PATRIOT (Banja Luka)

Bivsa predsjednica RS Biljana Plavsic,
zajedno sa svojim domacim i inostranim
politickim istomisljenicima, udahnula novi
zivot Haskom tribunalu za ratne zlocine:


Instrument protiv pravde i pomirenja

Zlocini se jesu dogodili i nesumnjivo je
da pocinioce treba kazniti, ali Plavsiceva u
citiranom dokumentu ide i dalje od
toga i tvrdi ono sto je za tuzilastvo
Haskog tribunala kljucno: da je
zlocine naredjivao i podsticao najuzi
drzavni vrh. To ne samoda nije tacno
vec je moguce dokazati suprotno.
Otuda se Plavsickin potpis na
citiranom dokumentu, koji ce, apsolutno
smo uvjereni, Del Ponteova koristiti kao
pisani dokaz u svim buducim procesima
protiv srpskih optuzenika, ne moze
shvatiti nikako drugacije nego kao
frustrirajuca osveta i nastavak
zapocetog obracuna sa politickim
protivnicima unutar RS

pise: Zoran Zuza


"Priznanje Biljane Plavsic salje
kljucnu poruku o istinskom zlocinackom
karakteru poduhvata u koji je ona bila
ukljucena, kao i o legitimnosti
Haskog tribunala i njegove funkcije",
rekao je svjedoceci u zavrsnoj
raspravi u procesu protiv bivse
predsjednice RS Aleks Borejn, nekadasnji
predsjednik juznoafricke komisije za
istinu i pomirenje. Cini se da upravo
ova recenica definise sustinu i
ciljeve pravno-politicke obmane koja se
pred ocima cijelog svijeta desila protekle
sedmice u sudnici Haskog tribunala za
ratne zlocine. Priznanjem krivice, ali
i teskim optuzbama na racun drugih
srpskih lidera, udruzenih u, kako vele
tuzioci Tribunala, zlocinacki
poduhvat, Plavsiceva je okoncala svoju
politicku misiju srpskog insajdera,
zapocetu jos s proljeca 1997. godine,
kada se u portugalskom gradu Sintri
srela sa svojim odrazom u ogledalu -
tadasnjim americkim drzavnim sekretarom
Medlin Olbrajt. Njih dvije, svaka iz
svojih razloga, ali obje vodjene
mrznjom, inatom i strajne u svojim
politickim ciljevima, udahnuce novi zivot
Haskom tribunalu, ciji je kredibilitet
bio poljuljan cak i u Savjetu
bezbjednosti UN-a, instituciji
koja ga je na insistiranje Olbrajtove
i njoj slicnih lobista i osnovala
davne 1993. godine. Olbrajtova ce, bas
kao i glavni tuzilac Karla del Ponte,
treci vazan lik u ovoj politickoj
predstavi, priznanje Plavsiceve bestidno
iskoristiti kako bi svojoj prljavoj
raboti dala legitimitet i ispunila
osnovnu fukciju Tribunala: njegova
namjena nije da donese pravdu i pomirenje
u drzave bivse Jugoslavije vec da
falsifikuje istoriju i pronadje krivce
za ratove, stradanja i patnje naroda na
ovim prostorima. Kad to ucini, ispunice
svoju "istorijsku misiju" i prestati
da postoji, a van domasaja pravde, jer
i to je cilj, ostace, izmeðu ostalih,
stvarni vinovnici rata i osnivaci ovog
Tribunala. Priznanje Plavsiceve
vjerovatno je i zauvijek iskljucilo
mogucnost da se pred bilo kakvim sudom
pojavi, na primjer, americki
diplomata Voren Cimerman, covjek koji
je Aliju Izetbegovica nagovorio da
povuce potpis sa mirovnog plana Zozea
Kutiljera.

Propaganda o marioneti

Mozete li zamisliti kakvu je
zbunjenost, pa i paniku meðu akterima
ovog procesa, u kome su i pitanja i
odgovori bili izrezirani, izazvala
rijec marioneta, neoprezno izgovorena u
sudnici u kontekstu odnosa
Olbrajtove i Plavsiceve. "Beogradska
propaganda", nije se dala zbuniti
Olbrajtova, sigurna da joj niko u toj
prostoriji nece postaviti pitanje kako
je moguce da je nekoliko godina
"blisko saraðivala" sa Plavsicevom
znajuci da je optuzena za ratne zlocine.
Pitanje nije postavljeno, ali je
odgovor svakako dala Karla del Ponte,
tacno definisuci put i konacnu sudbinu
svake marionete: "Priznanje krivice
Biljane Plavsic nije nas iznenadilo.
To je bio nastavak njenog novog puta,
kojim je posla 1995. godine, odmah
poslije potpisivanja Dejtonskog
sporazuma. To, medjutim, nikako ne umanjuje
odgovornost za njeno ucesce u najgorim
zlocinima protiv covjecnosti."
Del Ponteova je svoju ulogu u ovoj
besramnoj meðunarodnoj predstavi maestralno
odigrala. Njen zadatak bio je da odglumi
strogocu i predlozi sto je moguce
vecu kaznu za 72-godisnju politicarku,
kojoj su, zbog brojnih "olaksavajucih
okolnosti" politicke naravi, na usluzi
stajale i sudije i tuzioci. Trebalo je
takoðe da strasna Karla uvjeri
javnost da je Plavsiceva odbila da
saraðuje, odnosno direktno
svjedoci u procesima protiv Slobodana
Milosevica i Momcila Krajisnika, cime
bi njeno priznanje bilo predstavljeno
ne kao izdaja pokreta koji je
predstavljala i ciljeva koje je do
1996. godine zagovarala vec kao
zrtvovanje kako bi s njenog naroda
bila skinuta kolektivna krivica. "Ja
jos nisam uspjela da je uvjerim da uðe u
posljednju fazu preuzimanja svoje
odgovornosti tako sto bi se pojavila kao
svjedok na drugim suðenjima", istakla
je Del Ponteova, zatrazivsi da
se Plavsiceva kazni kaznom ne manjom
od 15 i ne vecom od 25 godina zatvora.

Najznacajniji saradnik Tribunala

No, pravu istinu o ulozi Plavsiceve otkrice
njen advokat Robert Pavic ocjenom da njeno
priznanje krivice i izjava koju je proslog
utorka procitala pred Haskim tribunalom
predstavljaju "najznacajniji moguci oblik
saradnje". Kako drugacije nazvati dokument
naslovljen kao "cinjenicne osnove za
potvrdno izjasnjavanje o krivici",
koji je od 14. septembra do proslog
ponedjeljka bio pod pecatom. Kada je
otpecacen i objelodanjen, bilo je jasno
sta je Plavsiceva uradila i zbog cega
su njeni advokati 2. oktobra veoma lako
s tuzilastvom sklopili sporazum po kojem
su povucene sve tacke optuznice (i ona
za genocid i saucesnistvo u genocidu) osim
one koja se odnosi na progon na rasnoj i
vjerskoj osnovi, za koju je bivsa
predsjednica RS priznala krivicu. U
dokumentu koji sadrzi 22 tacke, a koji
su osim Plavsiceve potpisali i njeni
advokati Robert Pavic i Judjin O'
Saliven, na sraman nacin nastoji se
skinuti veci dio odgovornosti sa
Biljane Plavsic, a pripisati Slobodanu
Milosevicu, Radovanu Karadzicu, Momcilu
Krajisniku i generalu Ratku Mladicu.
"Osnovni cilj SDS-a i voðstva bosanskih
Srba bio je da svi Srbi u bivsoj
Jugoslaviji ostanu u zajednickoj
drzavi.
Jedan od nacina za ostvarenje toga
cilja bio je razdvajanje etnickih
grupa u BiH. Do oktobra 1991. voðstvo
bosanskih Srba, ukljucujuci i gospoðu
Plavsic, bilo je svjesno i namjeravalo je
da u razdvajanje etnickih zajednica ukljuci
trajno uklanjanje odreðenih etnickih grupa,
bilo sporazumom bilo silom, a osim toga
bilo je svjesno da ce svako prisilno
uklanjanje nesrpskog stanovnistva sa
teritorija na koje su Srbi polagali
pravo ukljuciti i diskriminatorsku
politiku progona. Namjera da se
etnicke zajednice razdvoje silom, koja
je ukljucivala i spoznaju da ce prisilno
trajno uklanjanje nesrba sa teritorija
na koje su Srbi polagali pravo ukljucivati
diskriminatorsku kampanju progona
dalje ce se pominjati kao 'cilj
prisilnog razdvajanja etnickih grupa'",
navodi se u dokumentu i nastavlja: "U
kreiranju i sprovoðenju ciljeva
prisilnog razdvajanja etnickih grupa
ucestvovali su mnogi pojedinci, ukljucujuci
Slobodana Milosevica, Radovana
Karadzica, Momcila Krajisnika i
Ratka Mladica. Meðu tim pojedincima
postojale su razlike kako u njihovoj
spoznaji detalja koji su se odnosili
na utvrðivanje i sprovoðenje tog cilja
tako i u njihovoj ulozi u njegovom
osmisljavanju i sprovoðenju. Gospoða
Plavsic je prihvatila i podrzala cilj
prisilnog razdvajanja etnickih grupa i
doprinijela njegovom ostvarenju. Ona
nije ucestvovala u utvrðivanju i
planiranju tog cilja zajedno s
Milosevicem, Karadzicem, Krajisnikom i
drugim i imala je manje znacajnu
ulogu u njegovom sprovoðenju u odnosu
na Karadzica, Krajisnika i druge."

Navodno prekrsen ustavni poredak

U dokumentu se naglasava da su
"dvojica najvaznijih voða bosanskih Srba"
Radovan Karadzic i Ratko Mladic cesto
odlazili u Beograd na konsultacije sa
Milosevicem, od koga su dobijali upute i
podrsku u ostvarenju gorecitiranih ciljeva.
Takoðe se navodi da je VRS dobijala
finansijsku i logisticku podrsku od
politickog i vojnog vrha iz Beograda.
U tekstu punom poluistina i
istorijskih falsifikata Plavsiceva i
njeni advokati pominju 14. i 15. oktobar
1991. godine, kada je Skupstina RBiH u
odsustvu i bez ucesca srpskih
poslanika usvojila Memorandum o stvaranju
suverene BiH, ali i naglasavaju da je
time "navodno prekrsen postojeci
ustavni i politicki poredak u BiH".
Citira se i Karadzicevo upozorenje
muslimanima da ce biti unisteni
ukoliko doðe do rata, ali se izostavlja
"cuvena" Izetbegoviceva recenica da
ce "zrtvovati mir za suverenu BiH".
Pominju se progoni i ubistva nesrpskog
stanovnistva, surovo i necovjecno
postupanje tokom napada na sela i
gradove, prisilno premjestanje i
deportacije, protivpravno pritvaranje
u zatocenickim objektima, unistavanje
kulturnih i vjerskih objekata, pljacke,
prisilan rad i koristenje zivih stitova...
Ovi zlocini jesu se dogodili i nesumnjivo
je da pocinioce treba kazniti, ali
Plavsiceva u citiranom dokumentu ide i
dalje od toga i tvrdi ono sto je za
tuzilastvo Haskog tribunala kljucno:
da je zlocine nareðivao i podsticao najuzi
drzavni vrh. To ne samo da nije tacno
vec je moguce dokazati suprotno - i
kroz ruke same Plavsiceve proslo je na
stotine dokumenta, naredbi i odluka u
kojima se od vojnih i policijskih snaga
RS izricito zahtijeva postovanje zenevskih
konvencija i trazi hapsenje i suðenje svima
koji su pocinili ratne zlocine i zlocine
protiv covjecnosti. Otuda se
Plavsickin potpis na citiranom dokumentu,
koji ce, apsolutno smo uvjereni, Del
Ponteova koristiti kao pisani dokaz u
svim buducim procesima protiv srpskih
optuzenika, ne moze shvatiti nikako
drugacije nego kao frustrirajuca osveta
i nastavak zapocetog obracuna
sa politickim protivnicima unutar RS.
"Vjerujem da vam je jasno da sam se ja
razisla s tim liderima - premda prekasno.
Ipak, to rukovodstvo bestidno nastavlja da
trazi odanost i podrsku naseg naroda. To
se cini izazivanjem straha, govorenjem
poluistina kako bi se ubijedio nas
narod da je svijet protiv nas. Ali,
plodovi njihovog rada, tog
rukovodstva, su jasni: grobovi,
izbjeglice, izolacija i ogorcenje prema
cijelom svijetu, koji nas je odbacio
upravo zbog tih lidera", reci ce Biljana
Plavsic, cija je slijepa mrznja hasku
sudnicu pretvorila u balkon Banskog dvora.

Dodikova "istina"

Upravo to - pretvaranje sudnice u
politicku pozornicu za suðenje SDS-u,
najprije pokretu srpskog naroda, a
onda i politickoj stranci - bio je
cilj cijelog ovog zavrsnog procesa. Eto
razloga da pozornicom prodefiluju Medlin
Olbrajt, Karl Bilt i Robert Frovik,
likovi koji su, koristeci poziciju i
uticaj Biljane Plavsic, razbilijedinstvo
srpskog naroda u RS i sproveli
zacrtane politicke ciljeve. U
podsjecanje na to tuzno i nesretno
vrijeme, pravi kosmar, koji zaista umalo
nije doveo do meðusrpskih oruzanih sukoba,
uklopilo se i svjedocenje Milorada
Dodika, koji je, govoreci "istinu i
samo istinu", sukob Biljane Plavsic i
rukovodstva SDS-a vratio cak u 1992.
godinu?! Lider SNSD-a nije objasnio,
niti ga je ko pitao, kako je moguce da
se i on sam, kao poslanik u nekadasnjoj
Skupstini RBiH, pridruzio vecini
srpskih poslanika koje danas Haski
tribunal proglasava "pobunjenickom
grupom s ciljem stvaranja velike Srbije",
kako je moguce da je tokom cijelog rata
odrzavao poslovne i politicke veze sa
Milosevicem, koga sada nastoje da
proglase "glavnim pokretacem udruzenog
zlocinackog poduhvata", kako je
moguce da je bas na tu Biljanu Plavsic,
koja se tokom 1993. i 1994. godine
"stalno sukobljavala sa ostatkom
rukovodstva SDS-a", Radovan Karadzic prije
svog definitivnog povlaèenja iz javnog
zivota prenio dio predsjednickih
ovlastenja.

