 2000).
>
>It must be admitted, however, that Nato did succeed in
>"teaching the Serbs a lesson." But what exactly was that
>lesson? Certainly not that ethnic cleansing is unacceptable
>to the Western conscience. Although Nato allegedly waged war
>to terminate ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, and although an
>agreement of June 9, 1999, stipulated that Nato would
>"establish and maintain a secure environment for all
>citizens of Kosovo," under Nato's occupation somewhere
>between 60 and 90 percent of Serbs and Roma have left
>Kosovo, mainly because of KLA harassment, home burnings, and
>killing, and a large fraction of Kosovo's Jews and Turks
>have also fled. Thus the biggest story of Nato's 12-month
>occupation is that under Nato's watch, Kosovo's ethnic
>minorities have been subjected to a truly massive
>multi-ethnic cleansing. For the media, however, Nato is
>trying to do its best under difficult circumstances, and
>Milosevic remains the only villain in sight. And they fail
>to see that the only lesson taught the Serbs by Nato has
>been "Don't mess with us"--a lesson devoid of moral content.
>
>Now one year later, Nato's policies have not brought peace
>and stability to Kosovo and the Balkans. Kosovo is still
>legally a part of Yugoslavia, but while a Nato protectorate
>it has been turned over to the Albanians and KLA. This has
>allowed them to do a fine job of ethnic cleansing, but has
>made Kosovo a cauldron of hatred and violence and a likely
>base for further instability and warfare. Unwilling to
>provide large resources for rebuilding, Nato has no
>solutions and no evident "exit strategy." This was not
>"humanitarian intervention," it has been an irresponsible
>misuse of power that made a bad situation worse, gilded over
>with lofty rhetoric.
>
>Edward Herman is co-editor, with Philip Hammond, of Degraded
>Capability: The Media and the Kosovo Crisis (Pluto, 2000);
>David Peterson is a Chicago-based researcher and journalist.
>
---
DISCORSO DI CEDOMIR PRLINCEVIC, LEADER DELLA COMUNITA' EBRAICA
IN KOSMET, SCACCIATO DALL'UCKFOR, AD AMSTERDAM NELL'OTTOBRE SCORSO
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
SOLDIERS FOR THE TRUTH
"DEFENDING AMERICA NEWSLETTER"
14 June 2000 - FLAG DAY
"When we assumed the Soldier, we did not lay aside the Citizen."
General George Washington, New York Legislature, 1775
Soldiers For The Truth Foundation, PO Box 63840, Colorado Springs, CO
80962-3840
HTTP://WWW.SFTT.ORG
*****************************************************************
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Terror in Kosovo"
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Ed.: The truth about Kosovo is still elusive. Was there a War? Did we
really win it? Are we supporting the right people? The following piece
offers a different perspective and questions our current understanding.
Introduced by Ben Works, Balkan scholar and one of our SFTT Trustees,
BenWorks@....
Last October, Colleagues of mine tracked down the head of the small
Jewish
community in Pristina, Kosovo for an interview. Mr Cedemir Prlincevic
confirmed that the Jewish community had been ethnically cleansed by the
KLA
and associated gangsters from Albania who overwhelmed Kosovo as they
flooded
into the province in tandem with NATO's occupation troops.
Today, our troops are surrounded by hostile KLA gunmen determined to
wrest
Kosovo from its native communities, and by sullen Serbs who have about
reached their limit of patience. It is an out-of-control situation.
A longer interview with Mr. Prlincevic is accessible at Mr. Israel's
website
"The Emperors Clothes":
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/ceda.htm,
or www.tenc.net
**********************************************************************
By Cedomir Prlincevic
Archivist & head of the Jewish community of Pristina and Jared Israel 24
October 1999
I appreciate very much the invitations from Global Reflexion to address
the
meeting held last night in Amsterdam, and the invitation from
"Association
Dialogue" to address the Conference tomorrow in Paris...
For months people in the West, and also, through satellite transmission,
those of us in Yugoslavia, have been bombarded with Western media claims
that NATO, that is the US and Germany, want to create, in Kosovo, a
multiethnic, democratic society.
We tend to believe that other people mean what they say. And therefore
I
and others in Pristina, believed that when KFOR, that is NATO, marched
into
Kosovo, they would protect the rights of Serbs and other non-Albanians.
The KFOR troops and the UCK crossed the border into Kosovo together;
they
entered Pristina together. Immediately the UCK and gangster elements
under
their leadership took over government institutions and fanned out, going
after the homes of non-Albanians and pro-Yugoslav Albanians.
I lived in a large complex of nice apartments inhabited by doctors,
lawyers,
university professors, managers of various institutions, the
intellectual
core of Pristina society. Right after KFOR arrived, the gangster
elements
attacked this section, called Milana. They moved up and down through
the
buildings, banging on doors, breaking down doors, throwing tear gas into
people's apartments, forcing them out on pain of death.
The Western media claims that KFOR has been "unable" to control the
action
of "mysterious gangs" who unfortunately have targeted Serbs, nor have
they
the manpower needed to prevent ethnic Albanians from Kosovo from
exacting
revenge. This is simply untrue.
When the Albanians attacked, one of my neighbors (a doctor) called
KFOR. An
English Major arrived with his squad. But the Albanians did not flee.
I
spoke to this Major. I asked him why he didn't do anything. He said
"This
is a job for the Civil Authorities." But you see, by then there were no
civil authorities other than the UCK. He said KFOR was only interested
in
cases of murder.
I showed him documents, confirming that I was the President of the
Jewish
community in Pristina. He replied: "Later." He didn't have time to
examine these papers. While the Major and his squad were there - before
their eyes - the gangsters continued their work. In some cases, when
residents
appealed to these British KFOR troops, the KFOR people took the part of
modern day Solomons. The Albanians explained their plight: "We have no
place to stay tonight." So the KFOR people said, "Why don't you share
this
apartment amongst yourselves!" - in other words, the gangsters were to
move
in with the prey.
KFOR left, the Albanians moved in, and then the Albanians said, "Now
leave
or we will slaughter you."
Under these circumstances, who would stay? We lost everything, years of
our
lives - our lives, and our community, the only place we can ever be at
home - gone. Stolen. About 30,000 people were driven from this huge
complex
in Milana in a matter of days. I have had to flee to tiny quarters in
Belgrade, I and my family, including my 81 year old mother.
The behavior of a large part of the Albanian population was terrible.
They
lied to support the NATO campaign of lies, inventing tales of harassment
and
mass executions. Secretly, and then openly, they supported the UCK.
These
people would never have done such terrible things were it not for years
of
encouragement from two centers - the United States and Germany.
Albanian culture unfortunately includes a strong strain of intolerance;
it
also has a powerful Clan structure which puts Clan leaders in a
dictatorial
position. These two cultural traits have been utilized by NATO to
provide
foot soldiers for modern-day fascism, complete with a liberal rhetorical
cover.
Recently I have tried to communicate to interviewers why the Albanians
left
for Macedonia and Albania during the war. I told them they didn't
understand the significance of certain features of modern Albanian
culture.
It is very closed off, very self-oriented, and very much under the
control
of the leaders of Clans. The word 'clans' is not used here simply to
describe a formal structural feature of Albanian society. Quite the
contrary, clans are the actual, functioning social unit of vast numbers
of
Albanians.
During the bombing, my neighbor, an ethnic Albanian, left. I asked him
why
are you leaving? We're not getting killed in this housing development,
we're all helping each other, and we're all together in the air raid
shelter - why are you leaving? And he just looked at me, and he
said, "I have to. I've been told to leave now. Everyone will be
leaving
now."
And that was that. This man and his wife, who were sophisticated
intellectuals, whose children played with the Serbian children, whom I
had
considered to be friends - they were leaving.
Many opponents of the war thought the UCK was making a big mistake by
terrorizing Albanians. But it wasn't making a mistake. It was making a
point to the clan leaders: we have the backing of NATO and we will kill
Albanians who buck us. Given the existence of anti-Serb racism among
Albanians, this we're-the-winning-team argument brought the leaders into
line.
Huge numbers of Albanians left Kosovo during the bombing. They did not
leave because Serbs were slaughtering them, which was a made-up story.
They
did not leave because they were getting bombed; though they were getting
bombed. They left because they were told to leave by their clan
leaders.
Vast numbers of people from all over the world have protested the
bombing of
Yugoslavia. In doing so they have created a movement out of the
political
shambles of our world.
And yet it is now, after the cessation of bombing, that we have entered
the
worst hell. This terrible fascist-like invasion has created far worse
suffering than the bombing. Some are driven out, some disappear, some
are
murdered and their murders attributed to forces beyond NATO's control.
Some, like the Serbs and Roma of Orahovac, have been imprisoned in a new
Warsaw Ghetto.
I urge those who care about Justice not to remain silent.
---
IL PRESIDENTE DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA ONORA I MARTIRI DELL'UCK
http://www.albaniannews.com
Albanian Daily News
June 14, 2000
President Honours Albanian KLA Volunteers Killed in Kosovo
TIRANA - Albanian President Rexhep Meidani has honoured two Albanians
killed while fighting for the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
against Serbian forces last year, the presidency said on Tuesday.
Meidani, marking the first anniversary of the entry of NATO troops into
Kosovo, acknowledged for the first time the role played by Albanian
volunteers by awarding Indrit Cara and Astrit Suli the Golden Eagle
medal.
Albania has already honoured former NATO commander Wesley Clark with its
highest award for foreigners. The alliance's former Secretary-General,
Javier Solana, will also receive the Skenderbeg Award.
Cara, originally from Kavaja in western Albania, joined Kosovo Albanian
friends who had been living as immigrants in Britain in signing up for
the KLA.
Many Albanian volunteers, most of them former soldiers, joined the ranks
of the KLA, moved by the atrocities Serbian forces had committed and
were committing in Kosovo, some 90 percent of whose population were
ethnic Albanian, or by the prospect of better pay in the irregular army.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* BOLOGNA 10 LUGLIO 2000: ZASTAVA !
* CAMPEGGIO DELLA UNIONE PATRIOTTICA JUGOSLAVA
* MOVIMENTO AUSTRIACO DI SOLIDARIETA' ALLA JUGOSLAVIA
* NUOVE IMPORTANTI ADESIONI AL CAMPEGGIO DI ASSISI
* UN LIBRO CONTRO LA NATO DEL COMANDANTE FRANCESE "FILOSERBO" BUNEL
* FIGHT TO WIN: UN CD PER MUMIA
===
BOLOGNA 10 LUGLIO 2000: ZASTAVA !
Art.11: L'Italia ripudia la guerra come mezzo di risoluzione delle
controversie internazionali. Non funziona. In nessuna parte del mondo
bombardamenti ed embargo hanno mai rafforzato la democrazia, e intanto
la
popolazione jugoslava, senza potere come noi, soffre per la distruzione
dei
mezzi di sussistenza e per le malattie, derivate dall'uranio impoverito
e
dall'inquinamento chimico causato dalle bombe, che l'embargo impedisce
di
curare.Non si può criminalizzare un intero popolo.
Lunedì 10 Luglio ore 21 nella sala del palazzo dei Notai,via de'
Pignattari
n°1
su iniziativa dell'Arcipelago delle associazioni per la Pace, Un ponte
per
..Belgrado, il coordinamento RSU Emilia Romagna
saranno presenti due delegati della Zastava di Kragujevac, la più grande
fabbrica di automobili della Jugoslavia, distrutta dai bombardamenti
della
NATO :
Ruzita Milostavljevic, presidente del Sindacato Unitario del gruppo
Zastava, e
Rajka Veljovic, responsabile del comitato di solidarietà della Zastava
per:
- testimoniare della situazione nella Jugoslavia distrutta dai
bombardamenti della NATO e strangolata dall'embargo;
- trarre un primo bilancio dell'iniziativa di "adozioni a distanza" dei
bambini di Kragujevac;
- discutere insieme con tutti i cittadini e i lavoratori che si sono
opposti alla guerra della NATO il modo in cui promuovere e organizzare
iniziative di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava;- partecipare ad
iniziative di critica della guerra e contro l'embargo.
Perchè la Zastava ?
Perchè è un miracolo di capacità e di volontà di ricostruzione pur in
condizioni proibitive, di democrazia diretta, autogestione e solidarietà
multietnica in un contesto in cui una donna su due ha il tumore alla
mammella, dove l'asma (stress da bombardamenti) e le leucemie (uranio
impoverito) sono in netto aumento,dove i bambini non possono uscire di
casa
in quanto non devono esporsi al sole più di dieci minuti per l'alto
tasso
di radioattività riscontrato in una Kragujevac che, dopo i
bombardamenti,
condivide con Pancevo il triste primato di essere la città più inquinata
del mondo.
Perchè questo miracolo, che ha portato alla ricostruzione quasi totale
di
una fabbrica fondamentale per l'economia della Jugoslavia, non potrà
tornare a dare alcun beneficio alla popolazione se l'embargo impedirà di
vendere all'estero il frutto di tanto lavoro.
Cosa possiamo fare ?
-E' necessaria in primo luogo la nostra concreta solidarietà per aiutare
almeno i ragazzi selezionati fra "i più bisognosi tra i bisognosi" dal
comitato di solidarietà degli operai della Zastava.
-E' necessario il nostro impegno per far cessare l'embargo: non si può
condannare un intero popolo, affamarlo a morte, avvelenarlo con il suo
stesso suolo, la sua acqua e la sua aria, togliergli in più la
possibilità
di curarsi, persino per le malattie più banali, rinchiuderlo in un
territorio che solo le dimensioni differenziano da un campo di
concentramento, fino all'estinzione: l'embargo è un modo silenzioso di
cancellare l'esistenza di un popolo: una nazione civile non può
macchiarsi
di un simile delitto, non può far pagare a chi è senza potere le scelte
dei
governi.
Noi non ci stiamo !
Paola e Leo tel. 051/955069 fax. 051/987202.
email.fiosan@...
===
L'Unione Patriottica di Jugoslavia, con l'appoggio di varie
organizzazioni di solidarieta' alla Jugoslavia in Occidente, ha
organizzato per il periodo
16 luglio - 4 agosto 2000 in Jugoslavia
un campeggio internazionale di amicizia. Sono invitati i giovani e le
persone impegnate in attivita' giovanili, purche' non
superinopossibilmente i 35 anni di eta'. Per i partecipanti c'e' una
possibilita' di trasporto con un autobus del Servizio nazionale belga
per la Gioventu'.
I costi per i 20 giorni compresi vitto e alloggio ammontano a circa 8000
scellini austriaci.
Dopo tre giorni di permanenza a Belgrado sono previsti 15 giorni a
Sirogoyno, il "vecchio borgo", una specie di museo storico all'aperto
nelle montagne dello Zlatibor. Insieme a seminari politici nel programma
sono previsti colloqui con organizzazioni di solidarieta', incontri con
artisti, proiezioni ed escursioni. Insieme ad una conoscenza intensiva
della Jugoslavia e dei suoi abitanti l'esperienza collettiva delle e dei
partecipanti da 13 paesi diversi portera' al rafforzamento della
solidarieta' internazionale e del movimento internazionale per la pace.
Gli interessati sono pregati di rivolgersi a noi (JOESB) per contattare
gli organizzatori.
Jugoslawien-Camp
Die Patriotische Union Jugoslawiens, wesentlich unterstützt von den
verschiedenen Organisationen der Jugoslawien-Solidarität im Westen,
veranstaltet in der Zeit vom 16. Juli bis
zum 4. August 2000 in Jugoslawien ein internationales
Freundschaftscamp. Für Teilnehmer - eingeladen sind
Jugendliche oder in der Jugendarbeit Aktive, die möglichst nicht älter
als 35 Jahre sein sollten - besteht eine Mitfahrgelegenheit in einem
vom belgischen nationalen Jugenddienst organisierten Bus.
Die Kosten für die 20tägige Reise inklusive Unterkunft, Verpflegung
und Programm betragen etwa 8000 öS.
Geplant sind nach einem dreitägigen Aufenthalt in Belgrad 15 Tage in
Sirogoyno, dem »Alten Dorf«, einer Art historischem Freilichtmuseum im
Zlatibor-Gebirge. Neben politischen Workshops stehen Gespräche mit
Hilfsorganisationen, Begegnungen mit Künstlern, Dokumentarfilme und
Exkursionen auf dem Programm. Neben intensivem Kennenlernen
Jugoslawiens und seiner Menschen soll das gemeinsame Erleben der
Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer aus 13 Ländern zur Stärkung
internationaler Solidarität und der internationalen Friedensbewegung
beitragen.
Interessenten bringen wir mit den Veranstaltern in Kontakt.
---
AGGIORNATO IL SITO DEL MOVIMENTO AUSTRIACO
DI SOLIDARIETA' CON LA JUGOSLAVIA
Nun hat es auch die Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung
(JÖSB) endlich geschafft. Wir sind mit einer professionellen Homepage im
Netz:
www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
Visit our complete new web site, which includes also English documents:
www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
Yugoslav Austrian Solidarity Movement
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB)
PF 217, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel/Fax +43 1 924 31 61
joesb@...
Kto-Nr. 9282, RB Schwechat, BLZ 32823
===
CAMPO ANTIMPERIALISTA
ASSISI 30 LUGLIO 6 AGOSTO
29 giugno
ATRE IMPORTANTI ADESIONI
Comunichiamo ai compagni e gli amici interessati che alle adesioni già
note si sono aggiunte
le seguenti:
- Turchia: Fronte Rivoluzionario di Liberazione del Popolo (D.H.K.C-P)
- Mauritania: Forze Africane di Liberazione della Mauritania (A.L.F.M)
- Argentina: Coordinamento Contro la Repressione Poliziesca e
Istituzionale (CORREPI)
Siamo poi riusciti a risolvere, con l'aiuto di altri organismi, il
problema del rimborso
del biglietto a Nicky Hager, neozelandese, il più noto esperto
internazionale del
sistema Echelon. Nicky relazionerà dunque sul tema: "Echelon:
sorveglianza
informatica e contromisure democratiche".
Infine ha assicurato la sua presenza (come relatrice delle sessione
plenaria su
"Inquinamento, transegenica e bio-tech: nuovi terreni della lotta
anticapitalista")
Grazia Francescato, portavoce nazionale dei Verdi.
Cogliamo l'occasione per segnalare un cambiamento nel programma del
Campo: La
plenaria sulla Lotta di liberazione in Colombia ci sarà Venerdì 4
agosto (non martedì
I. agosto). Lo spostamento è stato richiesto dai compagni delle FARC
a cui è affidata
l'introduzione.
In molti ci hanno chiesto chi fosse Elias Letelier: si tratta di un
poeta cileno ex Ufficiale
dell'Esercito Sandinista di Liberazione Nazionale.
Appello ai compagni che possono fare gli interpreti
Ci rivogliamo a tutti i compagni e gli amici che parlano fluentemente
qualche lingua (ma debbono
avere dimestichezza con linguaggio politico), che sono interessati al
Campo e disposti a far parte
della squadra degli interpreti, a contattarci. Per loro è previsto un
sostanzioso sconto.
Le traduzione non avvengono in simultanea ma con degli stopo dei
relatori. Il nostro punto debole
è l'interpretariato dall'inglese all'italiano e viceversa. Mentre sugli
altri fronti (spagnolo, tedesco,
arabo, serbocroato) non siamo messi così male.
Dettagli tecnico-organizzativi
La prenotazione è la sola garanzia per assicurarsi la possibilità di
partecipare. Se chi viene con la
tenda può arrivare anche all'ultimo momento, per coloro che hanno
bisogno di posti letto in
albergo o in bungalow è tassativa la prenotazione entro il 20 luglio. I
bambini fino ad 8 anni
pagano la metà dell'importo.
Ricordiamo a tutti coloro che fossero interessati che il costo a persona
per una settimana intera in
tenda (compresi due pasti giornalieri) è di L. 310mila. In Bungalow è di
L. 400mila, in camera
d'albergo è di L. 500mila. Si può venire in roulotte.
