Informazione
1. Indagine epidemiologica sugli italiani presenti in
Bosnia-Erzegovina e Kosovo
2. A Firenze la prima udienza per gli incidenti al Consolato USA
(13/5/1999): una iniziativa in sostegno agli accusati
=== 1 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Corrado Scarnato" ha scritto:
Sulla Gazzetta Ufficiale di oggi [3/1/2003] e' stato pubblicato
l'accordo tra Governo e Regioni per l'effettuazione dell'indagine
epidemiologica sugli italiani presenti in Bosnia-Erzegovina e Kosovo
dal 1994 ad oggi.
L'analisi e' rivolta, in forma volontaria, a militari e civili.
Serve a verificare se ci sono state esposizioni indebite alla salute,
e se pur non citato nell'accordo, si riferisce a quelle ad uranio
impoverito (DU).
Sara' compito delle regioni promuovere la partecipazione di quanti si
trovino nelle dovute condizioni.
Chiunque abbia svolto compiti di volontariato civile puo' partecipare
a questa campagna di monitoraggio.
Chi e' interessato a ricevere copia dell'accordo puo' scrivermi
direttamente (la rete non accetta allegati).
A presto
ACCORDO 30 maggio 2002
Accordo tra il Governo, le regioni e le province autonome di Trento
e di Bolzano, sul protocollo operativo dell'indagine sulle condizioni
sanitarie dei cittadini italiani che hanno operato nei territori della
Bosnia-Herzegovina e del Kosovo. (GU n. 1 del 2-1-2003)
---------------------------------------------------------------
Corrado Scarnato
AUSL città di Bologna
Dipartimento di Sanità Pubblica
Via Gramsci, 12 - 40121 Bologna
tel. e fax 051-6079849
e-mail: corrado.scarnato@a...
------------------------------------------------------------
--- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
=== 2 ===
Il 10 gennaio si terrà a Firenze la prima udienza a carico di 15
compagni per gli incidenti sotto il consolato USA in occasione della
manifestazione e sciopero generale dei sindacati di base durante la
guerra in Yugoslavia.
Oggi come allora, senza esserne usciti, viviamo in uno stato di guerra
permanente più o meno latente, di cui la repressione rappresenta il
fronte interno, lo strumento con cui la borghesia occidentale "deve"
affrontare i suoi antagonisti, ed in primis il suo antagonista
storico: il proletariato e le sue rivendicazioni politiche e sociali.
Sabato 11 Gennaio
ore 20.30 Cena di solidarietà per le spese legali
nella serata:
video sulle manifestazioni contro il Carcere Speciale di
Voghera
video scontri consolato 13 maggio 99
video repressione Praga, Napoli, Nizza
Mostra sulla repressione: dalla legge Reale ad Oggi, dal
Carcere Speciale al 41 bis
Centro Popolare Autogestito Firenze Sud
Via Villamagna 27a
Bosnia-Erzegovina e Kosovo
2. A Firenze la prima udienza per gli incidenti al Consolato USA
(13/5/1999): una iniziativa in sostegno agli accusati
=== 1 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Corrado Scarnato" ha scritto:
Sulla Gazzetta Ufficiale di oggi [3/1/2003] e' stato pubblicato
l'accordo tra Governo e Regioni per l'effettuazione dell'indagine
epidemiologica sugli italiani presenti in Bosnia-Erzegovina e Kosovo
dal 1994 ad oggi.
L'analisi e' rivolta, in forma volontaria, a militari e civili.
Serve a verificare se ci sono state esposizioni indebite alla salute,
e se pur non citato nell'accordo, si riferisce a quelle ad uranio
impoverito (DU).
Sara' compito delle regioni promuovere la partecipazione di quanti si
trovino nelle dovute condizioni.
Chiunque abbia svolto compiti di volontariato civile puo' partecipare
a questa campagna di monitoraggio.
Chi e' interessato a ricevere copia dell'accordo puo' scrivermi
direttamente (la rete non accetta allegati).
A presto
ACCORDO 30 maggio 2002
Accordo tra il Governo, le regioni e le province autonome di Trento
e di Bolzano, sul protocollo operativo dell'indagine sulle condizioni
sanitarie dei cittadini italiani che hanno operato nei territori della
Bosnia-Herzegovina e del Kosovo. (GU n. 1 del 2-1-2003)
---------------------------------------------------------------
Corrado Scarnato
AUSL città di Bologna
Dipartimento di Sanità Pubblica
Via Gramsci, 12 - 40121 Bologna
tel. e fax 051-6079849
e-mail: corrado.scarnato@a...
------------------------------------------------------------
--- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
=== 2 ===
Il 10 gennaio si terrà a Firenze la prima udienza a carico di 15
compagni per gli incidenti sotto il consolato USA in occasione della
manifestazione e sciopero generale dei sindacati di base durante la
guerra in Yugoslavia.
Oggi come allora, senza esserne usciti, viviamo in uno stato di guerra
permanente più o meno latente, di cui la repressione rappresenta il
fronte interno, lo strumento con cui la borghesia occidentale "deve"
affrontare i suoi antagonisti, ed in primis il suo antagonista
storico: il proletariato e le sue rivendicazioni politiche e sociali.
Sabato 11 Gennaio
ore 20.30 Cena di solidarietà per le spese legali
nella serata:
video sulle manifestazioni contro il Carcere Speciale di
Voghera
video scontri consolato 13 maggio 99
video repressione Praga, Napoli, Nizza
Mostra sulla repressione: dalla legge Reale ad Oggi, dal
Carcere Speciale al 41 bis
Centro Popolare Autogestito Firenze Sud
Via Villamagna 27a
Una strategia per obbligare gli sloveni ad aderire alla NATO
La Slovenia deve entrare nella NATO, volente o nolente. I parlamentari
sloveni, sottoposti a pressioni spaventose da parte dei poteri
euroatlantici, pensano allora di indire un referendum in fretta e
furia. Maggioranza ed opposizione stanno correndo contro il tempo per
far passare una legge che attribuisca un significato vincolante (non
solo consultivo) ai risultati di tale referendum.
Come e' noto, la popolazione slovena e' ben poco entusiasta della
eventualita' di un inglobamento nella NATO, ed e' previsto che in caso
di aggressione contro l'Iraq l'"indice di gradimento" della NATO sia
destinato a crollare ulteriormente. Il referendum sara' pertanto
accompagnato da una campagna mediatico-psicologica pesantissima, e
dovra' svolgersi prima dell'inizio dello sterminio del popolo iracheno
per essere vinto a tutti i costi, anche se "per il rotto della
cuffia", con un "SI" a favore della NATO. Per mischiare le acque e
confondere i votanti e' possibile che contestualmente gli sloveni
siano chiamati anche ad esprimersi sull'ingresso nella UE. (I. Slavo)
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Date: Wed, 8 Jan 2003 21:55:41 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cg/Qslovenia-nato.R3M9_DJ8.html
Slovenia's parliament to pass law for NATO referendum
-[T]he government was seeking to hold a referendum as
soon as possible, fearing that an eventual US
intervention against Iraq could provoke a drop in
public support for NATO membership.
Public support for NATO membership is the lowest in
Slovenia among all the countries that have been
invited to join.
LJUBLJANA, Jan 8 (AFP) - Slovenia's parliament is to
pass a law to make a referendum in the former Yugoslav
republic on joining NATO binding on the government,
Slovenia's parliamentary speaker Borut Pahor said in
Ljubljana on Wednesday.
According to current law, such referendums are not
binding on government or parliament but the opposition
wants this changed, while the government is anxious to
have the vote by the end of March.
"We will try to bridge the differences between the
government, which wants the NATO referendum to be held
by March 30, and the opposition, which wants the
referendum to have a mandatory character - through a
special law on NATO accession," Pahor said after a
meeting of the parliamentary party leaders.
At its summit in Prague in November, NATO invited
Slovenia and six other former communists countries to
join the Alliance by 2004. An accession agreement is
expected to be signed in April.
Slovenia's government on Monday urged parliament to
call a referendum on NATO membership for early
February or, at the latest, on March 30.
"I would like to warn that our time is running out and
I personally grant you that we will carry out the
referendum by the end of March or the beginning of
April," Prime Minister Anton Rop said the following
day.
But the opposition objected that a referendum with
only an advisory character could be ignored by the
government if it [the parliament] decided against
joining NATO.
The newspaper Delo said in a comment Wednesday said
the government was seeking to hold a referendum as
soon as possible, fearing that an eventual US
intervention against Iraq could provoke a drop in
public support for NATO membership.
Public support for NATO membership is the lowest in
Slovenia among all the countries that have been
invited to join.
The government has also considered holding a
referendum on joining the European Union at the same
time as the NATO vote, but no decision has yet been
made.
Slovenia is among 10 candidate countries slated to
join the EU in 2004.
La Slovenia deve entrare nella NATO, volente o nolente. I parlamentari
sloveni, sottoposti a pressioni spaventose da parte dei poteri
euroatlantici, pensano allora di indire un referendum in fretta e
furia. Maggioranza ed opposizione stanno correndo contro il tempo per
far passare una legge che attribuisca un significato vincolante (non
solo consultivo) ai risultati di tale referendum.
Come e' noto, la popolazione slovena e' ben poco entusiasta della
eventualita' di un inglobamento nella NATO, ed e' previsto che in caso
di aggressione contro l'Iraq l'"indice di gradimento" della NATO sia
destinato a crollare ulteriormente. Il referendum sara' pertanto
accompagnato da una campagna mediatico-psicologica pesantissima, e
dovra' svolgersi prima dell'inizio dello sterminio del popolo iracheno
per essere vinto a tutti i costi, anche se "per il rotto della
cuffia", con un "SI" a favore della NATO. Per mischiare le acque e
confondere i votanti e' possibile che contestualmente gli sloveni
siano chiamati anche ad esprimersi sull'ingresso nella UE. (I. Slavo)
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Date: Wed, 8 Jan 2003 21:55:41 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cg/Qslovenia-nato.R3M9_DJ8.html
Slovenia's parliament to pass law for NATO referendum
-[T]he government was seeking to hold a referendum as
soon as possible, fearing that an eventual US
intervention against Iraq could provoke a drop in
public support for NATO membership.
Public support for NATO membership is the lowest in
Slovenia among all the countries that have been
invited to join.
LJUBLJANA, Jan 8 (AFP) - Slovenia's parliament is to
pass a law to make a referendum in the former Yugoslav
republic on joining NATO binding on the government,
Slovenia's parliamentary speaker Borut Pahor said in
Ljubljana on Wednesday.
According to current law, such referendums are not
binding on government or parliament but the opposition
wants this changed, while the government is anxious to
have the vote by the end of March.
"We will try to bridge the differences between the
government, which wants the NATO referendum to be held
by March 30, and the opposition, which wants the
referendum to have a mandatory character - through a
special law on NATO accession," Pahor said after a
meeting of the parliamentary party leaders.
At its summit in Prague in November, NATO invited
Slovenia and six other former communists countries to
join the Alliance by 2004. An accession agreement is
expected to be signed in April.
Slovenia's government on Monday urged parliament to
call a referendum on NATO membership for early
February or, at the latest, on March 30.
"I would like to warn that our time is running out and
I personally grant you that we will carry out the
referendum by the end of March or the beginning of
April," Prime Minister Anton Rop said the following
day.
But the opposition objected that a referendum with
only an advisory character could be ignored by the
government if it [the parliament] decided against
joining NATO.
The newspaper Delo said in a comment Wednesday said
the government was seeking to hold a referendum as
soon as possible, fearing that an eventual US
intervention against Iraq could provoke a drop in
public support for NATO membership.
Public support for NATO membership is the lowest in
Slovenia among all the countries that have been
invited to join.
The government has also considered holding a
referendum on joining the European Union at the same
time as the NATO vote, but no decision has yet been
made.
Slovenia is among 10 candidate countries slated to
join the EU in 2004.
Date: Tue, 7 Jan 2003 04:26:14 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
Subject: One Month In NATO, Germans Dragoon Slovenes Into Afghan War
http://www.tol.cz/look/BRR/article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&Id
Publication=9&NrIssue=1&NrSection=1&NrArticle=8193
Transitions Online
(Open Society Institute)
January 6, 2003
NATO Beckons
By Ales Gaube
-The Slovenian daily Delo...says the army has already
received the informal hint to prepare for the mission
even though a final political decision has not been
reached.
-The ZLSD Youth Forum fears that Slovenian soldiers
might be used in combat operations against the
remaining Taliban forces that still control part of
Afghanistan. Luka Juri, head of the Youth Forum, said
on 30 December that the invitation for Slovenian
troops to join the ISAF is only the first of many
foreign policy and military tests that Slovenia will
be subjected to because of its new NATO membership.
Juri also said that he was disappointed that the
government intends to decide the issue without a
public discussion. He said that the public would have
no say in whether or not to send troops to
Afghanistan, where they would be “satisfying U.S.
interests and acting in contradiction to efforts for
international stability and development.”
LJUBLJANA, Slovenia--Only a month after Slovenia was
invited to join NATO at the alliance’s Prague summit,
the country’s willingness to cooperate in
international peace missions is being put to the test
with Germany’s request that Slovenia take part in the
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in
Afghanistan. Germany will take over the ISAF III
mission in mid-February.
Though the government has yet to make a final decision
on whether or not to send troops to war-torn
Afghanistan, the Slovenian Defense Ministry on 28
December did confirm that it is still inspecting the
possibility of a small-scale contribution to the
peacekeeping mission there. The Slovenian daily Delo,
however, says the army has already received the
informal hint to prepare for the mission even though a
final political decision has not been reached.
To some degree, Slovenia has already been involved in
the mission in Afghanistan--albeit from a safer
distance. In 2000 it sent humanitarian aid to
Afghanistan, and late last year it sent weapons that
the Slovenian army no longer needed, equipping Afghan
security forces with 1,800 guns, ammunition, and
explosives.
“If a decision to participate is made, only a small
unit of the Slovenian armed forces would be sent to
Afghanistan, performing its duties under the auspices
of a larger contingent,” Defense Ministry
representative Uros Krek told TV Slovenia on 28
December.
The Slovenian unit would probably be used to maintain
security in the Afghan capital of Kabul and the
surrounding area. The Slovenian soldiers would also
likely assist the temporary Afghan government in
setting up national security structures, rebuilding
the country, and training future security forces, the
ministry representative explained.
The busy holiday season for the most part kept
politicians from commenting on the issue to the local
media. Only the youth wing of the Unified List of
Social Democrats (ZLSD) coalition party was publicly
skeptical about the possibility of Slovenian soldiers
heading to Afghanistan. The ZLSD youth wing, however,
is known for its staunch opposition to Slovenia’s
membership in NATO. The party itself has supported
Slovenia’s bid to enter the alliance.
The ZLSD Youth Forum fears that Slovenian soldiers
might be used in combat operations against the
remaining Taliban forces that still control part of
Afghanistan. Luka Juri, head of the Youth Forum, said
on 30 December that the invitation for Slovenian
troops to join the ISAF is only the first of many
foreign policy and military tests that Slovenia will
be subjected to because of its new NATO membership.
Juri also said that he was disappointed that the
government intends to decide the issue without a
public discussion. He said that the public would have
no say in whether or not to send troops to
Afghanistan, where they would be “satisfying U.S.
interests and acting in contradiction to efforts for
international stability and development.”
It would not be the first time the Slovenian army has
stepped beyond the Balkans for peacekeeping efforts.
Currently, Slovenia is participating in the
peacekeeping mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in
the tense Yugoslav province of Kosovo. Slovenian
forces have been sent to join the United Nations
peacekeeping forces in Cyprus, as well as to the UN
Truce Supervision Organization that is monitoring the
cease-fire on the borders of Israel, Syria, and
Lebanon. It is also widely believed that Slovenia will
be invited to participate in a possible stabilization
force following what many fear to be the imminent war
in Iraq.
From: Rick Rozoff
Subject: One Month In NATO, Germans Dragoon Slovenes Into Afghan War
http://www.tol.cz/look/BRR/article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&Id
Publication=9&NrIssue=1&NrSection=1&NrArticle=8193
Transitions Online
(Open Society Institute)
January 6, 2003
NATO Beckons
By Ales Gaube
-The Slovenian daily Delo...says the army has already
received the informal hint to prepare for the mission
even though a final political decision has not been
reached.
-The ZLSD Youth Forum fears that Slovenian soldiers
might be used in combat operations against the
remaining Taliban forces that still control part of
Afghanistan. Luka Juri, head of the Youth Forum, said
on 30 December that the invitation for Slovenian
troops to join the ISAF is only the first of many
foreign policy and military tests that Slovenia will
be subjected to because of its new NATO membership.
Juri also said that he was disappointed that the
government intends to decide the issue without a
public discussion. He said that the public would have
no say in whether or not to send troops to
Afghanistan, where they would be “satisfying U.S.
interests and acting in contradiction to efforts for
international stability and development.”
LJUBLJANA, Slovenia--Only a month after Slovenia was
invited to join NATO at the alliance’s Prague summit,
the country’s willingness to cooperate in
international peace missions is being put to the test
with Germany’s request that Slovenia take part in the
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in
Afghanistan. Germany will take over the ISAF III
mission in mid-February.
Though the government has yet to make a final decision
on whether or not to send troops to war-torn
Afghanistan, the Slovenian Defense Ministry on 28
December did confirm that it is still inspecting the
possibility of a small-scale contribution to the
peacekeeping mission there. The Slovenian daily Delo,
however, says the army has already received the
informal hint to prepare for the mission even though a
final political decision has not been reached.
To some degree, Slovenia has already been involved in
the mission in Afghanistan--albeit from a safer
distance. In 2000 it sent humanitarian aid to
Afghanistan, and late last year it sent weapons that
the Slovenian army no longer needed, equipping Afghan
security forces with 1,800 guns, ammunition, and
explosives.
“If a decision to participate is made, only a small
unit of the Slovenian armed forces would be sent to
Afghanistan, performing its duties under the auspices
of a larger contingent,” Defense Ministry
representative Uros Krek told TV Slovenia on 28
December.
The Slovenian unit would probably be used to maintain
security in the Afghan capital of Kabul and the
surrounding area. The Slovenian soldiers would also
likely assist the temporary Afghan government in
setting up national security structures, rebuilding
the country, and training future security forces, the
ministry representative explained.
The busy holiday season for the most part kept
politicians from commenting on the issue to the local
media. Only the youth wing of the Unified List of
Social Democrats (ZLSD) coalition party was publicly
skeptical about the possibility of Slovenian soldiers
heading to Afghanistan. The ZLSD youth wing, however,
is known for its staunch opposition to Slovenia’s
membership in NATO. The party itself has supported
Slovenia’s bid to enter the alliance.
The ZLSD Youth Forum fears that Slovenian soldiers
might be used in combat operations against the
remaining Taliban forces that still control part of
Afghanistan. Luka Juri, head of the Youth Forum, said
on 30 December that the invitation for Slovenian
troops to join the ISAF is only the first of many
foreign policy and military tests that Slovenia will
be subjected to because of its new NATO membership.
Juri also said that he was disappointed that the
government intends to decide the issue without a
public discussion. He said that the public would have
no say in whether or not to send troops to
Afghanistan, where they would be “satisfying U.S.
interests and acting in contradiction to efforts for
international stability and development.”
It would not be the first time the Slovenian army has
stepped beyond the Balkans for peacekeeping efforts.
Currently, Slovenia is participating in the
peacekeeping mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in
the tense Yugoslav province of Kosovo. Slovenian
forces have been sent to join the United Nations
peacekeeping forces in Cyprus, as well as to the UN
Truce Supervision Organization that is monitoring the
cease-fire on the borders of Israel, Syria, and
Lebanon. It is also widely believed that Slovenia will
be invited to participate in a possible stabilization
force following what many fear to be the imminent war
in Iraq.
[Propongo il testo seguente per il suo contenuto informativo. Olga]
LICNI STAV
Protosindjel Sava (Janjic)
Kakav je stvarni odnos Rimokatolicke crkve prema
stradanju pravoslavnih hriscana na Kosovu
Biskupov refren o "politickim crkvama"
Uoci velikog hriscanskog praznika Bozica i najava
o predstojecoj poseti visoke delegacije Svetog
arhijerejskog sinoda Srpske pravoslavne crkve Rimu
sasvim se legitimno postavlja pitanje kakav je stvarni
odnos Rimokatolicke crkve prema stradanju pravoslavnih
hriscana na Kosovu i Metohiji. U prvi mah moze se
odmah reci - veoma kontradiktoran. Dok je, s jedne
strane u italijanskoj javnosti sve vise clanaka u
kojima se govori o varvarskom unistenju vise od sto
pravoslavnih crkava na Kosovu i Metohiji nakon
zavrsetka rata i dok italijanska vlada obecava pomoc u
obnovi srpskih spomenika kulture na Kosovu i Metohiji,
rimokatolicke strukture u Pokrajini ostaju na
pozicijama velikoalbanskog istorijskog revizionizma i
direktno ili indirektno podsticu teorije da su
pravoslavni Srbi dosljaci na Kosovu i Metohiji i da su
zapravo najznacajnije srpske crkve i manastiri
rimokatolicki i albanski.
Biskupska konferencija Jugoslavije i apostolski
nunicije u Beogradu dosad nikad nisu javno reagovali
na ove tvrdnje, iako su njihovi predstavnici vise puta
posecivali ove prostore, tako da nema razloga za
verovanje da nisu obavesteni sta njihova braca po veri
misle i govore i sta se uci po njihovim skolama.
Ova albanska teorija, mora se priznati, nije
novijeg porekla i dosad se mogla naci u mnogobrojnim
novijim "istorijskim" knjigama albanskih istoricara,
posebno sa Kosova i Metohije. Medjutim, posle
zavrsetka rata i pocetka sistematskog unistenja
srpskih pravoslavnih crkava i grobalja na Kosovu i
Metohiji veoma je zabrinjavajuca cinjenica da je ova
teorija dobila legitimitet zvanicnog istorijskog
ucenja koje se predaje i djacima u skolama. Ona isto
tako postaje izgovor za nastavak kampanje unistavanja
srpskih svetinja i proterivanje preostalih
pravoslavnih Srba. Medjutim, ova teorija posebno
dobija na znacaju zato sto je strateski cilj kosovskih
Albanaca da se afirmisu pred svetom kao evropski narod
hriscanske tradicije, iako su najvecim delom
muslimani.
Za Rimokatolicku crkvu na ovim prostorima to je
jos jedna prilika da osnazi svoje pozicije i poveca
broj vernika. U ne tako davnom 19. veku rimokatolici
su nudili manastiru Visoki Decani veliku finansijsku
pomoc i zastitu Austrijske carevine, samo ako pristanu
da u molitve ukljuce ime pape. Naravno, monasi nisu
pristali i manastir je i dalje cuvao i sacuvao Sveti
kralj Stefan, a papino ime se nikad nije pominjalo.