Ni pravde ni pomirenja

Koliko je tesko razumjeti postupke
Biljane Plavsic, svjedoci i cinjenica
da je ona, i pored toga sto je pristala
da postane oruðe u rukama Haskog
tribunala, duboko svjesna da je rijec
o politickom sudu koji nije ispunio i
vjerovatno nece ni ispuniti zacrtanu
misiju faktora pravde i pomirenja u
zemljama bivse Jugoslavije. "Uradite
sve sto je u vasoj moci da budete
pravicni prema svim stranama u ratu.
Cineci to, mozda cete biti u mogucnosti
da ostvarite misiju zbog koje ovaj sud
postoji", porucila je Plavsiceva sudijama,
tuziocima i istraziteljima Tribunala.
U ovu recenicu stalo je sve ono sto nije
pisalo u ulozi koju je bivsa predsjednica
RS odigrala na haskoj pozornici: bez
obzira na to sta je ko od optuzenika
priznao ili ce priznati u bliskoj
buducnosti, pravde i pomirenja na
ovim prostorima nece biti sve dok se
ne utvrdi odgovornost politickih i
vojnih lidera druge dvije strane u
sukobu, kao i meðunarodnih mesetara,
ratove i raspad bivse Jugoslavije.
Istoriju, meðutim, na ovim prostorima
jos uvijek diktiraju samo bjelosvjetski
mocnici. Plavsiceva je svoj dio
diktata izdeklamovala, za sta ce biti
adekvatno nagraðena ili kaznjena, u
zavisnosti iz koje ce se perspektive
gledati odluka sudija. Ono sto ne uðe
u istoriju koju zapisu pobjednici,
ostaje u pamcenju naroda, postaje prica
ili pjesma, a nakon nekog vremena legenda
i mit. Ne bi nas zacudilo kada bi
narodni pjevac u nekoj od tih legendi,
u koju su neki ucli za zivota,
umjesto prezimena Brankovic
upotrijebio prezime Plavsic.

To view this item online, visit
http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=30222

WorldNetDaily
Saturday, December 28, 2002


Instrumentalization of justice at the Hague

Posted: December 28, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern

By Aleksandar Pavic

© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com

What better proof of the rightness of the Bush administration's
refusal to sign the International Criminal Court treaty earlier this
year than the sham "admission of guilt" by former Bosnian Serb
president Biljana Plavsic to charges of ethnically and racially
motivated "persecution as a crime against humanity" before the ad hoc
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague
last week.

As the West's mainstream media unceasingly celebrate Mrs. Plavsic's
virtual "admission" and "remorse" for virtual crimes before a virtual
court, "official" historians are busy writing a new, virtual history
of the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s, "cleansed" of inconvenient
facts, complexities and, in the end, truths. The virtual history being
written for this parallel propaganda and PR-managed universe will be
free of things such as:

* moderate Bosnian Muslims betrayed by the West;

* Western sabotage of a viable Bosnian peace agreement before the
bloody conflict even started;

* the Western states' (particularly Germany's and parts of the EU)
own role in the dismantling of the former Yugoslavia and their
accompanying violation of international law;

* the Islamic fundamentalist and extremist nature of Bosnia's
Western-supported Muslim leadership, as well as the cover-up of
that leadership's own war crimes committed not only against
Bosnia's Christian populations, but also against their own people
in their PR struggle for the "hearts and minds" of the West.

One of the best hidden facts about the Bosnian civil war is that it
was preventable, that the leaderships of that former Yugoslav
republic's three constituent peoples - the Serbs, Croats and Muslims
(of South Slavic, mostly Serb ethnic origin) - agreed to a deal
brokered by Portugal's then foreign minister, Jose Cutileiro, the
so-called Lisbon Agreement, which provided for an independent Bosnia
and Herzegovina cantonized according to ethnic lines.

This was Feb. 23 1992: The situation in Bosnia was admittedly tense
but, except for a few minor incidents, no war had broken out. The
Bosnian Serbs had already organized a referendum of their own, with a
99 percent vote in favor of remaining a part of Yugoslavia, but were
willing to compromise in order to avoid war. What happened next,
however, was that the Bosnian Muslim leader, Alija Izetbegovic,
reneged on the deal, which practically made war inevitable. As
Izetbegovic himself put it at the time, he was willing to "sacrifice
peace for sovereignty." Obviously, sovereignty itself wasn't the true
goal - radical Islamic domination of Bosnia was.

Izetbegovic could not have made the move on his own, without outside
diplomatic support. While that support was clearly coming from the
majority of the world's Islamic countries, along with Germany - which
had its own stake in the break-up of Yugoslavia into smaller, "more
manageable" units - it also came from the then U.S. ambassador to
Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmerman, who advised Izetbegovic that he
should hold out for a better deal. That better deal came in the shape
of a 42-month bloody civil war with tens of thousands killed and
hundreds of thousands of refugees.

Another inconvenient truth that remains little-publicized is the fact
that Izetbegovic was not even the most popular Bosnian Muslim leader
at the time. That honor belonged to Fikret Abdic, who received more
votes than Izetbegovic during Bosnia's first multiparty elections in
the fall of 1990. For reasons that are still unclear even today -
although much points to pressure from the outside - Abdic stepped
aside and allowed Izetbegovic to assume the leadership position, even
while remaining his political opponent, advocating peaceful ethnic
coexistence either within a reformed Yugoslavia or a newly-created,
secular (instead of fundamentalist) Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Abdic eventually broke openly with Izetbegovic during the war, forming
his own "autonomous region" in Western Bosnia, which is another fact
in a sea of obfuscation for the West's information-satiated,
truth-starved media audiences. And then - here's the real shocker -
Abdic actually formed an alliance with the dreaded "genocidal,"
"Muslim-hating" Serb forces, with which he mounted joint operations
against the 5th Corps of the Izetbegovic-controlled Bosnian Army,
(which was ultimately saved by NATO threats that it would bomb Serb
and, by extension, moderate Muslim forces if they entered the city of
Bihac). It wouldn't be the first - or the last - time that NATO served
as the air force for Balkan-based Islamic fundamentalists.

Reaping the rewards of his peace-making efforts, Abdic is presently
rotting in a Croatian prison on trumped-up "war crimes" charges,
forgotten by the West, while the openly fundamentalist Izetbegovic
continues to be celebrated by liberal Western circles for supposed
tolerance and commitment to "mutiethnicity," while he and his
followers go quietly about their business of establishing a beachhead
for radical Islam in the Balkans, as several U.S. Senate Republican
Policy Committee papers have clearly stated. Not surprisingly,
Izetbegovic even has a Western prize named after him, and it was duly
presented by none other than Prince Charles earlier this month in
London to a "deserving" British Muslim. This would be the same as if
the FBI decided to halt its increasingly frequent raids on U.S.
offices of Bosnian-based "charities" that raise funds for terrorists
and began passing out good citizenship awards to their staffs instead.

What does all this have to do with the Plavsic case and her war crimes
"admission?" Quite a bit, since it shoots large holes in the basic
premise of the Hague Inquisition's case against former Yugoslav
president Slobodan Milosevic and the entire Bosnian Serb leadership -
that they "engaged in a criminal undertaking" to "cleanse" Bosnia's
Muslim population from its homes, engaging in a "campaign of
genocide" to accomplish their sinister goals.

Plavsic's "admission" to "racially and ethnically-based" crimes by
virtue of her wartime position in the Bosnian Serb leadership is at
odds with the fact that she and the leadership not only agreed to a
pre-war peace deal with the Muslims (and Croats) but also actively
sought alliance with the faction led by the most popular (and least
fundamentalist) Bosnian Muslim leader, Abdic, once Izetbegovic nixed
the Lisbon Peace and the war broke out.

That behavior shows that there was no anti-Muslim prejudice as such
on the part of the Bosnian Serbs but only an anti-fundamentalist
prejudice, which could be excused not just in the post-9/11 world but
in the one that preceded that horrible event as well. Yet, such
behavior is not only being ignored in the Hague Inquisition's version
of history, it is de facto being criminalized at a time when the
global "war on terrorism" is gaining momentum by the minute. Why?

To keep some old skeletons from popping out of the closet? Or, worse,
to appease needed Islamic allies in preparation for the campaign in
Iraq? Are Balkan Christians once again going to be sacrificed and
slandered for the sake of a new Middle Eastern military intervention?
Are terrorists in Bosnia (and Kosovo and Macedonia) going to be
appeased while their brethren in the Middle East are supposedly hunted
down?

It happened once in the 1990s, and it looks certain to happen again.
In fact, the West's pro-fundamentalist, anti-Christian policy in the
Balkans has continued uninterruptedly from the early 1990s to this
day, and one of the Hague Inquisition's primary tasks is to cover up
that shameful policy. There is little doubt that blowback is only a
matter of time, with the caveat that a terror base in the Balkans is
much closer to Western borders than one in Asia.

An honest and fair approach to the legacy of the latest Balkan wars
would, needless to say, have to start from the beginning. If
violations of "international law" are to be enumerated, why not start
with Germany's December 1991 recognition of the then-Yugoslav
republics of Slovenia and Croatia (soon followed by the Vatican and
other Western European states), which was a clear contravention of the
1975 Helsinki Agreement's provision guaranteeing the inviolability of
international borders except by mutual consent?

And why not continue with the spring 1992 recognition of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, which not only violated Helsinki but hardened the
Izetbegovic-led secessionists' resolve to "sacrifice peace for
sovereignty?" What about the Clinton administration's pact with the
Iranians to arm the Bosnian Muslims once the war began, in violation
of a U.N. arms embargo? The list of potential violations that the
tribunal will never deal with is long indeed.

For the Hague Inquisition and its supporters, the most important thing
about Mrs. Plavsic's "admission," in the words of chief Hague
architect Madeleine Albright - who testified during the sentencing
hearing - was the fact that she "recognized the tribunal's
jurisdiction." Indeed, for proponents of global government, the
validation of "international tribunals" is of the utmost importance,
much more so than, say, determining whether genuine genocide did
indeed take place, which in the now-closed Plavsic case will never be
known, at least as far as she is concerned. For, in its zeal to gain
legitimacy, the tribunal dropped "genocide" charges against Mrs.
Plavsic in exchange for her guilty plea to the "lesser" charge of
"persecution as a crime against humanity."

Thus, if Biljana Plavsic did indeed perform genocide in Bosnia during
the 1990s, the victims have been sacrificed yet again, this time at
the altar of The Hague's political requirements and the globalist
agenda at large. What better revelation of global justice's true face,
where a charge of "genocide" is only a bargaining chip in a diplomatic
game, and not an expression of moral outrage by a civilization seeking
to preserve and defend its values. Genocide stands in the category of
absolutes. Either it happened or it didn't. If it did, there can be no
equivocating with its definition, no compromise with its executioners,
no "understanding" for their eventual motives, no mercy when carrying
out punishment. If Biljana Plavsic did indeed commit genocide, who
has the right to let her get off so lightly?

In fact, Mrs. Plavsic originally pleaded innocent to all charges
before the tribunal, and spent the balance of the past 18 months in
building her defense. Her decision to change course was as sudden as
it was surprising, at least to outside observers. It is almost certain
that she was subjected to great pressure to admit "guilt," and that
she was even convinced that, as she put it, by admitting the imagined
"crimes" in her own name, she would take the onus of "collective
responsibility" from her own people.

By cutting the Plavsic trial short and making a deal before all the
facts could be established, the International Criminal Court for the
Former Yugoslavia showed that it is not interested in justice but in a
political agenda. "War crimes" and "genocide" charges are to be pulled
out of the hat as a political expedient, not as a serious potential
violation of accepted human behavior.

The fact that Izetbegovic's forces, according to U.N. documents,
almost certainly bombed their own people - in the Sarajevo breadline
and marketplace "massacres" of 1992 and 1995 - in order to gain
Western sympathy while pinning the blame on the Bosnian Serbs has
gone unnoticed by the tribunal thus far, as have tens of thousands of
pages of other incriminating documentation against him.

Still, Abdic, the true Muslim moderate, sits in prison (albeit not in
The Hague) on "war crimes" charges, while Biljana Plavsic who - as
Carl Bildt, the former Swedish prime minister and high representative
for Bosnia, testified before the tribunal - "never participated in
leadership meetings where decisions of war and peace were made," has
been coached to "admit" "crimes" that she didn't commit. If anyone
ever wondered what Stalin's show trials of the 1930s really looked
like, there's no need to read books or dream of time travel. They are
happening right now, as the new year 2003 dawns, in The Hague, the
seat of the future permanent International Criminal Court.

Proponents of "global justice" have always pointed to the ad hoc
tribunal for the former Yugoslavia as a "trial run" for the permanent
court. The blueprint is now clear: Among all the world's conflicts,
choose one that fits the needs of a current agenda, selectively
criminalize the actions of the "enemy of the month" without regard to
the larger context, then fire away the guns of "international law" to
finish off the "perpetrator," who has previously been thoroughly
demonized by the cooperative, globally ambitious liberal press. Once
the instrumentalization of justice becomes fully legitimized, however,
ask not tomorrow for whom the bell tolls anywhere on this earth. It
will toll for thee.



Aleksandar Pavic in Belgrade covers Yugoslavia for
WorldNetDaily.com.

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DISINFORMAZIONE STRATEGICA E STRATEGIA DELLA CONFUSIONE

Da alcuni mesi notiamo un crescente "interessamento" alle questioni
balcaniche da parte di personaggi della estrema destra.

Poco probabili "compagni" cercano di stabilire contatti con i nostri
ambienti, vale a dire con le iniziative di controinformazione e
solidarieta' alla Jugoslavia; bollettini telematici e pubblicazioni
storicamente assai poco internazionaliste ed ancor meno "slavofile"
citano nostre informazioni e nostre fonti; e cosi' via. Da ultimo,
abbiamo ricevuto pochi giorni fa un messaggio dalle "Edizioni
all'insegna del Veltro", nel quale si reclamizza un loro
libro-intervista a Dragos Kalajic - il "rappresentante mediatico
ufficiale" delle ragioni del popolo serbo, ormai a tutti noto come
campione di "slalom ideologico" - edito... piu' di tre anni fa! Il
titolo del libro, "Serbia, trincea d'Europa", ne chiarisce
perfettamente il contenuto e dunque ne rende superflua la lettura.

Il suddetto messaggio riporta alcuni estratti dalla Introduzione al
libro. Si menzionano "l'espulsione di 17 milioni di Tedeschi dai
territori dell'Europa centrale e orientale in cui essi erano vissuti
per secoli e la cacciata di 350.000 Italiani dall'Istria e dalla
Dalmazia (col corollario di 20.000 infoibati)" come episodi di
"pulizia etnica" ante litteram. Si accusano gli americani per avere
"armato gli infoibatori titoisti".

Non "merita" entrare nel "merito" di queste menzogne. Un libro che
cerca di far passare i popoli slavi come inguaribili massacratori in
tutte le epoche, che dipinge i tedeschi e gli italiani come pure
vittime della Seconda Guerra Mondiale, e che nasconde le carneficine
attuate dai nazifascisti e dai loro alleati nei Balcani innanzitutto
proprio ai danni dei SERBI... beh per noi un libro del genere puo'
finire dritto dritto nel secchio della spazzatura.

Quello che maggiormente conta e' che i serbi e tutti i popoli slavi
sappiano ben guardarsi da questi "falsi amici".

Italo Slavo

http://english.pravda.ru/main/2002/12/23/41243.html

Pravda.RU:Top Stories:More in detail
21:06 2002-12-23

What We Have Come To: Carla del Ponte Is Serbia's Foreign Minister!

At the end of the previous week the Hague officially demanded
extradition of Serbian President Milan Milutinovic. The Serbian
authorities are even given the deadline for the extradition: January
12, 2003.