Ovviamente è possibile soggiornare anche per alcuni giorni, un paio o
uno solo.
Tuttavia è importante prenotare (versando il 30% della somma) per
evitare di non trovare posto.
Ripetiamo: entro e non oltre il 20 luglio.
La prenotazione avviene versando sul C/C postale n.12134623, intestato
al centro Studi P.
Tresso, c.p. 43 - 06034 Foligno (PG) specificando nella causale le
ragioni del versamento, il
periodo di soggiorno e il tipo di servizio che si chiede. (Per maggiore
sicurezza inviare via
fax allo 075.42686 copia della ricevuta di versamento, onde evitare
disguidi dovuti alla
lentezza con cui le Poste ci accreditano gli importi)
Per ulteriori informazioni telefonare all'ufficio del Campo: tel/fax:
075.42686 (martedì, mercoledì
e venerdì dalle ore 17 alle 19)
o al cellulare 0333.3543251.
Oppure riferirsi ai nostri indirizzi di posta elettronica:
Comitato Internazionalusta Arco Iris: ale.ramon@...
Comitato Organizzativo del Campo: campo2000@...
Programma
del Campo antimperialista 2000
Assisi, 30 luglio-6agosto
Domenica 30 luglio, arrivi
ore 21,00
Presentazione del programma e delle delegazioni ospiti. Lettura saluti e
messaggi.
Ore 22,30 Concerto.
Durante tutto il Campo
Laboratorio Informatico di Comunicazione Alternativa
a cura di Elías Letelier
(fondatore della Rete dei Familiari ed Amici dei Prigionieri Politici
del
Cile)
Lunedì, 31 luglio
Ore 9,30
Forum n.1: Incontro con la delegazione iugoslava
Forum n.2: Incontro con le delegazioni polaccha e ceca
Forum n.3: Incontro con la delegazione russa
Ore 15,30
1. Sessione plenaria: I crimini NATO nei Balcani
Introduzione a cura del Tribunale R. Clark
Ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Sopravivere alle armi delle guerre umanitarie. Introduce:
M. Saba
Forum n.2: Dall'emarginazione alla resistenza, percorsi di dignità nel
Brasile d'oggi . Introduce il Professor J. (Coordinamento
Latinoamericano
di Giuristi, Ricercatori Sociali e Gruppi Emarginati per una
Alternativa
Democratica e Popolare) .
Forum n.3: Questione nazionale e socialismo: tavola rotonda coi
movimenti di liberazione.
Martedì, 1 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: Incontro con le delegazioni messicane
Forum n.2: Incontro con la delegazione paraguayana
Forum n.3: Incontro con la delegazione brasiliana
Ore 15,30
2. Sessione plenaria: Amnistia! Repressione, prigionia politica,
violazione dei diritti umani e
civili nel tempo della globalizzazione.
Tavola rotonda coi compagni turchi e curdi del DHKC-P, gli irlandesi
dello IRSP, gli
spagnoli dell'AFAPP, i comunisti baschi e altri...
Ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Violenza o non-violenza? Forme di lotta contro la
globalizzazione
Forum n.2: Le nuove strategie NATO per la supremazia planetaria
Forum n.3: La Solidarietà Internazionalista, da percorsi diversi per un
obiettivo comune. Tavola rotonda tra esponenti della Chiesa di base,
organizzazioni non governative e associazionismo.
Mercoledì, 2 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: "Teoria e pratica dell'autonomia per il potere popolare",
introduce il Prof. J.
Forum n.2: incontro con la delegazione irlandese
Forum n.3: incontro con le delegazioni basche, catalane e sarde
Ore 15,30
3. Sessione plenaria: Echelon: sorveglianza informatica mondiale e
contromisure
democratiche. Tavola rotonda con alcuni esperti: Nicky hager, Elias
Letelier, e altri.
ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Immigrazione e lotta contro il razzismo nell¹Europa di
Shengen
Forum n.2: Le lotte operaie nella russia di Putin. Incontro con Oleg
Shein, deputato
comunista alla Duma
Forum n.3: Nuova destra e antifascismo: relatore W. Fisher della
Germania Est
Giovedì, 3 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: incontro con le delegazioni palestinese e libanese
Forum n.2: incontro con la C.L.I.
Forum n.3: incontro con la delegazione dello Sri lanka
Ore 15,30
4. Sessione plenaria: Islam e nuovo ordine mondiale
ore 21,30
Forum n.1: La resistenza libanese contro il sionismo. Incontro con
Hezbollah
Forum n.2: La prassi dei comunisti nel mondo che cambia. Tavola rotonda
Forum n.3: I cristiani e la lotta per la giustizia sociale: in contro
con Don Vitaliano della
Sala
Venerdì, 4 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: incontro con le delegazioni degli U.S.A.
Forum n.2: incontro con la delegazione filippina
Forum n.3: Incontro con la delegazione venezuelana
Ore 15,30
5. Sessione plenaria: La lotta di liberazione in Colombia
Introduzione delle FARC
ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Reddito di cittadinanza o lavoro come diritto inalienabile?
Forum n.2: La prassi dei comunisti nel mondo che cambia. Tavola rotonda
Forum n.3: Il Messico alle soglie di storiche elezioni: via parlamentare
e via rivoluzionaria
sabato, 5 agosto
ore 9,30
6. Sessione plenaria: Inquinamento, transgenica e bio-tech: un nuovo
terreno della lotta
anticapitalista. Tavola rotonda con Grazia Francescato e altri...
Ore 15,30
7. Sessione plenaria: Seattle : valore e limiti della rivolta contro il
WTO
Introduce lo International Action Center degli U.S.A.
ore 21,30
Concerto e festa di chiusura
Domenica 6 agosto, partenze
International Antiimperialist Summercamp
No to Globalisation!
>From Seattle to San Vicente Caguán —
The Revolt against the Dominion of Injustice is Advancing!
Assisi, Italy, 30th Juli-6th August
http://summercamp.cjb.net
Latest news about the Summercamp
The following organisations have just announced their participation in
the
Camp:
Hizbollah, Libanon
African Liberation force of Mauretania (FLAM)
Revolutionary People’s Liberation Front (DHKC, Turkey/Kurdistan-European
Representation)
For further information and inscription:
International Leninist Current (ILC)
Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
ilc@...
www.comports.com/ilc
http://summercamp.cjb.net
===
>
> CRIMES DE GUERRE A L’OTAN
>
> Pierre Henri BUNEL
>
> Le commandant Bunel a été accusé du « crime » de trahison à l’OTAN,
ce
> qu’il, récuse. Lâché par sa hiérarchie, il décide aujourd’hui de
révéler
> les « crimes » de ses accusateurs.
> TEMOIGNAGE CHOC :
>
> « Je n'ai jamais été un traître, foi de Saint-Cyrien. Je n'ai jamais
été
> pro-Serbe et encore moins pro-Milosevic. Je n'ai jamais été, non
plus,
> pro-Musulman et jamais sympathisant nazi comme ont pu le prétendre
mes
> détracteurs qui m'ont jugé, sans m'entendre, sur de simples propos
> rapportés par une presse désinformée.
> J’étais tout simplement un officier des services de renseignements
> français depuis quinze ans, fonctionnaire au service de mon pays
> n’obéissant à aucun alignement politique autre que celui qu’on
> m’ordonnait. L’OTAN avait pour mission de faire plier les Serbes au
> besoin en les intoxicant.
> Pour cela on utilise notamment des méthodes qui consiste à accrocher
> l’agent d’en face avec des éléments faux, ou authentiques mais sans
> réelles conséquences. On a une certaine latitude. Le tout étant de
> parvenir à ses fins sans aller trop loin , et surtout sans se faire
> prendre.
> En 1998 en tentant d’infiltrer les Serbes, je suis allé trop loin et
je
> me suis fais prendre. Ce sont les risques du métier et je les assume.
> Mais là, j'ai été lâché par ma hiérarchie, accusé par mon ministre de
> tutelle, et enfoncé par certains responsables de l’OTAN. C’est ce qui
> m’a décidé à écrire ce livre. Puisqu'on m'accuse de trahison, « crime
»
> que je n'ai pas commis, je n’hésite pas à révéler certains de mes
> accusateurs.
>
> ·J’ai vu des dirigeants des pays de l’OTAN accepter des compromis qui
> ont largement accru les difficultés de leurs militaires et des
peuples
> qu’ils étaient sensé venir aider.
> ·J’ai vu la CIA tenter par tous les moyens, d’empêcher les unités de
> renseignements européennes de remplir leurs missions, par
l’intoxication
> et en mettant les soldats de l’OTAN en danger de mort.
> ·J’ai vu des Européens accepter des compromis qui permettront à
> Washington d’armer des excités alors que l’Union Européenne tente de
> réduire la présence des armements sur notre continent.
> ·J’ai vu nos dirigeants nationaux revenir sur des engagements
> médiatiques qu’ils ont pris pour le Kosovo, ceci pour de sordides
> intérêts corporatistes ou partisans.
> ·J’ai vu des milliers de personnes partir en exode dans l’hiver
> glacial, à causes de montages lamentables concoctés par des utopistes
en
> col blanc, bien au chaud à des milliers de kilomètres de là.
> ·J’ai vu des hauts fonctionnaires français remettre en cause les
> directives du Président de la République, chef des armées.
> ·Et j’ai même vu – sommet de l’écœurement – des représentants
nationaux
> choisir délibérément des cibles civiles – oui civiles ! – et accepter
> d’utiliser, pour des raisons économiques, des armes surpuissantes et
> inadaptées aux missions.
>
> J’ai vu tant de choses en ces années au service du renseignement,
entre
> autres pendant la guerre du Golfe où j’étais chef de Cabinet du
Général
> Roquejeoffre, et décoré par le général Schwarzkopf… tant de choses
qui
> peuvent bouleverser la conscience de militaires qui n’en sont pas
moins
> des hommes.
> C’est tout cela que je me suis décidé à raconter ici, afin que ces
> choses là soient dites et que chacun puisse en faire sa réflexion.
> La France participe à hauteur de 16% au budget de fonctionnement de
> l’Alliance Atlantique, organisme dont les fonctions ont bien changé
> depuis sa création en 1949… Il faut cesser de participer à ces CRIMES
DE
> GUERRE À L’OTAN ».
>
> Parution : 8 juin 2000 // Prix : 110 francs // Format : 153 x 240 mm
> Contact presse : Johanna Rodrigue
> Tél. : 01 43 92 35 88 / Fax : 01 43 92 35 85 / e-mail :
> jrodrigue@...
>
> 43, quai de Grenelle 75905 Paris Cedex – Tél. 01 43 92 35 87 – Fax 01
43
> 92 35 85
> Edition°1 – SNC au capital de 100 000F – RC Paris B 312 285 745
>
======================================
Mumia Abu-Jamal News 04.07.2000
Info * Comunicati * Articoli * Iniziative * Dibattito
"Fight to Win", la Millions 4 Mumia di Philly '99 su Cd-Rom
www.jericho-italia.com/mumia-cd.zip
======================================
"Fight to Win", cd-rom sulla Millions 4 Mumia del '99 a Philadelphia
[da il Bollettino "Mumia Abu-Jamal News" n. 44 del 04.07.2000]
Un nuovo materiale e' stato messo in vendita per raccogliere fondi per
la
Campagna internazionale contro l'esecuzione di Mumia Abu-Jamal e per il
sostentamento dei progetti di difesa medico-legale a sostegno dei
prigionieri politici e prigionieri di guerra segregati negli Stati Uniti
portati avanti dalla Sezione Italiana del Jericho Movement.
Si tratta di un video in Cd-Rom della Millions 4 Mumia, la marcia per
Mumia
Abu-Jamal che ha portato lo scorso Aprile '99 8/10mila persone nella
citta'
di Philadelphia. La produzione e' francese e raccoglie gli interventi
dal
palco di Zack de la Rocha (cantante dei Rage Against the Machine),
December
12th Movement, Ramona Africa e Seeds of Wisdom (MOVE), Sonia Sanchez
(poetessa), Leonard Weinglass (principale avvocato di Mumia Abu-Jamal),
Latinos For Mumia, Bobby Castillo (portavoce di Leonard Peltier),
Geronimo
Pratt (ex Prigioniero di Guerra New Afrikan) e della Delegazione
francese
composta da Jeunesse Communiste, Julia Wright (scrittrice e
coordinatrice
dell'dell'International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal
-
France), A. Paillé e A. Page; e le interviste a Orie (Friend of MOVE -
New
York), Ed Wolkenstein (PDC) e Leonard Weinglass.
Per ricevere il Cd-Rom e' sufficiente inviare 12mila lire in busta
chiusa
(oppure tramite vaglia postale) a:
Sezione Italiana del Jericho Movement
Casella Postale n.11
45032 Bergantino (Ro)
Le spese di spedizione sono incluse.
Ovviamente, tranne che per i libri (le cui edizioni sono a cura di Case
Editrici) non esiste nessun copyright sul materiale qui presentato (e/o
sui
materiali fin qui prodotti) . Tuttavia ribadiamo che a fianco della
duplicazione e della diffuzione del Cd-Rom in questione (che confidiamo
sia
selvaggia) e' necessario riuscire a raccogliere fondi per il
mantenimento
della Campagna (o della campagne che di volta in volta affiancano quella
di
Mumia) e per le spese necessarie ai prigionieri politici e ai
prigionieri di
guerra rinchiusi negli Usa. Contribuite, gente, contribuite...
Ricordiamo che sulla pagine dei materiali curata dalla Sezione Italiana
del
Jericho Movement e' possibile visionare i titoli a disposizione e
inviare
form d'acquisto. Info: www.jericho-italia.com/order.htm oppure
0347-2390183
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* CAMPEGGIO DELLA UNIONE PATRIOTTICA JUGOSLAVA
* MOVIMENTO AUSTRIACO DI SOLIDARIETA' ALLA JUGOSLAVIA
* NUOVE IMPORTANTI ADESIONI AL CAMPEGGIO DI ASSISI
* UN LIBRO CONTRO LA NATO DEL COMANDANTE FRANCESE "FILOSERBO" BUNEL
* FIGHT TO WIN: UN CD PER MUMIA
===
BOLOGNA 10 LUGLIO 2000: ZASTAVA !
Art.11: L'Italia ripudia la guerra come mezzo di risoluzione delle
controversie internazionali. Non funziona. In nessuna parte del mondo
bombardamenti ed embargo hanno mai rafforzato la democrazia, e intanto
la
popolazione jugoslava, senza potere come noi, soffre per la distruzione
dei
mezzi di sussistenza e per le malattie, derivate dall'uranio impoverito
e
dall'inquinamento chimico causato dalle bombe, che l'embargo impedisce
di
curare.Non si può criminalizzare un intero popolo.
Lunedì 10 Luglio ore 21 nella sala del palazzo dei Notai,via de'
Pignattari
n°1
su iniziativa dell'Arcipelago delle associazioni per la Pace, Un ponte
per
..Belgrado, il coordinamento RSU Emilia Romagna
saranno presenti due delegati della Zastava di Kragujevac, la più grande
fabbrica di automobili della Jugoslavia, distrutta dai bombardamenti
della
NATO :
Ruzita Milostavljevic, presidente del Sindacato Unitario del gruppo
Zastava, e
Rajka Veljovic, responsabile del comitato di solidarietà della Zastava
per:
- testimoniare della situazione nella Jugoslavia distrutta dai
bombardamenti della NATO e strangolata dall'embargo;
- trarre un primo bilancio dell'iniziativa di "adozioni a distanza" dei
bambini di Kragujevac;
- discutere insieme con tutti i cittadini e i lavoratori che si sono
opposti alla guerra della NATO il modo in cui promuovere e organizzare
iniziative di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava;- partecipare ad
iniziative di critica della guerra e contro l'embargo.
Perchè la Zastava ?
Perchè è un miracolo di capacità e di volontà di ricostruzione pur in
condizioni proibitive, di democrazia diretta, autogestione e solidarietà
multietnica in un contesto in cui una donna su due ha il tumore alla
mammella, dove l'asma (stress da bombardamenti) e le leucemie (uranio
impoverito) sono in netto aumento,dove i bambini non possono uscire di
casa
in quanto non devono esporsi al sole più di dieci minuti per l'alto
tasso
di radioattività riscontrato in una Kragujevac che, dopo i
bombardamenti,
condivide con Pancevo il triste primato di essere la città più inquinata
del mondo.
Perchè questo miracolo, che ha portato alla ricostruzione quasi totale
di
una fabbrica fondamentale per l'economia della Jugoslavia, non potrà
tornare a dare alcun beneficio alla popolazione se l'embargo impedirà di
vendere all'estero il frutto di tanto lavoro.
Cosa possiamo fare ?
-E' necessaria in primo luogo la nostra concreta solidarietà per aiutare
almeno i ragazzi selezionati fra "i più bisognosi tra i bisognosi" dal
comitato di solidarietà degli operai della Zastava.
-E' necessario il nostro impegno per far cessare l'embargo: non si può
condannare un intero popolo, affamarlo a morte, avvelenarlo con il suo
stesso suolo, la sua acqua e la sua aria, togliergli in più la
possibilità
di curarsi, persino per le malattie più banali, rinchiuderlo in un
territorio che solo le dimensioni differenziano da un campo di
concentramento, fino all'estinzione: l'embargo è un modo silenzioso di
cancellare l'esistenza di un popolo: una nazione civile non può
macchiarsi
di un simile delitto, non può far pagare a chi è senza potere le scelte
dei
governi.
Noi non ci stiamo !
Paola e Leo tel. 051/955069 fax. 051/987202.
email.fiosan@...
===
L'Unione Patriottica di Jugoslavia, con l'appoggio di varie
organizzazioni di solidarieta' alla Jugoslavia in Occidente, ha
organizzato per il periodo
16 luglio - 4 agosto 2000 in Jugoslavia
un campeggio internazionale di amicizia. Sono invitati i giovani e le
persone impegnate in attivita' giovanili, purche' non
superinopossibilmente i 35 anni di eta'. Per i partecipanti c'e' una
possibilita' di trasporto con un autobus del Servizio nazionale belga
per la Gioventu'.
I costi per i 20 giorni compresi vitto e alloggio ammontano a circa 8000
scellini austriaci.
Dopo tre giorni di permanenza a Belgrado sono previsti 15 giorni a
Sirogoyno, il "vecchio borgo", una specie di museo storico all'aperto
nelle montagne dello Zlatibor. Insieme a seminari politici nel programma
sono previsti colloqui con organizzazioni di solidarieta', incontri con
artisti, proiezioni ed escursioni. Insieme ad una conoscenza intensiva
della Jugoslavia e dei suoi abitanti l'esperienza collettiva delle e dei
partecipanti da 13 paesi diversi portera' al rafforzamento della
solidarieta' internazionale e del movimento internazionale per la pace.
Gli interessati sono pregati di rivolgersi a noi (JOESB) per contattare
gli organizzatori.
Jugoslawien-Camp
Die Patriotische Union Jugoslawiens, wesentlich unterstützt von den
verschiedenen Organisationen der Jugoslawien-Solidarität im Westen,
veranstaltet in der Zeit vom 16. Juli bis
zum 4. August 2000 in Jugoslawien ein internationales
Freundschaftscamp. Für Teilnehmer - eingeladen sind
Jugendliche oder in der Jugendarbeit Aktive, die möglichst nicht älter
als 35 Jahre sein sollten - besteht eine Mitfahrgelegenheit in einem
vom belgischen nationalen Jugenddienst organisierten Bus.
Die Kosten für die 20tägige Reise inklusive Unterkunft, Verpflegung
und Programm betragen etwa 8000 öS.
Geplant sind nach einem dreitägigen Aufenthalt in Belgrad 15 Tage in
Sirogoyno, dem »Alten Dorf«, einer Art historischem Freilichtmuseum im
Zlatibor-Gebirge. Neben politischen Workshops stehen Gespräche mit
Hilfsorganisationen, Begegnungen mit Künstlern, Dokumentarfilme und
Exkursionen auf dem Programm. Neben intensivem Kennenlernen
Jugoslawiens und seiner Menschen soll das gemeinsame Erleben der
Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer aus 13 Ländern zur Stärkung
internationaler Solidarität und der internationalen Friedensbewegung
beitragen.