Na cemu rimokatolicki ideolozi sa Kosova i
Metohije zasnivaju svoje teorije? Pre svega na
istorijski sasvim neutemeljenim cinjenicama po kojima
albanski narod ima neprekinuti etnicki kontinuitet iz
vremena Rimske imperije i balkanskih Ilira. Po toj
logici, Albanci su najstariji hriscani Balkana i sve
prve hriscanske crkve od Kopra do Elbasana morale su
biti "albanske". Nema nikakve potrebe dokazivati da
nijedan narod na Balkanu i celom svetu nema
neprekinuti etnicki kontinuitet i da je cela teorija
sa naucnog stanovista potpuno besmislena, posebno
imajuci u vidu da se Albanci kao poseban narod u
sacuvanim istorijskim spomenicima spominju tek od 11.
veka.
Posle mnogobrojnih seoba i mesanja naroda sasvim
je irelevantno ko vuce od koga poreklo. Po ucenjima
novih "istoricara", Srbi su kao Sloveni na prostore
Kosova i Metohije pristigli kao dosljaci i naravno
porusili ili posvojili sve "albanske" crkve koje su
tamo zatekli. Rimokatolickoj crkvi, koja ima sediste u
Prizrenu, posebno je za oko zapala katedralna
pravoslavna crkva Bogorodice Ljeviske, sazidana jos u
vizantijsko vreme, koju je temeljito obnovio srpski
kralj Milutin pocetkom 14. veka.
Tu je, takodje, i decanski manastir, koji je po
zelji Svetog kralja Stefana Decanskog u 14. veku
sagradio franjevac iz Kotora, majstor Vita sa lokalnim
srpskim majstorima i klesarima. Cinjenica da je glavni
arhitekta bio rimokatolik ne znaci i da je najveca
zaduzbina pravoslavnog srpskog kralja bila
rimokatolicka crkva. Medjutim, upravo taj argument za
albanske istoricare ima naucnu snagu. Medju njima je
najdalje otisnuo izvesni Muharem Carabregu koji tvrdi
da decanski manastir uopste nije ni podigao srpski
kralj Stefan Uros Treci, cija je povelja do danas
sacuvana na pergamentu, nego lokalno albansko pleme
Gasi (Gashi). Ne prodje ni dan, a da albanska deca u
toku leta pored izvora kisele vode ne doviknu
monasima: "Idite i ostavite nam nasu crkvu!"
Ove "teze i sinteze" savremenih albanskih
istoricara mozda bi bile povod obicnoj sali, kada
takve teorije ne bi bile koriscene u ovom politickom
trenutku kao ideoloska osnova za organizovani progon i
unistavanje srpske pravoslavne kulture i Crkve na
Kosovu i Metohiji. Ovakve teorije koje uce albanska
deca u skolama jos vise podsticu omladinu da skrnave
groblja i bacaju kamenje na monahinje i monahe koji
"valjda vec jednom treba da odu sa Kosova i Metohije i
ostave albanske spomenike kulture njihovom pravom
vlasniku". Na internet prezentaciji "Albanian.com"
crkva Bogorodica Ljeviska vec je ubelezena kao
najstarija albanska crkva na ovim prostorima. Slicno
se tvrdi i za "crkvu Ulpijanu" odnosno manastir
Gracanicu, koju je Sveti kralj Milutin, navodno, samo
opravoslavio, a koja u stvari pripada albanskoj
rimokatolickoj tradiciji.
Ovakvim stavovima pokusava se osporiti znacaj
Kosova i Metohije za srpski narod i stvoriti osnova za
izgradnju novog kulturnog i etnickog identiteta ove
pokrajine, koja je vec gotovo sasvim ociscena od Srba.
Za mnoge Albance je nezamislivo da Kosovo postane
nezavisna drzava na cijoj teritoriji vise od 90 odsto
najstarijih istorijskih spomenika i dalje pripada
srpskom narodu i Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Da cela
stvar nije toliko bezazlena, svedoci i situacija u
obliznjoj Makedoniji, gde su mnogobrojne srpske
pravoslavne crkve i manastiri, koje su podgli srpski
srednjovekovni vladari i plemici, preko noci postale
zaduzbine "makedonskih kraljeva" i kao takve otudjene
od Srpske pravoslavne crkve i njenog naroda. Srpska
kulturna javnost veoma je malo obavestena o ovim novim
trendovima i cesto samouvereno oseca da joj ne preti
nikakva opasnost "jer svet valjda zna kome sta
pripada". Nazalost, zivimo u vremenu u kome istorija
sve vise prestaje da bude nauka, a postaje ideologija
i orudje dnevne politike.
Najbolji pokazatelj ovog trenda jeste vrtoglavi
uspeh novog istoricara Balkana, Britanca Noela
Makolma, koji je za nekoliko godina sastavio istoriju
Bosne i Kosova u dve knjige i napravio ogroman uticaj
na politicka zbivanja i shvatanja balkanskih problema.
Njegovu knjigu "Kratka istorija Kosova", koja je
vec postala "neosporni" autoritet o istoriji ovog dela
Balkana, Albanci dele kao Bibliju svim medjunarodnim
posetiocima. Sa istorijske tacke gledista, knjiga je
grub istorijski falsifikat koji ima za cilj da
relativizuje sve "srpske mitove" od Kosovske bitke, u
kojoj su Srbi navodno bili samo sporedni ucesnici, do
Velike seobe pod Carnojevicima, koja se, prema
Malkolmu, zapravo nikada nije ni dogodila.
Iako je, na primer, ilirsko poreklo Albanaca
predmet dugogodisnjih istorijskih akademskih
diskusija, u najnovijem elektronskom izdanju
Enciklopedije Britanike 2003. to je vec naucna
cinjenica, a srpski uticaji u zemlji u kojoj je jos
najmanje 40 odsto (ako ne i vise) toponima slovenskog
porekla svedeni su na kratko objasnjenje da je srpski
car Dusan "zauzeo Albaniju u 14. veku i izvrsio
strasan progon albanskog stanovnistva koje je velikim
delom pobeglo u Grcku". Ovakvo grubo pojednostavljenje
istorije, nazalost, moguce je, jer je to u skladu sa
savremenim imidzom Srba koji su "uvek progonili druge
i otimali tudje". Slicno je i sa knjigom "Izmedju
srpskog i albanskog" koju je napisala Miranda Vickers,
britanska istoricarka albanskog porekla, koja sasvim
mirno govori o mnogobrojnim "katolickim crkvama koje
su Srbi pretvorili u pravoslavne".
Rigidan stav rimokatolickih krugova na Kosovu i
Metohiji i njihova podrska novim istorijskim i
politickim teorijama sada je glavna prepreka za
uspostavljanje normalne saradnje i dijaloga sa
Pravoslavnom crkvom. Posle niza zajednickih sastanaka
gotovo je izvesno da biskup Sopi nije u stanju da
javno prizna pravo postojanja srpskim pravoslavnim
crkvama i manastirima kao i da se javno ogradi od
teorije o "albanskim crkvama koje su okupirali Srbi".
Zanimljivo je da to dosad nije ucinio nijedan drugi
predstavnik rimokatolicke jerarhije van Pokrajine.
Sopijev stav da su posle rata, valjda s pravom, rusene
samo tzv. "politicke crkve" postao je refren kojim
albanski ekstremisti opravdavaju mnogobrojne napade i
skrnavljenja pravoslavnih svetinja.
Medjutim, cinjenica je da su rusene crkve gradjene
od 13. do 20. veka i jedino sto im je zajednicko jeste
to sto su srpske i pravoslavne. Zavrsavajuci ovo
pisanije nekoliko dana pred pravoslavni praznik
Rodzestva Hristovog, postavljam pitanje koliko ce se
pored fizickog unistavanja vise od sto crkava i
brojnih grobalja nastaviti ubijanje i falsifikovanje
srpske istorije i time srpskom narodu oduzeti i ono,
mozda, jedino preostalo istorijsko pravo na ovim
prostorima. Takodje se otvara ozbiljno pitanje kakav
je stvarni odnos Rimokatolicke crkve prema pitanju SPC
na Kosovu i Metohiji u svetlu najnovijih "ilirskih i
dukljanskih" teorija koje potkopavaju pravoslavni
identitet naseg naroda i prostora na kojima je on
ostavio svoje najlepse i najvrednije tvorevine.
Imajuci u vidu dosadasnju kontroverznu ulogu
Vatikana u srpsko-hrvatskim i srpsko-albanskim
pitanjima, razlozi za sumnju izgledaju sasvim
opravdani.
Autor je zamenik igumana manastira Visoki Decani
http://www.danas.co.yu/
LICNI STAV
Protosindjel Sava (Janjic)
Kakav je stvarni odnos Rimokatolicke crkve prema
stradanju pravoslavnih hriscana na Kosovu
Biskupov refren o "politickim crkvama"
Uoci velikog hriscanskog praznika Bozica i najava
o predstojecoj poseti visoke delegacije Svetog
arhijerejskog sinoda Srpske pravoslavne crkve Rimu
sasvim se legitimno postavlja pitanje kakav je stvarni
odnos Rimokatolicke crkve prema stradanju pravoslavnih
hriscana na Kosovu i Metohiji. U prvi mah moze se
odmah reci - veoma kontradiktoran. Dok je, s jedne
strane u italijanskoj javnosti sve vise clanaka u
kojima se govori o varvarskom unistenju vise od sto
pravoslavnih crkava na Kosovu i Metohiji nakon
zavrsetka rata i dok italijanska vlada obecava pomoc u
obnovi srpskih spomenika kulture na Kosovu i Metohiji,
rimokatolicke strukture u Pokrajini ostaju na
pozicijama velikoalbanskog istorijskog revizionizma i
direktno ili indirektno podsticu teorije da su
pravoslavni Srbi dosljaci na Kosovu i Metohiji i da su
zapravo najznacajnije srpske crkve i manastiri
rimokatolicki i albanski.
Biskupska konferencija Jugoslavije i apostolski
nunicije u Beogradu dosad nikad nisu javno reagovali
na ove tvrdnje, iako su njihovi predstavnici vise puta
posecivali ove prostore, tako da nema razloga za
verovanje da nisu obavesteni sta njihova braca po veri
misle i govore i sta se uci po njihovim skolama.
Ova albanska teorija, mora se priznati, nije
novijeg porekla i dosad se mogla naci u mnogobrojnim
novijim "istorijskim" knjigama albanskih istoricara,
posebno sa Kosova i Metohije. Medjutim, posle
zavrsetka rata i pocetka sistematskog unistenja
srpskih pravoslavnih crkava i grobalja na Kosovu i
Metohiji veoma je zabrinjavajuca cinjenica da je ova
teorija dobila legitimitet zvanicnog istorijskog
ucenja koje se predaje i djacima u skolama. Ona isto
tako postaje izgovor za nastavak kampanje unistavanja
srpskih svetinja i proterivanje preostalih
pravoslavnih Srba. Medjutim, ova teorija posebno
dobija na znacaju zato sto je strateski cilj kosovskih
Albanaca da se afirmisu pred svetom kao evropski narod
hriscanske tradicije, iako su najvecim delom
muslimani.
Za Rimokatolicku crkvu na ovim prostorima to je
jos jedna prilika da osnazi svoje pozicije i poveca
broj vernika. U ne tako davnom 19. veku rimokatolici
su nudili manastiru Visoki Decani veliku finansijsku
pomoc i zastitu Austrijske carevine, samo ako pristanu
da u molitve ukljuce ime pape. Naravno, monasi nisu
pristali i manastir je i dalje cuvao i sacuvao Sveti
kralj Stefan, a papino ime se nikad nije pominjalo.
Na cemu rimokatolicki ideolozi sa Kosova i
Metohije zasnivaju svoje teorije? Pre svega na
istorijski sasvim neutemeljenim cinjenicama po kojima
albanski narod ima neprekinuti etnicki kontinuitet iz
vremena Rimske imperije i balkanskih Ilira. Po toj
logici, Albanci su najstariji hriscani Balkana i sve
prve hriscanske crkve od Kopra do Elbasana morale su
biti "albanske". Nema nikakve potrebe dokazivati da
nijedan narod na Balkanu i celom svetu nema
neprekinuti etnicki kontinuitet i da je cela teorija
sa naucnog stanovista potpuno besmislena, posebno
imajuci u vidu da se Albanci kao poseban narod u
sacuvanim istorijskim spomenicima spominju tek od 11.
veka.
Posle mnogobrojnih seoba i mesanja naroda sasvim
je irelevantno ko vuce od koga poreklo. Po ucenjima
novih "istoricara", Srbi su kao Sloveni na prostore
Kosova i Metohije pristigli kao dosljaci i naravno
porusili ili posvojili sve "albanske" crkve koje su
tamo zatekli. Rimokatolickoj crkvi, koja ima sediste u
Prizrenu, posebno je za oko zapala katedralna
pravoslavna crkva Bogorodice Ljeviske, sazidana jos u
vizantijsko vreme, koju je temeljito obnovio srpski
kralj Milutin pocetkom 14. veka.
Tu je, takodje, i decanski manastir, koji je po
zelji Svetog kralja Stefana Decanskog u 14. veku
sagradio franjevac iz Kotora, majstor Vita sa lokalnim
srpskim majstorima i klesarima. Cinjenica da je glavni
arhitekta bio rimokatolik ne znaci i da je najveca
zaduzbina pravoslavnog srpskog kralja bila
rimokatolicka crkva. Medjutim, upravo taj argument za
albanske istoricare ima naucnu snagu. Medju njima je
najdalje otisnuo izvesni Muharem Carabregu koji tvrdi
da decanski manastir uopste nije ni podigao srpski
kralj Stefan Uros Treci, cija je povelja do danas
sacuvana na pergamentu, nego lokalno albansko pleme
Gasi (Gashi). Ne prodje ni dan, a da albanska deca u
toku leta pored izvora kisele vode ne doviknu
monasima: "Idite i ostavite nam nasu crkvu!"
Ove "teze i sinteze" savremenih albanskih
istoricara mozda bi bile povod obicnoj sali, kada
takve teorije ne bi bile koriscene u ovom politickom
trenutku kao ideoloska osnova za organizovani progon i
unistavanje srpske pravoslavne kulture i Crkve na
Kosovu i Metohiji. Ovakve teorije koje uce albanska
deca u skolama jos vise podsticu omladinu da skrnave
groblja i bacaju kamenje na monahinje i monahe koji
"valjda vec jednom treba da odu sa Kosova i Metohije i
ostave albanske spomenike kulture njihovom pravom
vlasniku". Na internet prezentaciji "Albanian.com"
crkva Bogorodica Ljeviska vec je ubelezena kao
najstarija albanska crkva na ovim prostorima. Slicno
se tvrdi i za "crkvu Ulpijanu" odnosno manastir
Gracanicu, koju je Sveti kralj Milutin, navodno, samo
opravoslavio, a koja u stvari pripada albanskoj
rimokatolickoj tradiciji.
Ovakvim stavovima pokusava se osporiti znacaj
Kosova i Metohije za srpski narod i stvoriti osnova za
izgradnju novog kulturnog i etnickog identiteta ove
pokrajine, koja je vec gotovo sasvim ociscena od Srba.
Za mnoge Albance je nezamislivo da Kosovo postane
nezavisna drzava na cijoj teritoriji vise od 90 odsto
najstarijih istorijskih spomenika i dalje pripada
srpskom narodu i Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Da cela
stvar nije toliko bezazlena, svedoci i situacija u
obliznjoj Makedoniji, gde su mnogobrojne srpske
pravoslavne crkve i manastiri, koje su podgli srpski
srednjovekovni vladari i plemici, preko noci postale
zaduzbine "makedonskih kraljeva" i kao takve otudjene
od Srpske pravoslavne crkve i njenog naroda. Srpska
kulturna javnost veoma je malo obavestena o ovim novim
trendovima i cesto samouvereno oseca da joj ne preti
nikakva opasnost "jer svet valjda zna kome sta
pripada". Nazalost, zivimo u vremenu u kome istorija
sve vise prestaje da bude nauka, a postaje ideologija
i orudje dnevne politike.
Najbolji pokazatelj ovog trenda jeste vrtoglavi
uspeh novog istoricara Balkana, Britanca Noela
Makolma, koji je za nekoliko godina sastavio istoriju
Bosne i Kosova u dve knjige i napravio ogroman uticaj
na politicka zbivanja i shvatanja balkanskih problema.
Njegovu knjigu "Kratka istorija Kosova", koja je
vec postala "neosporni" autoritet o istoriji ovog dela
Balkana, Albanci dele kao Bibliju svim medjunarodnim
posetiocima. Sa istorijske tacke gledista, knjiga je
grub istorijski falsifikat koji ima za cilj da
relativizuje sve "srpske mitove" od Kosovske bitke, u
kojoj su Srbi navodno bili samo sporedni ucesnici, do
Velike seobe pod Carnojevicima, koja se, prema
Malkolmu, zapravo nikada nije ni dogodila.
Iako je, na primer, ilirsko poreklo Albanaca
predmet dugogodisnjih istorijskih akademskih
diskusija, u najnovijem elektronskom izdanju
Enciklopedije Britanike 2003. to je vec naucna
cinjenica, a srpski uticaji u zemlji u kojoj je jos
najmanje 40 odsto (ako ne i vise) toponima slovenskog
porekla svedeni su na kratko objasnjenje da je srpski
car Dusan "zauzeo Albaniju u 14. veku i izvrsio
strasan progon albanskog stanovnistva koje je velikim
delom pobeglo u Grcku". Ovakvo grubo pojednostavljenje
istorije, nazalost, moguce je, jer je to u skladu sa
savremenim imidzom Srba koji su "uvek progonili druge
i otimali tudje". Slicno je i sa knjigom "Izmedju
srpskog i albanskog" koju je napisala Miranda Vickers,
britanska istoricarka albanskog porekla, koja sasvim
mirno govori o mnogobrojnim "katolickim crkvama koje
su Srbi pretvorili u pravoslavne".
Rigidan stav rimokatolickih krugova na Kosovu i
Metohiji i njihova podrska novim istorijskim i
politickim teorijama sada je glavna prepreka za
uspostavljanje normalne saradnje i dijaloga sa
Pravoslavnom crkvom. Posle niza zajednickih sastanaka
gotovo je izvesno da biskup Sopi nije u stanju da
javno prizna pravo postojanja srpskim pravoslavnim
crkvama i manastirima kao i da se javno ogradi od
teorije o "albanskim crkvama koje su okupirali Srbi".
Zanimljivo je da to dosad nije ucinio nijedan drugi
predstavnik rimokatolicke jerarhije van Pokrajine.
Sopijev stav da su posle rata, valjda s pravom, rusene
samo tzv. "politicke crkve" postao je refren kojim
albanski ekstremisti opravdavaju mnogobrojne napade i
skrnavljenja pravoslavnih svetinja.
Medjutim, cinjenica je da su rusene crkve gradjene
od 13. do 20. veka i jedino sto im je zajednicko jeste
to sto su srpske i pravoslavne. Zavrsavajuci ovo
pisanije nekoliko dana pred pravoslavni praznik
Rodzestva Hristovog, postavljam pitanje koliko ce se
pored fizickog unistavanja vise od sto crkava i
brojnih grobalja nastaviti ubijanje i falsifikovanje
srpske istorije i time srpskom narodu oduzeti i ono,
mozda, jedino preostalo istorijsko pravo na ovim
prostorima. Takodje se otvara ozbiljno pitanje kakav
je stvarni odnos Rimokatolicke crkve prema pitanju SPC
na Kosovu i Metohiji u svetlu najnovijih "ilirskih i
dukljanskih" teorija koje potkopavaju pravoslavni
identitet naseg naroda i prostora na kojima je on
ostavio svoje najlepse i najvrednije tvorevine.
Imajuci u vidu dosadasnju kontroverznu ulogu
Vatikana u srpsko-hrvatskim i srpsko-albanskim
pitanjima, razlozi za sumnju izgledaju sasvim
opravdani.
Autor je zamenik igumana manastira Visoki Decani
http://www.danas.co.yu/
(From: http://www.iacenter.org/hidden_toc.htm )
A new book
HIDDEN AGENDA: U.S./NATO TAKEOVER OF YUGOSLAVIA
Published by the International Action center
The United States may have the world's largest military machine but
ultimately this government cannot control the forces it has unleashed.
There is a rising global movement against this ruthless competition
and spiraling economic chaos. Six months after NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia a new movement against corporate globalization was born in
Seattle. Hundreds of thousands of young activists have focused on the
brutal policies imposed by the International Monetary Fund, the World
Bank and the trade agreements such as NAFTA and the FTAA, and the
World Trade Organization. This is a movement outraged at sweatshop
conditions, prisons, environmental devastation and capitalist chaos.
We are confident that the material published in this book will
contribute toward the judgment of history. NATO means continuing war,
crisis and colonial domination. Here at home NATO's existence means
greater poverty and repression. This book is our effort to develop an
understanding and to plant seeds of resistance. Resistance is needed,
resistance is possible. The new movement against corporate
globalization has shown that resistance will grow. (From "Abolish NATO
and Its Court" by Sara Flounders )
The book is available for purchase online from www.leftbooks.com.