Milutinovic is accused of ethnic cleansing on the territory of Kosovo
during escalation of the conflict between the Serbian army and
Albanian militants in 1999. Earlier, the Serbian authorities declared
that Milutinovic would be given up to the Hague tribunal as soon as
his term of office expires.
Meanwhile, Milutinovic enjoys immunity as the president of Serbia.
The other day Yugoslavia's presidential aide for foreign policy
Predrag Simic once again declared that "it is highly likely that when
Milutinovic's term of office expires, he will voluntarily appear
before the Hague tribunal."

In the words of Simic, Hague's Prosecutor Carla del Ponte "shouldn't
insist that people accused of war crimes must be detained, as some of
them think their duty is to appear before the tribunal voluntarily,"
Radio Jugoslavija reports. Simic says that in this case "the necessity
of forced detention of these people ceases to have significance." Now
the discussion hinges upon this fact.

In his turn, Yugoslav Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic openly
declared in an interview to the Serbian newspaper Dnevnik that "none
of the country's foreign political strategic goals can be realized
until Yugoslavia doesn't cooperate with the Hague international
tribunal on a wide scale, which also means delivery of all people
accused of war crimes on the territory of former Yugoslavia."

When the united Yugoslav republic broke up and new formations appeared
on its territory, nobody seemed especially surprised with the fact
that foreign policy of the former Yugoslav republics, including Serbia
and Montenegro was getting more and more oriented toward the West, or
NATO, to be more precise. However, nobody could even suppose that it
would be done so openly and cynically (let's take for instance the
extradition of Slobodan Milosevic right the next day after it was
prohibited by the Constitutional Court), and that Serbian authorities
would give up even the slightest claim for realization of a nation-
oriented, pro-Serbian policy.

It is not ruled out that some day descendants in Yugoslavia will
estimate the above mentioned interview by Svilanovic, and the whole
policy of Prime Minister Zoran Zizic, at their true value. And Zizic
and Co. will have to serve another term, this time not a presidential
one. However, it may happen that there will be no need to dot the
"i's" and cross the "t's": within the past years, the Serbian
leadership resorts to the open propaganda methods and realizes the
political line designed to surrender the country to foreign capital.

As for Serbia's incorporation into the EU and the Council of Europe,
Svilanovic says that it will take place after a new constitution of "a
prospective union state of Serbia and Montenegro" is adopted and when
relations between its subjects are harmonized.

At the time when Svilanovic considered better ways for establishment
of cooperation with the international community and the Hague (with a
view to please the chief lady of the Tribunal), Serbian vice-premier
Nebojsa Covic discussed problems with a journalist from Belgrade's
Glas Javnosti.

Covic said that Yugoslavia was debarred from participation in the
"Partnership for Peace" program and other European organizations and
associations because of the delay with adoption of a new constitution
of a prospective Serb-Montenegrin union. It was Covic who emphasized
several times already that rightful NATO membership was the prospect
of Serbia and Montenegro. "We had this opportunity but we missed it.
We committed too many mistakes."

What mistakes does Covic mean? This can hardly be the split of the
united Yugoslav state and surrender of Kosovo to Albanian bandits.
What are the present-day thoughts of ex-president of Yugoslavia
Slobodan Milosevic in the light of the recent high-flown declarations
made by Serbian top officials and their curtseys toward the Tribunal?
What does he think when he looks at the map of the Yugoslavian
republic?

Sergey Stefanov
PRAVDA.Ru

Translated by Maria Gousseva

Read the original in Russian:

http://world.pravda.ru/world/2002/5/14/37/4761_Milutinovic.html

1. URGENT ALLERT: Milosevic health worse again despite the adjournment
(SLOBODA 23/12/02)

2. Milosevic vs. Mayor of Dubrovnik (20/12/02): SCANDALOUS!!!

3. Hague Tribunal judges complicit in torture & attempted murder (CANA
UK, 25/12/02)


=== 1 ===


Subject: URGENT ALLERT: Milosevic health worse again
despite the adjournment
Date: Mon, 23 Dec 2002 12:50:12 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin" <vlada@...>



URGENT PRESS STATEMENT FROM SLOBODA



Sloboda/Freedom Association informs the
public that the health condition of President
Milosevic has been deteriorate again. His blood
pressure during the weekend has been up to
230/120 mmHg.

For that reason we have sent to the Tribunal
an urgent demand for the team of medical
specialists from the Military Medical Academy
(VMA) in Belgrade to go to The Hague
immediately. First request for the visit of this
medical team has been sent to the Tribunal on
November 9.

It is obvious that the Tribunal attempts by all
means to hide the truth about the medical condition
of President Milosevic and to prevent him from
getting the cure. The fact that President's health
condition is bad even now when the process is
adjourned proves that the all statements and
so-called conclusions and decisions of the
representatives of the Tribunal are an attempt to
fool the public and to hide the organized crime. But
the responsibility for that crime can not be hidden.

Sloboda/Freedom Association calls upon all
citizens and all responsible domestic and
international factors to act immediately and do
everything necessary in this dramatic situation.


Text of Sloboda fax sent to the Hague Tribunal:


Mr. Hans Holtuis, Registrar
Ms. Monica Martinez
Legal officer to the Registry
ICTY
The Hague, The Netherlands

T O P U R G E N T



c/o: Judge Claude Jorda, President
Judges Richard May, Patric Robinson,
O-Gon Kwon, Trial Chamber III
Mr. Branislav Tapuskovic, Mr. Steven
Kay, Amicus Curiae



Subject: Medical team to visit president Milosevic
(Our faxes of November 9, 10, 11, 12, 13)


Dear Mr. Holtuis and Ms. Martinez,


The medical condition of President Milosevic is again in acute
worsening.

We urge you to APPROVE IMMEDIATELY the visit of the team of medical
specialists from the Military Medical Academy (VMA) in Belgrade,
requested in our November faxes.

There is no rule nor condition that could prevent responsible persons
from appropriate action to protect a human life.

The team of doctors from Belgrade is ready to go to The Hague any
minute.

We are expecting your call at +381 63 8862 301 or fax at +381 11 630
549.



Belgrade, December 23rd, 2002



On behalf of the Freedom Association

Bogoljub Bjelica, president



To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
icdsm temporary address:
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/index.htm
for your donations:
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/donations.htm


=== 2 ===


http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/810368/posts
FreeRepublic.com "A Conservative News Forum"


Dec 20th Report from UN Tribunal -Milosevic
vs. Mayor of Dubrovnik
Jurist.com | 20. Dec 2002 | VM

Posted on 12/21/2002 6:31 AM PST by vooch

Friday December 20, 2002 at 10:43 pm


Let's go to Dubrovnik cross-examination report.

Milosevic asked Poljanic [ Mayor of Dubrovnik ] whether he's aware
that two Dubrovnik judges had investigated several dozens of cases of
the Serb houses being demolished by explosive since the summer of
1991. Poljanic answered he was not aware of that. Milosevic claimed
that more than 50 houses were demolished in the area of Cavtat
alone. Poljanic hurried with 'it's not true' answer, but then he
noticed Milosevic singled out one particular paper from the pile on
his desk, so he quickly added: "I'm not aware of that."

Milosevic said: "Very well. Here I have a statement from the
Dubrovnik District Court judge Dragan Gajic, given to this here
institution in November 2000." And he started to quote incidents of
mining, hand-grenades, mostly when houses were empty, but few
times some of the inhabitants got wounded, more than 50 Serb
houses demolished between the summer of 1991 and 1992 ... Poljanic
tried to wiggle out stating that it was impossible for judges to
investigate, while the JNA was keeping the area under occupation.

Milosevic put in: "And what are we to do about the summer?" Poljanic
then tackled differently: "Perhaps that was the case of these
unauthorized buildings?" [earlier on, Poljanic admitted he ordered
some unauthorized erections to be removed] Milosevic: "But surely
you didn't use hand-grenades to put down unauthorized erections?
This is your judge giving his statement before this here institution."

This same judge Gajic was furthermore quoted that he was ordered to
release some criminals, who subsequently joined Croatian armed
forces. Poljanic said he really didn't know about that, it's such a
large municipality... And, anyways, 'I really don't believe this is
true.'
Milosevic: "I'm only quoting the statement I've received from
the opposite side." This was the beginning.

Milosevic reminded Poljanic that he claimed in his
examination-in-chief a certain number of civilians got killed; but the
truth was most of them were in Croatian uniforms. Poljanic got
extremely upset, declared emphatically that 'not a single man got
killed in uniform; in the list we have discussed here were 2 soldiers
in civilian clothes, who came to the rescue of civilians shelled,
that's all'. Milosevic tried to calm him, saying that 'it's
unfortunate anybody got killed', and Poljanic agreed 'Sure, sure',
thinking this is where the issue will end, but then Milosevic started
to read some papers about the autopsy of 150 soldiers.

He asked whether the name of one Dr Ciganovic is familiar to the
witness. Poljanic confirmed. Milosevic said it was the autopsy
official, assisted by one Ms Damira Poljanic, police photographer, 'a
cousin of yours'. Baffled, Poljanic said: "I thought you were talking
about your autopsies." What a revealing, Freudian slip of the tongue:
he knows his forces killed many JNA soldiers, although he testified
there was but a handful of defenders surrounded within the town, with
one mortar and one cannon.

The Prosecution actually included in the documents also the
autopsy reports of the Croatian side, revealing the autopsy of
150 Croatian soldiers! So much about only 43 civilians killed in
the unprovoked shelling of the Pearl of the Adriatic. More like
it, the Croats were engaged in a full-fledged 3-month battle
against the JNA around Dubrovnik, where at least 150 of their
soldiers got killed and exactly 158 Montenegrins, as claimed by
Milosevic, who presented the list of names (most of the JNA units
consisted of the Montenegrins, being the closest). That's why the
suburbs of Dubrovnik got destroyed and the Croat units would simply
retreat within the Old Town after each clash (an English journalist
saw them, but that would be explained later on, when 2 videos are
introduced).

You know what was the comment of Poljanic to this 150 soldiers
autopsy fact? He actually said: "Ah, if only just one got killed, it's
one too many." Milosevic insisted: "This means that the JNA was
exposed to sustained attacks?" Poljanic: "Well, not all the time were
they sustained, but from time to time they were sustained."

At that moment, Nice begun his jumping-up exercise: he tried to
muddle the issue, 'explaining' this is a rather long statement that
could be important, but also could burden the quantity of documents,
and in short he is not opposed to it, but could it be tendered only a
segment of it, although this would be out of context... Basically,
Prosecution tried to ban their own document from the evidence!
But, May surprisingly decided to accept this statement as a whole,
being made by a professional. Take a note of that, this consists a
precedent over which further battles would ensue.

After this, more documents were pulled out of the stack made by the
brave Prosecution, who didn't bother to comb out the paperwork for
the undesirable traces.

The next statement was by one Mr Simonovic, a citizen of
Dubrovnik, who among other things, undoubtedly supportive to the
Prosecution's case, also claimed that the Croatian military
strongholds were deployed throughout the Old Town as well and he
named 5 locations. Furthermore, the Croatian soldiers were heavily
equipped with German rifles, Land Rovers and transporters; that they
were breaking into houses, looting, even raping a woman.

Poljanic was shocked, tried to deny everything, but Milosevic calmly
informed him these are not his info, 'I also do not know that
particular witness, but I've got all this from the opposite side
here.'
He proceeded to squeeze Poljanic: "You claim the JNA was not fired
upon from the positions within the Old Town?" Poljanic: No!

Milosevic read out from another statement by one Gajic about
'couple of dozens of shells fired on 6 Dec. early in the morning' [the
provocation on the notorious day of 'destruction']. Obviously, these
Dubrovnik characters blabbed too much in their statements. Poljanic
blew the top: "Not even a single revolver bullet was fired then. It's
a shameless lie! It was the greatest tragedy in the 2000-year long
history...." Milosevic: "Please, do not get excited that much. Here I
have yet another statement.."

Poljanic: 'Is it again some Gajic bloke?!"

Milosevic: "No, this one is from Simonovic."

Poljanic lost all his poise: "Aaaa, it means another one just like
him."
Milosevic instructed him: "This is a witness of this here institution,
just like you are, and you are free to judge the similarity between
you two."

From now on, Poljanic sat up, arms crossed, eyes tightly
squeezed, measuring up each move of Milosevic, answering by
pure instinct, not thinking anymore of the whole story, but only
how to come out from the current question.

Milosevic slammed the point even harder: "I'm just asking you the
questions on the basis of the statements of witnesses such as you
yourself are. Here is, for example, a statement from one Stipe
Jelavic, a witness for this false indictment." [at that moment, an
inspired TV frame was shown - Nice in a close-up, hurriedly reading
the same statement, heavily sighing]

This Jelavic guy stated there was a machine-gun nest on top of
the St. Anne church in Brgat and in two WW2 bunkers. Poljanic
allowed the possibility there was 'our army in Brgat' but not in the
church. Jelavic even described how these units in Brgat were visited
by a certain Croat military/paramilitary celebrity: 'Cengija came to
survey the troops and to decide who is to be killed.' Poljanic stated:
"Cengija is an honourable man."(?!)

Robinson understood the enormity of what was going on and said to
Milosevic: "These statements have a key importance for your defence
and you should summon witnesses." Milosevic pointed out that he
now speaks on behalf of the JNA, wrongfully accused here; this has
nothing to do with him or Serbia.

He proceeded to quote this Jelavic: an anti-aircraft gun was brought
to Brgat, there were 6 other guns at 6 other points in the town, he
even enclosed a drawing... Poljanic crumbled gradually: 'there was
one cannon moving on a truck', 'maybe there were soldiers at the
hotel', 'all these 6 locations are at Lapad', 'I was not in the
Military Command, 'I accept it was so, but I wasn't aware of that'...

Then, Kwon spoke to Milosevic: "Do you want all these statements to
be tendered as exhibits?"

May tried to gather some wool: "We shall hear your opinion, Mr
Nice, whether witnesses should be summoned..."

Nice again tried to muddle: "The general policy being not to admit
them as exhibits, just to perhaps enlarge the passage quoted..."

Kwon: "There are certain limitations regarding the statements given
to the Prosecution. Are these statements accurate? [enigmatic
oriental smile]

Nice: "I shall not object, if you doubt the accuracy of these
statements."

Robinson: "It seems to me that now both of you are holding the same
position regarding these statements."

Nice: "I wasn't saying anything, I just mentioned the context; I don't
mind if the Trial Chamber admits the statements, it's only the
question of the weight that is to be attributed..."

May: "We have already accepted one statement today, from a
professional, thus we considered it to be truthful. Maybe Mr Kay
might assist us after the cross-examination."

Kay indeed assisted later on, practically leaving it to the judges;

May said they will have to reconsider it;

Kwon further troubled them by asking: "Are there any hindrances to
the acceptance of these statements, particularly since they had been
taken by the investigators?", and Kay pricked Nice: "The
Prosecution, as far as I understood, is renouncing its objection."

Finally, after conferring a bit, May announced they accept Jelavic
statement as well, 'but this will not be a precedent in further
procedure'. [again?]