Interessenten bringen wir mit den Veranstaltern in Kontakt.
---
AGGIORNATO IL SITO DEL MOVIMENTO AUSTRIACO
DI SOLIDARIETA' CON LA JUGOSLAVIA
Nun hat es auch die Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung
(JÖSB) endlich geschafft. Wir sind mit einer professionellen Homepage im
Netz:
www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
Visit our complete new web site, which includes also English documents:
www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
Yugoslav Austrian Solidarity Movement
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB)
PF 217, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel/Fax +43 1 924 31 61
joesb@...
Kto-Nr. 9282, RB Schwechat, BLZ 32823
===
CAMPO ANTIMPERIALISTA
ASSISI 30 LUGLIO 6 AGOSTO
29 giugno
ATRE IMPORTANTI ADESIONI
Comunichiamo ai compagni e gli amici interessati che alle adesioni già
note si sono aggiunte
le seguenti:
- Turchia: Fronte Rivoluzionario di Liberazione del Popolo (D.H.K.C-P)
- Mauritania: Forze Africane di Liberazione della Mauritania (A.L.F.M)
- Argentina: Coordinamento Contro la Repressione Poliziesca e
Istituzionale (CORREPI)
Siamo poi riusciti a risolvere, con l'aiuto di altri organismi, il
problema del rimborso
del biglietto a Nicky Hager, neozelandese, il più noto esperto
internazionale del
sistema Echelon. Nicky relazionerà dunque sul tema: "Echelon:
sorveglianza
informatica e contromisure democratiche".
Infine ha assicurato la sua presenza (come relatrice delle sessione
plenaria su
"Inquinamento, transegenica e bio-tech: nuovi terreni della lotta
anticapitalista")
Grazia Francescato, portavoce nazionale dei Verdi.
Cogliamo l'occasione per segnalare un cambiamento nel programma del
Campo: La
plenaria sulla Lotta di liberazione in Colombia ci sarà Venerdì 4
agosto (non martedì
I. agosto). Lo spostamento è stato richiesto dai compagni delle FARC
a cui è affidata
l'introduzione.
In molti ci hanno chiesto chi fosse Elias Letelier: si tratta di un
poeta cileno ex Ufficiale
dell'Esercito Sandinista di Liberazione Nazionale.
Appello ai compagni che possono fare gli interpreti
Ci rivogliamo a tutti i compagni e gli amici che parlano fluentemente
qualche lingua (ma debbono
avere dimestichezza con linguaggio politico), che sono interessati al
Campo e disposti a far parte
della squadra degli interpreti, a contattarci. Per loro è previsto un
sostanzioso sconto.
Le traduzione non avvengono in simultanea ma con degli stopo dei
relatori. Il nostro punto debole
è l'interpretariato dall'inglese all'italiano e viceversa. Mentre sugli
altri fronti (spagnolo, tedesco,
arabo, serbocroato) non siamo messi così male.
Dettagli tecnico-organizzativi
La prenotazione è la sola garanzia per assicurarsi la possibilità di
partecipare. Se chi viene con la
tenda può arrivare anche all'ultimo momento, per coloro che hanno
bisogno di posti letto in
albergo o in bungalow è tassativa la prenotazione entro il 20 luglio. I
bambini fino ad 8 anni
pagano la metà dell'importo.
Ricordiamo a tutti coloro che fossero interessati che il costo a persona
per una settimana intera in
tenda (compresi due pasti giornalieri) è di L. 310mila. In Bungalow è di
L. 400mila, in camera
d'albergo è di L. 500mila. Si può venire in roulotte.
Ovviamente è possibile soggiornare anche per alcuni giorni, un paio o
uno solo.
Tuttavia è importante prenotare (versando il 30% della somma) per
evitare di non trovare posto.
Ripetiamo: entro e non oltre il 20 luglio.
La prenotazione avviene versando sul C/C postale n.12134623, intestato
al centro Studi P.
Tresso, c.p. 43 - 06034 Foligno (PG) specificando nella causale le
ragioni del versamento, il
periodo di soggiorno e il tipo di servizio che si chiede. (Per maggiore
sicurezza inviare via
fax allo 075.42686 copia della ricevuta di versamento, onde evitare
disguidi dovuti alla
lentezza con cui le Poste ci accreditano gli importi)
Per ulteriori informazioni telefonare all'ufficio del Campo: tel/fax:
075.42686 (martedì, mercoledì
e venerdì dalle ore 17 alle 19)
o al cellulare 0333.3543251.
Oppure riferirsi ai nostri indirizzi di posta elettronica:
Comitato Internazionalusta Arco Iris: ale.ramon@...
Comitato Organizzativo del Campo: campo2000@...
Programma
del Campo antimperialista 2000
Assisi, 30 luglio-6agosto
Domenica 30 luglio, arrivi
ore 21,00
Presentazione del programma e delle delegazioni ospiti. Lettura saluti e
messaggi.
Ore 22,30 Concerto.
Durante tutto il Campo
Laboratorio Informatico di Comunicazione Alternativa
a cura di Elías Letelier
(fondatore della Rete dei Familiari ed Amici dei Prigionieri Politici
del
Cile)
Lunedì, 31 luglio
Ore 9,30
Forum n.1: Incontro con la delegazione iugoslava
Forum n.2: Incontro con le delegazioni polaccha e ceca
Forum n.3: Incontro con la delegazione russa
Ore 15,30
1. Sessione plenaria: I crimini NATO nei Balcani
Introduzione a cura del Tribunale R. Clark
Ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Sopravivere alle armi delle guerre umanitarie. Introduce:
M. Saba
Forum n.2: Dall'emarginazione alla resistenza, percorsi di dignità nel
Brasile d'oggi . Introduce il Professor J. (Coordinamento
Latinoamericano
di Giuristi, Ricercatori Sociali e Gruppi Emarginati per una
Alternativa
Democratica e Popolare) .
Forum n.3: Questione nazionale e socialismo: tavola rotonda coi
movimenti di liberazione.
Martedì, 1 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: Incontro con le delegazioni messicane
Forum n.2: Incontro con la delegazione paraguayana
Forum n.3: Incontro con la delegazione brasiliana
Ore 15,30
2. Sessione plenaria: Amnistia! Repressione, prigionia politica,
violazione dei diritti umani e
civili nel tempo della globalizzazione.
Tavola rotonda coi compagni turchi e curdi del DHKC-P, gli irlandesi
dello IRSP, gli
spagnoli dell'AFAPP, i comunisti baschi e altri...
Ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Violenza o non-violenza? Forme di lotta contro la
globalizzazione
Forum n.2: Le nuove strategie NATO per la supremazia planetaria
Forum n.3: La Solidarietà Internazionalista, da percorsi diversi per un
obiettivo comune. Tavola rotonda tra esponenti della Chiesa di base,
organizzazioni non governative e associazionismo.
Mercoledì, 2 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: "Teoria e pratica dell'autonomia per il potere popolare",
introduce il Prof. J.
Forum n.2: incontro con la delegazione irlandese
Forum n.3: incontro con le delegazioni basche, catalane e sarde
Ore 15,30
3. Sessione plenaria: Echelon: sorveglianza informatica mondiale e
contromisure
democratiche. Tavola rotonda con alcuni esperti: Nicky hager, Elias
Letelier, e altri.
ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Immigrazione e lotta contro il razzismo nell¹Europa di
Shengen
Forum n.2: Le lotte operaie nella russia di Putin. Incontro con Oleg
Shein, deputato
comunista alla Duma
Forum n.3: Nuova destra e antifascismo: relatore W. Fisher della
Germania Est
Giovedì, 3 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: incontro con le delegazioni palestinese e libanese
Forum n.2: incontro con la C.L.I.
Forum n.3: incontro con la delegazione dello Sri lanka
Ore 15,30
4. Sessione plenaria: Islam e nuovo ordine mondiale
ore 21,30
Forum n.1: La resistenza libanese contro il sionismo. Incontro con
Hezbollah
Forum n.2: La prassi dei comunisti nel mondo che cambia. Tavola rotonda
Forum n.3: I cristiani e la lotta per la giustizia sociale: in contro
con Don Vitaliano della
Sala
Venerdì, 4 agosto
ore 9,30
Forum n.1: incontro con le delegazioni degli U.S.A.
Forum n.2: incontro con la delegazione filippina
Forum n.3: Incontro con la delegazione venezuelana
Ore 15,30
5. Sessione plenaria: La lotta di liberazione in Colombia
Introduzione delle FARC
ore 21,30
Forum n.1: Reddito di cittadinanza o lavoro come diritto inalienabile?
Forum n.2: La prassi dei comunisti nel mondo che cambia. Tavola rotonda
Forum n.3: Il Messico alle soglie di storiche elezioni: via parlamentare
e via rivoluzionaria
sabato, 5 agosto
ore 9,30
6. Sessione plenaria: Inquinamento, transgenica e bio-tech: un nuovo
terreno della lotta
anticapitalista. Tavola rotonda con Grazia Francescato e altri...
Ore 15,30
7. Sessione plenaria: Seattle : valore e limiti della rivolta contro il
WTO
Introduce lo International Action Center degli U.S.A.
ore 21,30
Concerto e festa di chiusura
Domenica 6 agosto, partenze
International Antiimperialist Summercamp
No to Globalisation!
>From Seattle to San Vicente Caguán —
The Revolt against the Dominion of Injustice is Advancing!
Assisi, Italy, 30th Juli-6th August
http://summercamp.cjb.net
Latest news about the Summercamp
The following organisations have just announced their participation in
the
Camp:
Hizbollah, Libanon
African Liberation force of Mauretania (FLAM)
Revolutionary People’s Liberation Front (DHKC, Turkey/Kurdistan-European
Representation)
For further information and inscription:
International Leninist Current (ILC)
Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
ilc@...
www.comports.com/ilc
http://summercamp.cjb.net
===
>
> CRIMES DE GUERRE A L’OTAN
>
> Pierre Henri BUNEL
>
> Le commandant Bunel a été accusé du « crime » de trahison à l’OTAN,
ce
> qu’il, récuse. Lâché par sa hiérarchie, il décide aujourd’hui de
révéler
> les « crimes » de ses accusateurs.
> TEMOIGNAGE CHOC :
>
> « Je n'ai jamais été un traître, foi de Saint-Cyrien. Je n'ai jamais
été
> pro-Serbe et encore moins pro-Milosevic. Je n'ai jamais été, non
plus,
> pro-Musulman et jamais sympathisant nazi comme ont pu le prétendre
mes
> détracteurs qui m'ont jugé, sans m'entendre, sur de simples propos
> rapportés par une presse désinformée.
> J’étais tout simplement un officier des services de renseignements
> français depuis quinze ans, fonctionnaire au service de mon pays
> n’obéissant à aucun alignement politique autre que celui qu’on
> m’ordonnait. L’OTAN avait pour mission de faire plier les Serbes au
> besoin en les intoxicant.
> Pour cela on utilise notamment des méthodes qui consiste à accrocher
> l’agent d’en face avec des éléments faux, ou authentiques mais sans
> réelles conséquences. On a une certaine latitude. Le tout étant de
> parvenir à ses fins sans aller trop loin , et surtout sans se faire
> prendre.
> En 1998 en tentant d’infiltrer les Serbes, je suis allé trop loin et
je
> me suis fais prendre. Ce sont les risques du métier et je les assume.
> Mais là, j'ai été lâché par ma hiérarchie, accusé par mon ministre de
> tutelle, et enfoncé par certains responsables de l’OTAN. C’est ce qui
> m’a décidé à écrire ce livre. Puisqu'on m'accuse de trahison, « crime
»
> que je n'ai pas commis, je n’hésite pas à révéler certains de mes
> accusateurs.
>
> ·J’ai vu des dirigeants des pays de l’OTAN accepter des compromis qui
> ont largement accru les difficultés de leurs militaires et des
peuples
> qu’ils étaient sensé venir aider.
> ·J’ai vu la CIA tenter par tous les moyens, d’empêcher les unités de
> renseignements européennes de remplir leurs missions, par
l’intoxication
> et en mettant les soldats de l’OTAN en danger de mort.
> ·J’ai vu des Européens accepter des compromis qui permettront à
> Washington d’armer des excités alors que l’Union Européenne tente de
> réduire la présence des armements sur notre continent.
> ·J’ai vu nos dirigeants nationaux revenir sur des engagements
> médiatiques qu’ils ont pris pour le Kosovo, ceci pour de sordides
> intérêts corporatistes ou partisans.
> ·J’ai vu des milliers de personnes partir en exode dans l’hiver
> glacial, à causes de montages lamentables concoctés par des utopistes
en
> col blanc, bien au chaud à des milliers de kilomètres de là.
> ·J’ai vu des hauts fonctionnaires français remettre en cause les
> directives du Président de la République, chef des armées.
> ·Et j’ai même vu – sommet de l’écœurement – des représentants
nationaux
> choisir délibérément des cibles civiles – oui civiles ! – et accepter
> d’utiliser, pour des raisons économiques, des armes surpuissantes et
> inadaptées aux missions.
>
> J’ai vu tant de choses en ces années au service du renseignement,
entre
> autres pendant la guerre du Golfe où j’étais chef de Cabinet du
Général
> Roquejeoffre, et décoré par le général Schwarzkopf… tant de choses
qui
> peuvent bouleverser la conscience de militaires qui n’en sont pas
moins
> des hommes.
> C’est tout cela que je me suis décidé à raconter ici, afin que ces
> choses là soient dites et que chacun puisse en faire sa réflexion.
> La France participe à hauteur de 16% au budget de fonctionnement de
> l’Alliance Atlantique, organisme dont les fonctions ont bien changé
> depuis sa création en 1949… Il faut cesser de participer à ces CRIMES
DE
> GUERRE À L’OTAN ».
>
> Parution : 8 juin 2000 // Prix : 110 francs // Format : 153 x 240 mm
> Contact presse : Johanna Rodrigue
> Tél. : 01 43 92 35 88 / Fax : 01 43 92 35 85 / e-mail :
> jrodrigue@...
>
> 43, quai de Grenelle 75905 Paris Cedex – Tél. 01 43 92 35 87 – Fax 01
43
> 92 35 85
> Edition°1 – SNC au capital de 100 000F – RC Paris B 312 285 745
>
======================================
Mumia Abu-Jamal News 04.07.2000
Info * Comunicati * Articoli * Iniziative * Dibattito
"Fight to Win", la Millions 4 Mumia di Philly '99 su Cd-Rom
www.jericho-italia.com/mumia-cd.zip
======================================
"Fight to Win", cd-rom sulla Millions 4 Mumia del '99 a Philadelphia
[da il Bollettino "Mumia Abu-Jamal News" n. 44 del 04.07.2000]
Un nuovo materiale e' stato messo in vendita per raccogliere fondi per
la
Campagna internazionale contro l'esecuzione di Mumia Abu-Jamal e per il
sostentamento dei progetti di difesa medico-legale a sostegno dei
prigionieri politici e prigionieri di guerra segregati negli Stati Uniti
portati avanti dalla Sezione Italiana del Jericho Movement.
Si tratta di un video in Cd-Rom della Millions 4 Mumia, la marcia per
Mumia
Abu-Jamal che ha portato lo scorso Aprile '99 8/10mila persone nella
citta'
di Philadelphia. La produzione e' francese e raccoglie gli interventi
dal
palco di Zack de la Rocha (cantante dei Rage Against the Machine),
December
12th Movement, Ramona Africa e Seeds of Wisdom (MOVE), Sonia Sanchez
(poetessa), Leonard Weinglass (principale avvocato di Mumia Abu-Jamal),
Latinos For Mumia, Bobby Castillo (portavoce di Leonard Peltier),
Geronimo
Pratt (ex Prigioniero di Guerra New Afrikan) e della Delegazione
francese
composta da Jeunesse Communiste, Julia Wright (scrittrice e
coordinatrice
dell'dell'International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal
-
France), A. Paillé e A. Page; e le interviste a Orie (Friend of MOVE -
New
York), Ed Wolkenstein (PDC) e Leonard Weinglass.
Per ricevere il Cd-Rom e' sufficiente inviare 12mila lire in busta
chiusa
(oppure tramite vaglia postale) a:
Sezione Italiana del Jericho Movement
Casella Postale n.11
45032 Bergantino (Ro)
Le spese di spedizione sono incluse.
Ovviamente, tranne che per i libri (le cui edizioni sono a cura di Case
Editrici) non esiste nessun copyright sul materiale qui presentato (e/o
sui
materiali fin qui prodotti) . Tuttavia ribadiamo che a fianco della
duplicazione e della diffuzione del Cd-Rom in questione (che confidiamo
sia
selvaggia) e' necessario riuscire a raccogliere fondi per il
mantenimento
della Campagna (o della campagne che di volta in volta affiancano quella
di
Mumia) e per le spese necessarie ai prigionieri politici e ai
prigionieri di
guerra rinchiusi negli Usa. Contribuite, gente, contribuite...
Ricordiamo che sulla pagine dei materiali curata dalla Sezione Italiana
del
Jericho Movement e' possibile visionare i titoli a disposizione e
inviare
form d'acquisto. Info: www.jericho-italia.com/order.htm oppure
0347-2390183
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
June 30, 2000
THE ROCKFORD INSTITUTE
La censura nelle democrazie liberali post-moderne:
il caso dell'immagine che ha preso in giro il mondo
Perche' Living Marxism ha perso la causa contro l'ITN
di THOMAS DEICHMANN
(per una introduzione sull'argomento si veda anche:
IL CASO LM / ITN
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/142?&start=115 )
CENSORSHIP IN POST-MODERN “LIBERAL DEMOCRACY”:
THE CASE OF “THE PICTURE THAT FOOLED THE WORLD”D
WHY LM LOST THE LIBEL CASE
Il video "Judgement", con tutta la documentazione usata da Thomas
Deichmann per svelare la truffa mediatica di Trnopolje, si puo' ordinare
attraverso il sito internet http://www.emperors-clothes.com
You can order the video "Judgement' at http://www.emperors-clothes.com
with all the documentation Deichmann used to prove the accepted frauds.
Na http://www.emperors-clothes.com moze da se naruci kaseta Judgement
koja dokumentuje sve sto Deichmann kaze.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
A stunning new film -
"JUDGMENT!"
http://www.emperors-clothes.com
At last we have visual proof that the media lied about Yugoslavia...
To order now, click here
We just finished production work on the English version of a stunning
new
film - "JUDGMENT!" It exposes the tricks used to concoct phony pictures
of a
nonexistent Serbian 'death camp' in 1992. These doctored images --
especially the famous emaciated man behind barbed wire -- were broadcast
worldwide to dehumanize the Serbs. They led to the deaths of thousands
and
great suffering for millions of human beings.
"JUDGMENT!" PROVES THOSE PICTURES WERE CYNICAL FABRICATIONS.
We urge you: Buy this film today Give a copy to a friend who doesn't
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film on TV stations, show it to local organizations, get it reviewed in
local papers. It will change people's minds. It will change your mind.
TELLING THE TRUTH, AND OTHER CRIMES
Last week the British alternative magazine, LM, was fined over $500,000
US
for libel. LM had printed a story that that charged British news station
ITN
and reporters Penny Marshall and Ian Williams with fraud. LM said ITN
had
faked the "death camp" pictures to demonize the Serbs.
The Judge in the libel case admitted that ITN might have made some
mistakes.
But he argued: the LM people weren't in Bosnia that day. So how could LM
be
sure what was really happening there?
IN FACT another film crew was present the entire time. They filmed the
footage used in "JUDGMENT!"
"JUDGMENT!" proves LM was simply telling the truth. "JUDGMENT!" proves
Penny
Marshall lied. "JUDGMENT!" shows how Marshall produced the picture that
fooled the world and justified a war.