CONTENTS
[full chapters and excerpts are available at
http://www.iacenter.org/hidden_toc.htm
with more to be posted]
Preface
Acknowledgments
Authors
A Brief Chronology of Yugoslavia
Abolish NATO and Its Court Sara Flounders
CHALLENGE TO THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
Patriots Will Soon Rule Serbia President Slobodan Milosevic
Blaming the Victim Ramsey Clark
The Greatest Purveyor of Violence Ramsey Clark
Indictment of U.S./NATO Ramsey Clark
The Breakup of Yugoslavia Evangelos Mahairas
Preface to Milosevic Statement
Illegitimacy of the 'Tribunal' President Slobodan
Milosevic
A History of 'Legal' Oppression R.M. Sharpe
II. PROPAGANDA AND DEMONIZATION SET STAGE FOR WAR
Demonization and the Media Blitz Lenora Foerstel
The Media and Their Atrocities Michael Parenti
The Racak 'Massacre' Doris Pumphrey and George Pumphrey
Scharping's Lies Won't Last Thomas Deichmann
The U.S. Prison House Monica Moorehead
From Death Row: NATO/U.S. Out of Yugoslavia Mumia Abu-Jamal
III. PHOTO SECTION
NATO Is Guilty-Elmar Schmaehling Targeting Civilians
Compiled by Polly Sylvia
IV. CRIMES AGAINST PEACE: PRELUDE TO WAR
We Are Not an Instant Culture Nadja Tesich
Washington's NATO Strategy John Catalinotto
Controlling Oil and Gas Routes Michel Collon
The Hidden Hand [excerpt] Gary Wilson
Kosovo: Winter 1998-1999 Roland Keith
Austria's Role in the Aggression Gregor Kneussel
The Rambouillet Accord Richard Becker
V. WAR CRIMES COMMITTED DURING U.S./NATO WAR
Lawless War Michael Ratner
NATO's Civilian Targets Sarah Sloan
Bombing the Hospitals Ellen Catalinotto
Zeroing in on China Judi Cheng
Ecology and Health Janet M. Eaton
Depleted Uranium Carlo Pona
VI. U.S./EU INTERVENTION SINCE JUNE 1999
Belgrade: The Struggle Continues Gloria La Riva
Pentagon Enforces Globalization Brian Becker
The Destabilization of Macedonia Heather Cottin
U.S./EU Manipulate Elections Gregory Elich
Economic Terrorism Michel Chossudovsky
VII. CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: KOSOVO UNDER NATO OCCUPATION
Cultural Genocide Milos Raickovich
Interviews with Refugees Barry Lituchy
The Persecution of Roma Shani Rifati
Women Are Enslaved Leslie Feinberg
VIII. APPENDIX
International Panel finds U. S./NATO Leaders Guilty
European Tribunal Greeks Reject NATO Bill Wayland
Ukraine War Crimes Tribunal Bill Wayland
German Government Sued John Catalinotto
In the 'White Book,' facts accuse Milos Petrovic
*** An interesting film:
YUGOSLAVIA, THE AVOIDABLE WAR
3/30/2002
YUGOSLAVIA, THE AVOIDABLE WAR was held over for a third week at
the Two Boots Pioneer Theater in New York's Lower East Side.
In Steven Holden's review for The New York Times, he wrote <<One of
the many unsettling contentions of George Bogdanich's documentary
film, "Yugoslavia, the Avoidable War," is its assertion that many of
the most horrendous events in the recent Balkan wars were
stage-managed for the news media.>> He adds later, <<Almost anything
we thought we knew about the Balkan wars is thrown into question by
the film.>>
Directed by George Bogdanich; directors of photography, Michael Moser,
Vladimir Bibic, Dragan Milinkovic, David Hansen, Joe Friendly and
Predrag Bambic; edited by Mary Patierno; title song, "Road to Hell,"
by Chris Rea; produced by Mr. Bogdanich and Martin Lettmayer; released
by Hargrove Entertainmnet.
Running time: 165 minutes.
(...)
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
En Espanol: el_iac@...
web: http://www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT SITE http://www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
To make a tax-deductible donation,
go to http://www.peoplesrightsfund.org
A new book
HIDDEN AGENDA: U.S./NATO TAKEOVER OF YUGOSLAVIA
Published by the International Action center
The United States may have the world's largest military machine but
ultimately this government cannot control the forces it has unleashed.
There is a rising global movement against this ruthless competition
and spiraling economic chaos. Six months after NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia a new movement against corporate globalization was born in
Seattle. Hundreds of thousands of young activists have focused on the
brutal policies imposed by the International Monetary Fund, the World
Bank and the trade agreements such as NAFTA and the FTAA, and the
World Trade Organization. This is a movement outraged at sweatshop
conditions, prisons, environmental devastation and capitalist chaos.
We are confident that the material published in this book will
contribute toward the judgment of history. NATO means continuing war,
crisis and colonial domination. Here at home NATO's existence means
greater poverty and repression. This book is our effort to develop an
understanding and to plant seeds of resistance. Resistance is needed,
resistance is possible. The new movement against corporate
globalization has shown that resistance will grow. (From "Abolish NATO
and Its Court" by Sara Flounders )
The book is available for purchase online from www.leftbooks.com.
CONTENTS
[full chapters and excerpts are available at
http://www.iacenter.org/hidden_toc.htm
with more to be posted]
Preface
Acknowledgments
Authors
A Brief Chronology of Yugoslavia
Abolish NATO and Its Court Sara Flounders
CHALLENGE TO THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
Patriots Will Soon Rule Serbia President Slobodan Milosevic
Blaming the Victim Ramsey Clark
The Greatest Purveyor of Violence Ramsey Clark
Indictment of U.S./NATO Ramsey Clark
The Breakup of Yugoslavia Evangelos Mahairas
Preface to Milosevic Statement
Illegitimacy of the 'Tribunal' President Slobodan
Milosevic
A History of 'Legal' Oppression R.M. Sharpe
II. PROPAGANDA AND DEMONIZATION SET STAGE FOR WAR
Demonization and the Media Blitz Lenora Foerstel
The Media and Their Atrocities Michael Parenti
The Racak 'Massacre' Doris Pumphrey and George Pumphrey
Scharping's Lies Won't Last Thomas Deichmann
The U.S. Prison House Monica Moorehead
From Death Row: NATO/U.S. Out of Yugoslavia Mumia Abu-Jamal
III. PHOTO SECTION
NATO Is Guilty-Elmar Schmaehling Targeting Civilians
Compiled by Polly Sylvia
IV. CRIMES AGAINST PEACE: PRELUDE TO WAR
We Are Not an Instant Culture Nadja Tesich
Washington's NATO Strategy John Catalinotto
Controlling Oil and Gas Routes Michel Collon
The Hidden Hand [excerpt] Gary Wilson
Kosovo: Winter 1998-1999 Roland Keith
Austria's Role in the Aggression Gregor Kneussel
The Rambouillet Accord Richard Becker
V. WAR CRIMES COMMITTED DURING U.S./NATO WAR
Lawless War Michael Ratner
NATO's Civilian Targets Sarah Sloan
Bombing the Hospitals Ellen Catalinotto
Zeroing in on China Judi Cheng
Ecology and Health Janet M. Eaton
Depleted Uranium Carlo Pona
VI. U.S./EU INTERVENTION SINCE JUNE 1999
Belgrade: The Struggle Continues Gloria La Riva
Pentagon Enforces Globalization Brian Becker
The Destabilization of Macedonia Heather Cottin
U.S./EU Manipulate Elections Gregory Elich
Economic Terrorism Michel Chossudovsky
VII. CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: KOSOVO UNDER NATO OCCUPATION
Cultural Genocide Milos Raickovich
Interviews with Refugees Barry Lituchy
The Persecution of Roma Shani Rifati
Women Are Enslaved Leslie Feinberg
VIII. APPENDIX
International Panel finds U. S./NATO Leaders Guilty
European Tribunal Greeks Reject NATO Bill Wayland
Ukraine War Crimes Tribunal Bill Wayland
German Government Sued John Catalinotto
In the 'White Book,' facts accuse Milos Petrovic
*** An interesting film:
YUGOSLAVIA, THE AVOIDABLE WAR
3/30/2002
YUGOSLAVIA, THE AVOIDABLE WAR was held over for a third week at
the Two Boots Pioneer Theater in New York's Lower East Side.
In Steven Holden's review for The New York Times, he wrote <<One of
the many unsettling contentions of George Bogdanich's documentary
film, "Yugoslavia, the Avoidable War," is its assertion that many of
the most horrendous events in the recent Balkan wars were
stage-managed for the news media.>> He adds later, <<Almost anything
we thought we knew about the Balkan wars is thrown into question by
the film.>>
Directed by George Bogdanich; directors of photography, Michael Moser,
Vladimir Bibic, Dragan Milinkovic, David Hansen, Joe Friendly and
Predrag Bambic; edited by Mary Patierno; title song, "Road to Hell,"
by Chris Rea; produced by Mr. Bogdanich and Martin Lettmayer; released
by Hargrove Entertainmnet.
Running time: 165 minutes.
(...)
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
En Espanol: el_iac@...
web: http://www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT SITE http://www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
To make a tax-deductible donation,
go to http://www.peoplesrightsfund.org
Ciao,
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /collon_1102.rtf
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Yugoslavia, two years later. Why Serbs won't elect a president (M. Collon, November 2002)
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/collon_1102.rtf
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /collon_1102.rtf
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Yugoslavia, two years later. Why Serbs won't elect a president (M. Collon, November 2002)
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/collon_1102.rtf
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
http://www.michaelparenti.org/ToKillANation.html
1. To Kill A Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia. Presentation and
Contents
2. Slobodan Milosevic's Preface to the Yugoslav/Serbian edition of the
book
=== 1 ===
http://www.michaelparenti.org/ToKillANation.html
To Kill A Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia
For ten years, US and NATO forces have
waged a campaign to dismember Yugoslavia,
including 78 days of round-the-clock aerial
attacks in 1999 that killed or injured
upwards of six thousand people. Drawing on a
wide range of published and unpublished
material (mostly Western sources) and
observations gathered from his visit to
Yugoslavia in 1999 shortly after the bombings,
Michael Parenti challenges the mainstream
media demonization of Yugoslavia and the
Serbs, and uncovers the real goals behind
Western talk of "genocide," "ethnic cleansing,"
and "democracy."
To Kill A Nation reveals a decade-long
disinformation campaign waged by Western
leaders and NATO officials in their pursuit of
free-market "reforms." The political and
economic destabilization of Yugoslavia
continues today, Parenti shows, as does the
forced privatization and Third Worldization of
the entire region.
What they are saying about TO KILL A
NATION: The Attack on Yugoslavia:
"Parenti has written a brilliant critique of the
news reports on Yugoslavia published in the
respectable press. Each chapter provides a
detailed refutation of the propaganda myths
that justified NATO's war. This is by far the
most compelling account in print."
- James Petras, co-author of Empire or Republic?
"A fierce, elegantly constructed elegy not just
for the lives sacrificed in the Balkan wars, but
for concepts of national sovereignty and
constitutionality ... ... he writes with a taut
cadence that exudes conviction. Extremely
disturbing, but, for the brave, jolting and
necessary reading."
- Kirkus
"To Kill a Nation is the best explanation of the
great crime NATO committed and what it will
mean for our future. It is full of insights on the
role of US militarism and media
disinformation in the service of corporate
profits."
- Sara Flounders, editor and co-author of NATO in the Balkans
Contents
Introduction: Whom Do We Believe?
1.Hypocritical Humanitarianism
2.Third Worldization
3.Divide and Conquer
4.Slovenia: Somewhat Out of Step
5.Croatia: New Republic, Old Reactionaries
6.Bosnia: New Colonies
7.Republika Srpska: Democracy, NATO Style
8.The Other Atrocities
9.Demonizing the Serbs
10.On to Kosovo
11.The Rambouillet Ambush
12.NATO's War Crimes
13.The Genocide Hype Continues
14.Where Are All the Bodies Buried?
15.Ethnic Cleansing, KLA-NATO Style
16.Rational Destruction: Eliminating the Competition
17.Multiculturalism in Yugoslavia
18.Yugoslavia's Future: Is It Bulgaria?
19.Privatization as a Global Goal
20.The Aggression Continues
Notes
Index
Copyright © 2002 Michael Parenti. All rights reserved.
=== 2 ===
Date: Tue, 31 Dec 2002 15:57:43 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin" <vlada@...>
"THERE IS A GROWING CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE WORLD OF THE NEED TO UNITE
THE FORCES OF RESISTANCE"
Slobodan Milosevic
Slobodan Milosevic wrote a Preface to the
Yugoslav/Serbian edition of the Michael Parenti's
book TO KILL A NATION - THE ATTACK ON
YUGOSLAVIA that just appeared from the press
in Belgrade.
The book appeared as a result of the initiative and
work of a group of patriots, which included the
private publisher MEDIAGRAF, who financed the
edition. President Milosevic gladly accepted the
request of the group to write a preface.
To order a copy of the book, one should contact the
publisher:
MEDIAGRAF, Simon Simonovic (director) tel/fax
+381 11 473 338, mobile +381 63 238 880,
E-mail: solvayyu@...
English translation of the President Milosevic's
preface (full text) is given below.
PREFACE TO YUGOSLAV EDITION
I congratulate all those people who gave their
contribution to translating and publishing of the
book - TO KILL A NATION - THE ATTACK
ON YUGOSLAVIA - in our country. Its author,
Michael Parenti, is an American to whom every
true veracious inhabitant of the Planet ought to be
grateful for the great courage and ability to see and
understand the events that marked the last decade
of the twentieth century.
His fellow country man, Ernest Hemingway, wrote
in 1948 in the introduction to his novel "Farewell to
Arms" (which was, actually, published for the first
time in 1929):"..wars are created, caused and
started by the economic differences, and they are
waged by the pigs which are trying to benefit from
them".
For the killing of Yugoslavia, all media, political,
economic and military means were used.
The war against Yugoslavia was conducted on
behalf of the great powers (Vatican, Germany,
America...) because Yugoslavia stood in the way
of their interests. It stood as an obstacle to the goals
of the new world oppressors, the new colonialism.
It represented "a bad example" for all those
countries and peoples who wished to stay free and
independent, and who wish to have the
international relationship on the equality basis.
The powers which preempted the name - the
International Community, only had understanding
for those who supported them. They didn't even
want to hear for the ones who didn't share their
point of view and for the ones opposing the New
World Order.
The International Community, meritorious for the
breaking of Yugoslavia, encouragement of extreme
nationalism in all Yugoslav republics (especially in
Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina) and responsible
for the national conflicts, accused others for such
actions; the ones that stood as an obstacle to their
intentions, the ones who were the victims of these
intents - it accused Serbs for the evil which it itself
caused and performed.
This was not just the immorality of the
International Community, that is, of a certain part
of it which advocated such immorality, but it was a
crime of that certain part of the International
Community as well. In a certain way this was a
crime towards Croats and Muslims too, because
they were pushed back to the past, to irrational
nationalistic savagery. But, this crime, targeted
against Serbs, was the greatest of all crimes ever
directed towards any of the peoples in the second
half of the twentieth century in Europe.
Even the military support and involvement of
Islamist extremists bothered no one despite they
were the first Mujahideens ever appearing in the
military conflicts in the European domain till that
time. Nor was the military support of the regular
Croatian Army given to the Croatian military units
in Bosnia-Herzegovina of any interest to anyone.
It was only Serbia's material and moral help to the
Serbian population living in warring
Bosnia-Herzegovina that was causing rage and
disgust of the so-called International Community
to such extent that actions against "tyrannical and
militant" political authorities in Belgrade were
immediately taken, being in the shape of brutal
economic and all other sorts of sanctions which
were imposed to the just reorganized FR
Yugoslavia, along with the military intervention
against Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995 and
against FR Yugoslavia in 1999, in the collaboration
with the Albanian terrorists and separatists. Today
Serbs in Croatia and Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina
and Serbs in Serbia and all Serbs in general are
guilty for the crimes of which they were the
victims.
The war against Yugoslavia was and still is waged
without any moral scruples. Illegal "Court" in The
Hague is one of the means of that war and the
proof that it (the war) is still ongoing.
But the events, contrary to the intentions of the
creators of the New World Order and of The
Hague "Court", show every day that there is a
growing consciousness in the World of the need to
unite the forces of resistance to the new oppressors.
Michael Parenti is among those people who
undoubtedly gave great personal contribution to
that resistance.
The Hague, October 17, 2002
Slobodan Milosevic
Publisher's note: This text is the property of the publisher of the
Serbian edition of the book: `To kill a Nation: The Attack on
Yugoslavia' written by Michael Parenti, and the recipients by e-mail
are not allowed to make financial profit from it, by using it in web,
press or TV presentations without previous written permission of the
publisher.
© Mediagraf Belgrade 2002
1. To Kill A Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia. Presentation and
Contents
2. Slobodan Milosevic's Preface to the Yugoslav/Serbian edition of the
book
=== 1 ===
http://www.michaelparenti.org/ToKillANation.html
To Kill A Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia
For ten years, US and NATO forces have
waged a campaign to dismember Yugoslavia,
including 78 days of round-the-clock aerial
attacks in 1999 that killed or injured
upwards of six thousand people. Drawing on a
wide range of published and unpublished
material (mostly Western sources) and
observations gathered from his visit to
Yugoslavia in 1999 shortly after the bombings,
Michael Parenti challenges the mainstream
media demonization of Yugoslavia and the
Serbs, and uncovers the real goals behind
Western talk of "genocide," "ethnic cleansing,"
and "democracy."
To Kill A Nation reveals a decade-long
disinformation campaign waged by Western
leaders and NATO officials in their pursuit of
free-market "reforms." The political and
economic destabilization of Yugoslavia
continues today, Parenti shows, as does the
forced privatization and Third Worldization of
the entire region.
What they are saying about TO KILL A
NATION: The Attack on Yugoslavia:
"Parenti has written a brilliant critique of the
news reports on Yugoslavia published in the
respectable press. Each chapter provides a
detailed refutation of the propaganda myths
that justified NATO's war. This is by far the
most compelling account in print."
- James Petras, co-author of Empire or Republic?
"A fierce, elegantly constructed elegy not just
for the lives sacrificed in the Balkan wars, but
for concepts of national sovereignty and
constitutionality ... ... he writes with a taut
cadence that exudes conviction. Extremely
disturbing, but, for the brave, jolting and
necessary reading."
- Kirkus
"To Kill a Nation is the best explanation of the
great crime NATO committed and what it will
mean for our future. It is full of insights on the
role of US militarism and media
disinformation in the service of corporate
profits."
- Sara Flounders, editor and co-author of NATO in the Balkans
Contents
Introduction: Whom Do We Believe?
1.Hypocritical Humanitarianism
2.Third Worldization
3.Divide and Conquer
4.Slovenia: Somewhat Out of Step
5.Croatia: New Republic, Old Reactionaries
6.Bosnia: New Colonies
7.Republika Srpska: Democracy, NATO Style
8.The Other Atrocities
9.Demonizing the Serbs
10.On to Kosovo
11.The Rambouillet Ambush
12.NATO's War Crimes
13.The Genocide Hype Continues
14.Where Are All the Bodies Buried?
15.Ethnic Cleansing, KLA-NATO Style
16.Rational Destruction: Eliminating the Competition
17.Multiculturalism in Yugoslavia
18.Yugoslavia's Future: Is It Bulgaria?
19.Privatization as a Global Goal
20.The Aggression Continues
Notes
Index
Copyright © 2002 Michael Parenti. All rights reserved.
=== 2 ===
Date: Tue, 31 Dec 2002 15:57:43 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin" <vlada@...>
"THERE IS A GROWING CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE WORLD OF THE NEED TO UNITE
THE FORCES OF RESISTANCE"
Slobodan Milosevic
Slobodan Milosevic wrote a Preface to the
Yugoslav/Serbian edition of the Michael Parenti's
book TO KILL A NATION - THE ATTACK ON
YUGOSLAVIA that just appeared from the press
in Belgrade.
The book appeared as a result of the initiative and
work of a group of patriots, which included the
private publisher MEDIAGRAF, who financed the
edition. President Milosevic gladly accepted the
request of the group to write a preface.
To order a copy of the book, one should contact the
publisher:
MEDIAGRAF, Simon Simonovic (director) tel/fax
+381 11 473 338, mobile +381 63 238 880,
E-mail: solvayyu@...
English translation of the President Milosevic's
preface (full text) is given below.
PREFACE TO YUGOSLAV EDITION
I congratulate all those people who gave their
contribution to translating and publishing of the
book - TO KILL A NATION - THE ATTACK
ON YUGOSLAVIA - in our country. Its author,
Michael Parenti, is an American to whom every
true veracious inhabitant of the Planet ought to be
grateful for the great courage and ability to see and
understand the events that marked the last decade
of the twentieth century.
His fellow country man, Ernest Hemingway, wrote
in 1948 in the introduction to his novel "Farewell to
Arms" (which was, actually, published for the first
time in 1929):"..wars are created, caused and
started by the economic differences, and they are
waged by the pigs which are trying to benefit from
them".
For the killing of Yugoslavia, all media, political,
economic and military means were used.
The war against Yugoslavia was conducted on
behalf of the great powers (Vatican, Germany,
America...) because Yugoslavia stood in the way
of their interests. It stood as an obstacle to the goals
of the new world oppressors, the new colonialism.
It represented "a bad example" for all those
countries and peoples who wished to stay free and
independent, and who wish to have the
international relationship on the equality basis.
The powers which preempted the name - the
International Community, only had understanding
for those who supported them. They didn't even
want to hear for the ones who didn't share their
point of view and for the ones opposing the New
World Order.
The International Community, meritorious for the
breaking of Yugoslavia, encouragement of extreme
nationalism in all Yugoslav republics (especially in
Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina) and responsible
for the national conflicts, accused others for such
actions; the ones that stood as an obstacle to their
intentions, the ones who were the victims of these
intents - it accused Serbs for the evil which it itself
caused and performed.
This was not just the immorality of the
International Community, that is, of a certain part
of it which advocated such immorality, but it was a
crime of that certain part of the International
Community as well. In a certain way this was a
crime towards Croats and Muslims too, because
they were pushed back to the past, to irrational
nationalistic savagery. But, this crime, targeted
against Serbs, was the greatest of all crimes ever
directed towards any of the peoples in the second
half of the twentieth century in Europe.
Even the military support and involvement of
Islamist extremists bothered no one despite they
were the first Mujahideens ever appearing in the
military conflicts in the European domain till that
time. Nor was the military support of the regular
Croatian Army given to the Croatian military units
in Bosnia-Herzegovina of any interest to anyone.
It was only Serbia's material and moral help to the
Serbian population living in warring
Bosnia-Herzegovina that was causing rage and
disgust of the so-called International Community
to such extent that actions against "tyrannical and
militant" political authorities in Belgrade were
immediately taken, being in the shape of brutal
economic and all other sorts of sanctions which
were imposed to the just reorganized FR
Yugoslavia, along with the military intervention
against Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995 and
against FR Yugoslavia in 1999, in the collaboration
with the Albanian terrorists and separatists. Today
Serbs in Croatia and Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina
and Serbs in Serbia and all Serbs in general are
guilty for the crimes of which they were the
victims.
The war against Yugoslavia was and still is waged
without any moral scruples. Illegal "Court" in The
Hague is one of the means of that war and the
proof that it (the war) is still ongoing.
But the events, contrary to the intentions of the
creators of the New World Order and of The
Hague "Court", show every day that there is a
growing consciousness in the World of the need to
unite the forces of resistance to the new oppressors.
Michael Parenti is among those people who
undoubtedly gave great personal contribution to
that resistance.
The Hague, October 17, 2002
Slobodan Milosevic
Publisher's note: This text is the property of the publisher of the
Serbian edition of the book: `To kill a Nation: The Attack on
Yugoslavia' written by Michael Parenti, and the recipients by e-mail
are not allowed to make financial profit from it, by using it in web,
press or TV presentations without previous written permission of the
publisher.