After finishing his pleasant reading of the Prosecution's
statements, Milosevic asked the technicians to please play two
videos. One was a medley of Dubrovnik footage and the
statements from some foreign journalists (I managed to write
down the name of one Phil Davidson from the London
Independent; there was also a former US Intelligence Service
official, whose name escaped me, who spoke into the camera
how the whole Dubrovnik story was a Croatian propaganda
scam, how they cowardly attacked the JNA within Montenegro,
then withdrew and proceeded with incursions from Dubrovnik,
all the while spreading stories about the destruction of the town
by heavy shelling. Davidson was a member of a large group of
journalists invited to visit Dubrovnik in October, after the stories
of 15,000 shells were spread by friendly Slovenian, Austrian and
German press; he personally counted 15 small mortar traces; the
town was in nearly pristine condition.

He saw heavy machine-guns and soldiers within the town coming
and going and during the night a heavy cannon was heard shooting
from the rooftop of their hotel. When this video ended, May tried to
dismiss it by asking: "What was it that we saw? We don't know who
these people are."

Silly Poljanic prevented him by saying: "Yes, I know even the day
when this was filmed, I received these people in Dubrovnik. Yes, we
made some loud noise earlier, although not a single shell fell on the
Old Town before 23 Oct., but there were thousands of them that fell
around the town; I picked up the journalists at the port myself, they
came by sea and not through Konavli; they filmed the Old Town and
sent that monstrosity to the world. Only after that the Old Town was
terribly shelled." In other words, yes we did lie at first, but then
we told the truth, please believe us.

But, see how even this presumption of telling the truth the second
time around was proven to be lie again. The second video played was
the one filmed on 25 March 1992, only few short months after the
'greatest tragedy in the 2000-year long history' of Dubrovnik. This
was made by the Professor of the Northeaster Illinois University,
one John Peter Maher (yes, Alexei, the one you've pointed out in
your post). It was a short home video, no sound, depicting the
Old Town alone, walking slowly through its streets, showing
every famous place and building - all nearly spotless, except for
few shrapnel scars in pavement slabs, rails and walls. The only
completely destroyed building, gutted by fire, was the library of
the Serbian Orthodox church.

To all that, Poljanic could only say that this gutted building is not
the library, but a private house, that he doesn't know whether the
library was actually burned down or by whom, and even if it was, he
can 'guarantee with everything it could be guaranteed with' that the
members of the ZNG (National Guard Units) didn't do it; and that an
expert in architecture is expected to testify here soon, who will
explain everything...[another one?]

He again started to throw out numbers of shells from the
'official version' of the Dubrovnik story: 1,056 on the Old Town,
53 on the Franciscan Convent... When Milosevic asked him how
come no buildings were destroyed with all those shells, Poljanic
said: "Well, you know how solidly built these houses are,
difficult to destroy, and densely packed, so they can not
fall..."(?!)

So, our brave witness finished shamefully. But, it was not over yet.

Kay started his short questioning as the amicus curiae and focused it
entirely on the first video. This was too painful a subject for
Poljanic, so he started to answer quite rudely; I'm sure nobody so far
spoke that way to Kay, not even May. [wow, rhymes & poetry!] When Kay
put to him that those journalists alleged old tyres were burnt on
purpose, in order to denigrate the Serbs and create the effect of the
town burning, Poljanic exploded against Kay: "Well, let's finally
agree and accept this truth that Dubrovnik was devastated as never
before in its history!"

Undeterred, Kay proceeded: "Were the guns placed on the rooftops,
to provoke the reaction?"

Poljanic, in a tone of impertinent biting, that could be used to
address a street thug: "I don't know what you're talking about, which
buildings, I don't understand the question, will you repeat?"

Kay asked in his suave English utterances, perfectly unimpressed:
"You've heard that journalist saying a heavy machine-gun had been
placed on top of his hotel, in order to provoke reaction?"

Poljanic: "It's nonsense, why would we do that, there's no logic...

Kay: "In order to blame the Serbs and to create provocations?"

Poljanic: "Bah, I don't understand any of this."

I sincerely doubt such display of rudeness from Poljanic helped the
Prosecution's case a bit.

Nice then got the opportunity to ask few additional questions and he
desperately sought to restore his crumbling case: "In regards the
alleged connections with Serbia, could you please state these
details?"

But it was all in vain, Poljanic was shattered, still in his
quarrelling mode, continued to answer in the same way as he did
to Kay: "Bah, all that was connected to the programme of the
Greater Serbia." [so much for details!]

Nice: "Did anybody apologize, a President, perhaps?" [hint, hint, help
the raging witness]

Poljanic, totally lost, started to quote the song that the Lilliputian
Montenegrin party sang at its rally in praise of Dubrovnik, but
collected himself enough to remember that the President of
Montenegro, noble mobster Djukanovic, indeed did apologize 'for the
destruction of Dubrovnik'.

Nice asked: "Do you remember whether he mentioned Serbia? If you
don't, I'll play the tape for you."

Poljanic: "I don't remember, but play the tape for me and then
I'll tell you."(?!)

Nice, destroyed: "Some other time. Thank you."

Then the discussion already described ensued, about the admissibility
of statements. May also said they'll reconsider whether to admit these
two tapes; 'maybe the one without sound could be accepted, and the
other one, being with the comments, maybe will not be accepted'.
Then the troika conferred, and announced to mark both videos for
identification.

I have addressed here only two segments of Milosevic's
cross-examination: witness' statements and videos; but there were
equally great lines regarding the Amnesty International reports and
war editions of Dubrovnik local paper (read the transcript). Do you
think that the Prosecution proved Dubrovnik had been devastated
without provocation as never before in its history?

Vera Martinovic
Belgrade
Yugoslavia


=== 3 ===


Subject: Hague Tribunal judges complicit in torture & attempted murder
Date: Wed, 25 Dec 2002 00:04:22 -0000
From: "canauk" <canauk@...>
To: "Hague Tribunal" <nikiforov@...>,
"Hague Tribunal" <Jorda.icty@...>,
"Hague Tribunal" <fisk.icty@...>


To the International Criminal Court for the
Former Yugoslavia

24th December 2002

Dear Sirs

I refer to reports which I have received tonight that
the health of the former President of Yugoslavia,
Mr Milosevic is again worsening, & the Tribunal
has done nothing, despite protests from all over the
world, to ensure that the prisoner is seen by competent
specialist physicians independent of the Tribunal &
neither will the Tribunal grant bail.

I have written to the Tribunal on previous
occasions, without receiving any acknowledgement,
pointing out that the decisions of Judge May
constitute prima facie a criminal case under section
134 of the Criminal Justice Act
1988. He is complicit in torture, & not merely
complicit but the main instrument.

I have told the Law Officers that I will be lodging
as soon as convenient an Information @ Highgate
Magistrates Court with the view to the prosecution
of the said judge May.

The Information is currently being prepared but
should Mr Milosevic die I will upgrade it to a
charge of murder against both Judge May & the
other judges hearing this case.

I think the behaviour of your Court is deplorable.
Primary responsibility is on the Netherlands
Government for hosting your Court & on the
United Nation Security Council for refusing to
engage in any form of monitoring of
their own creation. We believe an enquiry should
be instituted by the Security Council & the General
Assembly into (inter alia) the illegal financing of
this Court, (the expenses of which should be met
from the normal UN budget, but @ least in part
they are met by Mr Soros. Is this not correct?)

We also blame Amnesty International, which
organisation has altogether failed in terms of
protecting the interests of prisoners of conscience.
We call on AI organisations world wide to take up
such an obvious case of
political persecution & to hear the concerns of so
many people about this farce of international
justice, the WTE, (Washington's Tribunal in
Europe).

CANA UK believes that Mr Milosevic's life is in
imminent danger, not least because of the
imminence of the pre-planned aggression on Iraq.

The American Government has taken a leaf out of
the Stalinist book. Trotsky was finally eliminated
in 1940, as the German armies were marching
through France. There is no doubt in my mind that
the object of the Tribunal, now that it has not been
able to find a case against the President, is to kill
him, in the most expeditious & least publicised
manner possible & also at the most opportune time.

Judge May's tenure @ the Hague, in his NATO-
EU role, of supreme torturer, as well as prosecutor,
judge & in all probability executioner, should go
down in history as the most obscene misapplication
of judicial power by a British judge anywhere in
the world since Judge Jeffreys & the Bloody Assize.

British judges have built up an entirely fallacious
reputation for being fair minded, when in fact as a
group, & with few exceptions, they are invariably
corrupt, as Judge May's handling of this so called
trial proves, & as do many other cases known to me.

The Law Officers consistently refuse to investigate
all the numerous instances of judicial corruption
brought to their attention every year. If they are
indolent, in their refusal to grasp this nettle, this is
not surprising, when the UK judiciary as a
collectivity believe themselves to be above the law.
The psycho-pathological problems which afflict
them as a caste are accentuated in the case of
Judge May as he is currently removed from the
jurisdiction, (although he remains an official of the
UK Government - whatever undertakings he may
have entered into with regard to this continent so
called Court, he remains bound by judicial oath to
Her Majesty).

I also paste below a copy of a letter sent to the
Guardian + copy to Geoffrey Robertson QC
which highlights a deficiency in the Court as an
institution, quite apart from its procedures.


Yours Sincerely

William Spring



To the Editor
The Guardian

Dear Sir

There is at least one colossal flaw in the logic of
Geoffrey Robertson's argument, (Guardian 19th
December) favouring the standards of supposed
international justice exemplified by the
International Criminal Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia. No justice can be justice if
not applied equally to all. I am not a Yugoslav
citizen. My first concern isn't with Mr Milosevic,
but with the activities of my Government, of Blair,
Cook, & Straw, for
example, all of whom I regard as war criminals.

In the case of the first two, in May 1999 I sought to
press criminal charges before Magistrates, one, for
encouraging terrorism in a foreign state contrary
to section Five of the Criminal Justice Act, and two, for
conspiracy to murder & to cause explosions in the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The Magistrates
declined to issue the proceedings citing insufficient
evidence.

What I find remarkable is the Hague Court
entertaining the testimony of NATO war criminals,
when in 1999 NATO didn't even have the fig-leaf
of a United Nations resolution to legitimise military
action. How can such a Court be just, which only
hears the accusations of the victors, themselves law
breakers, & ignores the cries of the vanquished?
Don't dead or mutilated Yugoslavs, Afghans, or
Palestinians, nor those shortly to suffer in Iraq,
count for anything? Don't they deserve an
advocate? If they do, it shouldn't be Mr Robertson.
His view of justice is inexorably skewed, in favour
of wealth, power, & the ruthless use of propaganda
& military force by humanitarian warriors.


Yours sincerely

William Spring

CANA UK
Christians Against Nato Aggression UK

1 Scales Road London N17 9HB

Subject: urge sangue
Date: Wed, 25 Dec 2002 20:32:56 +0100
From: "Alessandro Di Meo" <dimeo@...>



Lancio un appello, in questo periodo di regali e doni, per una
donazione.
Si tratta di sangue, necessario per garantire le trasfusioni di
piastrine a Marko Milanovic, ragazzino di 12 anni proveniente da
Kraljevo, sud della Jugoslavia, affetto da Anemia Aplastica, terribile
malattia del midollo, ricoverato al reparto di Oncologia Pediatrica
dell'ospedale Agostino Gemelli di Roma.
Chiunque, ripeto, chiunque può donare.
Basta andare un giorno feriale dalle 8,30 alle 10,30 di mattina,
digiuni, al Centro Trasfusionale del Gemelli (chiedere all'entrata
principale alle signore addette alle informazioni) e dire che si vuol
donare sangue per Marko Milanovic. Vi verrà effettuato un piccolo
prelievo per le analisi e dopo due, massimo tre giorni, dovrete
tornare, sempre digiuni, per la donazione vera e propria (sempre che
le analisi, ovviamente, risultino accettabili).
Tutto questo, ripeto, garantirà a Marko, in attesa che la cura abbia
l'effetto desiderato, le trasfusioni in un periodo, questo delle
feste, in cui scarseggiano le riserve di sangue con l'ospedale che
deve affrontare interventi quali trapianti di fegato e altro.
Purtroppo, il sangue non si fabbrica ancora e c'è bisogno di un
piccolo sforzo da parte di tutti.
Grazie e auguri a tutti da parte di Marko e di sua madre, Novka.

alessandro di meo
(Un Ponte per...)

Serbia e Montenegro dopo le elezioni presidenziali
Srbija/Crnagora poslje pretsednickih izbora


1. COMUNICATO STAMPA DEL FORUM DI BELGRADO PER UN MONDO DI EGUALI /
SAOPSTENJE BEOGRADSKOG FORUMA ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH / PRESS RELEASE of
the BELGRADE FORUM FOR THE WORLD OF EQUALS (09.12.02)

2. PORAZ NADMENOSTI (www.srpskapolitika.com, 13.12.02)
3. PUT BEZ POVRATKA (Kosta Cavoski)
4. KRIZA SE PRODUBLJUJE (Zivadin Jovanovic 12.12.02)
5. VISNJICA/CILIEGINA

NOTA: L'articolo "PORAZ NADMENOSTI", che ci e' pervenuto sui
risultati delle elezioni presidenziali in Serbia dell'8/12 u.s. (alle
quali e' nuovamente mancato il quorum e che dunque sono state
invalidate), contiene tra l'altro una tabella molto esplicativa:

ELEZIONI/ VOTANTI PERCENTUALE
CANDIDATI

1990 5.029.123 su 7.033.610 71,50%
Milosevic-Draskovic

1992 4.694.969 su 6.755.800 69,50%
Milosevic-Panic

1997 3.801.473 su 7.226.947 52,60%
Milutinovic-Seselj

2000 4.792.233 su 6.432.295 74,50%
Milosevic-Kostunica (bez Siptara sa KiM)

Ponovljeni predsednicki izbori:
2002 2.947.686 su 6.525.760 45,17%
Seselj-Kostunica (bez Siptara sa KiM)


=== 1 ===


IL FORUM DI BELGRADO PER UN MONDO DI EGUALI
a proposito delle elezioni presidenziali in Serbia

COMUNICATO STAMPA
Belgrado 9 dicembre 2002

La maggioranza dei cittadini della Serbia ha disertato le elezioni
presidenziali dell'8 dicembre 2002. Essi hanno cosi' rifiutato la
politica che ha prodotto poverta', miseria e disoccupazione
generalizzate.
Si e' trattato di una inequivocabile condanna della svendita delle
ricchezze economiche nazionali, della costante violazione della
Costituzione e delle leggi, dello smembramento dello Stato e della
umiliazione della dignita' nazionale.
I cittadini della Serbia hanno cosi' manifestato il loro rifiuto
dell'inaccettabile interferenza da parte di certe organizzazioni
internazionali e di altri fattori stranieri sul processo elettorale in
Serbia. Questa interferenza e' vietata da disposizioni internazionali,
comprese quelle delle Nazioni Unite, e non ha precedenti nella storia
delle relazioni internazionali. Tale interferenza nella campagna
elettorale in Serbia, cosi' come l'interferenza nel processo di
riforma costituzionale, e' una prova ulteriore del fatto che la
sovranita' e' stata trasferita al di fuori dei confini nazionali, a
spese delle generazioni presenti e future.
L'8 dicembre i cittadini hanno chiaramente dimostrato che le attuali
autorita' hanno perso legittimita' e che essi non accettano lo
smembramento dello Stato ed il disorientamento della popolazione nel
nome della democrazia e dell'Europa. Pertanto, la via d'uscita da
questa situazione non e' nelle elezioni presidenziali, bensi' in
elezioni straordinarie a tutti i livelli ed innanzitutto a livello
parlamentare, per l'elezione della Assemblea Popolare della Reubblica
di Serbia. E' questa l'unica strada per verificare e conquistare la
fiducia dei cittadini.


BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
povodom predsednickih izbora u Srbiji

SAOPSTENJE
Beograd, 09. decembra 2002. godine

Vecina gradjana Srbije nije izasla na predsednicke izbore. Odbila je
politiku cije su posledice masovno siromastvo, beda i nezaposlenost.
To je ujedno osuda rasprodaje nacionalnog bogatstva, krsenja Ustava i
Zakona, rasturanja drzave i gazenja nacionalnog dostojanstva.
Gradjani Srbije su jasno odgovorili da odbijaju nedopustiva mesanja
nekih medjunarodnih organizacija i drugih stranih faktora u unutrasnji
izborni proces u Srbiji. To je zabranjeno medjunarodnim dokumentima i
bez presedana u medjunarodnim odnosima. Takvo mesanje u izbornu
kampanju u Srbiji, kao uostalom i u pitanje ustavnih odnosa, samo je
dokaz izmesenosti suvereniteta zemlje izvan njenih granica na stetu
danasnjih i buducih generacija.
Gradjani su 8. decembra 2002. godine jasno rekli da je sadasnja vlast
izgubila legitimnost i da ne prihvataju da se drzava rastura a narod
obmanjuje demokratijom. Otuda izlaz iz ovakve situacije nisu
predsednicki izbori u Srbiji vec prevremeni izbori na svim nivoima, a
pre svega za Narodnu skupstinu Republike Srbije, na kojima se jedino
moze proveriti i zadobiti poverenje naroda.


BELGRADE FORUM FOR THE WORLD OF EQUALS about
presidential elections in Serbia

PRESS RELEASE
Belgrade, 09 December 2002

The Majority of citizens of Serbia has not participated at
presidential election on December the 8 th, 2002. Thus they refused
the policy which led to massive poverty, misery and unemployment.
This has been a clear condemnation of the sale of national economic
richness, practice of violations of the Constitution and laws, of
dismembrement of the state and of disregard of the national dignity.
The citizens of Serbia thus have clearly manifested that they refuse
unacceptable interference of certain international organizations and
other foreign factors in the internal electoral process in Serbia.
This is forbidden by international documents, including UN documents,
and without precedent in the international relations. Such an
interference in the electoral campaign in Serbia, the same as the
interference in constitutional set up, is yet another proof of
dislocated sovereignity out of national borders at the exspence of the
present and the future generations.
On the 8 th of December, the citizens have clearly demonstrated that
the present authority have lost legitimacy and that they do not accept
dismembrement of the state and desorientation of the people in the
name of democracy and europeisation. Therefore, the way out of this
situation is not presidential elections, but extraordinary election on
all levels, primarly the parliamentary election for the Peoples
Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. This is the only way to check and
win citizen`s confidence.


BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Misarska 6/II, 11000 Beograd
Tel/Faks: +38111-3245601
www.belgrade-forum.org
e-mail: info@...


=== 2 ===


PORAZ NADMENOSTI

www.srpskapolitika.com
Beograd 13. decembar 2002.

I na ovim ponovljenim predsednickim izborima sve je proslo manje vise
prema ocekivanjima. DSS i Kostunica su pretrpeli poraz, sada jos u
prvom krugu, a Seselj je zadovoljan, mada ne znam cime. Sve bi se
jedino moglo protumaciti da su gradjani Srbije odbili ponudjeni
jelovnik i jasno rekli da im je dosta praznog pasulja. Kostunica je
bezao od TV duela sa Seseljem kojim bi se mozda malo uzdrmali glasaci,
pa je ostao utisak da se niko od kandidata nije potrudio da u taj
prazan pasulj ubaci bar neko rebro kako bi ga narod lakse pokusao.
Stoga, Djindjicevo uporedjivanje propalih izbora, sa izborom za miss
Srbije, gde je glavna lepotica prosla pistom a niko nije pao u
nesvest, pa se cak prilican broj gradjana nije ni osvrnuo, moramo
priznati, ima odredjenog sarma.

Kad se god pretrpi poraz neko je kriv. DSS je odmah pronaso krivca u
birackom spisku. U njega je kazu upisivano i mrtvo i zivo i ko zna sta
jos, tako da je bilo »nemoguce« proci cenzus od 50%. Da vidimo da li
je to bas tako i sta kazu neumoljive brojke. U biracki spisak je bilo
upisano 6.525.000 biraca, iz koga su bili iskljuceni Siptari sa Kosova
i Metohije (oko 1,1 milion) iako to nismo smeli da uradimo sobzirom da
je KiM jos uvek sastavni deo Srbije. Jedino ako je ova DOS-ova vlast
taj deo nase zemlje vec otpisala. Iz birackog spiska je iskljuceno i
oko 180.000 Srba sa KiM izbeglih i rasutih po Srbiji a koji takodje
nisu imali mogucnost da glasaju. Ako sve ove tri cifre saberemo
dolazimo do podatka da u Srbiji ima ukupno oko 7.800.000 biraca, sto
se moze smatrati realnim.
To na izvestan nacin potvdjuje i MUP Srbije koji je u medjuvremenu,
kao odgovor na zalbe DSS-a, zvanicno saopstio da u Srbiji bez KiM
ima 6.800.000 punoletnih gradjana. On bi trebalo da ima tacne podatke,
pa ako se toj cifri dodaju Siptari, priblicno dolazimo do naseg
izvedenog broja od 7.800.000 glasaca. Ali da budemo precezni.

Na dosadasnjim predsednickim izborima u Srbiji i saveznim 2000 bilo
je:

1990 - 7.033.610 biraca, izaslo 5.029.123 ili 71,50%
Milosevic-Draskovic

1992 - 6.755.800 biraca, izaslo 4.694.969 ili 69,50%
Milosevic-Panic

1997 - 7.226.947 biraca, izaslo 3.801.473 ili 52,60%
Milutinovic-Seselj

2000 - 6.432.295 biraca, izaslo 4.792.233 ili 74,50%
Milosevic-Kostunica (bez Siptara sa KiM)

Ponovljeni predsednicki izbori:
2002 - 6.525.760 biraca, izaslo 2.947.686 ili 45,17%
Seselj-Kostunica (bez Siptara sa KiM)

Za neuspeh u predhodnom krugu ovih predsednickih izbora bijo je kriv
»los izborni zakon« i cenzus od 50%+1, i koji je u ponovljenim
izborima za drugi krug ukinut. Da li je los izborni zakon, biracki
spisak, ili je ipak nesto drugo u pitanju. Nikada do sada, na svim
izborima u Srbiji (predsednickim, parlamentarnim ili lokalnim) nije
izasao manji broj biraca od 52,60%. I to se dogodilo u ponovljenim
predsednickim izborima izmedju Milutinovica i Seselja, ali su tada
biracko telo znatno uvecavali Siptari koji su redovno bojkotovali
izbore. Treba se zapitati i biti objektivan, zasto samo danas kad su
Siptari iskljuceni iz birackog spiska nemocemo da predjemo cenzus od
50%. Da li to gradjani salju jasne poruke politicarima da ne zele da
glasaju za takve kandidate ili im porucuju da im se od »lepog zivota«
toliko smrklo pa ni do birackog mesta nemogu da odu.
Ako uzmemo cifru od ukupno 7.800.000 biraca, a koja se u Srbiji moze
smatrati najrelevantnijom, i vidimo da je Kostunica osvojio svega oko
1.700.000 glasova, dolazimo do procenta od 21,79%. Ne moze se postati
predsednik Srbije sa podrskom nesto vecom od 20%.
Kakav autoritet ce imati tako izabrani predsednik i koga on u stvari
predsetavlja, svoju stranku ili garadjane Srbije. Na predsednickim
izborima 2000 godine Kostunica je u prvom krugu pored 5 kandidata u
takmicenju sa Slobodanom Milosevicem osvojio 2.470.304 glasova a
danas skoro 770.000 glasova manje. Prevashodno Kostunica treba da se
zamisli zasto mu je toliki broj glasaca okrenuo ledja i gde su pravi
uzroci poraza. Koliko god bili neazurni, a jesu, u neazurnim birackim
spiskovima ne treba traziti uzroke poraza i time obmanjivati pre svega
sebe. Problem je ocigledno na sasvim drugoj strani. Pre bih rekao, u
obliku dobronamerne sugestije, da predsednik Kostunica i DSS uzroke
poraza potraze: U kampanji sa previse nadmenosti iza koje ne stoje
rezultati, a koje su gradjani posle 05 oktobra ocekivali; U stalnim
konfliktima, »mirenjima« i trulim kompromisima a bez hrabrosti da se
povuce energican potez; U jalovim kritikama vlade Srbije i
nespremnosti da se ona, ako tvrde da nevalja, srusi; U drasticnom padu
standarda, razbijenoj Jugoslaviji, poniznom i ponizavajucem vodjenju
zemlje, bez pokazane makar zelje da se iz tih stalnih nacionalnih
ponizenja izadje; U tome da gradjani jednostavno nemogu da se sete
koji je to energican i drzavnicki potez povukao nas predsednik i
kandidat za novog predsednika Srbije. Kad sve ovo navedeno saberemo,
mislim da su razlozi zasto gradjani nisu glasali mnogo vidljiviji.

Dok su u DSS-u vise nego ljuti, Seselj je zadovoljan. Nije mi jasno
cime moze biti zadovoljan? Ovo je bila jedinstvena prilika gde bi
Seselj eventualno mogao da pobedi ali je on bio daleko od tog
rezultata. Dobio je podrsku Milosevica, SPS-a pa i mnogih drugih
stranaka koje nisu imale svoje kandidate. I sa tako grupnom podrskom
on je ostao daleko iza Kostunice. To jasno govori da su radikali sa
Seseljem izgleda vec sve rekli sto su imali da kazu na politickoj
sceni Srbije, te da ce njihov trend ici nizbrdo ili u najboljem
slucaju stagnirati. Osvojiti milion glasova je odlican rezultat, ali
ne i u ovakvoj konkurenciji i sa tolikom javnom ili precutnom
podrskom. To SRS neze moci ni slucajno da ponovi na parlamentarnim
izborima jer ce se tada u trku ukljuciti mnoge stranke i koalicije
koje su ove izbore posmatrale iz prikrajka. Ovakav rezultat Seselja
pre treba posmatrati kao veliki neuspeh ili se SRS vec zadovoljava
time da u srpskom parlamentu ima dvadesetak poslanika.

Posle svega mislim da su ovi ponovljeni izbori jasno pokazali da je
narod nezadovoljan, da nijedna politi?ka grupacija ne uziva potreban
ugled i da se mora stvoriti nesto novo. Sve ovo je vec vidjeno i narod
je jasno rekao, to necu. Stoga bi za DSS-u umesto zalbi koje je
uputila na sve strane, i novih zahteva za promenama u zakona o izboru
predsednika, bilo mnogo plodonosnije da promeni sdasnju politiku.
Ostale parlamentarne stranke treba ozbiljno da se zamisle ako ne misle
da dozive jos koji 05 oktobar. Narod se trenutno ucutao, znaci
popustaj.

Zvonimir Trajkovic
www.trajkovic.co.yu


=== 3 ===


LIÈNI STAV

Put bez povratka

Pi¹e: Kosta Èavo¹ki

Septembra pro¹le godine negda¹nji veliki Srbin u Crnoj gori i voða
Narodne stranke Novak Kilibarda emfatièno je izjavio: "Ja sam jedini u
Crnoj Gosi spalio vlastiti politièki pokret". Biljana Plav¹iæ, drugi
predsednik Republike Srpske, oti¹la je korak dalje: ona je bacila u
blato izdaje vlastitu liènost i od sebe napravila obiènu krpu.

Taj èin konaènog preobraæanja negda¹nje prekodrinske Kosovke "devojke"
u moralnu ni¹tariju odigrao se tokom prva tri dana pro¹le nedelje
na sudskoj raspravi u Hagu. Tom prilikom, pod vidom priznanja, ona je,
htela to ili ne, te¹ko optu¾ila i svoje ratne saborce - Radovana
Karad¾iæa, Momèila Kraji¹nika, koji veæ treæu godinu èami u Hagu, a da
mu suðenje nije jo¹ zakazano, i generala Ratka Mladiæa, s kojim je
tokom celog rata imala izvrsne odnose.

Èak je u dodatnoj, doskora poverljivoj, izjavi te¹ko optu¾ila i
Slobodana Milo¹eviæa, kome je suðenje upravo u toku, iako mu je tokom
celog rata prebacivala da je nedosledan i previ¹e popustljiv prema
srpskim neprijateljima, da bi 19. oktobra 1997, u trenutku neoèekivane
idile s tim "jemcem Dejtonskog sporazuma i mira na Balkanu",
neoèekivano izjavila da je Milo¹eviæ "inteligentan i veliki
politièar".

Posebnu pa¾nju zaslu¾uje izjava ha¹kog tu¾ioca Alena Tigera koji je,
pored ostalog, Biljani Plav¹iæ stavio na teret i izdvajanje i
obrazovanje Republike Srpske, te kljuène tekovine otad¾binskog rata. I
umesto da mu odmah odgovori da je do rata u BiH do¹lo zbog
Izetbegoviæevog verolomnog povlaèenja potpisa sa veæ skoro uglavljenog
Kutiljerovog plana o podeli Bosne na tri etnièke autonomne jedinice i
poku¹aja muslimana da Srbima oduzmu dr¾avotvornost (tzv.
konstitucionalnost) i svedu ih na obespravljenu nacionalnu manjinu,
Biljana Plav¹iæ je, u strahu za svoju bednu i bezvrednu egzistenciju,
æutke pre¹la preko toga, èime je zgazila seni svih onih koji su
polo¾ili svoje ¾ivote u temelje Republike Srpske. A bilo ih je izmeðu
32 i 35 hiljada mrtvih ili 2,6 odsto od ukupnog broja Srba u BiH.

Slavni rimski besednik Ciceron jednom je rekao da "niko ne bi pristao
da pogine za svoju otad¾binu bez jedne moæne nade u besmrtnost". A
ona zahteva da je besmrtno i delo za koje se ¾ivot daje. To, pre
svega, moraju imati na umu oni koji u doba rata predvode svoj narod i
svoje sunarodnike ¹alju u smrt. Pa zar takve voðe, poput Milana Babiæa
i Biljane Plav¹iæ, mogu druge svesno slati u smrt, a da sami nisu
kadri da smrti gledaju pravo u oèi? I kakvi su to narodni predvodnici
koji javno pljuju po onome ¹to su tokom rata èinili u pustoj nadi da
neæe biti optu¾eni, kao u sluèaju Babiæa, ili da neæe skonèati u
tamnici ako umesto do¾ivotne robije dobiju deset godina zatvora, èemu
se, izgleda, nada Biljana Plav¹iæ? Takvu bednu i sramnu raèunicu mogu
imati samo ni¹tarije.