The ITN crew visited a POW center and a refugee camp. By sheer luck they
were accompanied by a crew from Serbian television (RTS). The RTS crew
filmed the ITN crew at work. Using this RTS footage, a small Yugoslav
film
studio has recreated the events of that day. Emperors-Clothes edited the
Yugoslav movie to produce the English language film, "JUDGMENT!"
RTS is the TV station that NATO bombed in April, 1999, killing 20
people.
The film is dedicated to those dead, whose murders began with the ITN
pictures. We say this because the images that Penny Marshall fabricated
in
1992 began the dehumanization of the Serbian people. ITN and Penny
Marshall
laid the political basis for the bombing of the Bosnian loyalist
government
and of Serbia itself a year ago.
WHAT THIS FILM PROVES
1) The Loyalist ("Serbian") Authorities were humane.
>From the pictures that ITN produced one would think that Marshall and
her
crew had sneaked into a death camp and shot their film when nobody was
watching. Not so. The ITN crew visited two surprisingly casual and
humane
locations. They were protected but not controlled by the loyalist
authorities whom they later compared to Nazi's.
2) Marshall KNEW the loyalists were humane.
She and the crew from RTS interviewed POWs', their wives, non-POW
refugees,
a doctor, at least one red cross worker, the commander of the POW
Center.
The film shows these interviews. Marshall simply suppressed this
evidence of
humane treatment. Instead she staged some pictures. These were then
doctored
to produce Nazi-like images for mass consumption. The height of cynicism
and
dishonesty.
3) The refugees SAID they were treated decently.
Marshall is shown arguing with one refugee. She tries to coerce the man
to
say something anti-Yugoslav. He refuses. "No, no," he protests
vehemently.
"Not a prison. No, no. REFUGEE center. They treat us very kind. No, no,
very
kind." Undeterred, Marshall used this very location to stage her phony
death
camp shots.
4) Marshall staged the death camp sequence seen around the world.
She went out of her way to film from inside an awkward storage area.
Why?
Because one side had what she wanted: a fence, mainly chicken wire but
with
a few strands of barbed wire at the top. Shooting through the barbed
wire,
Marshall talked to refugees OUTSIDE the fence. She then doctored the raw
footage to produce false images of prisoners behind barbed wire.
5) Marshall and Ian Williams were filmed in the act of lying.
The amazing thing is -- the RTS people were filming a few feet away.
They
caught the same shots from a slightly different angle. They got pictures
of
Marshall, Ian Williams, a cameraman, a man holding a mike. You will see,
step by step, just how Marshall doctored her pictures to produce the
look of
a Nazi death camp. That is, the film takes footage shot by RTS and then
proceeds to alter it, as you watch, producing the phony ITN photos of
Nazi-like atrocities.
This film will change people's minds.
It documents that Marshall and ITN have committed the worst crime
against
humanity: they lied to millions of people in order to justify a war.
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Total cost in Europe - $26.50 (about 5 days)
Total cost in New Zealand, Australia and Japan - $30.00 (about 6 days)
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(For Special and Quantity Shipping - please email to
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2. HOW TO ORDER
BY MAIL - Send check and instructions to EMPERORS CLOTHES, PO Box
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BY PHONE - all 617-916-1705 from 8:30 am to 4:30 PM Eastern Standard
Time
BY SECURE SERVER - Go to http://emperors-clothes.com/howyour.html#donate
Pay
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Send that email to emperors1000@... This MUST be done so we'll know
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Would you care to join us?
=======================================================================
June 30, 2000
THE ROCKFORD INSTITUTE
Thomas Deichmann:CENSORSHIP IN POST-MODERN “LIBERAL DEMOCRACY”:
THE CASE OF “THE PICTURE THAT FOOLED THE WORLD”
Our regular readers will recall that just over two months ago we
published a commentary by the
British historian Michael Stenton on the use of libel laws in the UK as
a means of silencing
views at odds with the received wisdom of the ruling mainstream (Libel
and the truth: Bosnia
and “holocaust denial” – April 20). One of three cases invoked by Dr.
Stenton to illustrate the
use of libel laws as a means of muzzling free speech, and censoring
politically incorrect ideas,
concerned the lawsuit by one of Britain’s most powerful media
conglomerates – “Independent
Television News” (ITN) against the LM Magazine (formerly known as
“Living Marxism”). The
defendants had pointed out some inaccuracies in a TV report about the
Trnopolje POW camp in
Bosnia in summer 1992. LM had gone on to complain that misleading TV
pictures had helped
mislead the world about what was happening in Bosnia at the time.
Needless to say the side
with most money, once again, won the action.
While the outcome of the trial was dealt with briefly and only provided
a peg for Dr. Stenton’s general point about the threat to
the freedom of thought and expression in our time, some of our readers
have expressed an interest in the details of the case
itself. It seemed incredible that Great Britain, the world’s oldest
democracy, could allow such miscarriages of justice to get
legal sanctification. In the meantime we have received a more
comprehensive account of the now infamous LM trial from a key
figure in this complex case, German journalist Thomas Deichmann. His
1997 article “The picture that fooled the world,” in
which he exposed the ITN manipulations with images from Bosnia, caused
the controversy in the first place.--S.T.
WHY LM LOST THE LIBEL CASE
by Thomas Deichmann
The High Court in London delivered its harsh verdict on March 14th 2000.
The editor of the British magazine LM (previously
Living Marxism), its publisher Helene Guldberg and her publishing house
Informinc were found liable in defamation
proceedings after eleven days of court room proceedings. They were
ordered to pay the British news channel Independent
Television News (ITN) and two of its reporters, Penny Marshall and Ian
Williams massive damages. This comprised 75,000
pounds sterling payable to ITN and an additional 150,000 pounds payable
to each of the two reporters. The defendants were
also ordered to pay the legal fees of the claimants – an additional
300,000 pounds. The total is calculated as more than one
million dollars.
After the verdict Informinc went into liquidation, and Mick Hume and
Helene Guldberg prepared for personal bankruptcy.
Another immediate consequence was that most of LM’s Website
(www.informinc.co.uk) had to be shut down on the same
day. A few hours after the conclusion of the legal battle LM received a
letter from ITN asking when payment of the money
could be expected.
Censorship for Hire
A tragic chapter in modern media history was thus brought to an end. It
may usher in a
threatening new era. London, the Mecca of the Libel Suit, was used for
the first time by a mighty
media corporation to censor an important debate and to knock an unloved
and weaker opponent
out of the running. The arrogant behavior of ITN, represented during the
hearing by its Chief
Editor Richard Tait, and the two ITN reporters Penny Marshall and Ian
Williams, represents a
blow to every journalist. It is a warning especially to investigative
reporters whose job it is to
go against the mainstream and to help bring to light inconvenient
truths.
The publication of my article ‘The Picture that fooled the World’ in the
February 1997 edition
of LM was the catalyst which began the saga. This article had already
been printed in highly
regarded European publications and later been copied many times over. In
the article I showed
in great detail that the famous ITN-pictures of an emaciated Bosnian
Muslim behind a barbed
wire fence taken at the Bosnian Serb camp of Trnopolje in August 1992
were misleading and
fooled the world.
ITN won the case at the High Court but the victory left a foul
aftertaste – so openly did the
media giant attempt to manipulate the debate from the start. Immediately
after the verdict, ITN
set its PR-apparatus in motion in order to mislead the public anew.
Statements by both reporters
and the news channel tried to leave the uninformed viewer with the
impression that the trial jury
found that the central allegation against the ITN reporters in my LM
article of February 1997
was incorrect. The opposite is true.
ITN Reporter Behind Barbed Wire
In my 1997 article, I showed in great detail, first, that there was no
barbed wire fence
surrounding Trnopolje and the Muslims filmed there in August 1992.
Secondly, that the barbed
wire on the (in)famous ITN pictures belonged to a small agricultural
compound neighbouring the
Trnopolje camp grounds. I further explained that the British reporters
stood inside this
compound surrounded by the barbed wire fence and that from inside there
they filmed the
(in)famous pictures. Thirdly, I explained that nowhere else in Trnopolje
did any barbed wire
fence exist; and fourthly, that the conclusions drawn by politicians and
the media worldwide that
Trnopolje was a concentration camp similar to Auschwitz and
Bergen-Belsen, were wrong and
based on a very misleading image.
The first three aspects of my story were proved during the court
proceedings of the Case. In
particular, the uncut ITN tapes, the so-called ‘rushes’, were important.
This was more or less
the same material I used during my research beginning in late 1996. The
fourth point was not
dealt with during the proceedings. However, by this stage, nobody
questioned that Trnopolje
was not a Nazi-style concentration camp.
Judge Morland gave his summary the day before the end of the case and
stressed with his own
words to the jury that the reporters were surrounded by a barbed wire
fence in August 1992:
‘It is a matter for you but, having seen the rushes and the bundles of
Mr. Deichmann’s
photographs, is it not clear that before the civil war there was fencing
surrounding the area
containing the barn, the garage and the electricity transformer? That
fence was made of tall
metal posts with barbed wire strands on top, and below chicken wire,
with a gate on the east
road. Clearly Ian Williams and Penny Marshall and their TV teams were
mistaken in thinking
they were not enclosed by the old barbed wire fence.’
Facts Don’t Matter
Judge Morland elaborated at this point of his summary: ‘But does it
matter?’ By raising this
question he wished to remind the members of the jury what this libel
case was about. The
central question which the jury had to decide on was this: did the ITN
reporters in 1992
deliberately publish a misleading image. The case therefore did not
mainly consider if this
happened or not, instead it dealt first of all with the question if the
reporters publicized their
barbed wire shots with clear intent to fool the world. The Judge
formulated at the beginning of
his summation some sympathy for my investigative reporting. However, he
then defined what
this libel case was about:
‘Members of the jury, you may well think that in a democratic society it
is vital that journalists
are fearless, investigative reporters. It is, you may well think, of the
utmost importance that they
are accurate and fair reporters. It is right that one journalist, if he
considers that another
journalist has been inaccurate, unfair and misleading, should say so.
But this case, you may
think, is not about whether Penny Marshall and Ian Williams have been
inaccurate, unfair or
misleading; the nub of this case is whether the defendants have
established that Penny Marshall
and Ian Williams have deliberately – I emphasize that word
‚deliberately’ – compiled
misleading television footage.’ Nick Higham, media correspondent of the
BBC, recapitulated
these explanations of the Judge in a news commentary on the day of the
verdict in the following
manner: ‘Mr. Justice Morland told the jury LM’s facts might have been
right, but he asked, did
that matter?’
The judge’s summary finally brought to the surface the scale of dirty
tricks ITN and its reporters
had used with their libel suit against LM. They did not merely hid for
three years (that is how
long it took to come to trial) behind the repressive English libel laws
that are considered so
frightening inside media circles. ITN argued that the central libelous
connotation of my article,
an accompanying leader by Mick Hume, and a LM press release circulated
in January 1997,
was that LM made the ordinary reader believe that ITN and its reporters
with full and complete
knowledge deliberately lied to the world. Actually, I am of the opinion
that the reporters must
have known exactly what they were doing at the time. However, I did not
state this in my article.
Instead I wrote, ‘Whatever the British news team’s intentions may have
been, their pictures
were seen around the world as the first hard evidence of concentration
camps in Bosnia.’
But ITN put this point at center stage of the libel suit because their
lawyers from Biddle & Co.
knew that in this manner they could not lose the case. Their task was
made easier by the fact that
in English libel law the burden of proof lies with the defendant (a
further indication of the
absurdity of this law). LM had to prove the bad intent of the ITN
reporters in order to win the
case. Therefore the verdict did not come as a surprise to the LM-team.
Editor Mick Hume
commented: ‘We had to prove the unprovable.’
Memory Gaps
Gavin Millar, LM’s barrister, despite all this did a great job and first
worked to convince the
jury of the correctness of my explanation of where the barbed wire fence
was located. He
further exerted himself to establish that the two ITN reporters must
have known that at the time
they took the famous pictures that they were standing in the small
compound surrounded by
barbed wire.
But none of the ITN witnesses, with the exception of Penny Marshall’s
cameraman, remembered
that this was the case. Ian Williams was the first witness giving
evidence. He, for example, was
asked by Millar how he was able to reach from the fenced-in compound the
open field just to the
west of it. Williams answered he simply walked around the corner. When
he then was
confronted with the ITN rushes which clearly showed a barbed wire fence
there at the corner
and all along the Western side of the compound he then could not
remember the exact details of
his movements any more. In any event, at the end of his testimony, on
the fourth day of the
courtroom proceedings he again stated that it was a ‘lie’ that the
reporters were surrounded by
barbed wire.
But during the testimony of the next witness, only a few hours later,
Judge Morland intervened
and gave his opinion that after viewing the ITN tapes various times now,
he was convinced that
this was precisely the situation. He asked the ITN lawyer not to waste
any more time disputing
this point. The next day, Ian William’s sound man indicated a new
version of the story:
William’s team reached the open field through the barbed wire fence
somewhere further south,
possibly through a hole in the fence. This again did not show up on the
ITN tapes.
Penny Marshall also had memory gaps specifically regarding the fenced in
compound, even
though it was uncontested that she had entered it through a gap in the
barbed wire fence from the
southern side next to a small electricity transformer building and that
she had passed the barn
situated in the middle of this compound. But she could not remember that
she was surrounded by
barbed wire. Nor could she remember how she exited the fenced in
compound.
Gavin Millar, LM’s barrister, further questioned the statements of the
ITN reporters that it never
had crossed their minds in August 1992 that the (in)famous pictures of
the emaciated Muslim
taken behind barbed wire could trigger comparisons with the Holocaust.
He also raised doubts
concerning ITN’s explanation that the news reporters were not under any
pressure to come up
with a camp scoop given the widely disseminated speculative reports of
possible
‘Concentration Camps’ and ‘Death Camps’ in Northern Bosnia. Millar
succeeded numerous
times in entangling the ITN employees in contradictions – but he was
unable to establish ITN’s
deliberate manipulation – what was in their minds at the time.
Disappearing Videotapes and Witnesses
Besides memory gaps there were other obstacles with which LM had to
contend. One of these was that an important video
tape of the ITN rushes had been lost in the ITN archives. This tape
could have shown Penny Marshall continuously moving on
the compound surrounded by the barbed wire fence, and perhaps her
commenting on the situation, and exiting from there.
Only a short sequence of this tape could be seen in the courtroom having
been taken from an ITN news broadcast in August
1992. The first time the subject of the disappearing videotape came up,
ripples of surprise and speculation ran through the
courtroom. The video tape of a Bosnian-Serbian cameraman in military
uniform, which was shot on the same day in Trnopolje
as Penny Marshall filmed, could not make up for the loss of this part of
the ITN rushes. However, it did show that Marshall
interviewed at least two other men before she shook hands with the
emaciated man and talked to him through the barbed wire.
This contradicted the way the matter was presented in the ITN news and
in later interviews she gave. One of these interviewed
men, wearing a blue overall, introduced himself as Mehmet. He repeatedly
stressed when questioned by the British reporters,
that Trnopolje was not a prison but a refugee camp and he felt safe
there. This did not feature in the report.
Finally the ITN lawyers were able to make use of the repressive nature
of English libel laws in
a way, that all further witnesses for the Defense were struck out of the
case before they could
give evidence. The most prominent was John Simpson, BBC World Affairs
Editor, one of the
world’s most highly regarded reporters. Also denied the opportunity to
take the witness stand
for LM was the well known and highly respected former war correspondent
Phillip Knightley,
author of the book ‘The First Casualty’. In addition, the London Queen’s
Counsel barrister
Steven Kay was prevented from testifying. Only LM editor Mick Hume and
myself were
allowed to give evidence for the defence. For good measure, even my own
testimony was
severely reduced.
Smear Campaign
But that wasn’t all. In 1997, at the outset, ITN had charged LM with
malice on top of libel after
the publication of my article. ITN tried to prevent the distribution of
LM and demanded the
destruction of all copies of the edition. This happened one day after LM
circulated a press
release announcing my article and even before ITN even had read my
piece. Despite this ITN
claimed that my article was outrageous and untrue.
In ITN’s subsequent ‘malice’ claim LM and I were described as intending
to spread
pro-Serbian propaganda and that this intent was the real reason for the
publication of my article
in LM. As supposed proof of this charge, ITN provided an odd list of
articles appearing in LM
dealing with the Balkan War and related topics. For example it included
an excerpt from an
interview I had done with the famous Austrian novelist Peter Handke in
the Spring of 1996. I
had offered to let LM along with other publications in Europe publish
the interview.
However the malice charge invited the wildest denunciations against LM
and myself.
Impertinent lies and gossip quickly made the rounds. For example, that I
was an agent of the
Serbs and received payment from them. Even one week before the start of
the court hearings, I
received for the n-th time a telephone call from a reporter (this time
from the British paper ‘The
Guardian’) who wished to know if I was married to a Serb. Despite
repeated explanations that I
was not, and that I had no connections to the Serb authorities, and that
I supported none of the
parties involved in the Bosnian civil war, there were many such rumors –
all thanks to ITN’s
malice suit. Ed Vulliamy, the Guardian reporter who had also visited the
North Bosnian camps
along with the ITN teams in August 1992, contributed to the mood with
repeated hysterical
defamations, while ITN, Marshall and Williams kept quiet and let their
lawyers act.
Interesting enough, the malice charge was dropped when the case came to
court. ITN’s lawyer
Tom Shields let it go without a murmur because there was not the
slightest evidence for such
conspiracy theories. This made clear to me that the malice charge was
only added to the libel
suit in the first place in order to support a smear campaign against
myself and LM.
Historical Revisionism
ITN’s QC barrister Tom Shields stressed during the trial the miserable
conditions in Trnopolje
in summer 1992. To prove this the Plaintiffs brought as a witness a
Muslim doctor who under
the guard of Bosnian Serb authorities cared for the camp’s inmates and
locals in 1992. At the
time he was also interviewed by Penny Marshall and gave her a camera
with an undeveloped
film. The photos on it where published in August 1992 in some British
papers. They showed
Bosnian Muslims who had been beaten by Serbian guards. The doctor
described on the witness
stand how he met the ITN teams in summer 1992, and confirmed the stories
of the rape and
assault of defenseless civilians in Trnopolje – stories which I and LM
have never disputed, and
in fact reported in my article. His very short testimony was of cause
moving, but my impression
was that he was only invited to give evidence for ITN to score moral
points for the Plaintiffs.
LM barrister Millar declined to cross examine the doctor.
Tom Shields for ITN used the testimony of the doctor to give the utterly
false impression that I
wished to excuse those who were guilty of evil acts in Trnopolje and
elsewhere. The ITN
lawyer further exerted himself to question my description of Trnopolje
as a refugee and transit
camp in which many Muslims sought safety from the bloody civil war going
on around them.
During my testimony it became clear that Shields, despite his hectoring
me with morally laden
catch-phrases, didn’t have the slightest idea what had happened during
the Bosnian civil war.
Trnopolje was surely a chaotic and awful place, but it was also surely
not a detention camp or
prison and most surely it was not a concentration camp comparable with
Auschwitz or
Bergen-Belsen as suggested by the famous ITN shots with the barbed wire.
The single positive feature of the proceedings in the High Court in
London was that they finally
proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that neither Trnopolje camp nor the
filmed Bosnian
Muslims were surrounded by a barbed wire fence as suggested by ITN’s
shots. Rather, it was
the journalists who were surrounded by barbed wire as my article ‘The
picture that fooled the
world’ had shown.
But on the other hand, the verdict spelled the end of LM and now hangs
like a sword of
Damocles over every English journalist. LM, an opinionated magazine with
intelligent articles
contrary to the Zeitgeist, was brought to ruin. One can only hope that
other media organizations
and journalists will not follow ITN’s example but instead follow the
example of publications
like LM and its creators.
Thomas Deichmann, 37, is a freelance journalist and author and editor of
the bimonthly German magazine Novo.