© Mediagraf Belgrade 2002
(see original articles in english at bottom)
Nemmeno i croati sono entusiasti di entrare nella NATO
Un recentissimo sondaggio ha rivelato che piu' della meta' dei
cittadini della Croazia sono ben poco entusiasti rispetto alla
inclusione del paese nella NATO, e che almeno un 20 per cento e'
nettamente contrario. Naturalmente l'opinione dei cittadini su una
questione del genere non verra' tenuta in considerazione: se essa
rappresentera' un problema si organizzeranno campagne massmediatiche
ed iniziative di disinformazione ad hoc per imporre "democraticamente"
l'ingresso a tutti i costi della Croazia nella NATO nel 2004. (I.S.)
=== english ===
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/dp/Qcroatia-nato-eu.RnQY_CDU.html
Croatians give lukewarm support to NATO bid, poll
shows
ZAGREB, Dec 30 (AFP) - Fewer than half of Croatians
support their country's entry into NATO, which the
government would like to join in 2004, according to an
opinion poll released on Monday.
The poll, published by the daily Jutarnji List, found
43 percent of those surveyed favour joining the
Atlantic alliance while 20 percent said membership was
"undesirable."
Twenty-two percent said they did not care and the
remaining 15 percent gave no answer.
The poll also showed that 57 percent of Croatians
supported the country's membership in the EU, while 16
percent were against it.
Croatia's moderate rulers, who took over from
nationalists three years ago, have put the country's
membership in the EU and NATO at the top of their
agenda.
Croatia, which proclaimed independence from the former
Yugoslavia in 1991, joined NATO's Partnership for
Peace program in 2000. The program is seen as the
first step to joining the Alliance.
Zagreb hopes to enter NATO in 2004. It also has voiced
hope of becoming a full-fledged member of the European
Union by 2008.
http://en.rian.ru/rian/index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id
=2949095&startrow=1&date=2002-12-31&do_alert=0
Novosti
December 31, 2002
LESS THAN HALF OF CROATIANS SPOKE IN FAVOUR OF THE
COUNTRY'S ENTRY INTO NATO
BELGRADE, 31 December. /RIA Novosti correspondent
Aleksander Slabynko/. Less than half of interviewed
Croatians, 43%, spoke in favor of the country's entry
into NATO, about a quarter, 20% spoke against that and
the rest were indifferent to the intention of Croatia
to join the North Atlantic Alliance.
These were the results of the survey of 1500 Croatian
citizens published on Tuesday by "Jutarni List"
newspaper.
As far as entry into the European Union was concerned,
then the results were more optimistic: 57% of
Croatians supported the course of the government
towards entry into the European Union and only 16%
spoke against that.
Croatia is preparing to join NATO in 2004, and the
European Union in 2007-2008.
Nemmeno i croati sono entusiasti di entrare nella NATO
Un recentissimo sondaggio ha rivelato che piu' della meta' dei
cittadini della Croazia sono ben poco entusiasti rispetto alla
inclusione del paese nella NATO, e che almeno un 20 per cento e'
nettamente contrario. Naturalmente l'opinione dei cittadini su una
questione del genere non verra' tenuta in considerazione: se essa
rappresentera' un problema si organizzeranno campagne massmediatiche
ed iniziative di disinformazione ad hoc per imporre "democraticamente"
l'ingresso a tutti i costi della Croazia nella NATO nel 2004. (I.S.)
=== english ===
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/dp/Qcroatia-nato-eu.RnQY_CDU.html
Croatians give lukewarm support to NATO bid, poll
shows
ZAGREB, Dec 30 (AFP) - Fewer than half of Croatians
support their country's entry into NATO, which the
government would like to join in 2004, according to an
opinion poll released on Monday.
The poll, published by the daily Jutarnji List, found
43 percent of those surveyed favour joining the
Atlantic alliance while 20 percent said membership was
"undesirable."
Twenty-two percent said they did not care and the
remaining 15 percent gave no answer.
The poll also showed that 57 percent of Croatians
supported the country's membership in the EU, while 16
percent were against it.
Croatia's moderate rulers, who took over from
nationalists three years ago, have put the country's
membership in the EU and NATO at the top of their
agenda.
Croatia, which proclaimed independence from the former
Yugoslavia in 1991, joined NATO's Partnership for
Peace program in 2000. The program is seen as the
first step to joining the Alliance.
Zagreb hopes to enter NATO in 2004. It also has voiced
hope of becoming a full-fledged member of the European
Union by 2008.
http://en.rian.ru/rian/index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id
=2949095&startrow=1&date=2002-12-31&do_alert=0
Novosti
December 31, 2002
LESS THAN HALF OF CROATIANS SPOKE IN FAVOUR OF THE
COUNTRY'S ENTRY INTO NATO
BELGRADE, 31 December. /RIA Novosti correspondent
Aleksander Slabynko/. Less than half of interviewed
Croatians, 43%, spoke in favor of the country's entry
into NATO, about a quarter, 20% spoke against that and
the rest were indifferent to the intention of Croatia
to join the North Atlantic Alliance.
These were the results of the survey of 1500 Croatian
citizens published on Tuesday by "Jutarni List"
newspaper.
As far as entry into the European Union was concerned,
then the results were more optimistic: 57% of
Croatians supported the course of the government
towards entry into the European Union and only 16%
spoke against that.
Croatia is preparing to join NATO in 2004, and the
European Union in 2007-2008.
"Kom' obojci, kom' opanci"
Kome odgovara dogovor Hrvatske i Crne Gore, odnosno Jugoslavije?
PREVELI NAS ZEDNE PREKO PREVLAKE
Za "Oko", nedeljnik , 18. decembar 2002, pise Branko Stasic.
Protokol o privremenom rezimu na podrucju Prevlake, uz juznu granicu
Hrvatske i SRJ, kojim ovaj mali kopneni spic na ulazu u Boku Kotorsku
prestaje da bude neuralgicna tacka i postaje "primer kako treba
resavati sporna pitanja u odnosima susednih zemalja", u Hrvatskoj je
docekan euforicno, kao "nova pobeda deset godina posle Domovinskog
rata" (...)
===
Dal settimanale belgradese "Oko", 18 dicembre 2002
"A chi le pezze e a chi le ciocie"
CI HANNO FATTO ATTRAVERSARE LA PREVLAKA SENZA BERE
di Branko Stasic
A chi conviene questo accordo tra la Croazia e il Montenegro cioé
Jugoslavia?
Dopo lunghe trattative, la cui ultima fase è durata 9 mesi, la
Jugoslavia, cioé il Montenegro, e la Croazia hanno trovato la
risoluzione per il loro "ultimo contenzioso", quello del promontorio
di Prevlaka [zona marina strategica presso Cattaro, ndCNJ].
L'altra settimana (nella prima metà di dicembre) sulla linea di
frontiera, sotto una tenda appositamente allestita, è stato raggiunto
l'accordo per un regime temporaneo, firmato tra i ministri degli
Esteri della Jugoslavia e della Croazia, Goran Svilanovic e Tonino
Picula.
Si può subito dire che questa risoluzione è un (in)successo della
diplomazia montenegrina giacché la firma l'ha messa il capo della
missione jugoslava, e non montenegrina. Ma questa e' soltanto una
formalità, perché il Montenegro, malgrado di fatto indipendente, non è
uno stato, mentre la R.F. di Jugoslavia lo è. Perciò la nuova unità
statale di Serbia e Montenegro avra' in eredità anche questo
Protocollo, come anche molti altri oneri e doveri derivanti dai
precedenti accordi interstatali.
Ciò che questa soluzione definisce "regime provvisorio" è anche una
definizione formale, perché la soluzione finale concerne soltanto la
linea di frontiera marittima, e perché sia il Montenegro che la
Croazia ritengono che con nuovi dialoghi potrebbero ottenere di più.
Senza "dimostrazioni di forza"
In ogni caso, dopo 10 anni dalla fine dello scontro bellico tra
Podgorica e Belgrado da una parte e Zagabria dall'altra, cioé dalla
sconfitta del tentativo serbo-montenegrino di occupare Dubrovnik e
dintorni [sic], ritornano gli appetiti territoriali della tornata
precedente. Prevlaka di nuovo viene posta sotto giurisdizione croata,
come era nella ex Jugoslavia [socialista, nella quale pero' le
frontiere avevano esclusivamente valore amministrativo, ndCNJ].
L'altra settimana la missione ONU - MO, che era rimasta per 10 anni
sulla Prevlaka, in base alla risoluzione del Consiglio di sicurezza
779, "ha conseganto le chiavi" ai rappresentanti della Croazia, con il
che la polizia croata ha stabilito il controllo di questo piccolo
promontorio-punta all' ingresso del Golfo della Boka Kotorska, ed un
"controllo parziale", insieme alla polizia montenegrina, su di una
sottile cintura della costa interna del promontorio del "mare comune"
nel golfo.
Secondo il Protocollo, le due parti "regolano temporaneamente" le
relazioni collegate alle regole di frontiera con la demilitarizzazione
della zona, senza ingerenze doganali, come anche relativamente alle
questioni legate alla vita dei cittadini su quel territorio, che non
dovrebbero più rappresentare problemi. Sulla "temporaneità" si insiste
non solo nelle dichaiarazioni dei rappresentanti delle due parti, ma
anche nella parte iniziale del documento, dove e' scritto che le
decisioni del Protocollo e gli annessi, come anche l'applicazione
dello stesso, "in nessun modo pregiudicano la frontiera di divisione
tra i due stati". (...)
Il Protocollo obbliga la Croazia alla completa demilitarizzazione
nella fascia di 5 km dalla frontiera (con l'eccezione della strada
Poljice - Molunat) mentre per la RFJ (Montenegro), in profondità di 3
km (e di più nemmeno ne avrebbe).
La demilitarizzazione sottintende lo spostamento o distruzione di
tutte le fortificazioni (bastioni e installazioni missilistiche) come
anche il trasferimento in nuove locazioni fuori da questa zona di
tutti i sistemi militari missilistici, l'artiglieria, ecc. (...)
Le due parti alla firma del "Protocollo provvisorio" hanno affermato
con orgoglio che l'accordo è stato raggiunto "senza mediazione
straniera", ed hanno dichiarato che "è stato trovato un altro punto di
incontro e cooperazione".
Sembra però che la parte croata abbia più ragioni di essere
soddisfatta, e non lo ha nascosto. (...)
Al capo della missione jugoslava, Goran Svilanovic, mancava una vera
ragione di soddisfazione, non soltanto perché non era poi tanto
interessato in questo accomodamento, ma anche perché non poteva dire
altro che: più di questo non si sarebbe potuto ottenere. Anche in
questi accordi ha prevalso il principio della divisione della RFS di
Jugoslavia, cioé che le frontiere repubblicane (e amministrative) sono
diventate frontiere di nuovi stati. In altre parole "si è ottenuto
soltanto quello che era possibile".
Ci sono pareri, sia dalla parte montenegrina che quella croata,
secondo cui ognuna di esse poteva ottenere di più.
Il capo-missione degli esperti, il montenegrino N. Vucinic, in un
primo momento ha dichiarato che "il Montenegro forse poteva ottenere
di più", ma ha subito ammesso: "importante è che abbiamo difeso i
nostri interessi". Per i firmatari jugoslavi il più importante aspetto
sembra essere "il guadagno" sul mare. "Il regime marittimo nel golfo
delle Bocche di Cattaro nel settore di Dubrovnik è rimasto come prima
della guerra" ha dichiarato Vucinic.
Sia come sia, Podgorica in questo caso non ha ragione di lamentarsi di
Belgrado e nemmeno di lasciargli la gloria, perché tutta l'operazione
è il risultato della propria abilità.
Il presidente montenegrino M. Djukanovic alla vigilia della firma del
Protocollo ha dichiarato che "il Montenegro e la Croazia sulla
questione della Prevlaka stanno contrattando senza la mediazione di
Belgrado". In un'altra occasione ha detto: "Belgrado è qui soltanto
presente da un punto di vista giuridico e formale". (...)
Da parte croata la firma del Protocollo è stata salutata quasi
euforicamente, almeno nei media. Sicuramente i giornalisti hanno
voluto comunicare quello che i politici si astenevano dal comunicare -
e cioe' che "la Croazia ha ottenuto un'altra vittoria, 10 anni dopo la
cosiddetta guerra patriottica".
Ma nelle fila croate non tutti sono contenti. Cosi l'ex diplomatico
del periodo tudjmaniano, Davorin Rudolf, afferma che la Croazia "ha
concesso troppo" quando ha "concesso" le acque territoriali (e con
esse ha "regalato" anche parte dello spazio aereo e i fondali marini),
cioé che la frontiera provvisoria del regolamento marittimo "è
scandalosa e a discapito della Croazia". Ufficialmente però la Croazia
e la Jugoslavia ritengono di aver "fatto un grande passo nella
normalizzazione delle relazioni reciproche", come dice il capo del
Governo croato, Ivica Racan, ma anche complessivamente, come dichiara
il capo delegazione jugoslava Svilanovic.
La Jugoslavia ha riconosciuto la sovranità della Croazia sulla
Prevlaka, e tutto il resto dipenderà essenzialmente dalla buona
volontà, dagli interessi e dalle necessità del futuro.
Un po' di storia
[che ognuno "tira", a mo' di coperta, come gli conviene, N.d.t.]
Comperata ancora nel 1419; ufficialmente Zagabria non ha mai permesso
di mettere in dubbio che il promontorio della Prevlaka non
appartenesse alla Croazia. In questo ha avuto il sostegno degli
accademici. Questa posizione è stata confermata con la
scoperta nel libro "Hrvatska Prevlaka". La Repubblica di Dubrovnik
(Ragusa) "ancora nel lontano 1419 ha comperato la Prevlaka dal
feudatario bosniaco Sandalj Hranic", e di questo acquisto "il trattato
venne stipulato il 24 giugno 1419 nel luogo di Scepan Polje,
sull'odierna frontiera tra la Serbia e il Montenegro".
Prevlaka durante i secoli, come del resto tutto il litorale Adriatico,
ha cambiato proprietari: sotto Napoleone dal 1805 al 1813,
austroungarica dal 1814 al 1918, nel Regno della Jugoslavia dal 1918
al 1941, sotto l' Italia fino al 1945. Di nuovo in Jugoslavia, fino al
1991, ma la domanda è: in questa cornice, a chi apparteneva? I croati
affermano che "era sempre nella compagine di Dubrovnik", cioé della
Croazia, mentre fonti montenegrine risalgono al periodo
austroungarico, ed una di queste fonti riprende un documento secondo
cui Punta d' Ostrò, cioé Rt Ostra, amministrativamente appartiene al
comune di Castelnuovo, cioé l'odierna Hercegnovi, e questo al
distretto di Cattaro, cioé Kotor!
[Traduzione di Ivan per il CNJ.
Nota del traduttore:
Sembra come quella coperta troppo corta che ognuno cerca di tirare
dalla parte propria. La Croazia ha dovuto concedere delle frontiere
marine alla Slovenia in Istria; ora, riconosciuta "democratica" dal
governo Bush junior, essa rivendica territorio "di terra e di mare" da
un'altra parte...
"Povero popolo jugoslavo, qualunque cosa avresti fatto saresti stato
fregato". Svegliati! Solo in uno stato comune fondato sulla tolleranza
potrà ripristinarsi una pace duratura.]
Kome odgovara dogovor Hrvatske i Crne Gore, odnosno Jugoslavije?
PREVELI NAS ZEDNE PREKO PREVLAKE
Za "Oko", nedeljnik , 18. decembar 2002, pise Branko Stasic.
Protokol o privremenom rezimu na podrucju Prevlake, uz juznu granicu
Hrvatske i SRJ, kojim ovaj mali kopneni spic na ulazu u Boku Kotorsku
prestaje da bude neuralgicna tacka i postaje "primer kako treba
resavati sporna pitanja u odnosima susednih zemalja", u Hrvatskoj je
docekan euforicno, kao "nova pobeda deset godina posle Domovinskog
rata" (...)
===
Dal settimanale belgradese "Oko", 18 dicembre 2002
"A chi le pezze e a chi le ciocie"
CI HANNO FATTO ATTRAVERSARE LA PREVLAKA SENZA BERE
di Branko Stasic
A chi conviene questo accordo tra la Croazia e il Montenegro cioé
Jugoslavia?
Dopo lunghe trattative, la cui ultima fase è durata 9 mesi, la
Jugoslavia, cioé il Montenegro, e la Croazia hanno trovato la
risoluzione per il loro "ultimo contenzioso", quello del promontorio
di Prevlaka [zona marina strategica presso Cattaro, ndCNJ].
L'altra settimana (nella prima metà di dicembre) sulla linea di
frontiera, sotto una tenda appositamente allestita, è stato raggiunto
l'accordo per un regime temporaneo, firmato tra i ministri degli
Esteri della Jugoslavia e della Croazia, Goran Svilanovic e Tonino
Picula.
Si può subito dire che questa risoluzione è un (in)successo della
diplomazia montenegrina giacché la firma l'ha messa il capo della
missione jugoslava, e non montenegrina. Ma questa e' soltanto una
formalità, perché il Montenegro, malgrado di fatto indipendente, non è
uno stato, mentre la R.F. di Jugoslavia lo è. Perciò la nuova unità
statale di Serbia e Montenegro avra' in eredità anche questo
Protocollo, come anche molti altri oneri e doveri derivanti dai
precedenti accordi interstatali.
Ciò che questa soluzione definisce "regime provvisorio" è anche una
definizione formale, perché la soluzione finale concerne soltanto la
linea di frontiera marittima, e perché sia il Montenegro che la
Croazia ritengono che con nuovi dialoghi potrebbero ottenere di più.
Senza "dimostrazioni di forza"
In ogni caso, dopo 10 anni dalla fine dello scontro bellico tra
Podgorica e Belgrado da una parte e Zagabria dall'altra, cioé dalla
sconfitta del tentativo serbo-montenegrino di occupare Dubrovnik e
dintorni [sic], ritornano gli appetiti territoriali della tornata
precedente. Prevlaka di nuovo viene posta sotto giurisdizione croata,
come era nella ex Jugoslavia [socialista, nella quale pero' le
frontiere avevano esclusivamente valore amministrativo, ndCNJ].
L'altra settimana la missione ONU - MO, che era rimasta per 10 anni
sulla Prevlaka, in base alla risoluzione del Consiglio di sicurezza
779, "ha conseganto le chiavi" ai rappresentanti della Croazia, con il
che la polizia croata ha stabilito il controllo di questo piccolo
promontorio-punta all' ingresso del Golfo della Boka Kotorska, ed un
"controllo parziale", insieme alla polizia montenegrina, su di una
sottile cintura della costa interna del promontorio del "mare comune"
nel golfo.
Secondo il Protocollo, le due parti "regolano temporaneamente" le
relazioni collegate alle regole di frontiera con la demilitarizzazione
della zona, senza ingerenze doganali, come anche relativamente alle
questioni legate alla vita dei cittadini su quel territorio, che non
dovrebbero più rappresentare problemi. Sulla "temporaneità" si insiste
non solo nelle dichaiarazioni dei rappresentanti delle due parti, ma
anche nella parte iniziale del documento, dove e' scritto che le
decisioni del Protocollo e gli annessi, come anche l'applicazione
dello stesso, "in nessun modo pregiudicano la frontiera di divisione
tra i due stati". (...)
Il Protocollo obbliga la Croazia alla completa demilitarizzazione
nella fascia di 5 km dalla frontiera (con l'eccezione della strada
Poljice - Molunat) mentre per la RFJ (Montenegro), in profondità di 3
km (e di più nemmeno ne avrebbe).
La demilitarizzazione sottintende lo spostamento o distruzione di
tutte le fortificazioni (bastioni e installazioni missilistiche) come
anche il trasferimento in nuove locazioni fuori da questa zona di
tutti i sistemi militari missilistici, l'artiglieria, ecc. (...)
Le due parti alla firma del "Protocollo provvisorio" hanno affermato
con orgoglio che l'accordo è stato raggiunto "senza mediazione
straniera", ed hanno dichiarato che "è stato trovato un altro punto di
incontro e cooperazione".
Sembra però che la parte croata abbia più ragioni di essere
soddisfatta, e non lo ha nascosto. (...)
Al capo della missione jugoslava, Goran Svilanovic, mancava una vera
ragione di soddisfazione, non soltanto perché non era poi tanto
interessato in questo accomodamento, ma anche perché non poteva dire
altro che: più di questo non si sarebbe potuto ottenere. Anche in
questi accordi ha prevalso il principio della divisione della RFS di
Jugoslavia, cioé che le frontiere repubblicane (e amministrative) sono
diventate frontiere di nuovi stati. In altre parole "si è ottenuto
soltanto quello che era possibile".
Ci sono pareri, sia dalla parte montenegrina che quella croata,
secondo cui ognuna di esse poteva ottenere di più.
Il capo-missione degli esperti, il montenegrino N. Vucinic, in un
primo momento ha dichiarato che "il Montenegro forse poteva ottenere
di più", ma ha subito ammesso: "importante è che abbiamo difeso i
nostri interessi". Per i firmatari jugoslavi il più importante aspetto
sembra essere "il guadagno" sul mare. "Il regime marittimo nel golfo
delle Bocche di Cattaro nel settore di Dubrovnik è rimasto come prima
della guerra" ha dichiarato Vucinic.
Sia come sia, Podgorica in questo caso non ha ragione di lamentarsi di
Belgrado e nemmeno di lasciargli la gloria, perché tutta l'operazione
è il risultato della propria abilità.
Il presidente montenegrino M. Djukanovic alla vigilia della firma del
Protocollo ha dichiarato che "il Montenegro e la Croazia sulla
questione della Prevlaka stanno contrattando senza la mediazione di
Belgrado". In un'altra occasione ha detto: "Belgrado è qui soltanto
presente da un punto di vista giuridico e formale". (...)
Da parte croata la firma del Protocollo è stata salutata quasi
euforicamente, almeno nei media. Sicuramente i giornalisti hanno
voluto comunicare quello che i politici si astenevano dal comunicare -
e cioe' che "la Croazia ha ottenuto un'altra vittoria, 10 anni dopo la
cosiddetta guerra patriottica".