No, kako to veli jedna istoènjaèka poslovica, u svakom zlu ima i neèeg
dobrog. Huda sudbina Biljane Plav¹iæ je pokazala da se izdaja ne
isplati, buduæi da osioni gospodari sveta nemaju milosti prema svojim
kolaborantima iz redova domorodaca, nego ih najpre zloupotrebe i
ponize, a potom odbace i satru. A ne isplati se ni dobrovoljna predaja
Hagu, po¹to jednako ostaju u pritvoru kako oni koji su uhvaæeni tako i
oni koji su se, po nagovoru sada¹njih vlastodr¾aca, na veru predali,
uz obeæanje da æe do suðenja biti na slobodi.

Naroèito æe moralni sunovrat Biljane Plav¹iæ biti stra¹no upozorenje
onima koji su i ovde u Beogradu krenuli njenim putem. Nju veæ sada
njeni mentori preziru, a sunarodnici proklinju. I ona nikom vi¹e nije
potrebna, èak ni sebi samoj. Tako uvek zavr¹ava nacionalni izdajnik,
po¹to je izdaja put bez povratka.

http://www.glas-javnosti.co.yu/


=== 4 ===


ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum: 22. decembar 2002


ZIVADIN JOVANOVIC: KRIZA SE PRODUBLJUJE

Zavrsno izlaganje na Okruglom stolu BEOGRADSKOG FORUMA ZA SVET
RAVNOPRAVNIH na temu: "Ustavna povelja Srbije i Crne Gore"
"Medija Center" Beograd, 12 decembra 2002. godine

Zahvaljujem prof. dr Smilji Avramov na briljantnoj, istorijskoj
retrospektivi koja nas uvodi u ovo vreme i omogu?ava da bolje razumemo
danasnja dogadjanja i njihove posledice. Zahvaljujem takodje uva?enim
profesorima, nau?nicima i javnim li?nostima koji su u?inili veliki
napor i svojim izlaganjima dali izuzetan dorpinos osvetljavanju
sadr?ine Ustavne povelje i opasnosti od produbljivanja dr?avne i
drustvene krize. Dozvolite mi da u zavrsnici ovog okruglog stola
iznesem samo nekoliko najkra?ih ocena koje proizilaze iz izlaganja
mojih prethodnika. Ustavna povelja i polazne osnove potpisane 24.
marta o.g. u Beogradu predstavljaju celinu. To nisu dokumenta o
o?uvanju, jos manje o izgradnji bilo kakve zajedni?ke dr?ave. To su
jedinstvena dokumenta koja ulaze u istoriju kao dokumenta o
ukidanju dr?ave Savezne Republike Jugoslavije. Pored toga, to su
documenta koja legalizuju i konsoliduju ostvareni nivo otcepljenja
Crne Gore od Srbije i koja svedo?e o izmestanju suvereniteta zemlje
izvan njenih granica. Posle ovih konstatacija name?e se pitanje - u
ime ?ega i u ?ijem interesu je to u?injeno?
Interpretacije zvani?nika, posebno onih koji su u?estvovali u
sastavljanju ovih dokumenata, su da je to u?iweno u ime realizma,
demokratizacije, modernizacije i evropeizacije. Ovde je izneto obilje
?injenica koje govore suprotno. One su sadr?ane u svim izlaganjima, a
posebno u referatima prof. Ratka Markovi?a, prof. Oskara Kova?a i
prof. Smilje Avramov. Naime, oni su jasno, ?iwenicama dokazali da ono
sto se desava na prostorima Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, sto se sada
nudi Ustavnom poveljom je u direktnom sukobu sa trendovima ?vrs?eg
povezivanja i integracije u Evropi. Evropska unija, organizacija sa 25
dr?ava ?lanica, priprema donosenje svog Ustava, a SRJ ukida svoj Ustav
i uredjenje najva?nijih odnosa reducira na - Ustavnu povelju. Mo?e li
se u ime realizma, evropske orijentacije i demokratije ukidati Ustav,
ukidati dr?ava, povladjivati separatizmu, i uz sve to, graditi -
slobodno, demokratsko drustvo?! To svakako nije u interesu
gradjana ove zemlje, niti srpskog naroda, niti je njih iko pitao - sta
im smeta - Jugoslavija ili separatizam? Od podela i drobljenja u toku
poslednje decenije srpski narod je velikim delom pretvoren u
nacionalne manjine i izbeglice, a njihov duhovni, materijalni razvoj
zaustavljen. Vreme ?e pokazati ?iji je interes pritom bio
odlu?uju?i, ?iji interes je ugradjen u Povelju kojom se ukida
Jugoslavija. Sa sigurnos?u se mo?e re?i - da je to suprotno interesima
gradjana i srpskog naroda i da ?e to ote?ati svaki, pre svega,
ekonomski i tehnoloski napredak. Zasto je Ustavna povelja takva kakva
je, zasto je u njoj toliko anahronizama, nelogi?nosti i
ugradjenih blokada? Odgovor na to pitanje nalazi se u autorima, onima
koji su odlu?ivali da se ukine Ustav, da se ukine Jugoslavija i
postupku koji je spre?io izra?avanje izvornih, vitalnih interesa
gradjana i srpskog naroda. Ustavnu povelju sastavljali su politi?ka,
partijska oligarhija Srbije i Crne Gore i predstavnici Evropske unije.
Ko je koliko doprineo svemu tome za ovu priliku nije najva?nije.
Medjutim, ostaje ?injenica za istoriju da oni koji su se pre dve
godine, pred narodom, zaklinjali na vernost Ustavu Savezne Republike
Jugoslavije, stavili su sada svoje potpise na dokumenta koja zna?e
ukidanje - i Ustava, i Jugoslavije, i svake zajedni?ke dr?ave Srbije i
Crne Gore. I druga - oni koji nose odgovornost za oru?anu agresiju
NATO-a protiv Jugoslavije 1999. godine, tri godine posle,
dobili su punomo?ja potpisana od najvisih predstavnika Jugoslavije,
Srbije i Crne Gore da budu arbitri u svim ns{im unutrasnjim stvarima.
I to - na neodredjeno vreme. Resenja u Ustavnoj povelji nisu resenja,
ve? legalizovanje mehanizma za trajanje krize. U koncipiranju tog
mehanizma nisu u?estvovale demokratske institucije politi?kog sistema,
ni javnost ni nauka. U toku poslednje dve godine bilo je mnogo
formalnih inicijativa da se o pitanju budu?nosti SRJ, a u tom
kontekstu, i o mogu?nosti izrade novog Ustava, raspravlja u Saveznoj
skupstini, u parlamentima jedne i druge repbulike. Vlada se zvani?no
saglasavala sa takvim inicijativama. Na ?alost, one nikada nisu
realizovane. Jedino objasnjenje za tu odbojnost mo?e se na?i - da to
nije odgovaralo politi?koj oligarhiji, niti stranim faktorima koji
ina?e, insistiraju na izgradnji demokratskih institucija i
demokratiji. Sada su institucije politi?kog sistema, pre svega,
Savezna skup{tina i skupstine republika ?lanica, stavljene pred svrsen
?in: da aminuju ono sto su politi?ka oligarhija i njeni strani mentori
odlu?ili. Isto va?i i za gradjane. Bar za sad. Sta su mogu?e
posledice, koje su perspektive posle ovakve Ustavne povelje? Prva je -
da se njome priznaje i konsoliduje separatizam. Povelja tesko mo?e
zaustaviti separatizam, jer je ona sama dosla na krilima separatizma i
bar pre?utnoj, ako ne i aktivnoj, podrsci iz inostranstva. Jednak
trogodisnji prelazni period za novo preispitivanje odnosa Srbije i
Crne Gore, na jednoj, i za politi?ko resenje na Kosovu i Metohiji, na
drugoj strani, ni u kom slu?aju, nije puka koincidencija. Ti
rokovi, ako nista drugo, utvrdjeni su u istim centrima mo?i i u
okvirima iste strategije. Druga je posledica - nastavljanje i
produbljivanje nestabilnosti preko ugradjenih blokada u privredi,
unutrasnjoj i spoljnoj politici. Tre?a - svadje kako u okvirima Srbije
i Crne Gore, tako, naro?ito, izmedju njih i sirenje prostora za
presudjivanje stranih faktora. I ?etvrta - usporavanje ekonomskog i
drustvenog razvoja, dalji rast socijalnih i ekonomskih problema.
Koliko pri takvim perspektivama ostaje prostora za demokratiju, a
koliko se novog prostora stvara za autokratiju i diktaturu, nije tesko
odgonetnuti.


=== 5 ===


VISNJICA / CILIEGINA

Offerti 750.000 Euro d'ingaggio, per un anno e mezzo, a Lothar
Matthäus: deve diventare allenatore del Partizan.
La cifra corrisponde a 240 stipendi per un cittadino medio.
Nel frattempo, in Serbia le statistiche dicono che il 30 per cento
della popolazione vive sotto o appena al di sopra della soglia di
poverta'.


MATTHÄUS SOLL 240 SERBISCHE MONATSLÖHNE ERHALTEN
BELGRAD. Der mögliche neue Trainer des
Belgrader Traditionsfußballvereins
Partizan Lothar Matthäus soll bei
seiner Verpflichtung für eineinhalb
Jahre 750.000 Euro erhalten. Dies
entspricht einem Monatsgehalt in
240-facher Höhe des serbischen
Durchschnittslohns. BK-TV
Balkan-Telegramm, 21./22.Dezember 2002 - http://www.amselfeld.com


SOME 800,000 PEOPLE IN SERBIA LIVE IN POVERTY,
20 PERCENT ON VERGE OF
POVERTY
Belgrade, Dec. 18 (Beta) - According
to the results of a government poll
published on Dec. 18, around 800,000
people in Serbia or 10 percent of the
population live in poverty, while 20
percent are slightly above the poverty
line. The poverty line was
established on the basis of the consumer
basket that amounts to 4,890 dinars or
EUR80 per month, said
representatives of the government
expert team at the Serbian Poverty
Profile conference in Belgrade.
The average expenses of the
poor in Serbia amount to 3,539 dinars
per month, which means that these
people need 950 dinars more to satisfy
their basic needs. The richest 10
percent of the citizens spend seven
times more than the poorest class.
Those most affected by poverty are
uneducated and unemployed people, people
over 65, seven to 14 year old children
and people living in rural areas.
People least likely to suffer
financial hardship are the highly educated,
people with jobs, and those who live
in Belgrade and Vojvodina.
The poll was commissioned by
the World Bank and conducted by
the Strategic Marketing agency.
Opening the conference on
poverty, Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic
said that the results of the poll
represent "the working material" for
drafting the final version of the
strategy for reducing poverty, which
will be implemented during the next few
years. [SIC]

(gesandt ueber:
http://www.konkret-verlage.de/redaktion/forum/forum.php4 )

Liebe KONKRET-Redaktion,

In den vergangenen Jahren haben wir Juergen Elsaesser kennen und
schaetzen gelernt - und dies dank Ihrer Zeitschrift und Herrn
Elsaessers Mitarbeit bei derselben. Fuer einige von uns, die von den
Ereignissen um Jugoslawien besonders betroffen sind, ist der Name
"Elsaesser" zum Synonym fuer "KONKRET" und die Person Elsaesser zur
Symbolfigur fuer den mutigen, investigativen Journalismus geworden,
der KONKRET ausgezeichnet hat, weil er sich keiner vorgegebenen
Blickrichtung anpassen laesst.

Noch in den zurueckliegenden Monaten konnten wir in KONKRET Artikel
von Juergen Elsaesser lesen, die exemplarisch fuer eine gelungene
journalistische Arbeit dastehen und in weiten Kreisen als Lehrstueck
fuer eine serioese Informationsarbeit ueber Jugoslawien zitiert
werden. Wir denken dabei besonders an das Interview mit dem ehemaligen
Vorsitzenden der Geheimdienste Titos, wie auch an die Enthuellungen
im Zusammenhang mit den obskuren Abmachungen, die die damals schweizer
Staatsanwaeltin Carla del Ponte zugunsten der albanesischen Mafia
getroffen hat.

Schliesslich haben wir, als Gruppe Coordinamento Nazionale per la
Jugoslavia, Italien, dazu beigetragen, dass Juergen Elsaessers
wertvolles Buch "Kriegsverbrechen" ins Italienische uebersetzt und in
Italien verbreitet werden konnte. Dies gab uns auch Gelegenheit, Herrn
Elsaesser persoenlich kennenzulernen. Jeder, der ihm waehrend seiner
Reise durch die verschiedenen italienische Staedte, in denen sein Buch
vorgestellt wurde, begegnet ist und alle diejenigen, die das Glueck
hatten, mit ihm persoenlich ins Gespraech zu kommen, waren von seinem
analytischen Scharfblick und seiner offenen, internationalen und
antiimperialistischen Perspektive beeindruckt.

Die Nachricht, dass Juergen Elsaesser aus der Redaktion von KONRET
entlassen worden ist, hat bei uns Bestuerzung und Betroffenheit
ausgeloest. Die offizielle Begruendung fuer eine solche Massnahme ist
uns unverstaendlich. Die Annahme, dass die Entlassung durch eine
kontroverse Interpretation der Nahostkrise und eine abweichende
Position in der Frage des drohenden militaerischen Angriffs gegen den
Irak ausgeloest worden sein koennte, veranlasst uns, die Grundzuege
und Fundamente der ideologischen Ausrichtung von KONKRET erneut unter
die Lupe zu nehmen. Es ist unmoeglich, eine geopolitische Analyse auf
abstrakte und moralistische Leitlinien zur Unterscheidung von "guten"
gegen "schlechte" Voelker zu stuetzen. Die "antideutsche" Kritik, die
KONKRET so selbstbewusst und unbeirrt geaeussert hat, war ein
aeusserst wertvolles Fundament zum Aufbau einer korrekten
Interpretation der Situation Jugoslawiens, aber leider hat sich diese
Grundeinstellung nicht als genuegend gefestigt fuer eine entsprechend
korrekte Interpretation der Situation im Nahen Osten erwiesen. Die
Leitlinien des historischen Materialismus haben jedem Marxisten als
elementares Kriterium seiner Weltsicht mit auf den Weg gegeben, dass
die "Voelker" an sich keine Eigenschaften a-priori besitzen, weder
positive noch negative .... Dies trifft ebenso zu fuer Serben, Kroaten
und Albanier, wie fuer Deutsche, Araber und Juden. Das Gegenteil
anzunehmen, fuehrt den Betrachter unweigerlich in die Irre und zu
falschen Schlussfolgerungen und bringt ihn in Gefahr, zum Komplizen
der Desinformation und dessen Urheber zu werden: zum Komplizen des
Monopolkapitals, das heisst, des Imperialismus, dem hauptsaechlichen
Urheber der gegenwaertigen und zukuenftigen Kriege, die nunmehr in der
gesamten Welt ihren Schauplatz gefunden haben.