Further information on the libel case including the original article in
German language is available on
http://www.novo-magazin.de/itn-vs-lm Deichmann’s article ‘The picture
that fooled the world’ was reprinted in the
U.S. in Ramsey Clark et al: ‘NATO in the Balkans. Voices of Opposition’,
International Action Centre, New York
1998. An analytical piece on the same story with the title
‘Misinformation: TV Coverage of a Bosnian Camp’
appeared in CovertAction Quarterly, Fall 1998. Deichmann’s study of Roy
Gutman’s war reporting recently appeared
in the US under the title ‘The Pulitzer Price and Croatian Propaganda’
in ‘War Lies & Videotape. How Media
Monopoly stifles truth’, International Action Centre, New York 2000. You
may call Thomas Deichmann in Frankfurt
at +49 69 722271; send him a fax at 720913; or send him an e-mail at
Thomas.Deichmann@...
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
THE ROCKFORD INSTITUTE
La censura nelle democrazie liberali post-moderne:
il caso dell'immagine che ha preso in giro il mondo
Perche' Living Marxism ha perso la causa contro l'ITN
di THOMAS DEICHMANN
(per una introduzione sull'argomento si veda anche:
IL CASO LM / ITN
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/142?&start=115 )
CENSORSHIP IN POST-MODERN “LIBERAL DEMOCRACY”:
THE CASE OF “THE PICTURE THAT FOOLED THE WORLD”D
WHY LM LOST THE LIBEL CASE
Il video "Judgement", con tutta la documentazione usata da Thomas
Deichmann per svelare la truffa mediatica di Trnopolje, si puo' ordinare
attraverso il sito internet http://www.emperors-clothes.com
You can order the video "Judgement' at http://www.emperors-clothes.com
with all the documentation Deichmann used to prove the accepted frauds.
Na http://www.emperors-clothes.com moze da se naruci kaseta Judgement
koja dokumentuje sve sto Deichmann kaze.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
A stunning new film -
"JUDGMENT!"
http://www.emperors-clothes.com
At last we have visual proof that the media lied about Yugoslavia...
To order now, click here
We just finished production work on the English version of a stunning
new
film - "JUDGMENT!" It exposes the tricks used to concoct phony pictures
of a
nonexistent Serbian 'death camp' in 1992. These doctored images --
especially the famous emaciated man behind barbed wire -- were broadcast
worldwide to dehumanize the Serbs. They led to the deaths of thousands
and
great suffering for millions of human beings.
"JUDGMENT!" PROVES THOSE PICTURES WERE CYNICAL FABRICATIONS.
We urge you: Buy this film today Give a copy to a friend who doesn't
want to
believe the mass media would fabricate phony atrocity pictures. Show
this
film on TV stations, show it to local organizations, get it reviewed in
local papers. It will change people's minds. It will change your mind.
TELLING THE TRUTH, AND OTHER CRIMES
Last week the British alternative magazine, LM, was fined over $500,000
US
for libel. LM had printed a story that that charged British news station
ITN
and reporters Penny Marshall and Ian Williams with fraud. LM said ITN
had
faked the "death camp" pictures to demonize the Serbs.
The Judge in the libel case admitted that ITN might have made some
mistakes.
But he argued: the LM people weren't in Bosnia that day. So how could LM
be
sure what was really happening there?
IN FACT another film crew was present the entire time. They filmed the
footage used in "JUDGMENT!"
"JUDGMENT!" proves LM was simply telling the truth. "JUDGMENT!" proves
Penny
Marshall lied. "JUDGMENT!" shows how Marshall produced the picture that
fooled the world and justified a war.
The ITN crew visited a POW center and a refugee camp. By sheer luck they
were accompanied by a crew from Serbian television (RTS). The RTS crew
filmed the ITN crew at work. Using this RTS footage, a small Yugoslav
film
studio has recreated the events of that day. Emperors-Clothes edited the
Yugoslav movie to produce the English language film, "JUDGMENT!"
RTS is the TV station that NATO bombed in April, 1999, killing 20
people.
The film is dedicated to those dead, whose murders began with the ITN
pictures. We say this because the images that Penny Marshall fabricated
in
1992 began the dehumanization of the Serbian people. ITN and Penny
Marshall
laid the political basis for the bombing of the Bosnian loyalist
government
and of Serbia itself a year ago.
WHAT THIS FILM PROVES
1) The Loyalist ("Serbian") Authorities were humane.
>From the pictures that ITN produced one would think that Marshall and
her
crew had sneaked into a death camp and shot their film when nobody was
watching. Not so. The ITN crew visited two surprisingly casual and
humane
locations. They were protected but not controlled by the loyalist
authorities whom they later compared to Nazi's.
2) Marshall KNEW the loyalists were humane.
She and the crew from RTS interviewed POWs', their wives, non-POW
refugees,
a doctor, at least one red cross worker, the commander of the POW
Center.
The film shows these interviews. Marshall simply suppressed this
evidence of
humane treatment. Instead she staged some pictures. These were then
doctored
to produce Nazi-like images for mass consumption. The height of cynicism
and
dishonesty.
3) The refugees SAID they were treated decently.
Marshall is shown arguing with one refugee. She tries to coerce the man
to
say something anti-Yugoslav. He refuses. "No, no," he protests
vehemently.
"Not a prison. No, no. REFUGEE center. They treat us very kind. No, no,
very
kind." Undeterred, Marshall used this very location to stage her phony
death
camp shots.
4) Marshall staged the death camp sequence seen around the world.
She went out of her way to film from inside an awkward storage area.
Why?
Because one side had what she wanted: a fence, mainly chicken wire but
with
a few strands of barbed wire at the top. Shooting through the barbed
wire,
Marshall talked to refugees OUTSIDE the fence. She then doctored the raw
footage to produce false images of prisoners behind barbed wire.
5) Marshall and Ian Williams were filmed in the act of lying.
The amazing thing is -- the RTS people were filming a few feet away.
They
caught the same shots from a slightly different angle. They got pictures
of
Marshall, Ian Williams, a cameraman, a man holding a mike. You will see,
step by step, just how Marshall doctored her pictures to produce the
look of
a Nazi death camp. That is, the film takes footage shot by RTS and then
proceeds to alter it, as you watch, producing the phony ITN photos of
Nazi-like atrocities.
This film will change people's minds.
It documents that Marshall and ITN have committed the worst crime
against
humanity: they lied to millions of people in order to justify a war.
1. Order now by Phone, Mail or secure Server
VHS TAPES NOW AVAILABLE (Prices on PAL and SECAM tapes, often used
outside
US, as soon as possible)
Base price, $19.95 * Add $1 tax ONLY in Massachusetts
TOTAL PRICE including shipping and handling:
In US - $25.00 (2-3 days)
In Massachusetts - $26.00 (1 day)
With NEXT DAY SHIPPING in US but outside Massachusetts - $36.00
Total cost in Europe - $26.50 (about 5 days)
Total cost in New Zealand, Australia and Japan - $30.00 (about 6 days)
Total cost in rest of Asia, Africa, former Soviet Union, etc. - $22.00
(6-10
days)
Total cost in Canada - $26.00 (2-4 days)
(For Special and Quantity Shipping - please email to
emperors1000@... or
call shipper at 617-916-1705)
2. HOW TO ORDER
BY MAIL - Send check and instructions to EMPERORS CLOTHES, PO Box
610-321,
Newton, MA 02461-0321 Please state how you heard about the film.
BY PHONE - all 617-916-1705 from 8:30 am to 4:30 PM Eastern Standard
Time
BY SECURE SERVER - Go to http://emperors-clothes.com/howyour.html#donate
Pay
the appropriate amount AS A DONATION. Then PLEASE email us stating the
amount donated and the number of films desired and shipping
instructions.
Send that email to emperors1000@... This MUST be done so we'll know
your
donation is to pay for the film! Please also tell us how you heard about
the
film. Please tell us any ideas for increasing distribution. Thanks!
WE PRESENTLY HAVE FILMS IN STOCK. WE CAN REPLENISH STOCK WITHIN ONE DAY.
VIEW "JUDGMENT!" SHOW it to friends. MAIL IT to friends and relatives.
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NOTE TO WEBSITES, MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS AND TV STATIONS: IF YOU
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THIS FILM YOUR ORGANIZATION CAN RECEIVE A COMMISSION FOR EVERY FILM YOU
HELP
TO SELL. Drop us an email for details. Emperors1000@... . So far the
film is being distributed by www.emperors-clothes.com and
www.antiwar.com .
Would you care to join us?
=======================================================================
June 30, 2000
THE ROCKFORD INSTITUTE
Thomas Deichmann:CENSORSHIP IN POST-MODERN “LIBERAL DEMOCRACY”:
THE CASE OF “THE PICTURE THAT FOOLED THE WORLD”
Our regular readers will recall that just over two months ago we
published a commentary by the
British historian Michael Stenton on the use of libel laws in the UK as
a means of silencing
views at odds with the received wisdom of the ruling mainstream (Libel
and the truth: Bosnia
and “holocaust denial” – April 20). One of three cases invoked by Dr.
Stenton to illustrate the
use of libel laws as a means of muzzling free speech, and censoring
politically incorrect ideas,
concerned the lawsuit by one of Britain’s most powerful media
conglomerates – “Independent
Television News” (ITN) against the LM Magazine (formerly known as
“Living Marxism”). The
defendants had pointed out some inaccuracies in a TV report about the
Trnopolje POW camp in
Bosnia in summer 1992. LM had gone on to complain that misleading TV
pictures had helped
mislead the world about what was happening in Bosnia at the time.
Needless to say the side
with most money, once again, won the action.
While the outcome of the trial was dealt with briefly and only provided
a peg for Dr. Stenton’s general point about the threat to
the freedom of thought and expression in our time, some of our readers
have expressed an interest in the details of the case
itself. It seemed incredible that Great Britain, the world’s oldest
democracy, could allow such miscarriages of justice to get
legal sanctification. In the meantime we have received a more
comprehensive account of the now infamous LM trial from a key
figure in this complex case, German journalist Thomas Deichmann. His
1997 article “The picture that fooled the world,” in
which he exposed the ITN manipulations with images from Bosnia, caused
the controversy in the first place.--S.T.
WHY LM LOST THE LIBEL CASE
by Thomas Deichmann
The High Court in London delivered its harsh verdict on March 14th 2000.
The editor of the British magazine LM (previously
Living Marxism), its publisher Helene Guldberg and her publishing house
Informinc were found liable in defamation
proceedings after eleven days of court room proceedings. They were
ordered to pay the British news channel Independent
Television News (ITN) and two of its reporters, Penny Marshall and Ian
Williams massive damages. This comprised 75,000
pounds sterling payable to ITN and an additional 150,000 pounds payable
to each of the two reporters. The defendants were
also ordered to pay the legal fees of the claimants – an additional
300,000 pounds. The total is calculated as more than one
million dollars.
After the verdict Informinc went into liquidation, and Mick Hume and
Helene Guldberg prepared for personal bankruptcy.
Another immediate consequence was that most of LM’s Website
(www.informinc.co.uk) had to be shut down on the same
day. A few hours after the conclusion of the legal battle LM received a
letter from ITN asking when payment of the money
could be expected.
Censorship for Hire
A tragic chapter in modern media history was thus brought to an end. It
may usher in a
threatening new era. London, the Mecca of the Libel Suit, was used for
the first time by a mighty
media corporation to censor an important debate and to knock an unloved
and weaker opponent
out of the running. The arrogant behavior of ITN, represented during the
hearing by its Chief
Editor Richard Tait, and the two ITN reporters Penny Marshall and Ian
Williams, represents a
blow to every journalist. It is a warning especially to investigative
reporters whose job it is to
go against the mainstream and to help bring to light inconvenient
truths.
The publication of my article ‘The Picture that fooled the World’ in the
February 1997 edition
of LM was the catalyst which began the saga. This article had already
been printed in highly
regarded European publications and later been copied many times over. In
the article I showed
in great detail that the famous ITN-pictures of an emaciated Bosnian
Muslim behind a barbed
wire fence taken at the Bosnian Serb camp of Trnopolje in August 1992
were misleading and
fooled the world.
ITN won the case at the High Court but the victory left a foul
aftertaste – so openly did the
media giant attempt to manipulate the debate from the start. Immediately
after the verdict, ITN
set its PR-apparatus in motion in order to mislead the public anew.
Statements by both reporters
and the news channel tried to leave the uninformed viewer with the
impression that the trial jury
found that the central allegation against the ITN reporters in my LM
article of February 1997
was incorrect. The opposite is true.
ITN Reporter Behind Barbed Wire
In my 1997 article, I showed in great detail, first, that there was no
barbed wire fence
surrounding Trnopolje and the Muslims filmed there in August 1992.
Secondly, that the barbed
wire on the (in)famous ITN pictures belonged to a small agricultural
compound neighbouring the
Trnopolje camp grounds. I further explained that the British reporters
stood inside this
compound surrounded by the barbed wire fence and that from inside there
they filmed the
(in)famous pictures. Thirdly, I explained that nowhere else in Trnopolje
did any barbed wire
fence exist; and fourthly, that the conclusions drawn by politicians and
the media worldwide that
Trnopolje was a concentration camp similar to Auschwitz and
Bergen-Belsen, were wrong and
based on a very misleading image.
The first three aspects of my story were proved during the court
proceedings of the Case. In
particular, the uncut ITN tapes, the so-called ‘rushes’, were important.
This was more or less
the same material I used during my research beginning in late 1996. The
fourth point was not
dealt with during the proceedings. However, by this stage, nobody
questioned that Trnopolje
was not a Nazi-style concentration camp.
Judge Morland gave his summary the day before the end of the case and
stressed with his own
words to the jury that the reporters were surrounded by a barbed wire
fence in August 1992:
‘It is a matter for you but, having seen the rushes and the bundles of
Mr. Deichmann’s
photographs, is it not clear that before the civil war there was fencing
surrounding the area
containing the barn, the garage and the electricity transformer? That
fence was made of tall
metal posts with barbed wire strands on top, and below chicken wire,
with a gate on the east
road. Clearly Ian Williams and Penny Marshall and their TV teams were
mistaken in thinking
they were not enclosed by the old barbed wire fence.’
Facts Don’t Matter
Judge Morland elaborated at this point of his summary: ‘But does it
matter?’ By raising this
question he wished to remind the members of the jury what this libel
case was about. The
central question which the jury had to decide on was this: did the ITN
reporters in 1992
deliberately publish a misleading image. The case therefore did not
mainly consider if this
happened or not, instead it dealt first of all with the question if the
reporters publicized their
barbed wire shots with clear intent to fool the world. The Judge
formulated at the beginning of
his summation some sympathy for my investigative reporting. However, he
then defined what
this libel case was about:
‘Members of the jury, you may well think that in a democratic society it
is vital that journalists
are fearless, investigative reporters. It is, you may well think, of the
utmost importance that they
are accurate and fair reporters. It is right that one journalist, if he
considers that another
journalist has been inaccurate, unfair and misleading, should say so.
But this case, you may
think, is not about whether Penny Marshall and Ian Williams have been
inaccurate, unfair or
misleading; the nub of this case is whether the defendants have
established that Penny Marshall
and Ian Williams have deliberately – I emphasize that word
‚deliberately’ – compiled
misleading television footage.’ Nick Higham, media correspondent of the
BBC, recapitulated
these explanations of the Judge in a news commentary on the day of the
verdict in the following
manner: ‘Mr. Justice Morland told the jury LM’s facts might have been
right, but he asked, did
that matter?’
The judge’s summary finally brought to the surface the scale of dirty
tricks ITN and its reporters
had used with their libel suit against LM. They did not merely hid for
three years (that is how
long it took to come to trial) behind the repressive English libel laws
that are considered so
frightening inside media circles. ITN argued that the central libelous
connotation of my article,
an accompanying leader by Mick Hume, and a LM press release circulated
in January 1997,
was that LM made the ordinary reader believe that ITN and its reporters
with full and complete
knowledge deliberately lied to the world. Actually, I am of the opinion
that the reporters must
have known exactly what they were doing at the time. However, I did not
state this in my article.
Instead I wrote, ‘Whatever the British news team’s intentions may have
been, their pictures
were seen around the world as the first hard evidence of concentration
camps in Bosnia.’
But ITN put this point at center stage of the libel suit because their
lawyers from Biddle & Co.
knew that in this manner they could not lose the case. Their task was
made easier by the fact that
in English libel law the burden of proof lies with the defendant (a
further indication of the
absurdity of this law). LM had to prove the bad intent of the ITN
reporters in order to win the
case. Therefore the verdict did not come as a surprise to the LM-team.
Editor Mick Hume
commented: ‘We had to prove the unprovable.’
Memory Gaps
Gavin Millar, LM’s barrister, despite all this did a great job and first
worked to convince the
jury of the correctness of my explanation of where the barbed wire fence
was located. He
further exerted himself to establish that the two ITN reporters must
have known that at the time
they took the famous pictures that they were standing in the small
compound surrounded by
barbed wire.
But none of the ITN witnesses, with the exception of Penny Marshall’s
cameraman, remembered
that this was the case. Ian Williams was the first witness giving
evidence. He, for example, was
asked by Millar how he was able to reach from the fenced-in compound the
open field just to the
west of it. Williams answered he simply walked around the corner. When
he then was
confronted with the ITN rushes which clearly showed a barbed wire fence
there at the corner
and all along the Western side of the compound he then could not
remember the exact details of
his movements any more. In any event, at the end of his testimony, on
the fourth day of the
courtroom proceedings he again stated that it was a ‘lie’ that the
reporters were surrounded by
barbed wire.
But during the testimony of the next witness, only a few hours later,
Judge Morland intervened
and gave his opinion that after viewing the ITN tapes various times now,
he was convinced that
this was precisely the situation. He asked the ITN lawyer not to waste
any more time disputing
this point. The next day, Ian William’s sound man indicated a new
version of the story:
William’s team reached the open field through the barbed wire fence
somewhere further south,
possibly through a hole in the fence. This again did not show up on the
ITN tapes.
Penny Marshall also had memory gaps specifically regarding the fenced in
compound, even
though it was uncontested that she had entered it through a gap in the
barbed wire fence from the
southern side next to a small electricity transformer building and that
she had passed the barn
situated in the middle of this compound. But she could not remember that
she was surrounded by
barbed wire. Nor could she remember how she exited the fenced in
compound.
Gavin Millar, LM’s barrister, further questioned the statements of the
ITN reporters that it never
had crossed their minds in August 1992 that the (in)famous pictures of
the emaciated Muslim
taken behind barbed wire could trigger comparisons with the Holocaust.
He also raised doubts
concerning ITN’s explanation that the news reporters were not under any
pressure to come up
with a camp scoop given the widely disseminated speculative reports of
possible
‘Concentration Camps’ and ‘Death Camps’ in Northern Bosnia. Millar
succeeded numerous
times in entangling the ITN employees in contradictions – but he was
unable to establish ITN’s
deliberate manipulation – what was in their minds at the time.
Disappearing Videotapes and Witnesses
Besides memory gaps there were other obstacles with which LM had to
contend. One of these was that an important video
tape of the ITN rushes had been lost in the ITN archives. This tape
could have shown Penny Marshall continuously moving on
the compound surrounded by the barbed wire fence, and perhaps her
commenting on the situation, and exiting from there.
Only a short sequence of this tape could be seen in the courtroom having
been taken from an ITN news broadcast in August
1992. The first time the subject of the disappearing videotape came up,
ripples of surprise and speculation ran through the
courtroom. The video tape of a Bosnian-Serbian cameraman in military
uniform, which was shot on the same day in Trnopolje
as Penny Marshall filmed, could not make up for the loss of this part of
the ITN rushes. However, it did show that Marshall
interviewed at least two other men before she shook hands with the
emaciated man and talked to him through the barbed wire.
This contradicted the way the matter was presented in the ITN news and
in later interviews she gave. One of these interviewed
men, wearing a blue overall, introduced himself as Mehmet. He repeatedly
stressed when questioned by the British reporters,
that Trnopolje was not a prison but a refugee camp and he felt safe
there. This did not feature in the report.