Ma nelle fila croate non tutti sono contenti. Cosi l'ex diplomatico
del periodo tudjmaniano, Davorin Rudolf, afferma che la Croazia "ha
concesso troppo" quando ha "concesso" le acque territoriali (e con
esse ha "regalato" anche parte dello spazio aereo e i fondali marini),
cioé che la frontiera provvisoria del regolamento marittimo "è
scandalosa e a discapito della Croazia". Ufficialmente però la Croazia
e la Jugoslavia ritengono di aver "fatto un grande passo nella
normalizzazione delle relazioni reciproche", come dice il capo del
Governo croato, Ivica Racan, ma anche complessivamente, come dichiara
il capo delegazione jugoslava Svilanovic.
La Jugoslavia ha riconosciuto la sovranità della Croazia sulla
Prevlaka, e tutto il resto dipenderà essenzialmente dalla buona
volontà, dagli interessi e dalle necessità del futuro.
Un po' di storia
[che ognuno "tira", a mo' di coperta, come gli conviene, N.d.t.]
Comperata ancora nel 1419; ufficialmente Zagabria non ha mai permesso
di mettere in dubbio che il promontorio della Prevlaka non
appartenesse alla Croazia. In questo ha avuto il sostegno degli
accademici. Questa posizione è stata confermata con la
scoperta nel libro "Hrvatska Prevlaka". La Repubblica di Dubrovnik
(Ragusa) "ancora nel lontano 1419 ha comperato la Prevlaka dal
feudatario bosniaco Sandalj Hranic", e di questo acquisto "il trattato
venne stipulato il 24 giugno 1419 nel luogo di Scepan Polje,
sull'odierna frontiera tra la Serbia e il Montenegro".
Prevlaka durante i secoli, come del resto tutto il litorale Adriatico,
ha cambiato proprietari: sotto Napoleone dal 1805 al 1813,
austroungarica dal 1814 al 1918, nel Regno della Jugoslavia dal 1918
al 1941, sotto l' Italia fino al 1945. Di nuovo in Jugoslavia, fino al
1991, ma la domanda è: in questa cornice, a chi apparteneva? I croati
affermano che "era sempre nella compagine di Dubrovnik", cioé della
Croazia, mentre fonti montenegrine risalgono al periodo
austroungarico, ed una di queste fonti riprende un documento secondo
cui Punta d' Ostrò, cioé Rt Ostra, amministrativamente appartiene al
comune di Castelnuovo, cioé l'odierna Hercegnovi, e questo al
distretto di Cattaro, cioé Kotor!
[Traduzione di Ivan per il CNJ.
Nota del traduttore:
Sembra come quella coperta troppo corta che ognuno cerca di tirare
dalla parte propria. La Croazia ha dovuto concedere delle frontiere
marine alla Slovenia in Istria; ora, riconosciuta "democratica" dal
governo Bush junior, essa rivendica territorio "di terra e di mare" da
un'altra parte...
"Povero popolo jugoslavo, qualunque cosa avresti fatto saresti stato
fregato". Svegliati! Solo in uno stato comune fondato sulla tolleranza
potrà ripristinarsi una pace duratura.]
QUELLI CHE AUGURANO SVENTURA PER IL 2003
«La guerra all'Iraq non comporta un problema morale.
La terza guerra mondiale è necessaria per
occidentalizzare il terzo e quarto mondo».
Gustavo Selva, An, presidente della Commissione Esteri
della Camera, 28 dicembre
«La guerra all'Iraq non comporta un problema morale.
La terza guerra mondiale è necessaria per
occidentalizzare il terzo e quarto mondo».
Gustavo Selva, An, presidente della Commissione Esteri
della Camera, 28 dicembre
Subject: Relazione viaggio a Kragujevac del dicembre 2002
Date: Mon, 30 Dec 2002 12:45:47 -0000
From: "vlaic"
RITORNO DALLA ZASTAVA DI KRAGUJEVAC
Viaggio del dicembre 2002
(resoconto di viaggio a cura di un compagno del gruppo ZASTAVA
Trieste)
Questa relazione e' suddivisa in quattro parti:
A) Cronaca del viaggio
B) Alcune informazioni generali
C) Informazioni sulla Zastava; nuovi possibili progetti di
solidarieta'; le morti "sospette' di numerosi operai.
D) Conclusioni
Cronaca del viaggio
Vi inviamo un resoconto del viaggio appena concluso alla Zastava di
Kragujevac per consegnare le adozioni a distanza, fatto dal
Coordinamento Nazionale RSU e dal Gruppo Zastava di Trieste.
Per i titolari delle nuove adozioni: stiamo procedendo ad organizzare
la spedizione delle schede relative ai bambini adottati.
Siamo partiti da Trieste venerdi' 20 dicembre alle 3 del mattino, con
un pullmino a nove posti. La delegazione era formata da 5 persone:
Alma da Firenze, Gilberto e Sergio da Trieste, Paola e Mario da Crema.
Il pullmino ci e' stato prestato (gratuitamente) da un'associazione di
solidarieta' internazionale triestina e così ci siamo dovuti accollare
le sole spese del viaggio.
Avevamo una quarantina di scatole di aiuti, alimentari, vestario e
materiale scolastico. Per gli alimentari si trattava di regali alle
famiglie jugoslave da parte delle famiglie adottanti italiane, il
vestiario era frutto di raccolte operate a Padova e Trieste, mentre il
materiale scolastico era un dono di un sottoscrittore privato.
Inoltre portavamo con noi alcune decine di costosissimi flaconi di
chemioterapici, raccolti a Trieste, per il reparto oncologico
dell'Ospedale di Kragujevac e per l'Ospedale pediatrico di Belgrado,
per un valore di 12.000 euro.
Ricordiamo che le spese di viaggio sono state direttamente sostenute
dai partecipanti, senza alcuno storno dai fondi ricevuti per le quote
di adozione a distanza da distribuire in questa occasione (come del
resto in tutti i precedenti viaggi effettuati).
Siamo arrivati a Kragujevac alle 4 del pomeriggio, senza alcun
problema durante il viaggio, se si eccettua una fitta nebbia che ci ha
accompagnato praticamente per tutto il viaggio, oltre a un freddo
intenso.
Il pomeriggio abbiamo predisposto i dettagli per l'assemblea del
giorno dopo; successivamente abbiamo visitato una famiglia in cui una
delle figlie e' colpita da una grave patologia cerebrale, e per la
quale i lavoratori della Lever di Lodi avevano fatto una
sottoscrizione staordinaria. A cena abbiamo raccolto le ultime notizie
sulla Zastava e discusso i dettagli di nuovi possibili progetti di
solidarieta' immediata.
Il mattino di sabato abbiamo distribuito le quote delle adozioni.
Erano 40, di cui 7 nuove, provenienti da lavoratori italiani che fanno
riferimento alla campagna del coordinamento RSU e di ZASTAVA Trieste.
Sono stati inoltre consegnati i fondi raccolti a Padova per far fronte
a una pesante situazione sanitaria che si e' presentata nella famiglia
di uno dei bambini adottati.
E' stata anche consegnata ad una studentessa universitaria priva di
qualsiasi reddito una quota una-tantum corrispondente ad una adozione
annuale, frutto della conversione in denaro delle spese floreali non
effettuate relativamente ad un lutto che ha colpito uno dei nostri
sottoscrittori.
Durante l'assemblea c'e' stato il solito scambio di regali tra
famiglie italiane e jugoslave e viceversa. Complici le festivita' di
fine anno, alla fine il bagagliaio del pullmino era molto simile ad
una distilleria di superalcolici.
Dopo un gustosissimo pasto a casa del vice-presidente del sindacato,
siamo partiti da Kragujevac alle 4 del pomeriggio.
A Belgrado abbiamo consegnato i chemioterapici e dopo un tranquillo
viaggio notturno siamo arrivati a Trieste alle 4 del mattino di
domenica.
I resoconti di tutti i viaggi precedenti sono reperibili su diversi
siti.
Il piu' completo e' il sito del coordinamento RSU, all'indirizzo:
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/
seguendo il link Solidarietà con i lavoratori della Jugoslavia:
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/guerra.htm
dove sono anche descritte in dettaglio tutte le iniziative in corso, e
riportati i resoconti anche di altre associazioni.
Il resoconto del viaggio di ottobre 2002 e' particolarmente ricco di
notizie sulla situazione dei lavoratori della Zastava.
Gli stessi resoconti sono presenti anche sul sito del Coordinamento
Nazionale per la Jugoslavia, all'indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
che contiene inoltre centinaia di articoli sulla situazione nei
Balcani difficilmente reperibili sulla stampa nazionale.
Alcune informazioni generali
Quello che abbiamo potuto verificare è un peggioramento continuo della
situazione materiale in cui versano le famiglie in relazione ad un
continuo inarrestabile aumento dei prezzi, soprattutto delle tariffe e
degli affitti, ma anche una tenuta della capacità di iniziativa da
parte del sindacato in difesa dei diritti dei lavoratori e per
conquistare prospettive produttive per la fabbrica.
I prezzi stanno raggiungendo livelli "occidentali" a fronte di
stipendi, quando esistono, circa dieci volte piu' bassi che in
occidente.
I dati ufficiali affermano che circa i 2/3 della popolazione serba
spende meno di 1 euro al giorno pro-capite, e che un terzo spende meno
di mezzo euro al giorno; il 60% della spesa e' per il cibo. La
disoccupazione dilaga ed interessa centinaia di migliaia di
lavoratori, su circa undici milioni e mezzo di abitanti a cui vanno
sommati circa un milione di profughi.
L'aumento vertiginoso del prezzo dell'energia elettrica ha provocato
problemi gravissimi; il riscaldamento domestico in Jugoslavia e' in
gran parte basato sull'elettricita', che prima dell'ottobre 2000
veniva considerata un bene socialmente primario e quindi erogata a
prezzi controllati; inoltre a Kragujevac era attivo il
teleriscaldamento utilizzando la centrale termica della Zastava; tale
impianto e' stato uno dei primi ad essere distrutto dai bombardamenti
del 1999.
L'aumento vertiginoso dell'elettricita' ha di fatto privato la maggior
parte della popolazione di questa fonte per il riscaldamento e
l'inverno balcanico e' decisamente freddo (sabato a mezzogiorno, a
Kragujevac con uno splendido sole il termometro segnava -7 gradi). A
Belgrado citta' sono circa 170.000 le famiglie che non possono piu'
pagare la bolletta elettrica.
A Kragujevac, durante gli inverni del 1999 e del 2000 il sindacato era
riuscito a rifornire di legna per il riscaldamento le famiglie piu'
disastrate; faceva un certo effetto vedere l'enorme piazzale di
parcheggio davanti agli stabilimenti ricoperto di cataste di legna.
Per mancanza di fondi questa operazione non e' stata ripetuta nel 2001
e neppure ovviamente per l'inverno attualmente in corso; ci si deve
rivolgere al libero mercato dove un metro cubo di legna costa
attualmente circa 30 euro. Chi scrive ha visto il sabato mattina file
lunghissime di trattori con rimorchi pieni di legna parcheggiati un
po' dovunque, sia in periferia che in centro citta'.
Questo significa anche rapido disboscamento?
Per quanto riguarda la sanita', quella pubblica, un tempo vanto della
Jugoslavia, praticamente non esiste piu' e i farmaci vanno acquistati
nelle farmacie private.
Negli ospedali, in cui manca moltissimo, si deve pagare anche la
degenza; con amarezza, la delegata dell'ufficio adozioni ci ha detto
"devi portare anche il filo per la sala operatoria".
Per quanto riguarda la scuola, una volta sostanzialmente gratuita,
sono state introdotte tasse di iscrizione che nulla hanno da invidiare
alle nostre: le tasse di iscrizione all'Universita' hanno raggiunto la
cifra di circa 1000-1500 euro/anno.
Malgrado cio' la scolarizzazione e' ancora alta; riportiamo i dati per
l'intera Repubblica Federale (escluso il Kosovo), tratti dall'ultimo
bollettino dell'Associazione ABC di Vittorio Tranquilli, edito
all'inizio di dicembre 2002.
Asili infantili: 1730 istituti per 174.621 bambini dai due ai sei
anni; Scuole di base (dai 7 ai 14 anni): 1630 per 805.554 studenti;
Scuole superiori (dai 14 ai 18 anni): 519 per 738.635 studenti
Universita' per un totale di 81 facolta' concirca 200.000 studenti.
Gli istituti scolastici sono comunque assai degradati, a causa di
dieci anni di embargo e dei numerosi bombardamenti del 1999, che hanno
colpito 420 scuole di base, 15 scuole superiori e 26 facolta'
universitarie.
Per quanto riguarda le abitazioni, il continuo aumento dei prezzi
costringe le famiglie in affitto a cercare case sempre piu' piccole,
oppure alla coabitazione, in ambienti fatiscenti, spesso privi di
riscaldamento e con servizi igienici pessimi, se non addirittura
mancanti. Le famiglie che visitiamo regolarmente abitano di norma in
case mai finite e hanno a disposizione non piu' di 40 metri quadri
suddivisi in due-tre stanze, con stufa a legna in cucina.
I fondi occidentali, che arrivano con il contagocce, sono soprattutto
impiegati per la costruzione di strade, lungo le direttrici dei
corridoi 8 e 10, a riprova del fatto che il crimine maggiore della
Jugoslavia fu quello di pretendere di conservare un sistema di
ispirazione sociale e indipendente dalle multinazionali, ma anche un
crimine "geografico" poiche' la Jugoslavia si trova nel cuore di
questi corridoi.
Si consiglia la lettura del recente articolo, lungo ed esuriente, di
Michel Collon, giornalista belga; esso e' stato tradotto in Italiano a
cura dell'Associazione SOS Jugoslavia di Torino ed e' reperibile,
suddiviso in due parti, agli indirizzi
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2163
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2164
Informazioni sulla Zastava; nuovi possibili progetti di solidarieta';
le morti "sospette" di numerosi operai.
Nella relazione del viaggio di ottobre scorso, reperibile, tra gli
altri, sul sito delle RSU all'indirizzo
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/doc/altri2002/2002_1014zastava.htm
erano contenuti cenni storici sulla citta' di Kragujevac e sulla
Zastava; erano presentate numerose ed aggiornate informazioni sulla
situazione occupazionale, salariale e sindacale dei lavoratori.
Questi dati non sono sostanzialmente cambiati negli ultimi due mesi;
rimandiamo quindi a quella relazione chi volesse una documentazione
aggiornata sulla situazione della fabbrica.
Di seguito riportiamo le nuove informazioni ottenute da colloqui con i
delegati.
Il consuntivo dell'anno 2002 ha visto la produzione di 12.000 vetture,
a fonte di una programmazione di 20.000 e ad una produzione di 220.000
in epoca precedente al bombardamento della fabbrica.
E' doveroso ricordare che il 7 novembre scorso a Firenze dovevano
essere presenti al Social Forum, in un incontro con i Sindacati
europei, anche due delegati dei lavoratori ed una dirigente del
Sindacato metalmeccanici nazionale jugoslavo, ma l'ambasciata Italiana
di Belgrado li ha convocati per la concessione dei visti lo stesso
giorno in cui dovevano parlare, malgrado i visti fossero stati
richiesti con molto anticipo dalla CGIL di Brescia. Si e' trattato
chiaramente di una manovra provocatoria per impedire ai rappresentanti
dei lavoratori di poter illustrare la situazione in una occasione
importante come il Social Forum Europeo.
Benche' non sia provato, si puo' ragionevolmente sospettare che dietro
questa negazione dei visti ci sia il bancarottiere americano Malcom
Bricklin, che due mesi fa, sulla base di un incredibile piano
industriale, ha proposto di acquistare la Zastava Automobili, con
l'ipotesi di produrre tra cinque anni 220.000 automobili e con la
previsione di venderne il 75% sul mercato americano ed europeo. Da
notare che questo fantasioso piano era stato presentato in pompa
magna, senza alcuna informazione preventiva ai Sindacati dei
lavoratori, dal Ministro dell'Economia e delle Privatizzazioni
Vlahovic, esattamente il giorno prima delle (fallite per il non
raggiungimento del quorum) elezioni presidenziali in Serbia, il 13
ottobre 2002.
Sul gia' citato bollettino di ABC e' riportato che Briklin era
presente a Kragujevac il 7 novembre scorso e che ha ribadito tutta
l'operazione, senza pero' presentare alcuna garanzia se non verbale.
L'accordo dovrebbe essere firmato entro il primo di marzo del 2003.
Durante l'incontro con i delegati sindacali si e' anche affrontato il
discorso del forno per la panificazione; sono stati finalmente
reperiti i locali dove installarlo (all'interno della mensa
aziendale); i lavori di adattamento dei locali sono previsti iniziare
nella meta' di gennaio 2003 e quindi potrebbe essere trasferito a
Kragujevac verso marzo.
Resta il problema, che sara' risolto a breve, di chi ne risultera'
intestatario.
E' stato inoltre affrontata la possibilita' di dare origine a
micro-progetti di solidarieta' legati alla vendita di prodotti di
artigianato tessile (tessitura in cotone e in lana) preparati da
gruppi di donne di Kragujevac e venduti sia direttamente dalle
associazioni interessate in Italia sia attraverso canali quali la rete
delle Botteghe del commercio equo e solidale.
E' stato inoltre discusso un problema gravissimo che sta emergendo
ora, tra mille omerta' e mille negazioni. Un numero al momento non
precisabile ma senz'altro assai significativo di operai che avevano
partecipato allo sgombero delle macerie dei reparti bombardati sono
recentemente deceduti, tutti con patologie collegate a malattie
epatiche. Numerosi altri sono ricoverati in ospedale con gli stessi
sintomi.
Le difficolta' nel reperire informazioni dirette e documentate sono
notevoli; si riesce a raccogliere qualche brandello di verita' da
alcuni medici, che pero' parlano solo se coperti da anonimato.
E' un altro fronte sul quale cercheremo di impegnarci.
Conclusioni
La situazione sindacale in Jugoslavia è ovviamente molto problematica.
Oltre alla Zastava sono centinaia le fabbriche bombardate e sono oggi
oltre 600.000 i lavoratori licenziati a causa delle bombe della NATO.
La Classe lavoratrice Jugoslava è quindi oggi in condizioni di
oggettiva debolezza e deve fare i conti con la necessità di una
ricostruzione post-bombardamenti che assume ormai una chiara
direttrice iper-liberista.
Lo Stato, governato da una coalizione di centro destra e fortemente
allettato e subordinato alle promesse di aiuto occidentali, ha
lasciato al libero mercato ogni decisione. Così i prezzi aumentano, le
scuole e la sanità diventano prestazioni disponibili solo per i più
ricchi, le fabbriche, le zone industriali sono all'asta di
profittatori occidentali che comprano tutto a prezzi bassi e ponendo
condizioni di lavoro inaccettabili.
Non possiamo e non dobbiamo lasciare soli, abbandonati e invisibili, i
lavoratori e le lavoratrici jugoslavi e le loro famiglie.
Dobbiamo intensificare i nostri sforzi affinche' giunga a loro la
nostra solidarieta' e fratellanza materiale e politica.
Date: Mon, 30 Dec 2002 12:45:47 -0000
From: "vlaic"
RITORNO DALLA ZASTAVA DI KRAGUJEVAC
Viaggio del dicembre 2002
(resoconto di viaggio a cura di un compagno del gruppo ZASTAVA
Trieste)
Questa relazione e' suddivisa in quattro parti:
A) Cronaca del viaggio
B) Alcune informazioni generali
C) Informazioni sulla Zastava; nuovi possibili progetti di
solidarieta'; le morti "sospette' di numerosi operai.
D) Conclusioni
Cronaca del viaggio
Vi inviamo un resoconto del viaggio appena concluso alla Zastava di
Kragujevac per consegnare le adozioni a distanza, fatto dal
Coordinamento Nazionale RSU e dal Gruppo Zastava di Trieste.
Per i titolari delle nuove adozioni: stiamo procedendo ad organizzare
la spedizione delle schede relative ai bambini adottati.
Siamo partiti da Trieste venerdi' 20 dicembre alle 3 del mattino, con
un pullmino a nove posti. La delegazione era formata da 5 persone:
Alma da Firenze, Gilberto e Sergio da Trieste, Paola e Mario da Crema.
Il pullmino ci e' stato prestato (gratuitamente) da un'associazione di
solidarieta' internazionale triestina e così ci siamo dovuti accollare
le sole spese del viaggio.
Avevamo una quarantina di scatole di aiuti, alimentari, vestario e
materiale scolastico. Per gli alimentari si trattava di regali alle
famiglie jugoslave da parte delle famiglie adottanti italiane, il
vestiario era frutto di raccolte operate a Padova e Trieste, mentre il
materiale scolastico era un dono di un sottoscrittore privato.
Inoltre portavamo con noi alcune decine di costosissimi flaconi di
chemioterapici, raccolti a Trieste, per il reparto oncologico
dell'Ospedale di Kragujevac e per l'Ospedale pediatrico di Belgrado,
per un valore di 12.000 euro.
Ricordiamo che le spese di viaggio sono state direttamente sostenute
dai partecipanti, senza alcuno storno dai fondi ricevuti per le quote
di adozione a distanza da distribuire in questa occasione (come del
resto in tutti i precedenti viaggi effettuati).
Siamo arrivati a Kragujevac alle 4 del pomeriggio, senza alcun
problema durante il viaggio, se si eccettua una fitta nebbia che ci ha
accompagnato praticamente per tutto il viaggio, oltre a un freddo
intenso.
Il pomeriggio abbiamo predisposto i dettagli per l'assemblea del
giorno dopo; successivamente abbiamo visitato una famiglia in cui una
delle figlie e' colpita da una grave patologia cerebrale, e per la
quale i lavoratori della Lever di Lodi avevano fatto una
sottoscrizione staordinaria. A cena abbiamo raccolto le ultime notizie
sulla Zastava e discusso i dettagli di nuovi possibili progetti di
solidarieta' immediata.
Il mattino di sabato abbiamo distribuito le quote delle adozioni.
Erano 40, di cui 7 nuove, provenienti da lavoratori italiani che fanno
riferimento alla campagna del coordinamento RSU e di ZASTAVA Trieste.
Sono stati inoltre consegnati i fondi raccolti a Padova per far fronte
a una pesante situazione sanitaria che si e' presentata nella famiglia
di uno dei bambini adottati.
E' stata anche consegnata ad una studentessa universitaria priva di
qualsiasi reddito una quota una-tantum corrispondente ad una adozione
annuale, frutto della conversione in denaro delle spese floreali non
effettuate relativamente ad un lutto che ha colpito uno dei nostri
sottoscrittori.
Durante l'assemblea c'e' stato il solito scambio di regali tra
famiglie italiane e jugoslave e viceversa. Complici le festivita' di
fine anno, alla fine il bagagliaio del pullmino era molto simile ad
una distilleria di superalcolici.
Dopo un gustosissimo pasto a casa del vice-presidente del sindacato,
siamo partiti da Kragujevac alle 4 del pomeriggio.