Italienische Koordination fuer Jugoslawien
<jugocoord@...> - https://www.cnj.it

(Zum Thema Elsaessers Entlassung, und mehr, siehe:
http://www.juergen-elsaesser.de/ )


=== IN ITALIANO:

Cara redazione di KONKRET,

Negli anni passati abbiamo conosciuto ed apprezzato Juergen Elsaesser
grazie alle pagine della vostra rivista. Per alcuni di noi,
particolarmente coinvolti nelle questioni jugoslave, "Elsaesser"
significava "KONKRET" e significava la linea giornalistica coraggiosa
ed anticonformista di KONKRET sulla tragedia in atto. Ancora negli
ultimissimi mesi abbiamo letto, sulle pagine di KONKRET ed a firma
Juergen Elsaesser, articoli che sono esempi mirabili di come si
dovrebbe fare informazione sulla Jugoslavia: dall'intervista all'ex
capo dei servizi segreti di Tito, alle rivelazioni in merito allo
sporco lavoro prestato per la mafia albanese da Carla Del Ponte
quando era ancora magistrato in Svizzera.
Infine, come Coordinamento abbiamo contribuito affinche'
l'importantissimo e "raro" libro di Elsaesser "Kriegsverbrechen" fosse
tradotto e pubblicato in Italia. Abbiamo cosi' potuto conoscere
personalmente Juergen nel suo giro di presentazioni nel nostro paese,
apprezzandone ulteriormente la profondita' come analista politico e
condividendone con gioia la sincera convinzione internazionalista ed
antimperialista.

La notizia della sua espulsione dalla redazione di KONKRET ci lascia
pertanto piu' che sbigottiti. Le ragioni ufficialmente addotte sono
incomprensibili. La possibilita' che il licenziamento sia avvenuto a
causa di una controversa interpretazione della crisi medio-orientale e
di una diversa posizione sulla ventilata guerra di aggressione
all'Iraq ci induce a riflettere seriamente sulla impostazione
ideologica di fondo di KONKRET. Non e' possibile basare l'analisi
geopolitica su distinzioni astratte e moralistiche tra "popoli buoni"
e "popoli cattivi". La critica "antitedesca" fieramente portata avanti
da KONKRET e' utile ed e' stata preziosa per l'interpretazione della
situazione jugoslava, ma non puo' essere sufficiente, e sicuramente
non lo e' se si guarda al Medio Oriente. Dovrebbe essere un criterio
elementare, per qualsiasi marxista, l'applicazione del materialismo
storico, per cui i "popoli" non possiedono qualita' "a priori", ne' in
positivo ne' in negativo... Questo e' vero per serbi, croati o
albanesi tanto quanto per tedeschi, arabi ed ebrei. Ritenere il
contrario porta inevitabilmente a sbagliare analisi quando cambia il
contesto, ed a rendersi complici della disinformazione e della sua
origine: il capitale monopolistico, cioe' l'imperialismo, principale
fonte delle guerre presenti e future in ogni angolo del pianeta.

Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (Italia)


(Ringraziamo Suzanne per la ottima traduzione!)

http://www.apisgroup.org/article.html?id=1039

APIS

Irak su vojnom tehnologijom i opremom snabdevale i firme iz zemalja
clanica Saveta bezbednosti OUN

Hoce li "Medjunarodna krizna grupa" i o tome saciniti izvestaj ili ce
se sama ponovo legitimisati kao izrazito antisrpska organizacija?

Sladjan Nikolic

UVOD

Nemacki dnevni list "Tagsecajtung", koji tvrdi da raspolaze
odlomcima integralnog izvestaja koje Irak uputio Savetu bezbednosti
UN, je u cetvrtak objavio spisak americkih, britanski, francuskih i
ruskih firimi, koje su od 70-tih snabdevale Bagdad vojnom tehnologijom
i opremom. Na spisku se nalaze 24 americke, 17 britanskih, 8
francuskih, 5 ruskih i 3 kineske firme. Kad je rec o americkim
firmama, radi se o svetski poznatim firmama kao sto su Honivel,
Unisis, Istman Kodak... U tekstu se napominje da su u izvestaju
takodje pominju 50 stranih firmi-kcerki koje su iz SAD saradjivale sa
Irakom. Kao saradnici na realizaciji programa atomskog, bioloskog i
hemijskog oruzja navode se americka ministarstva odbrane (Pentagon),
energije, trgovine i poljoprivrede, kao i laboratorije za atomsko
oruzje Lorence Livermore, Los Alamos i Sandia. Pre par dana ovaj list
je takodje objavio da je Irak kupovao oruzje, rezervne delove ili
sirovine i od 80 nemackih firmi kao i od firmi iz Japana, Holandije,
Belgije, Spanije i Svedske.

Sa izuzetkom ruskih i kineskih firmi, za koje je izvesno da su
saradnju sa Irakom nastavile i posle uvodjenja embarga na uvoz
naoruzanja i vojne opreme, iz izvestaja je prema navodima
"Tagescajtunga" tesko zakljuciti kad su firme iz ostalih
zemalja-clanica Saveta bezbednosti, prekinule saradnju sa Irakom.
"Tagescajtung" takodje upozorava da postoji mogucnost da je
izvestaj Bagdada od 12.000 strana koji je prosledjen clanicama Saveta
bezbednosti skracen bez njihovog znanja. Irak je izvestaj posalo preko
Kipra u Njujork, gdes u ga odmah preuzeli americki sluzbenici i tek
posle 24h predali UN, tako da postoji mogucnost da su iz verzije koje
su Dobile, Kina, Rusija, Francuska i Velika Britanija, izbaceni
neugodni detalji o americkim firmama.

Pisanje "Tagescajtunga" dosad niko nije demantovao i za neverovati je
da bi ovaj dnevni list usao u rizik da objavi tesktove a da nema
dokaze za svoje navode jer bi se u suprotnom nasao pred sudom tuzen od
mocnih svetskih kompanija rizikujuci tako da placajuci milionske
odstete dodje na ivicu bankrota. Osim toga objavljivanjem lazi
kredibilitet ovog dnevnog lista bi doveden u pitanje a time i njegov
opstanak na trzistu.

Ono sto takodje navodi na zakljucak da "Tagsecajtung" raspolaze
delovima integralnoh izvestaja koje je Irak uputio Savetu bezbenosti
je cutnja najvecih i najuticajnih naemackih medija o citavom slucaju.
Kao da to cutanje dolazi po sugestiji s nekog visokg mesta u nemackoj
politici.

HOCE LI "MEDJUNARODNA KRIZNA GRUPA" I POVODOM OVOGA SACINITI IZVESTAJ?

Kako se "Medjunarodna krizna grupa" prva bavila nedozvoljeno
trgovinom sa Irakom, optuzivsi pritom SRJ da je krsila rezoluciju
Saveta bezbednosti, ovo je odlicna prilika za ovu organizaciju da
ispita koje su to firme stalnih clanica Saveta bezbednosti nastavile
da saradju sa Bagdadom posle 91. godine u kom obimu, da li su u
sve to bili umesani i politicari iz tih zemalja i sl. Na osnovu toga
bi mogla da nacini izvestaj slican onom koji je nacinila i u vezi sa
SRJ, i da medjunarodnoj zajednici predlozi koje bi mere trebalo da
preduzme protiv onih prekrsili rezoluciju Saveta bezbednosti o Iraku.
Visoki predstavnik Medjuanrodne zajednice u BiH Pedi Esdaun i clan
upravnog odbora "Medjunarodne krizne grupe" u intervju za "Novosti" od
20. decembra u vezi sa aferom "Orao" kaze: "Moje kolege iz
medjunarodne zajednice kazu da je to veliki greh Republike Srpske, a
ja kazem ostatak starog greha...U slucaju "Orao" jos ne znam ko je
odgovoran, ali je sigurno da ce krivci morati da odgovaraju". Ako je
Republika Srpska nacinila veliki greh i ako u slucaju "Orao" krivci
moraju da odgovaraju, kako to kazu i traze iz "Medjuanrodne krizne
grupe", vazi li to i za ostale clanice medjunarodne zajednice i firme
i pojedince iz ostalih zemalja medjunarodne zajednice ili samo za SRJ
i RS?

Ako ne sacini slican izvestaj kao sto je sacinila u slucaju nase
zemlje, "Medjunarodna krizna grupa" ce se jos jednom sama legitimisati
kao organizacija koja pre svega zagovara antisrpsko raspolozenje i
delovanje, nedrzavni entitet koji preti nacionalnoj bezbednosti SRJ
odnosno drzavnoj zajednici Srbije i Crne Gore.

ONO STO ZABRINJAVA I ONO STO JE BITNO POVODOM TOGA

Ono sto zabrinjava kad je rec o "Medjunarodnoj kriznoj grupi", a
tice se naseg odnosa prema ovoj organizaciji, jeste ono sto je
primetio i gospodin Bogdan Tirnanic, koji uz svo postovanje o
obavestajno-bezbenosnim poslovima zna samo preko filamova o Dzems
Bondu, u svojoj kolumni "Lobi" u listu "Nacional" od 16. decembra
2002.:" ...I tako mic po mic, dodjosmo do onog najvaznijeg u ovoj
aferi: Izvestaj ICG je sacinjen na osnovu (anonimnih) intervjua sa
celnicima DOS-a, saveznim i republickim ministrima i, uopste
vidjenijim ljudima ove drzave..." Ovo je nesto ranije (da je izvestaj
radjen na osnovu intervjua sa navisim politickim licnostima) potvrdila
saradnica "Medjunardone krizne grupe" u svojoj izjavi za B92. Sve
ukupno to znaci da postoje ozbiljne indicije koje ukazuju da
informacije iz samog politickog vrha nase zemlje nekontrolisano "cure"
prema ovoj organizaciji a verovatno i prema drugim stranim drzavnim i
nedrzavnim entitetima. Zato se postavljaju niz logicnih pitanja sta
rade oni kojima je posao izmedju ostalog i zastita informacija, da li
je navod o tome da je izvestaj pisan na osnovu svedocenja anonimnih
izvora iz vlasti tacan, ako je tacan ko su anonimni izvori, znaju li
sta su anonimni izvori jos rekli ovoj organizaciji, gde su te
informacije jos zavrsile, da li je odavanje takvih infomracija stranom
faktoru krivicno delo, i niz slicnih pitanja, sa zavrsnim imamo li mi
uopste doktrinu zastite informacija i dali se time uopste neko u ovoj
zemlji bavi?

Ispitivanje tacnosti navoda "Medjunarodne krizne grupe" o tome
da je njihov izvestaj radjen na osnovu anonimnih izvora iz struktura
vlasti je od presudnog znacaja - ako je navod tacan time bi se
presekao jedan od kanala kojim "cure" informacije, a u slucaju da
nije, onda se radi o namernom pokusaju izazivanja radora i politickom
vrhu nase zemlje, i srozavanju njegovog ugleda u ocima javnosti. Ako
se tome doda da su navedeni izvestaji plod aktivnog prikupljanja
informacija o socijalno-politickoj situaciji u nasoj zemlji, i da
"Medjuanrodna krizna gupa" na tom poslu saradjuju i sa nekim zapadnim
obavestajnim sluzbama a to je i sinoc (cetvrtak 19.decembar.2002)
posredno prizano jedan od njihovih clanova u izjavi za dnevnika na
televizji B92, govoreci da su navodnu tacnost njihivog izvestaja o
neleglnoj trgovini nase zemlje sa Irakom potvrdile i dve razlicite
zapadne obavestajne sluzbe onda je sitacija u vezi sa delovanjem ove
ogranizacije u nasoj zemlji u najmanju ruku alarmantna. Sve su to
dovoljni razlozi da se ovoj organizaciji uskrati gostoprimstvo u nasoj
zemlji. Odlican primer za to dolazi na iz Rusije, koja je po recima
sefa FSB Nikolaja Petruseva odbila da produzi vize za 30 saradnika
americke vladine organizacije "Korups mira", posto je medju njima bio
lica koja su se bavila prikupljanjem informacija o
socijalno-politickoj i ekonomskoj situaciji u ruskim regionima, o
saradnicima organa vlasti i uprave.

Druga stvar koja zabrinjava je ta sto nasa drzava uopste nema
izgradjen stav prema "Medjunarodnoj kriznoj grupi". U jednom trenutku,
posle objavljivanja izvestaja o navodno nelegalnoj tregovini sa Irakom
svi drzavni mediji su osuli drvlje i kamenje po ovoj organizaciji. U
drugom, kad se pojavio izvestaj u kome se kritikuje Rugova u vezi za
povratkom izbeglih sa KiM, svi nasi mediji su to objavili kao udarnu
vest, maltene slaveci ovu organizaciju i njen izvestaj, iako je i onom
ko je zavrsio bar prvu godinu fakulteta politickih nauka jasno, da se
u pomenutom izvestaju na jedan suptilan nacin sugerise medjunarodnooj
zajednici, da ce, ako Kosovo dobije drzavnost, status Srba u pokrajni
biti poboljsan i da ce se time vrata za povratnike otvoriti.

ZAKLJUCAK

Sve ovo ukazuje da nasa drzava mora tacno da definise svoje poimanje
"Medjunarodne krizne grupe", kao nedrzavnog entiteta sa jakim
pozicijama u medjunarodnoj zajednici. Na osnovu takve definicije treba
razviti odgovarajucu doktrinu i strategiju delovanja prema ovoj ali i
slicnim organizacijam, koje vec dugi niz godina rade na na nasu stetu.
U suprotnom i u buducnosti cemo od ove i slicnih organizacija
dozivljavati slicne stvari koje dozivljavamo vec dugi niz godina.


21. decembar 2002. godine

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the Video Milosevic showed to refute the lies at The
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==========================================================
Raped, beaten, sold - a child's view of Albanian
gangs' vice grip on Britain
Scotland Yard fearful at spread of violent crime
across Europe into UK cities
by Nick Hopkins, crime correspondent
The Guardian, Monday December 23, 2002
[Posted 24 December 2002]
==========================================================

Note from Emperor's Clothes: Commenting about a
newspaper article on the horrible scandal of tens of
thousands of girls, some not yet teenagers, lured or
abducted from Eastern Europe and the Balkans and
brought to Western Europe to work as forced
prostitutes, often by Albanian gangs, British writer
John Jay wrote the following:

[Start Comment by John Jay]

The article ...illustrates the legacy of blind Western
support for Albanian terrorism masquerading as
"victimization" in 1998/99... and fraudulently
presented as such on our TV screens.

Appeasing the cancer of crime-funded terrorism is bad
enough... Pandering to it - as NATO conveniently chose
to do in order to excuse its bombing of the Serbs - is
folly almost beyond belief!

The Serbs should have been left to defeat these
ruthless expansionists. Yugoslavia's Macedonian
neighbours today must bitterly regret they were not...
and the whole wide world is now finding out, to its
cost.
http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/crime2.htm

[End Comment by John Jay]

Now, 18 months later, it has gotten worse. Milosevic
is deprived of medical care in The Hague and the
gangster-terrorists he fought have a consolidated base
of operations in Kosovo.