Finally the ITN lawyers were able to make use of the repressive nature
of English libel laws in
a way, that all further witnesses for the Defense were struck out of the
case before they could
give evidence. The most prominent was John Simpson, BBC World Affairs
Editor, one of the
world’s most highly regarded reporters. Also denied the opportunity to
take the witness stand
for LM was the well known and highly respected former war correspondent
Phillip Knightley,
author of the book ‘The First Casualty’. In addition, the London Queen’s
Counsel barrister
Steven Kay was prevented from testifying. Only LM editor Mick Hume and
myself were
allowed to give evidence for the defence. For good measure, even my own
testimony was
severely reduced.
Smear Campaign
But that wasn’t all. In 1997, at the outset, ITN had charged LM with
malice on top of libel after
the publication of my article. ITN tried to prevent the distribution of
LM and demanded the
destruction of all copies of the edition. This happened one day after LM
circulated a press
release announcing my article and even before ITN even had read my
piece. Despite this ITN
claimed that my article was outrageous and untrue.
In ITN’s subsequent ‘malice’ claim LM and I were described as intending
to spread
pro-Serbian propaganda and that this intent was the real reason for the
publication of my article
in LM. As supposed proof of this charge, ITN provided an odd list of
articles appearing in LM
dealing with the Balkan War and related topics. For example it included
an excerpt from an
interview I had done with the famous Austrian novelist Peter Handke in
the Spring of 1996. I
had offered to let LM along with other publications in Europe publish
the interview.
However the malice charge invited the wildest denunciations against LM
and myself.
Impertinent lies and gossip quickly made the rounds. For example, that I
was an agent of the
Serbs and received payment from them. Even one week before the start of
the court hearings, I
received for the n-th time a telephone call from a reporter (this time
from the British paper ‘The
Guardian’) who wished to know if I was married to a Serb. Despite
repeated explanations that I
was not, and that I had no connections to the Serb authorities, and that
I supported none of the
parties involved in the Bosnian civil war, there were many such rumors –
all thanks to ITN’s
malice suit. Ed Vulliamy, the Guardian reporter who had also visited the
North Bosnian camps
along with the ITN teams in August 1992, contributed to the mood with
repeated hysterical
defamations, while ITN, Marshall and Williams kept quiet and let their
lawyers act.
Interesting enough, the malice charge was dropped when the case came to
court. ITN’s lawyer
Tom Shields let it go without a murmur because there was not the
slightest evidence for such
conspiracy theories. This made clear to me that the malice charge was
only added to the libel
suit in the first place in order to support a smear campaign against
myself and LM.
Historical Revisionism
ITN’s QC barrister Tom Shields stressed during the trial the miserable
conditions in Trnopolje
in summer 1992. To prove this the Plaintiffs brought as a witness a
Muslim doctor who under
the guard of Bosnian Serb authorities cared for the camp’s inmates and
locals in 1992. At the
time he was also interviewed by Penny Marshall and gave her a camera
with an undeveloped
film. The photos on it where published in August 1992 in some British
papers. They showed
Bosnian Muslims who had been beaten by Serbian guards. The doctor
described on the witness
stand how he met the ITN teams in summer 1992, and confirmed the stories
of the rape and
assault of defenseless civilians in Trnopolje – stories which I and LM
have never disputed, and
in fact reported in my article. His very short testimony was of cause
moving, but my impression
was that he was only invited to give evidence for ITN to score moral
points for the Plaintiffs.
LM barrister Millar declined to cross examine the doctor.
Tom Shields for ITN used the testimony of the doctor to give the utterly
false impression that I
wished to excuse those who were guilty of evil acts in Trnopolje and
elsewhere. The ITN
lawyer further exerted himself to question my description of Trnopolje
as a refugee and transit
camp in which many Muslims sought safety from the bloody civil war going
on around them.
During my testimony it became clear that Shields, despite his hectoring
me with morally laden
catch-phrases, didn’t have the slightest idea what had happened during
the Bosnian civil war.
Trnopolje was surely a chaotic and awful place, but it was also surely
not a detention camp or
prison and most surely it was not a concentration camp comparable with
Auschwitz or
Bergen-Belsen as suggested by the famous ITN shots with the barbed wire.
The single positive feature of the proceedings in the High Court in
London was that they finally
proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that neither Trnopolje camp nor the
filmed Bosnian
Muslims were surrounded by a barbed wire fence as suggested by ITN’s
shots. Rather, it was
the journalists who were surrounded by barbed wire as my article ‘The
picture that fooled the
world’ had shown.
But on the other hand, the verdict spelled the end of LM and now hangs
like a sword of
Damocles over every English journalist. LM, an opinionated magazine with
intelligent articles
contrary to the Zeitgeist, was brought to ruin. One can only hope that
other media organizations
and journalists will not follow ITN’s example but instead follow the
example of publications
like LM and its creators.
Thomas Deichmann, 37, is a freelance journalist and author and editor of
the bimonthly German magazine Novo.
Further information on the libel case including the original article in
German language is available on
http://www.novo-magazin.de/itn-vs-lm Deichmann’s article ‘The picture
that fooled the world’ was reprinted in the
U.S. in Ramsey Clark et al: ‘NATO in the Balkans. Voices of Opposition’,
International Action Centre, New York
1998. An analytical piece on the same story with the title
‘Misinformation: TV Coverage of a Bosnian Camp’
appeared in CovertAction Quarterly, Fall 1998. Deichmann’s study of Roy
Gutman’s war reporting recently appeared
in the US under the title ‘The Pulitzer Price and Croatian Propaganda’
in ‘War Lies & Videotape. How Media
Monopoly stifles truth’, International Action Centre, New York 2000. You
may call Thomas Deichmann in Frankfurt
at +49 69 722271; send him a fax at 720913; or send him an e-mail at
Thomas.Deichmann@...
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RUDER FINN - Boycott ALL of their clients!!!
Ruder Finn has repeatedly distributed false accusations against the
Yugoslav
nation and the Serbian people, with both the intention AND THE RESULT of
inciting other governments to engage in armed attacks, sanctions, and
other
unprovoked acts of destruction against the Yugoslav nation and the
Serbian
people.
"Direct and public incitement to commit genocide" is punishable,
according
to Article 3 of the U.N. General Assembly resolution 260 A (III),
"Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide."
(See
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/p_genoci.htm).
>The following acts shall be punishable:
>(a) Genocide;
>(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
>(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
>(d ) Attempt to commit genocide;
>(e) Complicity in genocide.
Therefore, Ruder Finn and its owners and employees are war criminals in
the
tradition of Josef Goebbels and Julius Streicher.
What to do about it? The best way to shut down this, or any other,
public
relations firm once and for all is to boycott ALL of their clients.
DON'T buy ANYTHING from ANY of their clients. And tell those clients why
you
aren't buying from them!
DON'T subscribe to any periodical that carries an ad for Ruder-Finn's
public
relations services. And write to that periodical explaining what is
wrong
with Ruder Finn!
DON'T travel to any country or locality that uses their services, unless
you
are traveling to Kosovo to assist beleaguered Serbs or Roma.
PASS THIS MESSAGE ALONG!!!
Alida Weber
"NEXT YEAR IN KOSOVO!"
=====================================================
Date: Saturday, June 17, 2000 9:10 AM
Subject: [STOPNATO] Ruder Finn
http://www.plannedtelevisionarts.com/intl/index.html
RUDER FINN STILL AT IT
travel & tourism clients | international relations clients | economic
development clients
Travel & Tourism clients
American Society of Travel Agents (ASTA)
Association of Croatian Travel Agencies
ATLAS Travel Agency of Dubrovnik
Australian Tourist Commission
Barbados Tourism Authority
Canadian Airlines
Cathay Pacific Airways
City of Cannes and Convention Center
Chicago, Illinois: Chicago Public Library; Regional Transportation
Authority
Croatia National Tourist Board
Johnstown, Pennsylvania
Miami Convention & Visitors Bureau
Finnair
Hilton Hotels Corporation
Howard Johnson
Hyatt Hotel Corporation
New Orleans
Qantas Airways
South African Airways
St. James Club/Los Angeles
The Tudor Hotel (New York)
Toronto, Canada: Toronto International Festival; Toronto Transit
Commission
Universal Studios, Florida
Vail / Beaver Creek, Colorado
Westin Hotels
travel & tourism clients | international relations clients | economic
development clients
International Relations Clients
American Society of Travel Agents
Atlas Travel of Dubrovnik
Axa-Medi Assurances
Croatian National Tourism Office
European Council of American Chambers of Commerce
Fyffes Bananas
Plastico Limited
Republic of Albania
Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina
Republic of Croatia
Republic of El Salvador
Republic of Estonia
Republic of Kosova
The Rebuild Dubrovnik Fund
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
World Alpine Ski Championships
This is truly am interesting post.
Reminds me of my days in college in American Government class listening
to
all the Second Amendment arguments and wondering what it was all about!
(?)
Date: Saturday, June 17, 2000 9:10 AM
Subject: [STOPNATO] Ruder Finn
>> STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
>>
>> I suggest everyone check out Ruder Finns website. A
>> list of Ruder Finns
>> clients can be found at
>>
>(http://www.plannedtelevisionarts.com/intl/index.html).
>> They include such
>> non-existent states as the Republic of Kosova and
>> the Turkish Republic of
>> Northern Cyprus. Other Balkan clients include,
>> Bosnia, Albania,
>> Croatia...hmmm, does this firm have a political
>> agenda or what?
>>
>"We have the best congress money can buy!"
>This could very well be the slogan of this PR firm and
>the others working for the forses of genocide and
>anti-Serb racism on Capitol Hill.
>As a American I am ashamed to say that these firms
>have bought access to our corupt and criminal national
>government which is now involved in the slaughter and
>genocide of the Serbian people.
>I would like to add that these firms have also locked
>us out of congress so that common sense and humanity
>cannot get through.
>As an American I am UPSET that these governments can
>come here to my country and have more access to MY
>government that I do. They use this access to spread
>hate.
>congress is committing genocide because the price is
>right.
>We may soon have to take that original rights of self
>defense and clear house on capital hill.
---
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
http://swans.com
Swans
The Media and their Atrocities
by Michael Parenti
May 22, 2000
For the better part of a decade the U.S. public has been bombarded with
a media campaign to demonize the Serbian people and their elected
leaders. During that time, the U.S. government has pursued a goal of
breaking up Yugoslavia into a cluster of small, weak, dependent,
free-market principalities. Yugoslavia was the only country in Eastern
Europe that would not dismantle its welfare state and public sector
economy. It was the only one that did not beg for entry into NATO. It
was--and what's left of it, still is--charting an independent course not
in keeping with the New World Order.
Targeting the Serbs
Of the various Yugoslav peoples, the Serbs were targeted for
demonization because they were the largest nationality and the one most
opposed to the breakup of Yugoslavia. But what of the atrocities they
committed? All sides committed atrocities in the fighting that has been
encouraged by the western powers over the last decade, but the reporting
has been consistently one-sided. Grisly incidents of Croat and Muslim
atrocities against the Serbs rarely made it into the U.S. press, and
when they did they were accorded only passing mention.1 Meanwhile Serb
atrocities were played up and sometimes even fabricated, as we shall
see. Recently, three Croatian generals were indicted by the Hague War
Crimes Tribunal for the bombardment and deaths of Serbs in Krajina and
elsewhere. Where were the U.S. television crews when these war crimes
were being committed? John Ranz, chair of Survivors of the Buchenwald
Concentration Camp, USA, asks: Where were the TV cameras when hundreds
of Serbs were slaughtered by Muslims near Srebrenica?2 The official
line, faithfully parroted in the U.S. media, is that Bosnian Serb forces
committed all the atrocities at Srebrenica.
Are we to trust U.S. leaders and the corporate-owned news media when
they dish out atrocity stories? Recall the five hundred premature babies
whom Iraqi soldiers laughingly ripped from incubators in Kuwait? A story
repeated and believed until exposed as a total fabrication years later.
During the Bosnian war in 1993, the Serbs were accused of pursuing an
official policy of rape. "Go forth and rape" a Bosnian Serb commander
supposedly publicly instructed his troops. The source of that story
never could be traced. The commander's name was never produced. As far
as we know, no such utterance was ever made. Even the New York Times
belatedly ran a tiny retraction, coyly allowing that "the existence of
'a systematic rape policy' by the Serbs remains to be proved."3
Bosnian Serb forces supposedly raped anywhere from 25,000 to 100,000
Muslim women, the stories varied. The Bosnian Serb army numbered not
more than 30,000 or so, many of whom were engaged in desperate military
engagements. A representative from Helsinki Watch noted that stories of
massive Serbian rapes originated with the Bosnian Muslim and Croatian
governments and had no credible supporting evidence. Common sense would
dictate that these stories be treated with the utmost skepticism--and
not be used as an excuse for an aggressive and punitive policy against
Yugoslavia.
The "mass rape" propaganda theme was resuscitated in 1999 to justify the
continued NATO slaughter of Yugoslavia. A headline in the San Francisco
Examiner (April 26, 1999) tells us: "SERB TACTIC IS ORGANIZED RAPE,
KOSOVO REFUGEES SAY." No evidence or testimony is given to support the
charge of organized rape. Only at the bottom of the story, in the
nineteenth paragraph, do we read that reports gathered by the Kosovo
mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe found
no such organized rape policy. The actual number of rapes were in the
dozens "and not many dozens," according to the OSCE spokesperson. This
same story did note in passing that the U.N. War Crimes Tribunal
sentenced a Bosnian Croat military commander to ten years in prison for
failing to stop his troops from raping Muslim women in 1993--an atrocity
we heard little about when it was happening.
A few dozen rapes is a few dozen too many. But can it serve as one of
the justifications for a massive war? If Mr. Clinton wanted to stop
rapes, he could have begun a little closer to home in Washington D.C.,
where dozens of rapes occur every month. Indeed, he might be able to
alert us to how women are sexually mistreated on Capitol Hill and in the
White House itself.
The Serbs were blamed for the infamous Sarajevo market massacre. But
according to the report leaked out on French TV, Western intelligence
knew that it was Muslim operatives who had bombed Bosnian civilians in
the marketplace in order to induce NATO involvement. Even international
negotiator David Owen, who worked with Cyrus Vance, admitted in his
memoir that the NATO powers knew all along that it was a Muslim bomb.4
On one occasion, notes Barry Lituchy, the New York Times ran a photo
purporting to be of Croats grieving over Serbian atrocities when in fact
the murders had been committed by Bosnian Muslims. The Times printed an
obscure retraction the following week.5
The propaganda campaign against Belgrade has been so relentless that
even prominent personages on the Left--who oppose the NATO policy
against Yugoslavia--have felt compelled to genuflect before this
demonization orthodoxy, referring to unspecified and unverified Serbian
"brutality" and "the monstrous Milosevic."6 Thus they reveal themselves
as having been influenced by the very media propaganda machine they
criticize on so many other issues. To reject the demonized image of
Milosevic and of the Serbian people is not to idealize them or claim
that Serb forces are faultless or free of crimes. It is merely to
challenge the one-sided propaganda that laid the grounds for NATO's
aggression against Yugoslavia.
The Ethnic Cleansing Hype
Up until the NATO bombings began in March 1999, the conflict in Kosovo
had taken 2000 lives altogether from both sides, according to Kosovo
Albanian sources. Yugoslavian sources put the figure at 800. Such
casualties reveal a civil war, not genocide. Belgrade is condemned for
the forced expulsion policy of Albanians from Kosovo. But such
expulsions began in substantial numbers only after the NATO bombings,
with thousands being uprooted by Serb forces especially from areas where
KLA mercenaries were operating
We should keep in mind that tens of thousands also fled Kosovo because
it was being mercilessly bombed by NATO, or because it was the scene of
sustained ground fighting between Yugoslav forces and the KLA, or
because they were just afraid and hungry. An Albanian woman crossing
into Macedonia was eagerly asked by a news crew if she had been forced
out by Serb police. She responded: "There were no Serbs. We were
frightened of the [NATO] bombs."7 I had to read this in the San
Francisco Guardian, an alternative weekly, not in the New York Times or
Washington Post.
During the bombings, an estimated 70,000 to 100,000 Serbian residents of
Kosovo took flight (mostly north but some to the south), as did
thousands of Roma and others.8 Were the Serbs ethnically cleansing
themselves? Or were these people not fleeing the bombing and the ground
war? Yet, the refugee tide caused by the bombing was repeatedly used by
U.S. war makers as justification for the bombing, a pressure put on
Milosevic to allow "the safe return of ethnic Albanian refugees."9
While Kosovo Albanians were leaving in great numbers--usually
well-clothed and in good health, some riding their tractors, trucks, or
cars, many of them young men of recruitment age--they were described as
being "slaughtered." It was repeatedly reported that "Serb
atrocities"--not the extensive ground war with the KLA and certainly not
the massive NATO bombing--"drove more than one million Albanians from
their homes."10 More recently, there have been hints that Albanian
Kosovar refugees numbered nowhere near that number.
Serbian attacks on KLA strongholds or the forced expulsion of Albanian
villagers were described as "genocide." But experts in surveillance
photography and wartime propaganda charged NATO with running a
"propaganda campaign" on Kosovo that lacked any supporting evidence.
State Department reports of mass graves and of 100,000 to 500,000
missing Albanian men "are just ludicrous," according to these
independent critics.11 Their findings were ignored by the major networks
and other national media.
Early in the war, Newsday reported that Britain and France were
seriously considering "commando assaults into Kosovo to break the
pattern of Serbian massacres of ethnic Albanians."12 What discernible
pattern of massacres? Of course, no commando assaults were put into
operation, but the story served its purpose of hyping an image of mass
killings.
An ABC "Nightline" show made dramatic and repeated references to the
"Serbian atrocities in Kosovo" while offering no specifics. Ted Kopple
asked a group of angry Albanian refugees, what specifically had they
witnessed. They pointed to an old man in their group who wore a wool
hat. One of them reenacted what the Serbs had done to him, throwing the
man's hat to the ground and stepping on it-"because the Serbs knew that
his hat was the most important thing to him." Kopple was appropriately
horrified about this "war crime," the only example offered in an
hour-long program.
A widely circulated story in the New York Times, headlined "U.S. REPORT
OUTLINES SERB ATTACKS IN KOSOVO," tells us that the State Department
issued "the most comprehensive documentary record to date on
atrocities." The report concluded that there had been organized rapes
and systematic executions. But as one reads further and more closely
into the article, one finds that State Department reports of such crimes
"depend almost entirely on information from refugee accounts. There was
no suggestion that American intelligence agencies had been able to
verify, most, or even many, of the accounts . . . and the word
'reportedly' and 'allegedly' appear throughout the document."13
British journalist Audrey Gillan interviewed Kosovo refugees about
atrocities and found an impressive lack of evidence or credible
specifics. One woman caught him glancing at the watch on her wrist,
while her husband told him how all the women had been robbed of their
jewelry and other possessions. A spokesman for the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees talked of mass rapes and what sounded like
hundreds of killings in three villages, but when Gillan pressed him for
more precise information, he reduced it drastically to five or six
teenage rape victims. But he had not spoken to any witnesses, and
admitted that "we have no way of verifying these reports."14
Gillan notes that some refugees had seen killings and other atrocities,
but there was little to suggest that they had seen it on the scale that
was being reported. One afternoon, officials in charge said there were
refugees arriving who talked of sixty or more being killed in one
village and fifty in another, but Gillan "could not find one eye-witness
who actually saw these things happening." Yet every day western
journalists reported "hundreds" of rapes and murders. Sometimes they
noted in passing that the reports had yet to be substantiated, but then
why were such unverified stories being so eagerly reported in the first
place?
The Disappearing "Mass Graves"
After NATO forces occupied Kosovo, the stories about mass atrocities
continued fortissimo. The Washington Post reported that 350 ethnic
Albanians "might be buried in mass graves" around a mountain village in
western Kosovo. They "might be" or they might not be. These estimates
were based on sources that NATO officials refused to identify. Getting
down to specifics, the article mentions "four decomposing bodies"
discovered near a large ash heap.15
It was repeatedly announced in the first days of the NATO occupation
that 10,000 Albanians had been killed (down from the 100,000 and even
500,000 Albanian men supposedly executed during the war). No evidence
was ever offered to support the 10,000 figure, nor even to explain how
it was arrived at so swiftly and surely while NATO troops were still
moving into place and did not occupy but small portions of the province.