A Belgrado abbiamo consegnato i chemioterapici e dopo un tranquillo
viaggio notturno siamo arrivati a Trieste alle 4 del mattino di
domenica.
I resoconti di tutti i viaggi precedenti sono reperibili su diversi
siti.
Il piu' completo e' il sito del coordinamento RSU, all'indirizzo:
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/
seguendo il link Solidarietà con i lavoratori della Jugoslavia:
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/guerra.htm
dove sono anche descritte in dettaglio tutte le iniziative in corso, e
riportati i resoconti anche di altre associazioni.
Il resoconto del viaggio di ottobre 2002 e' particolarmente ricco di
notizie sulla situazione dei lavoratori della Zastava.
Gli stessi resoconti sono presenti anche sul sito del Coordinamento
Nazionale per la Jugoslavia, all'indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
che contiene inoltre centinaia di articoli sulla situazione nei
Balcani difficilmente reperibili sulla stampa nazionale.
Alcune informazioni generali
Quello che abbiamo potuto verificare è un peggioramento continuo della
situazione materiale in cui versano le famiglie in relazione ad un
continuo inarrestabile aumento dei prezzi, soprattutto delle tariffe e
degli affitti, ma anche una tenuta della capacità di iniziativa da
parte del sindacato in difesa dei diritti dei lavoratori e per
conquistare prospettive produttive per la fabbrica.
I prezzi stanno raggiungendo livelli "occidentali" a fronte di
stipendi, quando esistono, circa dieci volte piu' bassi che in
occidente.
I dati ufficiali affermano che circa i 2/3 della popolazione serba
spende meno di 1 euro al giorno pro-capite, e che un terzo spende meno
di mezzo euro al giorno; il 60% della spesa e' per il cibo. La
disoccupazione dilaga ed interessa centinaia di migliaia di
lavoratori, su circa undici milioni e mezzo di abitanti a cui vanno
sommati circa un milione di profughi.
L'aumento vertiginoso del prezzo dell'energia elettrica ha provocato
problemi gravissimi; il riscaldamento domestico in Jugoslavia e' in
gran parte basato sull'elettricita', che prima dell'ottobre 2000
veniva considerata un bene socialmente primario e quindi erogata a
prezzi controllati; inoltre a Kragujevac era attivo il
teleriscaldamento utilizzando la centrale termica della Zastava; tale
impianto e' stato uno dei primi ad essere distrutto dai bombardamenti
del 1999.
L'aumento vertiginoso dell'elettricita' ha di fatto privato la maggior
parte della popolazione di questa fonte per il riscaldamento e
l'inverno balcanico e' decisamente freddo (sabato a mezzogiorno, a
Kragujevac con uno splendido sole il termometro segnava -7 gradi). A
Belgrado citta' sono circa 170.000 le famiglie che non possono piu'
pagare la bolletta elettrica.
A Kragujevac, durante gli inverni del 1999 e del 2000 il sindacato era
riuscito a rifornire di legna per il riscaldamento le famiglie piu'
disastrate; faceva un certo effetto vedere l'enorme piazzale di
parcheggio davanti agli stabilimenti ricoperto di cataste di legna.
Per mancanza di fondi questa operazione non e' stata ripetuta nel 2001
e neppure ovviamente per l'inverno attualmente in corso; ci si deve
rivolgere al libero mercato dove un metro cubo di legna costa
attualmente circa 30 euro. Chi scrive ha visto il sabato mattina file
lunghissime di trattori con rimorchi pieni di legna parcheggiati un
po' dovunque, sia in periferia che in centro citta'.
Questo significa anche rapido disboscamento?
Per quanto riguarda la sanita', quella pubblica, un tempo vanto della
Jugoslavia, praticamente non esiste piu' e i farmaci vanno acquistati
nelle farmacie private.
Negli ospedali, in cui manca moltissimo, si deve pagare anche la
degenza; con amarezza, la delegata dell'ufficio adozioni ci ha detto
"devi portare anche il filo per la sala operatoria".
Per quanto riguarda la scuola, una volta sostanzialmente gratuita,
sono state introdotte tasse di iscrizione che nulla hanno da invidiare
alle nostre: le tasse di iscrizione all'Universita' hanno raggiunto la
cifra di circa 1000-1500 euro/anno.
Malgrado cio' la scolarizzazione e' ancora alta; riportiamo i dati per
l'intera Repubblica Federale (escluso il Kosovo), tratti dall'ultimo
bollettino dell'Associazione ABC di Vittorio Tranquilli, edito
all'inizio di dicembre 2002.
Asili infantili: 1730 istituti per 174.621 bambini dai due ai sei
anni; Scuole di base (dai 7 ai 14 anni): 1630 per 805.554 studenti;
Scuole superiori (dai 14 ai 18 anni): 519 per 738.635 studenti
Universita' per un totale di 81 facolta' concirca 200.000 studenti.
Gli istituti scolastici sono comunque assai degradati, a causa di
dieci anni di embargo e dei numerosi bombardamenti del 1999, che hanno
colpito 420 scuole di base, 15 scuole superiori e 26 facolta'
universitarie.
Per quanto riguarda le abitazioni, il continuo aumento dei prezzi
costringe le famiglie in affitto a cercare case sempre piu' piccole,
oppure alla coabitazione, in ambienti fatiscenti, spesso privi di
riscaldamento e con servizi igienici pessimi, se non addirittura
mancanti. Le famiglie che visitiamo regolarmente abitano di norma in
case mai finite e hanno a disposizione non piu' di 40 metri quadri
suddivisi in due-tre stanze, con stufa a legna in cucina.
I fondi occidentali, che arrivano con il contagocce, sono soprattutto
impiegati per la costruzione di strade, lungo le direttrici dei
corridoi 8 e 10, a riprova del fatto che il crimine maggiore della
Jugoslavia fu quello di pretendere di conservare un sistema di
ispirazione sociale e indipendente dalle multinazionali, ma anche un
crimine "geografico" poiche' la Jugoslavia si trova nel cuore di
questi corridoi.
Si consiglia la lettura del recente articolo, lungo ed esuriente, di
Michel Collon, giornalista belga; esso e' stato tradotto in Italiano a
cura dell'Associazione SOS Jugoslavia di Torino ed e' reperibile,
suddiviso in due parti, agli indirizzi
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2163
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2164
Informazioni sulla Zastava; nuovi possibili progetti di solidarieta';
le morti "sospette" di numerosi operai.
Nella relazione del viaggio di ottobre scorso, reperibile, tra gli
altri, sul sito delle RSU all'indirizzo
http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/doc/altri2002/2002_1014zastava.htm
erano contenuti cenni storici sulla citta' di Kragujevac e sulla
Zastava; erano presentate numerose ed aggiornate informazioni sulla
situazione occupazionale, salariale e sindacale dei lavoratori.
Questi dati non sono sostanzialmente cambiati negli ultimi due mesi;
rimandiamo quindi a quella relazione chi volesse una documentazione
aggiornata sulla situazione della fabbrica.
Di seguito riportiamo le nuove informazioni ottenute da colloqui con i
delegati.
Il consuntivo dell'anno 2002 ha visto la produzione di 12.000 vetture,
a fonte di una programmazione di 20.000 e ad una produzione di 220.000
in epoca precedente al bombardamento della fabbrica.
E' doveroso ricordare che il 7 novembre scorso a Firenze dovevano
essere presenti al Social Forum, in un incontro con i Sindacati
europei, anche due delegati dei lavoratori ed una dirigente del
Sindacato metalmeccanici nazionale jugoslavo, ma l'ambasciata Italiana
di Belgrado li ha convocati per la concessione dei visti lo stesso
giorno in cui dovevano parlare, malgrado i visti fossero stati
richiesti con molto anticipo dalla CGIL di Brescia. Si e' trattato
chiaramente di una manovra provocatoria per impedire ai rappresentanti
dei lavoratori di poter illustrare la situazione in una occasione
importante come il Social Forum Europeo.
Benche' non sia provato, si puo' ragionevolmente sospettare che dietro
questa negazione dei visti ci sia il bancarottiere americano Malcom
Bricklin, che due mesi fa, sulla base di un incredibile piano
industriale, ha proposto di acquistare la Zastava Automobili, con
l'ipotesi di produrre tra cinque anni 220.000 automobili e con la
previsione di venderne il 75% sul mercato americano ed europeo. Da
notare che questo fantasioso piano era stato presentato in pompa
magna, senza alcuna informazione preventiva ai Sindacati dei
lavoratori, dal Ministro dell'Economia e delle Privatizzazioni
Vlahovic, esattamente il giorno prima delle (fallite per il non
raggiungimento del quorum) elezioni presidenziali in Serbia, il 13
ottobre 2002.
Sul gia' citato bollettino di ABC e' riportato che Briklin era
presente a Kragujevac il 7 novembre scorso e che ha ribadito tutta
l'operazione, senza pero' presentare alcuna garanzia se non verbale.
L'accordo dovrebbe essere firmato entro il primo di marzo del 2003.
Durante l'incontro con i delegati sindacali si e' anche affrontato il
discorso del forno per la panificazione; sono stati finalmente
reperiti i locali dove installarlo (all'interno della mensa
aziendale); i lavori di adattamento dei locali sono previsti iniziare
nella meta' di gennaio 2003 e quindi potrebbe essere trasferito a
Kragujevac verso marzo.
Resta il problema, che sara' risolto a breve, di chi ne risultera'
intestatario.
E' stato inoltre affrontata la possibilita' di dare origine a
micro-progetti di solidarieta' legati alla vendita di prodotti di
artigianato tessile (tessitura in cotone e in lana) preparati da
gruppi di donne di Kragujevac e venduti sia direttamente dalle
associazioni interessate in Italia sia attraverso canali quali la rete
delle Botteghe del commercio equo e solidale.
E' stato inoltre discusso un problema gravissimo che sta emergendo
ora, tra mille omerta' e mille negazioni. Un numero al momento non
precisabile ma senz'altro assai significativo di operai che avevano
partecipato allo sgombero delle macerie dei reparti bombardati sono
recentemente deceduti, tutti con patologie collegate a malattie
epatiche. Numerosi altri sono ricoverati in ospedale con gli stessi
sintomi.
Le difficolta' nel reperire informazioni dirette e documentate sono
notevoli; si riesce a raccogliere qualche brandello di verita' da
alcuni medici, che pero' parlano solo se coperti da anonimato.
E' un altro fronte sul quale cercheremo di impegnarci.
Conclusioni
La situazione sindacale in Jugoslavia è ovviamente molto problematica.
Oltre alla Zastava sono centinaia le fabbriche bombardate e sono oggi
oltre 600.000 i lavoratori licenziati a causa delle bombe della NATO.
La Classe lavoratrice Jugoslava è quindi oggi in condizioni di
oggettiva debolezza e deve fare i conti con la necessità di una
ricostruzione post-bombardamenti che assume ormai una chiara
direttrice iper-liberista.
Lo Stato, governato da una coalizione di centro destra e fortemente
allettato e subordinato alle promesse di aiuto occidentali, ha
lasciato al libero mercato ogni decisione. Così i prezzi aumentano, le
scuole e la sanità diventano prestazioni disponibili solo per i più
ricchi, le fabbriche, le zone industriali sono all'asta di
profittatori occidentali che comprano tutto a prezzi bassi e ponendo
condizioni di lavoro inaccettabili.
Non possiamo e non dobbiamo lasciare soli, abbandonati e invisibili, i
lavoratori e le lavoratrici jugoslavi e le loro famiglie.
Dobbiamo intensificare i nostri sforzi affinche' giunga a loro la
nostra solidarieta' e fratellanza materiale e politica.
Subject: New Year at The Hague: President Milosevic's wishes
Date: Tue, 31 Dec 2002 02:09:50 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
COURAGE, EFFICIENCY, INITIATIVE, PERSISTENCE
and happiness for your families, were the wishes of President Slobodan
Milosevic for the New Year sent to his comrades and associates from
SLOBODA/Freedom Association.
The wishes were expressed with his always vivid and sound
spirit that gives strength and self-confidence to everyone who had
luck to get in direct contact with him.
As for our concerns, they are still and extremely big. At
present, we are in uneasy struggle with absent (due to Christmas
brake) Tribunal stuff to finally get the approval for the team of
medical specialists from the Military Medical Academy in Belgrade to
go to The Hague and make necessary medical examinations of the
President's health, after the last deterioration. The original request
for this visit was sent on November 9.
Many of those who sent their written appeals to the
Tribunal receive these days replies. The lies told in these replies
about the medical care provided to President Milosevic should be
exposed.
Pressure should also concentrate on UN High Commissioner
for Human Rights in Geneva, who should react immediately and soundly
on human rights violations within the UN system.
Weekends and long holidays are the time when we all
particularly worry. One can not forget that Dr Milan Kovacevic,
Jasenovac survivor, with known heart disease, died at The Hague in a
weekend night, after hours of agony, with no one even attempted to
help. Here are few lines from BBC News report of August 1, 1998:
"...tribunal spokesman Christian Chartier denied that the
tribunal was lax in its care or surveillance of jailed suspects. He
said it recognised the stress they were under, and said that Dr
Kovacevic had been under regular care by a heart specialist. (...)
The [defense] legal team also argued that their client
should be released because he was suffering from a life threatening
heart condition. "
Does this sound familiar?
*********************************************
RECENT INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS AND APPEALS
1. International Action Center, New York
2. German Communist Party
3. A Slovenian MP at WEU Parliamentary Assembly
4. New Worker on the London support meeting
5. Journal of the Dutch Bar Association on the process
6. CANA London
7. Reactions on a Guardian article on The Hague process
8. A Column from Antiwar.com
*********************************************
1. International Action Center, New York
Free Slobodan Milosevic!
The International Action Center demands the immediate
release of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
from detention in NATO's maximum-security prison near The
Hague in the Netherlands.
Milosevic was kidnapped and transported from his homeland
to stand trial for alleged war crimes during NATO's wars
on the Balkans. He's been representing himself since
mid-February at The Hague, where the U.S.-funded pro-NATO
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
sits.
The former president has defiantly refused to recognize
the authority of a court that was illegally
established--international war crimes tribunals can be
constituted only by treaty among nations--and is waging a
strong political and legal defense, often turning the
tables on pro-NATO prosecutors.
Milosevic, who suffers from cardiovascular illness, has
been conducting a convincing defense, but his life is
being endangered. Exhausting, all-day court sessions, and
the lack of specialized medical care, has worsened his
health, in addition to the repressive conditions of his
incarceration. The NATO prison has, in fact, already
caused the deaths of inmates through inhumane treatment
and lack of proper medical care.
Milosevic was president of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (FRY) in 1999 when that country heroically
attempted to resist the latest imperialist aggression in
the region on behalf of big business. The FRY was the
last remaining obstacle to total re-colonization of the
Balkans.
The 78-day terror bombing unleashed against the FRY
deliberately targeted not only the Yugoslav military but
also bridges, life-sustaining infrastructure and
civilians. Thousands perished in the high-tech pounding.
Whole industries, hospitals, schools and other
institutions vital to life were devastated. The Chinese
Embassy was purposely attacked, as was Radio-TV Serbia and
Novi Sad TV. All were occupied at the time.
Since 1991, when the Clinton White House and the U.S.
Congress instigated civil war in the Balkans, tens of
thousands have perished. Multi-national unity has been
ripped apart for capitalist exploitation, neo-colonial
plunder and NATO's expansion east.
The U.S.-led NATO alliance now needs scapegoats and show
trials to justify their murderous aggression on
Yugoslavia. The Hague tribunal was established to deflect
attention from the fact that Washington and its NATO
allies are the real war criminals in the Balkans--not
Slobodan Milosevic who, as the symbol of resistance, was
first demonized and then abducted to stand trial.
Ever wonder what became of the "mass graves" that NATO
used to justify the bombing of Yugoslavia and occupation
of Kosovo?
Milosevic has been forced to work under harsh conditions.
But he has still succeeded in turning the show trial into
an expose of NATO's crimes against Yugoslavia-crimes
against humanity and crimes against peace.
The International Action Center joins other organizations
and individuals worldwide in demanding in one voice that
Slobodan Milosevic be immediately released.
Solidarity and support comes from the Baghdad Conference
of May 7-9, 2002; May 17-19, 2002 European Peace Forum;
Dec. 11, 2002 Declaration of the State Duma of the Federal
Assembly of the Russian Federation; 10,000 protesters at
the Nov.19, 2002 demonstration in Belgrade, the Yugoslav
capital; doctors' organizations in Germany; and members of
the International Committee for the Defense of Slobodan
Milosevic.
Free Milosevic now! Abolish NATO!
International Action Center
December 17, 2002
*********************************************
2. German Communist Party
FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE "HAGUE TRIBUNAL" -
FOR THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
(Resolution adopted by the16th Congress of the German Communist Party
(DKP)
in Duesseldorf, December 1st, 2002)
The German Communist Party demands the immediate abolition of the
so-called "tribunal" for the former Yugoslavia.
This "tribunal" was created by an unauthorized organ - UN Security
Council, in violation of the UN Chapter. It is not a legal
institution, but the continuation of the NATO aggression, poorly
camouflaged with pseudo-juridical requisites. Its purpose is not only
to fabricate false legitimacy for the illegal NATO-war, but also to
prepare new wars. The US at the same time negates the jurisdiction of
the legally founded International Criminal Court, announcing even the
military intervention in The Netherlands if a US citizen would be
brought before the ICC, presses Yugoslavia to cooperate with the NATO
court martial and threatens to establish another ad-hoc-tribunal in
the case of Iraq.
By his sovereign appearance at The Hague, Slobodan Milosevic produced
a fiasco for the NATO prosecutor. Since the "tribunal" cannot defeat
Slobodan Milosevic by "legal" means, it tries to threaten his health
and life by inhuman court and prison conditions. We support the appeal
of German and international physicians that Slobodan Milosevic has to
be released in order to get adequate therapy in Yugoslavia by the
doctors who took care about his health for years.
After, at the beginning of the "trial" even mainstream journalists had
to draw parallels with the German fascist Reichstag-fire trial against
Georgi Dimitrov, there is media silence about The Hague process now.
The many years of media demonization of Slobodan Milosevic was part of
war propaganda.
Today, Slobodan Milosevic is the highest ranking political prisoner of
NATO and as such he deserves solidarity of all anti-imperialist
forces.
The German Communist Party supports the struggle of Slobodan Milosevic
and the Socialist Party of Serbia against the "tribunal" of NATO
criminals.
The NATO aggressors have to be put on trial, Yugoslavia needs to get
comprehensive reparations for war damages!
We demand the immediate abolition of the "Hague Tribunal" and the
immediate release of Slobodan Milosevic and of all prisoners of the
illegal "Tribunal"!
*********************************************
3. A Slovenian MP at WEU Parliamentary Assembly
Mr. Zmago Jelincic, president of the Slovenian National Party put two
unpleasant questions to the leading representatives of NATO. The
answers were without answer. But the questions become the main subject
of discussion in the couloirs during the whole session. We quote the
questions from the official transcript.
ASSEMBLY OF WESTERN EUROPEAN UNION
THE INTERIM EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE ASSEMBLY
FORTY-EIGHTH ORDINARY SESSION, Paris, 2-4 December 2002
Mr Antonio MARTINS DA CRUZ, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal,
Chairman-in-Office of the WEU Council
Mr. JELINCIC: Portugal is soon to lead the Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe, and because it is not possible to create
stability, security and peace without discovering the reality of past
events, I should like to put the following question: The medical
condition of the former Yugoslav President, Mr. Slobodan Milosevic,
has seriously deteriorated, to the degree to which it is questionable
whether he will even survive to the end of the trial in The Hague.
Given that, we must ask ourselves what is in the best interests of
truth. Will Mr. Milosevic's death contribute to a fair trial or to
the credibility of the international court? Will he still be able to
reveal information that is crucial to the truth? I think not. With his
death, the truth will be lost. Do you not think that it would be for
the best if the Assembly appealed to the international community and
competent organisations to release Mr. Milosevic, enabling him to
receive proper medical care?
Mr Guenther ALTENBURG, NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Political
Affairs, representing Lord ROBERTSON, Secretary General
Mr. JELINCIC: On the subject of the widening of the EU and NATO, we
cannot avoid the question of security in the neighbouring countries.
The current Yugoslav Government has no trust among the
people - with justification, it would seem. Violence and criminality
in Yugoslavia are increasing day by day, and the demands of the
separatist minority parties are getting more and more recognition. On
the other hand, the government is doing nothing to establish a stable
and prosperous environment. It behaves passively, and even cooperates
with those parties. Such a situation could easily lead to further
violence, such as that caused by Albanian separatists in the
recent past. Yugoslavia in its current state cannot afford to fall
into another war, but that is bound to happen if nothing is done. Due
to its inappropriate behavior, the current government has lost the
confidence of the nation that elected it. There must be new elections
to clarify the situation. Naturally, the government will not declare
elections, so it is in the hands of responsible national organisations
to call for new elections. Do you agree that Europe should demand the
clarification of the political situation in Yugoslavia through
elections?
*********************************************
4. New Worker on the London support meeting
New Worker Online
New Worker International News - 20/12/2002
Defend the life of Slobodan Milosevic!
by Elizabeth Farrell
SLOBODAN Milosevic faces a torrent of
lies and abuse in the dock of the
so-called International War Crimes
Tribunal in The Hague. This is beginning
to seriously damage the health of the
former Yugoslav President, who had
been diagnosed with a heart condition
and suffers form very high blood
pressure. He is not only fighting for
justice, he is also fighting for his
life, warned the International Committee
to Defend Slobodan Milosevic at a
meeting in London Conway Hall last week.
Paul Davidson chaired the meeting, and
speakers included Brian Denny from
the Campaign Against Euro-Federalism,
Serbian activist Stan Gasparovski and
Christopher Black, Milosevich's legal advisor.
Denny raised his concerns about the
'Corpus Durus' system that is used in
the trial, which means that the judge
is also the prosecutor. There is no
jury, and - unlike any trial in Britain
- the defendant is guilty until
proven innocent. He also mentioned the
conditions under which Milosevic is
imprisoned.
"The days in court are long, and Milosevic
is only given a sandwich and a
bad coffee for lunch. By the time he gets
back, he has missed his evening meal."
Stan Gasparovski, who had recently
been to The Hague to attend the trial,
told the meeting about that visit.
He warned us about Milosevich's health,
saying that his heart condition,
'Essential hypertension with secondary
organ damage and hypertrophy of the
left ventricle', is life threatening and
needs immediate treatment. Stan pointed
out that, so far, Milosevic has only
been allowed to see the prison GP,
and has been refused an examination by
specialists, and medical treatment.