"For they have sown the wind..."

But it is we, the people of the world, who suffer the
whirlwind.

-- Jared Israel

***************

A Child's View...
Reprinted from the (London) Guardian

Anna was 16 when she ran away from her pimp and was
rescued from the streets by Scotland Yard's clubs and
vice unit. To officers the treatment she received from
Mustapha Kadiu was shocking, but it had a familiar
ring; he threatened her at knifepoint and said he was
going to kill her whenever she failed to earn between
£400 and £500 a day (she charged £30 for straight
sex). Rather than hitting her - as bruising would make
her less attractive to potential clients - he punished
her by raping her repeatedly.

Kadiu, an Albanian, ordered Anna (not her real name)
to offer her customers unprotected anal sex to earn
the money he required, but she told detectives she
felt sick at the thought. Abusive as this was,
officers discovered it was only part of a desperately
sad story.

In protective custody where Anna finally felt safe,
she started to reveal details of her past. This led
officers out of London to Romania, where she was born
and grew up. When she was 12 a relative sold her for
£600 to criminals in the former Yugoslavia who forced
her into vice. Her journey from there to north London
illustrates the slave trade of children from east to
west Europe for prostitution.

It also underlines the menace of a small number of
Albanian criminals who have established themselves
here over the past 10 years.

Bullying their way into the underworld, they have
carved out a niche in the sex industry. Their
signature is the willingness to use extreme violence,
even by the standards of an exploitative and rough
trade.

Kadiu, who had only been in the UK for five years,
brought Anna to London in July 2001, when she was 15.
By that stage Anna had already been sold on twice.
Weeks after leaving Romania she was taken to the
capital of Macedonia, Skopje, where she was forced to
work in a strip club and have sex with customers. A
few months later another gang bought her for £2,300.
She was taken to Albania and then by boat to Naples,
where she was again forced to work as a prostitute.

How Kadiu discovered her is not clear. But he decided
he wanted her and had her kidnapped and taken to Rome,
where he persuaded her that she should move with him
to the UK to start a new life "off the game".

*Corruption*

He gave her a false passport and paid for a trip which
took her via Brussels and Ostend to Harwich, Essex,
and then by train to Victoria station in London. Kadiu
travelled independently to ensure that if Anna was
stopped he would not be caught with her.

He took Anna to his house in Harlesden, where he lived
with his cousin, Edmond Ethemi, and a 22-year-old
woman who was Ethemi's girlfriend; she was also a
prostitute.

Kadiu's promise that Anna would not have to work in
vice lasted for four weeks, and then he coerced her
back into the business at saunas in Tottenham, Kings
Cross, Camden, West Hampstead and Chalk Farm.

"Kadiu would drop her off in the morning and pick her
up in the evening, up to 12 hours later, " said
Superintendent Chris Bradford, head of the clubs and
vice squad, based at Charing Cross police station.
"She worked seven days a week, and if she didn't bring
in the money, he would give her hell. Kadiu could make
as much money from pimping one girl as he could from
drug dealing."

Leaving Kadiu was by no means an easy option. "He'd
told her that if she went to the police, we would hand
her straight back to him," said Supt Bradford. "She
had been in countries where the police are corrupt and
she knew nothing of Britain.

"She didn't have any documents or any money. And she
knew that if Kadiu caught her, he would knock her
around."

Despite the risks, Anna plucked up the courage to
leave and a source tipped off the squad that a girl
was "in difficulty and needed help".

Officers found her before Kadiu could and took her to
a safehouse.

"She was traumatised," said Supt Bradford. "From what
she told us, she had been abused by one guy after
another from the age of 12."

As Anna gave statements to the police, Supt Bradford
ordered surveillance on Kadiu and Ethemi which ended
with their arrest on December 3 last year.

When officers raided their house they found £30,000
wrapped in newspaper and hidden in a fireplace behind
a dressing table and 24 grams of cocaine.

During his trial at Southwark crown court Kadiu
claimed Anna willingly went into prostitution and
denied harming her. After hearing Anna's evidence the
jury decided he was lying.

He was convicted of raping her and indecently
assaulting her, and of living off immoral earnings. He
was sentenced in December to a total of 10 years in
prison.

Ethemi, 21, was jailed for six and a half years for
living off immoral earnings and possessing cocaine.

Anna is still in the UK and is rebuilding her life.
"She is going to college and trying to put everything
behind her," said Supt Bradford. But he has to assume
there are other girls out there in her predicament,
and that Albanian criminals may be controlling them.

"Ten years ago, we'd hardly even heard of Albania," he
said. Although most of the Albanians living in London
are law abiding, small cadres that have come here in
recent years are causing the Met almost as much
concern as the established Turkish and Kurdish
networks that control the heroin supply into the
capital.

The national criminal intelligence service (NCIS)
warned three years ago of Albanian organised crime
gangs drifting across western Europe, after evidence
suggested they had established footholds in Germany,
Switzerland, Greece and Italy.

NCIS said the power of the groups could be gauged by
the fact they had taken control of the criminal
underworld in Milan after a two-year power struggle
with local mafias.

There is already some evidence to suggest that
Albanian criminals have set up in Manchester, Glasgow,
Edinburgh, Liverpool and Cardiff, and their presence
has been reported in Lancaster and Telford.

While the current threat is still relatively small,
"the potential for growth remains high", according to
NCIS.

"Albanian gangs are particularly strong in Italy,
especially in the areas of people smuggling and
prostitution," said a spokesman.

"We do not have that level of activity here yet. There
is some intelligence to suggest they are getting a
measure of control over the Soho vice trade, but it is
difficult to tell how much at this stage."

Police in the UK point to recent cases of kidnapping
and extortion to highlight what they are dealing with.
In November two Albanians were jailed for drugging and
assaulting Arap Mytak, the owner of a car wash in
Romford, Essex. Demanding a £50,000 ransom for his
release, Adriatik Malaj, 18, and Shpetin Lisha, 19,
tied him to a tree in Epping Forest and phoned his
family so they could hear his cries for help.

Another cause for concern is the difficulty in
infiltrating Albanian gangs, which operate in small
groups bound by a code of silence like the mafia's.

A recent assessment of the threat posed by Albanian
criminals found many had come to the country working
as the "muscle" for Turkish groups, but that they
might be ready to challenge their masters for control
of the multi-million pound herointrade.

*Battleground*

The home secretary, David Blunkett, and the foreign
secretary, Jack Straw, announced at the beginning of
December an international effort to curb the spread of
Balkan crime syndicates, and the Met is committed to
meeting the threat head on.

With cross-gang warfare simmering in some parts of
London, the commissioner, Sir John Stevens, has
ordered an increase in the number of armed vehicle
patrols and an increase in the number of officers
trained to use firearms.

"We will not tolerate this kind of activity," he said.
However, police sources admit that Albanian criminals
are not easily intimidated, and that there is every
chance that the UK will soon become their next
battleground.

"They are pretty tough people, used to hardship," said
one source. "If you lived in Albania and crime was
your way out to a better life, you might think you've
got nothing to lose. That's the way some of them
behave."

(c) Guardian 2002 - Posted for educational and fair
use only

=======================================
'JUDGMENT!' - The Video Shown As Evidence at The Hague
Tribunal!
{It can now be shipped gift wrapped...Order details
after text}
=======================================

September 26 was the first day of the Bosnian part of
the Hague trial against Slobodan Milosevic. That day
Mr. Milosevic showed excerpts from a video which
demonstrates how the British TV station, ITN,
fabricated evidence of Serbian death camps in Bosnia.

The video, co-produced by Emperor's Clothes and
reporters from Serbian Television, is called
'JUDGMENT!' It demonstrates that the famous Bosnian
pictures, especially the tall, seemingly starved man
behind barbed wire in a death camp, were a hoax. It
was not a death camp. The Muslim men were not behind
barbed wire. This is eminently clear from video
footage shot that day and reproduced in 'JUDGMENT!'
The movie shows step-by-step how the phony pictures
were created.

The Bosnian pictures had a huge impact in 1992. Twenty
minutes after they were shown on TV on August 6th,
George Bush Sr. held a press conference to proclaim a
whole new get-tough policy against the Bosnian Serbs.
This was followed by a worldwide media campaign - all
based on the Bosnian pictures.

If we at Emperor's Clothes are right that these
pictures were a fraud, then the implications are
staggering: the pictures were staged to justify a
coordinated US/European policy of demonizing the
Serbian people to justify war. The press conference
was planned to coincide with the release of the
pictures. The worldwide press campaign against the
Bosnian Serbs was planned in advance.

You can view the same video Mr. Milosevic showed at
The Hague. If you conclude that we are not telling the
truth, send the video back and we'll refund the
purchase price in full. You don't risk a penny.

You can purchase a copy of 'JUDGMENT!' for $25 in the
US, $26 outside the US. (If you want gift-wrapping
please indicate whether you'd like 'Christmas' or
'all-purpose' gift paper and add $2 to the price)

Here's how you can order:

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Subject: Neil Clark: Review of a book on Milosevic
Date: Wed, 27 Nov 2002 19:25:11 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin" <vlada@...>


Milosevic: a biography
Adam LeBor Bloomsbury, 386pp, £20
ISBN 0747560900



"the most revealing aspect of LeBor's "authoritative" account
is what he fails to reveal"

Reviewed by Neil Clark

Slobodan Milosevic. What are the first images that come to your
mind on hearing this name? Burning villages? Detention camps?
Mass graves? If so, you are yet another victim of one of the most
brilliant and successful demonisation campaigns of modern times,
a campaign continued by Adam LeBor in his new biography of
the former Yugoslav leader.

The LeBor thesis is simple, and it is one we have all heard many
times before. Milosevic, an "archetypal Communist Party official",
rose to power by whipping up dormant Serb nationalism in the
late 1980s. Through his desire to create a "Greater Serbia", he
provoked the break-up of his own country and the "decade of war
and misery" that followed. After the benign (though belated)
intervention of the western powers, Slobo is now in his rightful
place, a 9ft by 15ft prison cell in an old Nazi jail near The Hague.

Despite fascinating details such as how Milosevic's son Marko
liked to have his swimming pool heated to 38C, the most revealing
aspect of LeBor's "authoritative" account is what he fails to
reveal. Any evidence that contradicts his central thesis is either
omitted or sketched over in the most cursory fashion.

There is just one oblique reference in the entire book to the
meeting at The Hague in October 1991 when, on being summoned
to the negotiating table by the European Community
"arbitrators"- Lord Carrington, Jacques Delors and Hans Van
den Broek - the leaders of the constituent Yugoslav republics
were presented with a paper, "The End of Yugoslavia from the
International Scene". This document provided for the existing
republic boundaries to become the new international ones.

In effect the death certificate of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, it was accepted by all the delegates except the Serbs,
with Milosevic returning to Belgrade in disgust. "Yugoslavia was
not created by the consensus of six men and cannot be dissolved
by the consensus of six men", pleaded the man LeBor wants us to
believe was responsible for the break-up and the carnage that
followed.

On tracing Yugoslavia's tragic descent into war, LeBor's
omissions become more frequent. He quotes Warren Zimmerman
several times in the book, but fails to inform readers of how the
US ambassador to Belgrade intervened personally to persuade the
Bosnian leader Alija Izetbegovic to renege on the February 1992
Lisbon Agreement which provided for the peaceful reshaping of
Bosnia.

No mention, either, of the way the US State Department
sabotaged the efforts at peacemaking by Cyrus Vance and David
Owen when they neared success in order to justify military action
and the establishment of a de facto Nato colony in Bosnia.
Milosevic's support for the anti-separatist Bosnian politician Adil
Zulfikarpasic is recorded only as a footnote; while the malevolent
interventions of the German foreign minister Hans-Dietrich
Genscher are accorded just five lines. While Slobo is quite clearly
LeBor's villain of the piece, the leaders of the secessionist
republics receive rather more favourable appraisal. Milan Kucan,
the leader of Slovenia, the first republic to break away, is regarded
as "sensible"; Izetbegovic (a man who once wrote "there can be no
peace or co-existence between Islamic and non-Islamic
institutions") is "well-meaning"; while the Macedonian Vasil
Tuporkovski is described as "American-educated" and
"pro-western" - LeBor shorthand for someone of whom he
thinks we should approve.

In Chapter 22, LeBor moves on to the Kosovo crisis, but once
again tells only one half of the story. He talks of the way the
"Albanian diaspora" provided funds for the up-and-coming KLA,
but neglects to mention the enormous role western security forces
played in the funding, arming and training of a terrorist group
incontrovertibly linked to al-Qaeda. Predictably, LeBor blames
Milosevic's "obduracy" for not accepting the Rambouillet peace
plan in 1999, but does not mention appendix B to chapter 7 of the
document which provided for the "free and unrestricted passage
and unimpeded access throughout Yugoslavia, including
associated airspace and territorial waters" for all Nato personnel.
Silly old Slobo for not signing up for military occupation.

For all the fly-leaf boasts that LeBor had "unrivalled access to
those closest to Milosevic", time and time again he falls back on
the same discredited sources, either those with a personal axe to
grind against Milosevic, or more often than not the testimony of a
"senior US official". LeBor spends a whole page discussing the
dastardly RAM plan, "the geographical outline for the future
Greater Serbia", allegedly drawn out by Milosevic and
high-ranking officers in the Yugoslav army, but concedes in his
footnotes that "no copy of the plan as yet has been produced as
evidence". He does, though, quote Louis Sell, the US diplomat,
who remembers being shown a "covertly obtained document that
revealed contingency plans by the military" that "may have been
the RAM plan or something similar". The ubiquitous Sell is also
quoted as saying that throughout the Srebrenica crisis Milosevic
was "in direct personal contact with [Ratko] Mladic", despite the
official and exhaustive Dutch government report into the
massacre finding no evidence of political or military liaison with
Belgrade concerning the killings.

In the chapter "Toppling Milosevic from Budapest", LeBor at
least reveals how the US poured $70m into the Serb opposition
coffers in their attempt to oust Slobo. But he fails to explain why
the most powerful nation on earth believed a change of
government in Belgrade was so important.

With Slobo now under lock and key and a "reform" government
installed in Belgrade, western hegemony in the Balkans is
complete. Lord Ashdown, who testified against Milosevic at The
Hague, holds court as the new King of Bosnia; while in Kosovo,
Camp Bondsteel, the US's biggest "from scratch" military base
since the Vietnam war, protects the route of the $1.3bn
trans-Balkan AMBO pipeline, guaranteeing western control of
Caspian Sea oil supplies. What John Pilger calls the west's
"strategic concept" - the destruction of Yugoslavia and its
replacement with a series of weak and divided protectorates - has
been achieved in little more than a decade.

It was all, says Pilger, "based on a marriage of lies, thanks largely
to those journalists who acted as the handmaidens of great and
murderous power". In his one-sided account of the break-up of
Yugoslavia and his unjust vilification of the man who tried his
best to hold his country together, LeBor fails to challenge those
journalists.



=



This review first appeared in the New Statesman.




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