Likewise, repeatedly unsubstantiated references to "mass graves," each
purportedly filled with hundreds or even thousands of Albanian victims
also failed to materialize. Through the summer of 1999, the media hype
about mass graves devolved into an occasional unspecified reference. The
few sites actually unearthed offered up as many as a dozen bodies or
sometimes twice that number, but with no certain evidence regarding
causes of death or even the nationality of victims. In some cases there
was reason to believe the victims were Serbs.16
On April 19, 1999, while the NATO bombings of Yugoslavia were going on,
the State Department announced that up to 500,000 Kosovo Albanians were
missing and feared dead. On May 16, U.S. Secretary of Defense William
Cohen, a former Republican senator from Maine now serving in President
Clinton's Democratic Administration, stated that 100,000 military-aged
ethnic Albanian men had vanished and might have been killed by the
Serbs.17 Such widely varying but horrendous figures from official
sources went unchallenged by the media and by the many liberals who
supported NATO's "humanitarian rescue operation." Among these latter
were some supposedly progressive members of Congress who seemed to
believe they were witnessing another Nazi Holocaust.
On June 17, just before the end of the war, British Foreign Office
Minister Geoff Hoon said that "in more than 100 massacres" some 10,000
ethnic Albanians had been killed (down from the 500,000 and 100,000
bandied about by U.S. officials)."18 A day or two after the bombings
stopped, the Associate Press and other news agency, echoing Hoon,
reported that 10,000 Albanians had been killed by the Serbs.19 No
explanation was given as to how this figure was arrived at, especially
since not a single war site had yet been investigated and NATO forces
had barely begun to move into Kosovo. On August 2, Bernard Kouchner, the
United Nations' chief administrator in Kosovo (and organizer of Doctors
Without Borders), asserted that about 11,000 bodies had been found in
common graves throughout Kosovo. He cited as his source the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Republic of Yugoslavia
(ICTY). But the ICTY denied providing any such information. To this day,
it is not clear how Kouchner came up with his estimate.20
As with the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts, the image of mass killings
was hyped once again. Repeatedly unsubstantiated references to "mass
graves," each purportedly filled with hundreds or even thousands of
Albanian victims were publicized in daily media reports. In September
1999, Jared Israel did an internet search for newspaper articles,
appearing over the previous three months including the words "Kosovo"
and "mass grave." The report came back: "More than 1000-- too many to
list." Limiting his search to articles in the New York Times , he came
up with eighty, nearly one a day. Yet when it came down to hard
evidence, the mass graves seemed to disappear.
Thus, in mid-June, the FBI sent a team to investigate two of the sites
listed in the war-crimes indictment against Slobodan Milosevic, one
purportedly containing six victims and the other twenty. The team lugged
107,000 pounds of equipment into Kosovo to handle what was called the
"largest crime scene in the FBI's forensic history," but it came up with
no reports about mass graves. Not long after, on July 1, the FBI team
returned home, oddly with not a word to say about their investigation.21
Forensic experts from other NATO countries had similar experiences. A
Spanish forensic team, for instance, was told to prepare for at least
2,000 autopsies, but found only 187 bodies, usually buried in individual
graves, and showing no signs of massacre or torture. Most seemed to have
been killed by mortar shells and firearms. One Spanish forensic expert,
Emilio Perez Puhola, acknowledged that his team did not find one mass
grave. He dismissed the widely publicized references about mass graves
as being part of the "machinery of war propaganda."22
The Washington Post reported that 350 ethnic Albanians "might be buried
in mass graves" around a mountain village in western Kosovo. Or they
might not. Such speculations were based on sources that NATO officials
refused to identify. Getting down to specifics, the article mentions
"four decomposing bodies" discovered near a large ash heap, with no
details as to who they might be or how they died.23
In late August 1999, the Los Angeles Times tried to salvage the genocide
theme with a story about how the wells of Kosovo might be "mass graves
in their own right." The Times claimed that "many corpses have been
dumped into wells in Kosovo . . . Serbian forces apparently
stuffed...many bodies of ethnic Albanians into wells during their
campaign of terror."24 Apparently? Whenever the story got down to
specifics, it dwelled on only one village and only one well--in which
one body of a 39-year-old male was found, along with three dead cows and
a dog. Neither his nationality nor cause of death was given. Nor was it
clear who owned the well. "No other human remains were discovered," the
Times lamely concluded. As far as I know, neither the Los Angeles Times
nor any other media outlet ran any more stories of wells stuffed with
victims.
In one grave site after another, bodies were failing to materialize in
any substantial numbers-or any numbers at all. In July 1999, a mass
grave in Ljubenic, near Pec (an area of concerted fighting), believed to
be holding some 350 corpses, produced only seven after the exhumation.
In Djacovica, town officials claimed that one hundred ethnic Albanians
had been murdered, but there were no bodies because the Serbs had
returned in the middle of the night, dug them up, and carted them away,
the officials seemed to believe. In Pusto Selo, villagers claimed that
106 men were captured and killed by Serbs at the end of March, but again
no remains were discovered. Villagers once more suggested that Serb
forces must have come back and removed them. How they accomplished this
without being detected was not explained. In Izbica, refugees reported
that 150 ethnic Albanians were executed in March. But their bodies were
nowhere to be found. In Kraljan, 82 men were supposedly killed, but
investigators found not a single cadaver.25
The worst incident of mass atrocities ascribed to Yugoslavian leader
Slobodan Milosevic allegedly occurred at the Trepca mine. As reported by
U.S. and NATO officials, the Serbs threw a thousand or more bodies down
the shafts or disposed of them in the mine's vats of hydrochloric acid.
In October 1999, the ICTY released the findings of Western forensic
teams investigating Trepca. Not one body was found in the mine shafts,
nor was there any evidence that the vats had ever been used in an
attempt to dissolve human remains.26
By late autumn of 1999, the media hype about mass graves had fizzled
noticeably. The many sites unearthed, considered to be the most
notorious, offered up a few hundred bodies altogether, not the thousands
or tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands previously trumpeted, and
with no evidence of torture or mass execution. In many cases, there was
no certain evidence regarding the nationality of victims.27 No mass
killings means that the Hague War Crimes Tribunal indictment of
Milosevic "becomes highly questionable," notes Richard Gwyn. "Even more
questionable is the West's continued punishment of the Serbs."28
No doubt there were graves in Kosovo that contained two or more persons
(which is NATO's definition of a "mass grave"). People were killed by
bombs and by the extensive land war that went on between Yugoslav and
KLA forces. Some of the dead, as even the New York Times allowed, "are
fighters of the Kosovo Liberation Army or may have died ordinary
deaths"-- as would happen in any large population over time.29 And no
doubt there were grudge killings and summary executions as in any war,
but not on a scale that would warrant the label of genocide and justify
the massive death and destruction and the continuing misery inflicted
upon Yugoslavia by the western powers.
We should remember that the propaganda campaign waged by NATO officials
and the major media never claimed merely that atrocities (murders and
rapes) occurred. Such crimes occur in every war, indeed, in many
communities during peacetime. What the media propaganda campaign against
Yugoslavia charged was that mass atrocities and mass rapes and mass
murders had been perpetrated, that is, genocide, as evidenced by mass
graves.
In contrast to its public assertions, the German Foreign Office
privately denied there was any evidence that genocide or ethnic
cleansing was ever a component of Yugoslav policy: "Even in Kosovo, an
explicit political persecution linked to Albanian ethnicity is not
verifiable. . . . The actions of the [Yugoslav] security forces [were]
not directed against the Kosovo-Albanians as an ethnically defined
group, but against the military opponent and its actual or alleged
supporters."30
Still, Milosevic was indicted as a war criminal, charged with the forced
expulsion of Kosovar Albanians, and with summary executions of a hundred
or so individuals, again, alleged crimes that occurred after the NATO
bombing had started, yet were used as justification for the bombing. The
biggest war criminal of all is NATO and the political leaders who
orchestrated the aerial campaign of death and destruction. But here is
how the White House and the U.S. media reasoned at the time: Since the
aerial attacks do not intend to kill civilians, then presumably there is
no liability and no accountability, only an occasional apology for the
regrettable mistakes-as if only the intent of an action counted and not
its ineluctable effects. In fact, a perpetrator can be judged guilty of
willful murder without explicitly intending the death of a particular
victim--as when the death results from an unlawful act that the
perpetrator knew would likely cause death. George Kenney, a former State
Department official under the Bush Administration, put it well:
"Dropping cluster bombs on highly populated urban areas doesn't result
in accidental fatalities. It is purposeful terror bombing."31
In sum, through a process of monopoly control and distribution,
repetition and image escalation, the media achieve self-confirmation,
that is, they find confirmation for the images they fabricate in the
images they have already fabricated. Hyperbolic labeling takes the place
of evidence: "genocide," "mass atrocities," "systematic rapes" and even
"rape camps"--camps which no one has ever located. Through this process,
evidence is not only absent, it becomes irrelevant.
So the U.S. major media (and much of the minor media) are not free and
independent, as they claim, they are not the watchdog of democracy but
the lapdog of the national security state. They help reverse the roles
of victims and victimizers, warmongers and peacekeepers, reactionaries
and reformers. The first atrocity, the first war crime committed in any
war of aggression by the aggressors is against the truth.
--------------
Michael Parenti is the author of Against Empire and America Besieged.
His most recent book is History as Mystery (City Lights Books).
Notes:
1. For instance, Raymond Bonner, "War Crimes Panel Finds Croat Troops
'Cleansed' the Serbs," New York Times, March 21, 1999, a revealing
report that has been ignored in the relentless propaganda campaign
against the Serbs.
2. John Ranz in his paid advertisement in the New York Times, April 29,
1993.
3. "Correction: Report on Rape in Bosnia," New York Times, October 23,
1993.
4. David Owen, Balkan Odyssey, p. 262.
5. Barry Lituchy, "Media Deception and the Yugoslav Civil War," in NATO
in the Balkans, p. 205; see also New York Times, August 7, 1993.
6. Both Noam Chomsky in his comments on Pacifica Radio, April 7, 1999,
and Alexander Cockburn in the Nation, May 10, 1999, describe Milosevic
as "monstrous" without offering any specifics.
7. Brooke Shelby Biggs, "Failure to Inform," San Francisco Bay Guardian,
May 5, 1999, p. 25.
8 Washington Post, June 6, 1999.
9. See for instance, Robert Burns, Associated Press report, April 22,
1999.
10. For example, New York Times, June 15, 1998.
11. Charles Radin and Louise Palmer, "Experts Voice Doubts on Claims of
Genocide: Little Evidence for NATO Assertions," San Francisco Chronicle,
April 22, 1999.
12. Newsday, March 31, 1999.
13. New York Times, May 11, 1999.
14. Audrey Gillan "What's the Story?" London Review of Books, May 27,
1999.
15. Washington Post, July 10, 1999.
16. See for instance, Carlotta Gall, "Belgrade Sees Grave Site as Proof
NATO Fails to Protect Serbs," New York Times, August 27, 1999.
17. Both the State Department and Cohen's figures are reported in the
New York Times, November 11, 1999.
18. New York Times, November 11, 1999.
19. Associate Press release, June 18, 1999. Reuters (July 12, 1999)
reported that NATO forces had catalogued more than one hundred sites
containing the bodies of massacred ethnic Albanians.
20. Stratfor.com, Global Intelligence Update, "Where Are Kosovo's
Killing Fields?" Weekly Analysis, October 18, 1999.
21. Reed Irvine and Cliff Kincaid, "Playing the Numbers Game"
(www.aim.org/mm/1999/08/03.htm).
22. London Sunday Times, October 31, 1999.
23. Washington Post, July 10, 1999.
24. Los Angeles Times, August 28, 1999.
25. Stratfor.com, Global Intelligence Update, "Where Are Kosovo's
Killing Fields?" Weekly Analysis, October 18, 1999.
26. Richard Gwyn in the Toronto Star, November 3, 1999.
27. See for instance, Carlotta Gall, "Belgrade Sees Grave Site as Proof
NATO Fails to Protect Serbs," New York Times, August 27, 1999.
28. Richard Gwyn in the Toronto Star, November 3, 1999.
29. New York Times, November 11, 1999.
30. Intelligence reports from the German Foreign Office, January 12,
1999 and October 29, 1998 to the German Administrative Courts,
translated by Eric Canepa, Brecht Forum, New York, April 20, 1999.
31. Teach-in, Leo Baeck Temple, Los Angeles, May 23, 1999.
http://www.swans.com
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
"Ruder&Finn" per fomentare la guerra nei Balcani si veda:
http://www.marx2001.org/crj/DOCS/ruderfinn.html
http://www.marx2001.org/crj/DOCS/desinf.html
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
RUDER FINN - Boycott ALL of their clients!!!
Ruder Finn has repeatedly distributed false accusations against the
Yugoslav
nation and the Serbian people, with both the intention AND THE RESULT of
inciting other governments to engage in armed attacks, sanctions, and
other
unprovoked acts of destruction against the Yugoslav nation and the
Serbian
people.
"Direct and public incitement to commit genocide" is punishable,
according
to Article 3 of the U.N. General Assembly resolution 260 A (III),
"Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide."
(See
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/p_genoci.htm).
>The following acts shall be punishable:
>(a) Genocide;
>(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
>(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
>(d ) Attempt to commit genocide;
>(e) Complicity in genocide.
Therefore, Ruder Finn and its owners and employees are war criminals in
the
tradition of Josef Goebbels and Julius Streicher.
What to do about it? The best way to shut down this, or any other,
public
relations firm once and for all is to boycott ALL of their clients.
DON'T buy ANYTHING from ANY of their clients. And tell those clients why
you
aren't buying from them!
DON'T subscribe to any periodical that carries an ad for Ruder-Finn's
public
relations services. And write to that periodical explaining what is
wrong
with Ruder Finn!
DON'T travel to any country or locality that uses their services, unless
you
are traveling to Kosovo to assist beleaguered Serbs or Roma.
PASS THIS MESSAGE ALONG!!!
Alida Weber
"NEXT YEAR IN KOSOVO!"
=====================================================
Date: Saturday, June 17, 2000 9:10 AM
Subject: [STOPNATO] Ruder Finn
http://www.plannedtelevisionarts.com/intl/index.html
RUDER FINN STILL AT IT
travel & tourism clients | international relations clients | economic
development clients
Travel & Tourism clients
American Society of Travel Agents (ASTA)
Association of Croatian Travel Agencies
ATLAS Travel Agency of Dubrovnik
Australian Tourist Commission
Barbados Tourism Authority
Canadian Airlines
Cathay Pacific Airways
City of Cannes and Convention Center
Chicago, Illinois: Chicago Public Library; Regional Transportation
Authority
Croatia National Tourist Board
Johnstown, Pennsylvania
Miami Convention & Visitors Bureau
Finnair
Hilton Hotels Corporation
Howard Johnson
Hyatt Hotel Corporation
New Orleans
Qantas Airways
South African Airways
St. James Club/Los Angeles
The Tudor Hotel (New York)
Toronto, Canada: Toronto International Festival; Toronto Transit
Commission
Universal Studios, Florida
Vail / Beaver Creek, Colorado
Westin Hotels
travel & tourism clients | international relations clients | economic
development clients
International Relations Clients
American Society of Travel Agents
Atlas Travel of Dubrovnik
Axa-Medi Assurances
Croatian National Tourism Office
European Council of American Chambers of Commerce
Fyffes Bananas
Plastico Limited
Republic of Albania
Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina
Republic of Croatia
Republic of El Salvador
Republic of Estonia
Republic of Kosova
The Rebuild Dubrovnik Fund
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
World Alpine Ski Championships
This is truly am interesting post.
Reminds me of my days in college in American Government class listening
to
all the Second Amendment arguments and wondering what it was all about!
(?)
Date: Saturday, June 17, 2000 9:10 AM
Subject: [STOPNATO] Ruder Finn
>> STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
>>
>> I suggest everyone check out Ruder Finns website. A
>> list of Ruder Finns
>> clients can be found at
>>
>(http://www.plannedtelevisionarts.com/intl/index.html).
>> They include such
>> non-existent states as the Republic of Kosova and
>> the Turkish Republic of
>> Northern Cyprus. Other Balkan clients include,
>> Bosnia, Albania,
>> Croatia...hmmm, does this firm have a political
>> agenda or what?
>>
>"We have the best congress money can buy!"
>This could very well be the slogan of this PR firm and
>the others working for the forses of genocide and
>anti-Serb racism on Capitol Hill.
>As a American I am ashamed to say that these firms
>have bought access to our corupt and criminal national
>government which is now involved in the slaughter and
>genocide of the Serbian people.
>I would like to add that these firms have also locked
>us out of congress so that common sense and humanity
>cannot get through.
>As an American I am UPSET that these governments can
>come here to my country and have more access to MY
>government that I do. They use this access to spread
>hate.
>congress is committing genocide because the price is
>right.
>We may soon have to take that original rights of self
>defense and clear house on capital hill.
---
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
http://swans.com
Swans
The Media and their Atrocities
by Michael Parenti
May 22, 2000
For the better part of a decade the U.S. public has been bombarded with
a media campaign to demonize the Serbian people and their elected
leaders. During that time, the U.S. government has pursued a goal of
breaking up Yugoslavia into a cluster of small, weak, dependent,
free-market principalities. Yugoslavia was the only country in Eastern
Europe that would not dismantle its welfare state and public sector
economy. It was the only one that did not beg for entry into NATO. It
was--and what's left of it, still is--charting an independent course not
in keeping with the New World Order.
Targeting the Serbs
Of the various Yugoslav peoples, the Serbs were targeted for
demonization because they were the largest nationality and the one most
opposed to the breakup of Yugoslavia. But what of the atrocities they
committed? All sides committed atrocities in the fighting that has been
encouraged by the western powers over the last decade, but the reporting
has been consistently one-sided. Grisly incidents of Croat and Muslim
atrocities against the Serbs rarely made it into the U.S. press, and
when they did they were accorded only passing mention.1 Meanwhile Serb
atrocities were played up and sometimes even fabricated, as we shall
see. Recently, three Croatian generals were indicted by the Hague War
Crimes Tribunal for the bombardment and deaths of Serbs in Krajina and
elsewhere. Where were the U.S. television crews when these war crimes
were being committed? John Ranz, chair of Survivors of the Buchenwald
Concentration Camp, USA, asks: Where were the TV cameras when hundreds
of Serbs were slaughtered by Muslims near Srebrenica?2 The official
line, faithfully parroted in the U.S. media, is that Bosnian Serb forces
committed all the atrocities at Srebrenica.
Are we to trust U.S. leaders and the corporate-owned news media when
they dish out atrocity stories? Recall the five hundred premature babies
whom Iraqi soldiers laughingly ripped from incubators in Kuwait? A story
repeated and believed until exposed as a total fabrication years later.
During the Bosnian war in 1993, the Serbs were accused of pursuing an
official policy of rape. "Go forth and rape" a Bosnian Serb commander
supposedly publicly instructed his troops. The source of that story
never could be traced. The commander's name was never produced. As far
as we know, no such utterance was ever made. Even the New York Times
belatedly ran a tiny retraction, coyly allowing that "the existence of
'a systematic rape policy' by the Serbs remains to be proved."3
Bosnian Serb forces supposedly raped anywhere from 25,000 to 100,000
Muslim women, the stories varied. The Bosnian Serb army numbered not
more than 30,000 or so, many of whom were engaged in desperate military
engagements. A representative from Helsinki Watch noted that stories of
massive Serbian rapes originated with the Bosnian Muslim and Croatian
governments and had no credible supporting evidence. Common sense would
dictate that these stories be treated with the utmost skepticism--and
not be used as an excuse for an aggressive and punitive policy against
Yugoslavia.