Despite all this, he said, "Milosevic
is very determined and confident -
because he has the truth on his side."
The last speaker was Chris Black,
Milosevic's legal advisor.
He told us that Nato's main weapon was
to demonise the Serbs and destroy
Milosevic, by using propaganda to
justify their aggression against
Yugoslavia.
He also pointed out that the prosecution's
main witness, former head of
Serbia's Secret Services Rado Markovich,
spoke in favour of Milosevic
instead of against him. When he was
asked whether Milosevic had given orders
to start ethnic cleansing of Albanians
in Kosovo, Markovic replied:
"No such orders were ever given, and
no ethnic cleansing took place."
The only evidence against Milosevic,
Chris Black rightfully said, "is that
he is not guilty."
To join the struggle for justice for Milosevic, contact the
International
Committee in his defence at www.icdsm.org
*********************************************
5. Advocatenblad - Journal of the Dutch Bar Association on the process
The appointment of the Friends of the court by The Yugoslavia tribunal
countervails Mr Milosevic's right to conduct his own defense. This is
the view advocated by N.M.P. Steijnen, an attorney of Milosevic in the
"legal affairs outside the tribunal".
N.M.P. Steijnen, attorney in Zeist and member of the ICDSM.
The right to conduct one's own defense
("to defend himself in person") is a
minimum basic right (Art. 6 ECHR,
Art. 14 ICCPR; see Art. 26 ICTY Statute).
It is doubtful whether counsel can
ever be imposed. The Dutch system goes a
long way toward recognizing this right
but does not make it absolute, as is
demonstrated by the imposition of a
counsel in criminal trials in the last
instance. The European Court also allows
the legislator to impose a counsel
in some cases where the nature of the
proceedings so requires. On the other
hand, if the right to defend oneself
has been explicitly recognized in
certain kinds of proceedings (as in
the trials before the ICTY) this right
has to be respected in full. This
principle should also apply to Milosevic,
who has repeatedly emphasized that
he wants to conduct his own defense.
Objective perspective
The tribunal has now appointed three
amici curiae in Milosevic's case at the
request of the Dutch attorney Wladimiroff.
In Advocatenblad 2001-16 (21
September 2001) Wladimiroff explained
his appointment: "It seemed to me that
someone like that [amicus curiae] could
also see to the defense in
Milosevic's case, with the difference
that Milosevic is not the client. We
give the objective perspective of the
defense independently of the suspect."
(p. 621) It is of course a profound
mystery how any defense can exist
without a client. It is equally
nonsensical to say that something called
"the objective perspective of the
defense" could exist "independently of the
suspect". If it is not Wladimiroff
and his co-amici who decide what the
"objective perspective of the defense"
is, then who is it? This goes to show
that the "objective perspective of the
defense" is perfectly subjective and,
as a bonus, "independent of the suspect",
i.e. quite impervious to what the
suspect thinks about it.
Why has the ICTY decided to allow such
a construction? The motivation given
in the decision of appointment is that
it was considered "desirable" and
"important to secure a fair trial". The
tribunal could thus give the
impression of being properly concerned
about Milosevic's "fair trial". That
was of utmost importance in order to
mask what happened to the right "to
have adequate facilities for the preparation
of his defence" (Art. 6 ECHR,
Art. 14 ICCPR and Art. 21 of the ICTY Statute).
Adequate facilities
Milosevic wanted to conduct his own
defense but did not waive his right to
have adequate facilities for the preparation
of his defence. Already during
his detention in Belgrade and before
his transfer to The Hague he had at his
disposal an international team of
attorneys, ICDSM, to assist him in the
preparation of his defense. However,
the administration of the tribunal has
been systematic in its attempts to
sabotage and prevent Milosevic's
cooperation with this team.
First, the access to Milosevic was
limited as much as possible by simply
refusing to respond to a request for
admission. If, after repeated requests,
the permission for a visit was finally
granted, it was done out of
magnanimity far transcending anything
to which the tribunal was even
remotely obliged. The length of the
visit was then severely limited,
confidential contact was made impossible
and the exchange of documents was
prohibited. One often found out that
the correspondence sent to Milosevic
did not reach him. Ultimately, the
Canadian lawyer Chris Black was
completely banned by the administration
of the tribunal, because he had
relayed some statements made by
Milosevic to the Dutch press.
Finally the tribunal decided, without
any notice and without consulting
those concerned, to appoint Ramsey
Clark and Livingston as Milosevic's
"permanent legal advisers" with the
exclusive right to function in this
capacity. Clark, who is associated with
the ICDSM, was incapable of crossing
the ocean frequently simply due to his
age, whereas Livingston is unknown to
both the ICDSM and Milosevic. From the
outset it was quite clear that this
solution was completely unacceptable to
Milosevic. With this strategem the
administration of the tribunal managed
to close the door definitively to the
legal advisers who Milosevic had chosen
for himself.
I was subjected to more or less the same
treatment, but because I worked as
Milosevic's lawyer in Dutch legal
proceedings, my contact with the client
could not be completely banned. The
limited access that I was granted was
subject to the explicit restriction that
we could discuss only the Dutch
legal proceedings and every contact was
being monitored. The latter
restriction was removed only after
Milosevic authorized me to initiate legal
proceedings in the European Court of Human
Rights. Even then, the
administration of the tribunal was
willing to change its mind only when
pressured with impeding interlocutory
injunction proceedings and only after
it had reminded us that the tribunal was
not strictly speaking bound by this
Agreement, because it was not a party
to the treaty.
When the trial began, Milosevic was
also in a desperately isolated position.
He had only a fixed telephone line with
his party rank and file in Belgrade
and his two personal lawyers Tomanovic
and Ognjanovic. After repeated
complaints, the tribunal relaxed somewhat
the contacts with the Yugoslav
lawyers. This does not mean that Milosevic's
enormous handicap in comparison
to the powerful and extensive machinery
of the Prosecution has narrowed. Mil
osevic tries to make the best of his
preparation whatever it takes.
Outmanoeuvred
With the appointment of the amici curiae
all this got camouflaged. First and
foremost, the amici curiae are part of
the household of the tribunal, which
controls them, whereas the ICDSM advisers
belong to the Milosevic camp and
are beyond the tribunal's disciplinary
measures. The three amici were
granted all the rights which are normally
afforded to the chosen lawyer,
including the right to table various
"motions" and make "submissions",
perform cross-examination and further
act "in any other way designated
counsel considers appropriate in order
to secure a fair trial". The tribunal
thus has a number of pseudolawyers,
who countervail Milosevic's procedural
strategy contingent on the illegality
of the tribunal.
An example. Milosevic has repeatedly
insisted that his abduction from
Yugoslavia and his detention in
Scheveningen were illegal and he regarded
the tribunal as an illegal institution.
The Trial Chamber finally asked
Milosevic to set all this in writing.
Immediately the amici curiae also set
to work in order to express their
objections to the legality, but unlike
Milosevic, they called this paper
explicitly a "preliminary motion". This
way, they gave the tribunal the chance
to regard the papers by Milosevic and
by the amici curiae as a joint
"preliminary motion" without any distinction,
and hence as a document subject to the
rules of procedure of the tribunal.
This way, the tribunal could regard
the subsequent review as a formal
session, which could also look into the
question of habeas corpus, which is
not subject to any specific rule in the
tribunal's basic documents.
Milosevic was thus quite unaware that
it was now possible for the tribunal
to rule on the request of habeas corpus.
He was caught unprepared and was
outmanoeuvred on this point.
Munition
The statements attributed to Wladimiroff
by the Trial Chamber have again
caused Milosevic to take action against
the amici. The discharge of
Wladimiroff is not the ultimate objective,
the ultimate objective is the
discharge of all the amici. In spite of
the recent discharge, Milosevic
wants the disciplinary organs of the
Dutch law society to make a ruling on
Wladimiroff's conduct, which he expects
will provide munition against the
rest of the amici.
Endnote on the functions of Mr Steijnen
In this connection he appeared in
interlocutory injunction proceedings which
Milosevic had initiated against the
Dutch State after his transfer to and
detention in The Hague; in this
connection, he was authorized by Milosevic
to initiate proceedings in the ECHR
together with the French attorney
Vergès, the Canadian lawyer Black and others.
*********************************************
6. CANA London
To the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
24th December 2002
Dear Sirs
I refer to reports which I have received tonight that the health of
the former President of Yugoslavia, Mr Milosevic is again worsening, &
the Tribunal has done nothing, despite protests from all over the
world, to ensure that the prisoner is seen by competent specialist
physicians independent of the Tribunal & neither will the Tribunal
grant bail.
I have written to the Tribunal on previous occasions, without
receiving any acknowledgement, pointing out that the decisions of
Judge May constitute prima facie a criminal case under section 134 of
the Criminal Justice Act 1988. He is complicit in torture, & not
merely complicit but the main instrument.
I have told the Law Officers that I will be lodging as soon as
convenient an Information @ Highgate Magistrates Court with the view
to the prosecution of the said judge May.
The Information is currently being prepared but should Mr Milosevic
die I will upgrade it to a charge of murder against both Judge May &
the other judges hearing this case.
I think the behaviour of your Court is deplorable. Primary
responsibility is on the Netherlands Government for hosting your Court
& on the United Nation Security Council for refusing to engage in any
form of monitoring of their own creation. We believe an enquiry should
be instituted by the Security Council & the General Assembly into
(inter alia) the illegal financing of this Court, (the expenses of
which should be met from the normal UN budget, but @ least in part
they are met by Mr Soros. Is this not correct?)
We also blame Amnesty International, which organisation has altogether
failed in terms of protecting the interests of prisoners of
conscience. We call on AI organisations world wide to take up such an
obvious case of political persecution & to hear the concerns of so
many people about this farce of international justice, the WTE,
(Washington's Tribunal in Europe).
CANA UK believes that Mr Milosevic's life is in imminent danger, not
least because of the imminence of the pre-planned aggression on Iraq.
The American Government has taken a leaf out of the Stalinist book.
Trotsky was finally eliminated in 1940, as the German armies were
marching through France. There is no doubt in my mind that the object
of the Tribunal, now that it has not been able to find a case against
the President, is to kill him, in the most expeditious & least
publicised manner possible & also at the most opportune time.
Judge May's tenure @ the Hague, in his NATO- EU role, of supreme
torturer, as well as prosecutor, judge & in all probability
executioner, should go down in history as the most obscene
misapplication of judicial power by a British judge anywhere in the
world since Judge Jeffreys & the Bloody Assize.
British judges have built up an entirely fallacious reputation for
being fair minded, when in fact as a group, & with few exceptions,
they are invariably corrupt, as Judge May's handling of this so called
trial proves, & as do many other cases known to me.
The Law Officers consistently refuse to investigate all the numerous
instances of judicial corruption brought to their attention every
year. If they are indolent, in their refusal to grasp this nettle,
this is not surprising, when the UK judiciary as a collectivity
believe themselves to be above the law. The psycho-pathological
problems which afflict them as a caste are accentuated in the case of
Judge May as he is currently removed from the jurisdiction, (although
he remains an official of the UK Government - whatever undertakings he
may have entered into with regard to this continent so called Court,
he remains bound by judicial oath to Her Majesty).
I also paste below a copy of a letter sent to the Guardian + copy to
Geoffrey Robertson QC which highlights a deficiency in the Court as
an institution, quite apart from its procedures.
Yours Sincerely
William Spring
*********************************************
7. Reactions on a Guardian article on The Hague process
(Sent but unpublished letters to the Editor)
*****************
from Colin Meade
53 Florence Rd
London
N4 4 4DJ
Dear Sir,
In his article on the Milosevic trial (19 December), Geoffrey
Robertson QC writes as if he knows that Milosevic is the main author
of the tragic events in the former Yugoslavia. If he has this
information, he should pass it on to the Hague Prosecutors, who
clearly have no such evidence.
In his self-defence, Mr Milosevic has effectively demolished the
received wisdom about his country's fate, using arguments and facts.
He has among other things destroyed the credibility of many witnesses
claiming to be "victims of his policies". His performance should lead
rational people to question their prejudices.
As for a "fair trial", there can be no such thing without the
requirement for the parties to produce compelling and consistent
evidence and the presumption of innocence. In relation to the trial
of Milosevic, far too many responsible people seem to have forgotten
these elementary principles.
Yours faithfully
Colin Meade
*****************
To the Editor
The Guardian
Dear Sir
There is at least one colossal flaw in the logic of Geoffrey
Robertson's argument, (Guardian 19th December) favouring the standards
of supposed international justice exemplified by the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. No justice can be
justice if not applied equally to all. I am not a Yugoslav citizen.
My first concern isn't with Mr Milosevic, but with the activities of
my Government, of Blair, Cook, & Straw, for example, all of whom I
regard as war criminals.
In the case of the first two, in May 1999 I sought to press criminal
charges before Magistrates, one, for encouraging terrorism in a
foreign state contrary to section Five of the Criminal Justice Act,
and two, for conspiracy to murder & to cause explosions in the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. The Magistrates declined to issue the
proceedings citing insufficient evidence.
What I find remarkable is the Hague Court entertaining the testimony
of NATO war criminals, when in 1999 NATO didn't even have the figleaf
of a United Nations resolution to legitimise military action. How can
such a Court be just, which only hears the accusations of the victors,
themselves law breakers, & ignores the cries of the vanquished? Don't
dead or mutilated Yugoslavs, Afghans, or Palestinians, nor those
shortly to suffer in Iraq, count for anything? Don't they deserve an
advocate? If they do, it shouldn't be Mr Robertson. His view of
justice is inexorably skewed, in favour of wealth, power, & the
ruthless use of propaganda & military force by humanitarian warriors.
Yours sincerely
William Spring
CANA UK Christians Against Nato Aggression UK
1 Scales Road London N17 9HB
Telephone 0208 376 1454
*****************
re: Playing the Odds in the Justice Game
by Geoffrey Robertson QC
Dec 19, 2002--The Guardian
After reading Mr Robertson's account of his brief visit to The Hague
Tribunal one can only assume that this field trip to 'the aquarium' is
his only experience with the Milosevic trial--and that his ever being
weaned from the tit of the British mainstream media is not very
likely--if not completely beyond hope.
All his talk of fairness, even excessive judicial fairness [sic], the
moral implications of procedural niceties, such as Milosevic's
cross-examining witnesses actually ceding legitimacy to the Tribunal,
and linkages between WWII Germany and Serbia/Yugoslavia of the 90s, Dr
Seselj's Radical Party of Serbia and Fascism, and Hermann Goering and
Slobodan Milosevic, bespeak a superficial sense of recent history and
a misunderstanding of contemporary geopolitical forces so contorted by
the ignorance and expediency of the consensus reality of pop culture
as to be more befitting a lager lout than a QC.
The illegality of the foundations and procedures of the Tribunal are
of no concern to Robertson: Its birth by untimely ripping from the
desiccated womb of a gang-raped and brain dead UN-- midwifed by Mad
Albright and her seven dwarves (Clinton, Rubin, Cohen, Zimmerman,
Holbrooke, Gelbardt, and Soros); its outrageous private financing by
the chief sponsors of global terrorism: Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran,
Turkey, and the US; its total neglect of the very time-honoured
principles, i.e., presumption of innocence, the right to face one's
accusers, equal consideration before the law, that Robertson seems so
proud to represent--and not just their neglect, but the aggressive
inversion of these principles each time Richard May berates President
Milosevic for his cross-examinations and cuts off is mike, each time a
hopelessly under-rehearsed secret witness (but usually a spy, warlord
or terrorist, very well known to all in Serbia!) is fuzzed over the
tv monitors, and each time stale and thoroughly refuted media lies,
like Roy Gutman's award-winning hearsay of the Bosnian Death and Rape
Camps or of the misattributed Croatian, Bosnian Muslim and KLA
atrocities, are presented as fresh-baked . . . media lies: All of
these are beyond Robertson's considerations.
He seems concerned with "Justice" and especially "International
Justice".
And certainly he is exercised over the a priori villain Milosevic's
not turning the court's kindness, its fairness, into its weakness by
demonstrating just how this Tribunal, rather than adjudicating crimes
against humanity, actually covers up and perpetuates such crimes. He
says nothing of how the Tribunal has refused to hear of the monstrous
acts committed by its sponsors against the people of Serbia and
Yugoslavia and against the person of Slobodan Milosevic, first with
their generous application of Depleted Uranium missiles and now with
their iatrogenocidal concerns for the state of his health.
Obviously Maitre Robertson exists in some para-reality; some ethereal
world connected to the physical world that constrains the rest of us
working stiffs only by a Murdochian/Orwellian news network where the
interests served are neither those of Historical Truth nor
International Justice nor even the Reality Principle, but only those
of naked, ugly Geopolitical Power.
He seems to think that if he can stand with the strong, by parroting
their infantile, delusional myths of how things are, he will be all
right.
But I'm afraid, from start to finish, he is dead wrong.
Mick Collins
Cirque Minime/Paris
*********************************************
8. A Column from Antiwar.com
More Dirty Lies
Courtesy of The Hague Inquisition
(Nebojsa Malic)
[to be found at: http://www.antiwar.com ]
*********************************************
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
icdsm temporary address:
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/index.htm
for your donations:
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/donations.htm
Date: Tue, 31 Dec 2002 02:09:50 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
COURAGE, EFFICIENCY, INITIATIVE, PERSISTENCE
and happiness for your families, were the wishes of President Slobodan
Milosevic for the New Year sent to his comrades and associates from
SLOBODA/Freedom Association.
The wishes were expressed with his always vivid and sound
spirit that gives strength and self-confidence to everyone who had
luck to get in direct contact with him.
As for our concerns, they are still and extremely big. At
present, we are in uneasy struggle with absent (due to Christmas
brake) Tribunal stuff to finally get the approval for the team of
medical specialists from the Military Medical Academy in Belgrade to
go to The Hague and make necessary medical examinations of the
President's health, after the last deterioration. The original request
for this visit was sent on November 9.
Many of those who sent their written appeals to the
Tribunal receive these days replies. The lies told in these replies
about the medical care provided to President Milosevic should be
exposed.
Pressure should also concentrate on UN High Commissioner
for Human Rights in Geneva, who should react immediately and soundly
on human rights violations within the UN system.
Weekends and long holidays are the time when we all
particularly worry. One can not forget that Dr Milan Kovacevic,
Jasenovac survivor, with known heart disease, died at The Hague in a
weekend night, after hours of agony, with no one even attempted to
help. Here are few lines from BBC News report of August 1, 1998:
"...tribunal spokesman Christian Chartier denied that the
tribunal was lax in its care or surveillance of jailed suspects. He
said it recognised the stress they were under, and said that Dr
Kovacevic had been under regular care by a heart specialist. (...)
The [defense] legal team also argued that their client
should be released because he was suffering from a life threatening
heart condition. "
Does this sound familiar?
*********************************************
RECENT INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS AND APPEALS
1. International Action Center, New York
2. German Communist Party
3. A Slovenian MP at WEU Parliamentary Assembly
4. New Worker on the London support meeting
5. Journal of the Dutch Bar Association on the process
6. CANA London
7. Reactions on a Guardian article on The Hague process
8. A Column from Antiwar.com
*********************************************
1. International Action Center, New York
Free Slobodan Milosevic!
The International Action Center demands the immediate
release of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
from detention in NATO's maximum-security prison near The
Hague in the Netherlands.
Milosevic was kidnapped and transported from his homeland
to stand trial for alleged war crimes during NATO's wars
on the Balkans. He's been representing himself since
mid-February at The Hague, where the U.S.-funded pro-NATO
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
sits.
The former president has defiantly refused to recognize
the authority of a court that was illegally
established--international war crimes tribunals can be
constituted only by treaty among nations--and is waging a
strong political and legal defense, often turning the
tables on pro-NATO prosecutors.
Milosevic, who suffers from cardiovascular illness, has
been conducting a convincing defense, but his life is
being endangered. Exhausting, all-day court sessions, and
the lack of specialized medical care, has worsened his
health, in addition to the repressive conditions of his
incarceration. The NATO prison has, in fact, already
caused the deaths of inmates through inhumane treatment
and lack of proper medical care.
Milosevic was president of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (FRY) in 1999 when that country heroically
attempted to resist the latest imperialist aggression in
the region on behalf of big business. The FRY was the
last remaining obstacle to total re-colonization of the
Balkans.
The 78-day terror bombing unleashed against the FRY
deliberately targeted not only the Yugoslav military but
also bridges, life-sustaining infrastructure and
civilians. Thousands perished in the high-tech pounding.
Whole industries, hospitals, schools and other
institutions vital to life were devastated. The Chinese
Embassy was purposely attacked, as was Radio-TV Serbia and
Novi Sad TV. All were occupied at the time.
Since 1991, when the Clinton White House and the U.S.
Congress instigated civil war in the Balkans, tens of
thousands have perished. Multi-national unity has been
ripped apart for capitalist exploitation, neo-colonial
plunder and NATO's expansion east.
The U.S.-led NATO alliance now needs scapegoats and show
trials to justify their murderous aggression on
Yugoslavia. The Hague tribunal was established to deflect
attention from the fact that Washington and its NATO
allies are the real war criminals in the Balkans--not
Slobodan Milosevic who, as the symbol of resistance, was
first demonized and then abducted to stand trial.
Ever wonder what became of the "mass graves" that NATO
used to justify the bombing of Yugoslavia and occupation
of Kosovo?
Milosevic has been forced to work under harsh conditions.
But he has still succeeded in turning the show trial into
an expose of NATO's crimes against Yugoslavia-crimes
against humanity and crimes against peace.
The International Action Center joins other organizations
and individuals worldwide in demanding in one voice that
Slobodan Milosevic be immediately released.
Solidarity and support comes from the Baghdad Conference
of May 7-9, 2002; May 17-19, 2002 European Peace Forum;
Dec. 11, 2002 Declaration of the State Duma of the Federal
Assembly of the Russian Federation; 10,000 protesters at
the Nov.19, 2002 demonstration in Belgrade, the Yugoslav
capital; doctors' organizations in Germany; and members of
the International Committee for the Defense of Slobodan
Milosevic.
Free Milosevic now! Abolish NATO!
International Action Center
December 17, 2002
*********************************************
2. German Communist Party
FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE "HAGUE TRIBUNAL" -
FOR THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
(Resolution adopted by the16th Congress of the German Communist Party
(DKP)
in Duesseldorf, December 1st, 2002)
The German Communist Party demands the immediate abolition of the
so-called "tribunal" for the former Yugoslavia.
This "tribunal" was created by an unauthorized organ - UN Security
Council, in violation of the UN Chapter. It is not a legal
institution, but the continuation of the NATO aggression, poorly
camouflaged with pseudo-juridical requisites. Its purpose is not only
to fabricate false legitimacy for the illegal NATO-war, but also to
prepare new wars. The US at the same time negates the jurisdiction of
the legally founded International Criminal Court, announcing even the
military intervention in The Netherlands if a US citizen would be
brought before the ICC, presses Yugoslavia to cooperate with the NATO
court martial and threatens to establish another ad-hoc-tribunal in
the case of Iraq.
By his sovereign appearance at The Hague, Slobodan Milosevic produced
a fiasco for the NATO prosecutor. Since the "tribunal" cannot defeat
Slobodan Milosevic by "legal" means, it tries to threaten his health
and life by inhuman court and prison conditions. We support the appeal
of German and international physicians that Slobodan Milosevic has to
be released in order to get adequate therapy in Yugoslavia by the
doctors who took care about his health for years.
After, at the beginning of the "trial" even mainstream journalists had
to draw parallels with the German fascist Reichstag-fire trial against
Georgi Dimitrov, there is media silence about The Hague process now.
The many years of media demonization of Slobodan Milosevic was part of
war propaganda.
Today, Slobodan Milosevic is the highest ranking political prisoner of
NATO and as such he deserves solidarity of all anti-imperialist
forces.
The German Communist Party supports the struggle of Slobodan Milosevic
and the Socialist Party of Serbia against the "tribunal" of NATO
criminals.
The NATO aggressors have to be put on trial, Yugoslavia needs to get
comprehensive reparations for war damages!
We demand the immediate abolition of the "Hague Tribunal" and the
immediate release of Slobodan Milosevic and of all prisoners of the
illegal "Tribunal"!
*********************************************
3. A Slovenian MP at WEU Parliamentary Assembly
Mr. Zmago Jelincic, president of the Slovenian National Party put two
unpleasant questions to the leading representatives of NATO. The
answers were without answer. But the questions become the main subject
of discussion in the couloirs during the whole session. We quote the
questions from the official transcript.
ASSEMBLY OF WESTERN EUROPEAN UNION
THE INTERIM EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE ASSEMBLY
FORTY-EIGHTH ORDINARY SESSION, Paris, 2-4 December 2002
Mr Antonio MARTINS DA CRUZ, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal,
Chairman-in-Office of the WEU Council
Mr. JELINCIC: Portugal is soon to lead the Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe, and because it is not possible to create
stability, security and peace without discovering the reality of past
events, I should like to put the following question: The medical
condition of the former Yugoslav President, Mr. Slobodan Milosevic,
has seriously deteriorated, to the degree to which it is questionable
whether he will even survive to the end of the trial in The Hague.
Given that, we must ask ourselves what is in the best interests of
truth. Will Mr. Milosevic's death contribute to a fair trial or to
the credibility of the international court? Will he still be able to
reveal information that is crucial to the truth? I think not. With his
death, the truth will be lost. Do you not think that it would be for
the best if the Assembly appealed to the international community and
competent organisations to release Mr. Milosevic, enabling him to
receive proper medical care?
Mr Guenther ALTENBURG, NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Political
Affairs, representing Lord ROBERTSON, Secretary General
Mr. JELINCIC: On the subject of the widening of the EU and NATO, we
cannot avoid the question of security in the neighbouring countries.
The current Yugoslav Government has no trust among the
people - with justification, it would seem. Violence and criminality
in Yugoslavia are increasing day by day, and the demands of the
separatist minority parties are getting more and more recognition. On
the other hand, the government is doing nothing to establish a stable
and prosperous environment. It behaves passively, and even cooperates
with those parties. Such a situation could easily lead to further
violence, such as that caused by Albanian separatists in the
recent past. Yugoslavia in its current state cannot afford to fall
into another war, but that is bound to happen if nothing is done. Due
to its inappropriate behavior, the current government has lost the
confidence of the nation that elected it. There must be new elections
to clarify the situation. Naturally, the government will not declare
elections, so it is in the hands of responsible national organisations
to call for new elections. Do you agree that Europe should demand the
clarification of the political situation in Yugoslavia through
elections?
*********************************************
4. New Worker on the London support meeting
New Worker Online
New Worker International News - 20/12/2002
Defend the life of Slobodan Milosevic!
by Elizabeth Farrell
SLOBODAN Milosevic faces a torrent of
lies and abuse in the dock of the
so-called International War Crimes
Tribunal in The Hague. This is beginning
to seriously damage the health of the
former Yugoslav President, who had
been diagnosed with a heart condition
and suffers form very high blood
pressure. He is not only fighting for
justice, he is also fighting for his
life, warned the International Committee
to Defend Slobodan Milosevic at a
meeting in London Conway Hall last week.
Paul Davidson chaired the meeting, and
speakers included Brian Denny from
the Campaign Against Euro-Federalism,
Serbian activist Stan Gasparovski and
Christopher Black, Milosevich's legal advisor.
Denny raised his concerns about the
'Corpus Durus' system that is used in
the trial, which means that the judge
is also the prosecutor. There is no
jury, and - unlike any trial in Britain
- the defendant is guilty until
proven innocent. He also mentioned the
conditions under which Milosevic is
imprisoned.
"The days in court are long, and Milosevic
is only given a sandwich and a
bad coffee for lunch. By the time he gets
back, he has missed his evening meal."
Stan Gasparovski, who had recently
been to The Hague to attend the trial,
told the meeting about that visit.
He warned us about Milosevich's health,
saying that his heart condition,
'Essential hypertension with secondary
organ damage and hypertrophy of the
left ventricle', is life threatening and
needs immediate treatment. Stan pointed
out that, so far, Milosevic has only
been allowed to see the prison GP,
and has been refused an examination by
specialists, and medical treatment.
Despite all this, he said, "Milosevic
is very determined and confident -
because he has the truth on his side."
The last speaker was Chris Black,
Milosevic's legal advisor.
He told us that Nato's main weapon was
to demonise the Serbs and destroy
Milosevic, by using propaganda to
justify their aggression against
Yugoslavia.
He also pointed out that the prosecution's
main witness, former head of
Serbia's Secret Services Rado Markovich,
spoke in favour of Milosevic
instead of against him. When he was
asked whether Milosevic had given orders
to start ethnic cleansing of Albanians
in Kosovo, Markovic replied:
"No such orders were ever given, and
no ethnic cleansing took place."
The only evidence against Milosevic,
Chris Black rightfully said, "is that
he is not guilty."
To join the struggle for justice for Milosevic, contact the
International
Committee in his defence at www.icdsm.org
*********************************************
5. Advocatenblad - Journal of the Dutch Bar Association on the process
The appointment of the Friends of the court by The Yugoslavia tribunal
countervails Mr Milosevic's right to conduct his own defense. This is
the view advocated by N.M.P. Steijnen, an attorney of Milosevic in the
"legal affairs outside the tribunal".
N.M.P. Steijnen, attorney in Zeist and member of the ICDSM.
The right to conduct one's own defense
("to defend himself in person") is a
minimum basic right (Art. 6 ECHR,
Art. 14 ICCPR; see Art. 26 ICTY Statute).
It is doubtful whether counsel can
ever be imposed. The Dutch system goes a
long way toward recognizing this right
but does not make it absolute, as is
demonstrated by the imposition of a
counsel in criminal trials in the last
instance. The European Court also allows
the legislator to impose a counsel
in some cases where the nature of the
proceedings so requires. On the other
hand, if the right to defend oneself
has been explicitly recognized in
certain kinds of proceedings (as in
the trials before the ICTY) this right
has to be respected in full. This
principle should also apply to Milosevic,
who has repeatedly emphasized that
he wants to conduct his own defense.
Objective perspective
The tribunal has now appointed three
amici curiae in Milosevic's case at the
request of the Dutch attorney Wladimiroff.
In Advocatenblad 2001-16 (21
September 2001) Wladimiroff explained
his appointment: "It seemed to me that
someone like that [amicus curiae] could
also see to the defense in
Milosevic's case, with the difference
that Milosevic is not the client. We
give the objective perspective of the
defense independently of the suspect."
(p. 621) It is of course a profound
mystery how any defense can exist
without a client. It is equally
nonsensical to say that something called
"the objective perspective of the
defense" could exist "independently of the
suspect". If it is not Wladimiroff
and his co-amici who decide what the
"objective perspective of the defense"
is, then who is it? This goes to show
that the "objective perspective of the
defense" is perfectly subjective and,
as a bonus, "independent of the suspect",
i.e. quite impervious to what the
suspect thinks about it.
Why has the ICTY decided to allow such
a construction? The motivation given
in the decision of appointment is that
it was considered "desirable" and
"important to secure a fair trial". The
tribunal could thus give the
impression of being properly concerned
about Milosevic's "fair trial". That
was of utmost importance in order to
mask what happened to the right "to
have adequate facilities for the preparation
of his defence" (Art. 6 ECHR,
Art. 14 ICCPR and Art. 21 of the ICTY Statute).
Adequate facilities
Milosevic wanted to conduct his own
defense but did not waive his right to
have adequate facilities for the preparation
of his defence. Already during
his detention in Belgrade and before
his transfer to The Hague he had at his
disposal an international team of
attorneys, ICDSM, to assist him in the
preparation of his defense. However,
the administration of the tribunal has
been systematic in its attempts to
sabotage and prevent Milosevic's
cooperation with this team.
First, the access to Milosevic was
limited as much as possible by simply
refusing to respond to a request for
admission. If, after repeated requests,
the permission for a visit was finally
granted, it was done out of
magnanimity far transcending anything
to which the tribunal was even
remotely obliged. The length of the
visit was then severely limited,
confidential contact was made impossible
and the exchange of documents was
prohibited. One often found out that
the correspondence sent to Milosevic
did not reach him. Ultimately, the
Canadian lawyer Chris Black was
completely banned by the administration
of the tribunal, because he had
relayed some statements made by
Milosevic to the Dutch press.
Finally the tribunal decided, without
any notice and without consulting
those concerned, to appoint Ramsey
Clark and Livingston as Milosevic's
"permanent legal advisers" with the
exclusive right to function in this
capacity. Clark, who is associated with
the ICDSM, was incapable of crossing
the ocean frequently simply due to his
age, whereas Livingston is unknown to
both the ICDSM and Milosevic. From the
outset it was quite clear that this
solution was completely unacceptable to
Milosevic. With this strategem the
administration of the tribunal managed
to close the door definitively to the
legal advisers who Milosevic had chosen
for himself.
I was subjected to more or less the same
treatment, but because I worked as
Milosevic's lawyer in Dutch legal
proceedings, my contact with the client
could not be completely banned. The
limited access that I was granted was
subject to the explicit restriction that
we could discuss only the Dutch
legal proceedings and every contact was
being monitored. The latter
restriction was removed only after
Milosevic authorized me to initiate legal
proceedings in the European Court of Human
Rights. Even then, the
administration of the tribunal was
willing to change its mind only when
pressured with impeding interlocutory
injunction proceedings and only after
it had reminded us that the tribunal was
not strictly speaking bound by this
Agreement, because it was not a party
to the treaty.
When the trial began, Milosevic was
also in a desperately isolated position.
He had only a fixed telephone line with
his party rank and file in Belgrade
and his two personal lawyers Tomanovic
and Ognjanovic. After repeated
complaints, the tribunal relaxed somewhat
the contacts with the Yugoslav
lawyers. This does not mean that Milosevic's
enormous handicap in comparison
to the powerful and extensive machinery
of the Prosecution has narrowed. Mil
osevic tries to make the best of his
preparation whatever it takes.
Outmanoeuvred
With the appointment of the amici curiae
all this got camouflaged. First and
foremost, the amici curiae are part of
the household of the tribunal, which
controls them, whereas the ICDSM advisers
belong to the Milosevic camp and
are beyond the tribunal's disciplinary
measures. The three amici were
granted all the rights which are normally
afforded to the chosen lawyer,
including the right to table various
"motions" and make "submissions",
perform cross-examination and further
act "in any other way designated
counsel considers appropriate in order
to secure a fair trial". The tribunal
thus has a number of pseudolawyers,
who countervail Milosevic's procedural
strategy contingent on the illegality
of the tribunal.
An example. Milosevic has repeatedly
insisted that his abduction from
Yugoslavia and his detention in
Scheveningen were illegal and he regarded
the tribunal as an illegal institution.
The Trial Chamber finally asked
Milosevic to set all this in writing.
Immediately the amici curiae also set
to work in order to express their
objections to the legality, but unlike
Milosevic, they called this paper
explicitly a "preliminary motion". This
way, they gave the tribunal the chance
to regard the papers by Milosevic and
by the amici curiae as a joint
"preliminary motion" without any distinction,
and hence as a document subject to the
rules of procedure of the tribunal.
This way, the tribunal could regard
the subsequent review as a formal
session, which could also look into the
question of habeas corpus, which is
not subject to any specific rule in the
tribunal's basic documents.
Milosevic was thus quite unaware that
it was now possible for the tribunal
to rule on the request of habeas corpus.
He was caught unprepared and was
outmanoeuvred on this point.
Munition
The statements attributed to Wladimiroff
by the Trial Chamber have again
caused Milosevic to take action against
the amici. The discharge of
Wladimiroff is not the ultimate objective,
the ultimate objective is the
discharge of all the amici. In spite of
the recent discharge, Milosevic
wants the disciplinary organs of the
Dutch law society to make a ruling on
Wladimiroff's conduct, which he expects
will provide munition against the
rest of the amici.
Endnote on the functions of Mr Steijnen
In this connection he appeared in
interlocutory injunction proceedings which
Milosevic had initiated against the
Dutch State after his transfer to and
detention in The Hague; in this
connection, he was authorized by Milosevic
to initiate proceedings in the ECHR
together with the French attorney
Vergès, the Canadian lawyer Black and others.
*********************************************
6. CANA London
To the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
24th December 2002
Dear Sirs
I refer to reports which I have received tonight that the health of
the former President of Yugoslavia, Mr Milosevic is again worsening, &
the Tribunal has done nothing, despite protests from all over the
world, to ensure that the prisoner is seen by competent specialist
physicians independent of the Tribunal & neither will the Tribunal
grant bail.
I have written to the Tribunal on previous occasions, without
receiving any acknowledgement, pointing out that the decisions of
Judge May constitute prima facie a criminal case under section 134 of
the Criminal Justice Act 1988. He is complicit in torture, & not
merely complicit but the main instrument.
I have told the Law Officers that I will be lodging as soon as
convenient an Information @ Highgate Magistrates Court with the view
to the prosecution of the said judge May.
The Information is currently being prepared but should Mr Milosevic
die I will upgrade it to a charge of murder against both Judge May &
the other judges hearing this case.
I think the behaviour of your Court is deplorable. Primary
responsibility is on the Netherlands Government for hosting your Court
& on the United Nation Security Council for refusing to engage in any
form of monitoring of their own creation. We believe an enquiry should
be instituted by the Security Council & the General Assembly into
(inter alia) the illegal financing of this Court, (the expenses of
which should be met from the normal UN budget, but @ least in part
they are met by Mr Soros. Is this not correct?)
We also blame Amnesty International, which organisation has altogether
failed in terms of protecting the interests of prisoners of
conscience. We call on AI organisations world wide to take up such an
obvious case of political persecution & to hear the concerns of so
many people about this farce of international justice, the WTE,
(Washington's Tribunal in Europe).
CANA UK believes that Mr Milosevic's life is in imminent danger, not
least because of the imminence of the pre-planned aggression on Iraq.
The American Government has taken a leaf out of the Stalinist book.
Trotsky was finally eliminated in 1940, as the German armies were
marching through France. There is no doubt in my mind that the object
of the Tribunal, now that it has not been able to find a case against
the President, is to kill him, in the most expeditious & least
publicised manner possible & also at the most opportune time.
Judge May's tenure @ the Hague, in his NATO- EU role, of supreme
torturer, as well as prosecutor, judge & in all probability
executioner, should go down in history as the most obscene
misapplication of judicial power by a British judge anywhere in the
world since Judge Jeffreys & the Bloody Assize.
British judges have built up an entirely fallacious reputation for
being fair minded, when in fact as a group, & with few exceptions,
they are invariably corrupt, as Judge May's handling of this so called
trial proves, & as do many other cases known to me.
The Law Officers consistently refuse to investigate all the numerous
instances of judicial corruption brought to their attention every
year. If they are indolent, in their refusal to grasp this nettle,
this is not surprising, when the UK judiciary as a collectivity
believe themselves to be above the law. The psycho-pathological
problems which afflict them as a caste are accentuated in the case of
Judge May as he is currently removed from the jurisdiction, (although
he remains an official of the UK Government - whatever undertakings he
may have entered into with regard to this continent so called Court,
he remains bound by judicial oath to Her Majesty).
I also paste below a copy of a letter sent to the Guardian + copy to
Geoffrey Robertson QC which highlights a deficiency in the Court as
an institution, quite apart from its procedures.
Yours Sincerely
William Spring
*********************************************
7. Reactions on a Guardian article on The Hague process
(Sent but unpublished letters to the Editor)
*****************
from Colin Meade
53 Florence Rd
London
N4 4 4DJ
Dear Sir,
In his article on the Milosevic trial (19 December), Geoffrey
Robertson QC writes as if he knows that Milosevic is the main author
of the tragic events in the former Yugoslavia. If he has this
information, he should pass it on to the Hague Prosecutors, who
clearly have no such evidence.
In his self-defence, Mr Milosevic has effectively demolished the
received wisdom about his country's fate, using arguments and facts.
He has among other things destroyed the credibility of many witnesses
claiming to be "victims of his policies". His performance should lead
rational people to question their prejudices.
As for a "fair trial", there can be no such thing without the
requirement for the parties to produce compelling and consistent
evidence and the presumption of innocence. In relation to the trial
of Milosevic, far too many responsible people seem to have forgotten
these elementary principles.
Yours faithfully
Colin Meade
*****************
To the Editor
The Guardian
Dear Sir
There is at least one colossal flaw in the logic of Geoffrey
Robertson's argument, (Guardian 19th December) favouring the standards
of supposed international justice exemplified by the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. No justice can be
justice if not applied equally to all. I am not a Yugoslav citizen.
My first concern isn't with Mr Milosevic, but with the activities of
my Government, of Blair, Cook, & Straw, for example, all of whom I
regard as war criminals.
In the case of the first two, in May 1999 I sought to press criminal
charges before Magistrates, one, for encouraging terrorism in a
foreign state contrary to section Five of the Criminal Justice Act,
and two, for conspiracy to murder & to cause explosions in the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. The Magistrates declined to issue the
proceedings citing insufficient evidence.
What I find remarkable is the Hague Court entertaining the testimony
of NATO war criminals, when in 1999 NATO didn't even have the figleaf
of a United Nations resolution to legitimise military action. How can
such a Court be just, which only hears the accusations of the victors,
themselves law breakers, & ignores the cries of the vanquished? Don't
dead or mutilated Yugoslavs, Afghans, or Palestinians, nor those
shortly to suffer in Iraq, count for anything? Don't they deserve an
advocate? If they do, it shouldn't be Mr Robertson. His view of
justice is inexorably skewed, in favour of wealth, power, & the
ruthless use of propaganda & military force by humanitarian warriors.
Yours sincerely
William Spring
CANA UK Christians Against Nato Aggression UK
1 Scales Road London N17 9HB
Telephone 0208 376 1454
*****************
re: Playing the Odds in the Justice Game
by Geoffrey Robertson QC
Dec 19, 2002--The Guardian
After reading Mr Robertson's account of his brief visit to The Hague
Tribunal one can only assume that this field trip to 'the aquarium' is
his only experience with the Milosevic trial--and that his ever being
weaned from the tit of the British mainstream media is not very
likely--if not completely beyond hope.
All his talk of fairness, even excessive judicial fairness [sic], the
moral implications of procedural niceties, such as Milosevic's
cross-examining witnesses actually ceding legitimacy to the Tribunal,
and linkages between WWII Germany and Serbia/Yugoslavia of the 90s, Dr
Seselj's Radical Party of Serbia and Fascism, and Hermann Goering and
Slobodan Milosevic, bespeak a superficial sense of recent history and
a misunderstanding of contemporary geopolitical forces so contorted by
the ignorance and expediency of the consensus reality of pop culture
as to be more befitting a lager lout than a QC.
The illegality of the foundations and procedures of the Tribunal are
of no concern to Robertson: Its birth by untimely ripping from the
desiccated womb of a gang-raped and brain dead UN-- midwifed by Mad
Albright and her seven dwarves (Clinton, Rubin, Cohen, Zimmerman,
Holbrooke, Gelbardt, and Soros); its outrageous private financing by
the chief sponsors of global terrorism: Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran,
Turkey, and the US; its total neglect of the very time-honoured
principles, i.e., presumption of innocence, the right to face one's
accusers, equal consideration before the law, that Robertson seems so
proud to represent--and not just their neglect, but the aggressive
inversion of these principles each time Richard May berates President
Milosevic for his cross-examinations and cuts off is mike, each time a
hopelessly under-rehearsed secret witness (but usually a spy, warlord
or terrorist, very well known to all in Serbia!) is fuzzed over the
tv monitors, and each time stale and thoroughly refuted media lies,
like Roy Gutman's award-winning hearsay of the Bosnian Death and Rape
Camps or of the misattributed Croatian, Bosnian Muslim and KLA
atrocities, are presented as fresh-baked . . . media lies: All of
these are beyond Robertson's considerations.
He seems concerned with "Justice" and especially "International
Justice".
And certainly he is exercised over the a priori villain Milosevic's
not turning the court's kindness, its fairness, into its weakness by
demonstrating just how this Tribunal, rather than adjudicating crimes
against humanity, actually covers up and perpetuates such crimes. He
says nothing of how the Tribunal has refused to hear of the monstrous
acts committed by its sponsors against the people of Serbia and
Yugoslavia and against the person of Slobodan Milosevic, first with
their generous application of Depleted Uranium missiles and now with
their iatrogenocidal concerns for the state of his health.
Obviously Maitre Robertson exists in some para-reality; some ethereal
world connected to the physical world that constrains the rest of us
working stiffs only by a Murdochian/Orwellian news network where the
interests served are neither those of Historical Truth nor
International Justice nor even the Reality Principle, but only those
of naked, ugly Geopolitical Power.
He seems to think that if he can stand with the strong, by parroting
their infantile, delusional myths of how things are, he will be all
right.
But I'm afraid, from start to finish, he is dead wrong.
Mick Collins
Cirque Minime/Paris
*********************************************
8. A Column from Antiwar.com
More Dirty Lies
Courtesy of The Hague Inquisition
(Nebojsa Malic)
[to be found at: http://www.antiwar.com ]
*********************************************
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