The "mass rape" propaganda theme was resuscitated in 1999 to justify the
continued NATO slaughter of Yugoslavia. A headline in the San Francisco
Examiner (April 26, 1999) tells us: "SERB TACTIC IS ORGANIZED RAPE,
KOSOVO REFUGEES SAY." No evidence or testimony is given to support the
charge of organized rape. Only at the bottom of the story, in the
nineteenth paragraph, do we read that reports gathered by the Kosovo
mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe found
no such organized rape policy. The actual number of rapes were in the
dozens "and not many dozens," according to the OSCE spokesperson. This
same story did note in passing that the U.N. War Crimes Tribunal
sentenced a Bosnian Croat military commander to ten years in prison for
failing to stop his troops from raping Muslim women in 1993--an atrocity
we heard little about when it was happening.
A few dozen rapes is a few dozen too many. But can it serve as one of
the justifications for a massive war? If Mr. Clinton wanted to stop
rapes, he could have begun a little closer to home in Washington D.C.,
where dozens of rapes occur every month. Indeed, he might be able to
alert us to how women are sexually mistreated on Capitol Hill and in the
White House itself.
The Serbs were blamed for the infamous Sarajevo market massacre. But
according to the report leaked out on French TV, Western intelligence
knew that it was Muslim operatives who had bombed Bosnian civilians in
the marketplace in order to induce NATO involvement. Even international
negotiator David Owen, who worked with Cyrus Vance, admitted in his
memoir that the NATO powers knew all along that it was a Muslim bomb.4
On one occasion, notes Barry Lituchy, the New York Times ran a photo
purporting to be of Croats grieving over Serbian atrocities when in fact
the murders had been committed by Bosnian Muslims. The Times printed an
obscure retraction the following week.5
The propaganda campaign against Belgrade has been so relentless that
even prominent personages on the Left--who oppose the NATO policy
against Yugoslavia--have felt compelled to genuflect before this
demonization orthodoxy, referring to unspecified and unverified Serbian
"brutality" and "the monstrous Milosevic."6 Thus they reveal themselves
as having been influenced by the very media propaganda machine they
criticize on so many other issues. To reject the demonized image of
Milosevic and of the Serbian people is not to idealize them or claim
that Serb forces are faultless or free of crimes. It is merely to
challenge the one-sided propaganda that laid the grounds for NATO's
aggression against Yugoslavia.
The Ethnic Cleansing Hype
Up until the NATO bombings began in March 1999, the conflict in Kosovo
had taken 2000 lives altogether from both sides, according to Kosovo
Albanian sources. Yugoslavian sources put the figure at 800. Such
casualties reveal a civil war, not genocide. Belgrade is condemned for
the forced expulsion policy of Albanians from Kosovo. But such
expulsions began in substantial numbers only after the NATO bombings,
with thousands being uprooted by Serb forces especially from areas where
KLA mercenaries were operating
We should keep in mind that tens of thousands also fled Kosovo because
it was being mercilessly bombed by NATO, or because it was the scene of
sustained ground fighting between Yugoslav forces and the KLA, or
because they were just afraid and hungry. An Albanian woman crossing
into Macedonia was eagerly asked by a news crew if she had been forced
out by Serb police. She responded: "There were no Serbs. We were
frightened of the [NATO] bombs."7 I had to read this in the San
Francisco Guardian, an alternative weekly, not in the New York Times or
Washington Post.
During the bombings, an estimated 70,000 to 100,000 Serbian residents of
Kosovo took flight (mostly north but some to the south), as did
thousands of Roma and others.8 Were the Serbs ethnically cleansing
themselves? Or were these people not fleeing the bombing and the ground
war? Yet, the refugee tide caused by the bombing was repeatedly used by
U.S. war makers as justification for the bombing, a pressure put on
Milosevic to allow "the safe return of ethnic Albanian refugees."9
While Kosovo Albanians were leaving in great numbers--usually
well-clothed and in good health, some riding their tractors, trucks, or
cars, many of them young men of recruitment age--they were described as
being "slaughtered." It was repeatedly reported that "Serb
atrocities"--not the extensive ground war with the KLA and certainly not
the massive NATO bombing--"drove more than one million Albanians from
their homes."10 More recently, there have been hints that Albanian
Kosovar refugees numbered nowhere near that number.
Serbian attacks on KLA strongholds or the forced expulsion of Albanian
villagers were described as "genocide." But experts in surveillance
photography and wartime propaganda charged NATO with running a
"propaganda campaign" on Kosovo that lacked any supporting evidence.
State Department reports of mass graves and of 100,000 to 500,000
missing Albanian men "are just ludicrous," according to these
independent critics.11 Their findings were ignored by the major networks
and other national media.
Early in the war, Newsday reported that Britain and France were
seriously considering "commando assaults into Kosovo to break the
pattern of Serbian massacres of ethnic Albanians."12 What discernible
pattern of massacres? Of course, no commando assaults were put into
operation, but the story served its purpose of hyping an image of mass
killings.
An ABC "Nightline" show made dramatic and repeated references to the
"Serbian atrocities in Kosovo" while offering no specifics. Ted Kopple
asked a group of angry Albanian refugees, what specifically had they
witnessed. They pointed to an old man in their group who wore a wool
hat. One of them reenacted what the Serbs had done to him, throwing the
man's hat to the ground and stepping on it-"because the Serbs knew that
his hat was the most important thing to him." Kopple was appropriately
horrified about this "war crime," the only example offered in an
hour-long program.
A widely circulated story in the New York Times, headlined "U.S. REPORT
OUTLINES SERB ATTACKS IN KOSOVO," tells us that the State Department
issued "the most comprehensive documentary record to date on
atrocities." The report concluded that there had been organized rapes
and systematic executions. But as one reads further and more closely
into the article, one finds that State Department reports of such crimes
"depend almost entirely on information from refugee accounts. There was
no suggestion that American intelligence agencies had been able to
verify, most, or even many, of the accounts . . . and the word
'reportedly' and 'allegedly' appear throughout the document."13
British journalist Audrey Gillan interviewed Kosovo refugees about
atrocities and found an impressive lack of evidence or credible
specifics. One woman caught him glancing at the watch on her wrist,
while her husband told him how all the women had been robbed of their
jewelry and other possessions. A spokesman for the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees talked of mass rapes and what sounded like
hundreds of killings in three villages, but when Gillan pressed him for
more precise information, he reduced it drastically to five or six
teenage rape victims. But he had not spoken to any witnesses, and
admitted that "we have no way of verifying these reports."14
Gillan notes that some refugees had seen killings and other atrocities,
but there was little to suggest that they had seen it on the scale that
was being reported. One afternoon, officials in charge said there were
refugees arriving who talked of sixty or more being killed in one
village and fifty in another, but Gillan "could not find one eye-witness
who actually saw these things happening." Yet every day western
journalists reported "hundreds" of rapes and murders. Sometimes they
noted in passing that the reports had yet to be substantiated, but then
why were such unverified stories being so eagerly reported in the first
place?
The Disappearing "Mass Graves"
After NATO forces occupied Kosovo, the stories about mass atrocities
continued fortissimo. The Washington Post reported that 350 ethnic
Albanians "might be buried in mass graves" around a mountain village in
western Kosovo. They "might be" or they might not be. These estimates
were based on sources that NATO officials refused to identify. Getting
down to specifics, the article mentions "four decomposing bodies"
discovered near a large ash heap.15
It was repeatedly announced in the first days of the NATO occupation
that 10,000 Albanians had been killed (down from the 100,000 and even
500,000 Albanian men supposedly executed during the war). No evidence
was ever offered to support the 10,000 figure, nor even to explain how
it was arrived at so swiftly and surely while NATO troops were still
moving into place and did not occupy but small portions of the province.
Likewise, repeatedly unsubstantiated references to "mass graves," each
purportedly filled with hundreds or even thousands of Albanian victims
also failed to materialize. Through the summer of 1999, the media hype
about mass graves devolved into an occasional unspecified reference. The
few sites actually unearthed offered up as many as a dozen bodies or
sometimes twice that number, but with no certain evidence regarding
causes of death or even the nationality of victims. In some cases there
was reason to believe the victims were Serbs.16
On April 19, 1999, while the NATO bombings of Yugoslavia were going on,
the State Department announced that up to 500,000 Kosovo Albanians were
missing and feared dead. On May 16, U.S. Secretary of Defense William
Cohen, a former Republican senator from Maine now serving in President
Clinton's Democratic Administration, stated that 100,000 military-aged
ethnic Albanian men had vanished and might have been killed by the
Serbs.17 Such widely varying but horrendous figures from official
sources went unchallenged by the media and by the many liberals who
supported NATO's "humanitarian rescue operation." Among these latter
were some supposedly progressive members of Congress who seemed to
believe they were witnessing another Nazi Holocaust.
On June 17, just before the end of the war, British Foreign Office
Minister Geoff Hoon said that "in more than 100 massacres" some 10,000
ethnic Albanians had been killed (down from the 500,000 and 100,000
bandied about by U.S. officials)."18 A day or two after the bombings
stopped, the Associate Press and other news agency, echoing Hoon,
reported that 10,000 Albanians had been killed by the Serbs.19 No
explanation was given as to how this figure was arrived at, especially
since not a single war site had yet been investigated and NATO forces
had barely begun to move into Kosovo. On August 2, Bernard Kouchner, the
United Nations' chief administrator in Kosovo (and organizer of Doctors
Without Borders), asserted that about 11,000 bodies had been found in
common graves throughout Kosovo. He cited as his source the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Republic of Yugoslavia
(ICTY). But the ICTY denied providing any such information. To this day,
it is not clear how Kouchner came up with his estimate.20
As with the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts, the image of mass killings
was hyped once again. Repeatedly unsubstantiated references to "mass
graves," each purportedly filled with hundreds or even thousands of
Albanian victims were publicized in daily media reports. In September
1999, Jared Israel did an internet search for newspaper articles,
appearing over the previous three months including the words "Kosovo"
and "mass grave." The report came back: "More than 1000-- too many to
list." Limiting his search to articles in the New York Times , he came
up with eighty, nearly one a day. Yet when it came down to hard
evidence, the mass graves seemed to disappear.
Thus, in mid-June, the FBI sent a team to investigate two of the sites
listed in the war-crimes indictment against Slobodan Milosevic, one
purportedly containing six victims and the other twenty. The team lugged
107,000 pounds of equipment into Kosovo to handle what was called the
"largest crime scene in the FBI's forensic history," but it came up with
no reports about mass graves. Not long after, on July 1, the FBI team
returned home, oddly with not a word to say about their investigation.21
Forensic experts from other NATO countries had similar experiences. A
Spanish forensic team, for instance, was told to prepare for at least
2,000 autopsies, but found only 187 bodies, usually buried in individual
graves, and showing no signs of massacre or torture. Most seemed to have
been killed by mortar shells and firearms. One Spanish forensic expert,
Emilio Perez Puhola, acknowledged that his team did not find one mass
grave. He dismissed the widely publicized references about mass graves
as being part of the "machinery of war propaganda."22
The Washington Post reported that 350 ethnic Albanians "might be buried
in mass graves" around a mountain village in western Kosovo. Or they
might not. Such speculations were based on sources that NATO officials
refused to identify. Getting down to specifics, the article mentions
"four decomposing bodies" discovered near a large ash heap, with no
details as to who they might be or how they died.23
In late August 1999, the Los Angeles Times tried to salvage the genocide
theme with a story about how the wells of Kosovo might be "mass graves
in their own right." The Times claimed that "many corpses have been
dumped into wells in Kosovo . . . Serbian forces apparently
stuffed...many bodies of ethnic Albanians into wells during their
campaign of terror."24 Apparently? Whenever the story got down to
specifics, it dwelled on only one village and only one well--in which
one body of a 39-year-old male was found, along with three dead cows and
a dog. Neither his nationality nor cause of death was given. Nor was it
clear who owned the well. "No other human remains were discovered," the
Times lamely concluded. As far as I know, neither the Los Angeles Times
nor any other media outlet ran any more stories of wells stuffed with
victims.
In one grave site after another, bodies were failing to materialize in
any substantial numbers-or any numbers at all. In July 1999, a mass
grave in Ljubenic, near Pec (an area of concerted fighting), believed to
be holding some 350 corpses, produced only seven after the exhumation.
In Djacovica, town officials claimed that one hundred ethnic Albanians
had been murdered, but there were no bodies because the Serbs had
returned in the middle of the night, dug them up, and carted them away,
the officials seemed to believe. In Pusto Selo, villagers claimed that
106 men were captured and killed by Serbs at the end of March, but again
no remains were discovered. Villagers once more suggested that Serb
forces must have come back and removed them. How they accomplished this
without being detected was not explained. In Izbica, refugees reported
that 150 ethnic Albanians were executed in March. But their bodies were
nowhere to be found. In Kraljan, 82 men were supposedly killed, but
investigators found not a single cadaver.25
The worst incident of mass atrocities ascribed to Yugoslavian leader
Slobodan Milosevic allegedly occurred at the Trepca mine. As reported by
U.S. and NATO officials, the Serbs threw a thousand or more bodies down
the shafts or disposed of them in the mine's vats of hydrochloric acid.
In October 1999, the ICTY released the findings of Western forensic
teams investigating Trepca. Not one body was found in the mine shafts,
nor was there any evidence that the vats had ever been used in an
attempt to dissolve human remains.26
By late autumn of 1999, the media hype about mass graves had fizzled
noticeably. The many sites unearthed, considered to be the most
notorious, offered up a few hundred bodies altogether, not the thousands
or tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands previously trumpeted, and
with no evidence of torture or mass execution. In many cases, there was
no certain evidence regarding the nationality of victims.27 No mass
killings means that the Hague War Crimes Tribunal indictment of
Milosevic "becomes highly questionable," notes Richard Gwyn. "Even more
questionable is the West's continued punishment of the Serbs."28
No doubt there were graves in Kosovo that contained two or more persons
(which is NATO's definition of a "mass grave"). People were killed by
bombs and by the extensive land war that went on between Yugoslav and
KLA forces. Some of the dead, as even the New York Times allowed, "are
fighters of the Kosovo Liberation Army or may have died ordinary
deaths"-- as would happen in any large population over time.29 And no
doubt there were grudge killings and summary executions as in any war,
but not on a scale that would warrant the label of genocide and justify
the massive death and destruction and the continuing misery inflicted
upon Yugoslavia by the western powers.
We should remember that the propaganda campaign waged by NATO officials
and the major media never claimed merely that atrocities (murders and
rapes) occurred. Such crimes occur in every war, indeed, in many
communities during peacetime. What the media propaganda campaign against
Yugoslavia charged was that mass atrocities and mass rapes and mass
murders had been perpetrated, that is, genocide, as evidenced by mass
graves.
In contrast to its public assertions, the German Foreign Office
privately denied there was any evidence that genocide or ethnic
cleansing was ever a component of Yugoslav policy: "Even in Kosovo, an
explicit political persecution linked to Albanian ethnicity is not
verifiable. . . . The actions of the [Yugoslav] security forces [were]
not directed against the Kosovo-Albanians as an ethnically defined
group, but against the military opponent and its actual or alleged
supporters."30
Still, Milosevic was indicted as a war criminal, charged with the forced
expulsion of Kosovar Albanians, and with summary executions of a hundred
or so individuals, again, alleged crimes that occurred after the NATO
bombing had started, yet were used as justification for the bombing. The
biggest war criminal of all is NATO and the political leaders who
orchestrated the aerial campaign of death and destruction. But here is
how the White House and the U.S. media reasoned at the time: Since the
aerial attacks do not intend to kill civilians, then presumably there is
no liability and no accountability, only an occasional apology for the
regrettable mistakes-as if only the intent of an action counted and not
its ineluctable effects. In fact, a perpetrator can be judged guilty of
willful murder without explicitly intending the death of a particular
victim--as when the death results from an unlawful act that the
perpetrator knew would likely cause death. George Kenney, a former State
Department official under the Bush Administration, put it well:
"Dropping cluster bombs on highly populated urban areas doesn't result
in accidental fatalities. It is purposeful terror bombing."31
In sum, through a process of monopoly control and distribution,
repetition and image escalation, the media achieve self-confirmation,
that is, they find confirmation for the images they fabricate in the
images they have already fabricated. Hyperbolic labeling takes the place
of evidence: "genocide," "mass atrocities," "systematic rapes" and even
"rape camps"--camps which no one has ever located. Through this process,
evidence is not only absent, it becomes irrelevant.
So the U.S. major media (and much of the minor media) are not free and
independent, as they claim, they are not the watchdog of democracy but
the lapdog of the national security state. They help reverse the roles
of victims and victimizers, warmongers and peacekeepers, reactionaries
and reformers. The first atrocity, the first war crime committed in any
war of aggression by the aggressors is against the truth.
--------------
Michael Parenti is the author of Against Empire and America Besieged.
His most recent book is History as Mystery (City Lights Books).
Notes:
1. For instance, Raymond Bonner, "War Crimes Panel Finds Croat Troops
'Cleansed' the Serbs," New York Times, March 21, 1999, a revealing
report that has been ignored in the relentless propaganda campaign
against the Serbs.
2. John Ranz in his paid advertisement in the New York Times, April 29,
1993.
3. "Correction: Report on Rape in Bosnia," New York Times, October 23,
1993.
4. David Owen, Balkan Odyssey, p. 262.
5. Barry Lituchy, "Media Deception and the Yugoslav Civil War," in NATO
in the Balkans, p. 205; see also New York Times, August 7, 1993.
6. Both Noam Chomsky in his comments on Pacifica Radio, April 7, 1999,
and Alexander Cockburn in the Nation, May 10, 1999, describe Milosevic
as "monstrous" without offering any specifics.
7. Brooke Shelby Biggs, "Failure to Inform," San Francisco Bay Guardian,
May 5, 1999, p. 25.
8 Washington Post, June 6, 1999.
9. See for instance, Robert Burns, Associated Press report, April 22,
1999.
10. For example, New York Times, June 15, 1998.
11. Charles Radin and Louise Palmer, "Experts Voice Doubts on Claims of
Genocide: Little Evidence for NATO Assertions," San Francisco Chronicle,
April 22, 1999.
12. Newsday, March 31, 1999.
13. New York Times, May 11, 1999.
14. Audrey Gillan "What's the Story?" London Review of Books, May 27,
1999.
15. Washington Post, July 10, 1999.
16. See for instance, Carlotta Gall, "Belgrade Sees Grave Site as Proof
NATO Fails to Protect Serbs," New York Times, August 27, 1999.
17. Both the State Department and Cohen's figures are reported in the
New York Times, November 11, 1999.
18. New York Times, November 11, 1999.
19. Associate Press release, June 18, 1999. Reuters (July 12, 1999)
reported that NATO forces had catalogued more than one hundred sites
containing the bodies of massacred ethnic Albanians.
20. Stratfor.com, Global Intelligence Update, "Where Are Kosovo's
Killing Fields?" Weekly Analysis, October 18, 1999.
21. Reed Irvine and Cliff Kincaid, "Playing the Numbers Game"
(www.aim.org/mm/1999/08/03.htm).
22. London Sunday Times, October 31, 1999.
23. Washington Post, July 10, 1999.
24. Los Angeles Times, August 28, 1999.
25. Stratfor.com, Global Intelligence Update, "Where Are Kosovo's
Killing Fields?" Weekly Analysis, October 18, 1999.
26. Richard Gwyn in the Toronto Star, November 3, 1999.
27. See for instance, Carlotta Gall, "Belgrade Sees Grave Site as Proof
NATO Fails to Protect Serbs," New York Times, August 27, 1999.
28. Richard Gwyn in the Toronto Star, November 3, 1999.
29. New York Times, November 11, 1999.
30. Intelligence reports from the German Foreign Office, January 12,
1999 and October 29, 1998 to the German Administrative Courts,
translated by Eric Canepa, Brecht Forum, New York, April 20, 1999.
31. Teach-in, Leo Baeck Temple, Los Angeles, May 23, 1999.
http://www.swans.com
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