Informazione
1) CROISADE DES FOUS avec Diana Johnstone & Jean Bricmont
2) Michel Collon et Vanessa Stojiljkovic: LE DAMNEES DU KOSOVO
3) LA RFA DANS LA GUERRE AU KOSOVO
Chronique d'une Manipulation
un noveau livre de Juergen Elsaesser
=== 1 ===
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/plakat.JPG
Dans le cadre du cycle de débats contre la guerre
Le 26 février à 18h à la SORBONNE
amphi de gestion, rue Cujas,
Les Amis du MONDEdiplomatique présentent la
« Croisade des Fous :
La Yougoslavie, l'OTAN et les fantasmes Occidentaux »
Pluto Press, London, 2002 by Diana J. www.plutobooks.com
Kosovo, Afghanistan, Irak ....et ensuite ?
Avec Diana Johnstone et Jean Bricmont
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/plakat.JPG
=== 2 ===
ATTAC PARIS 13
CALENDRIER DES EVENEMENTS A VENIR
Mercredi 26 fév. à 19h15 : réunion-débat organisée par Attac Paris 13
avec Michel Collon:
" La guerre aujourd'hui : du Kosovo (1999) à l'Iraq (2003)" ;
la réunion débutera avec la projection du film
"Les damnés du Kosovo"
(durée 78 min ; auteurs : Michel Collon et Vanessa Stojilkovic)
à la Maison des Associations du 13è, 11 rue Caillaux, 75013 Paris
(métro Maison Blanche).
=== 3 ===
From: Jürgen Elsässer
Chers Amis de la Yugoslavie,
je suis heureux de vous annoncer que mon livre est finalement traduit
en francais (les editions serbes et italiennes sont en vente deja
depuis quelques mois):
LA RFA DANS LA GUERRE AU KOSOVO
Chronique d'une Manipulation
260 p., 22 euro
(Traduction de Pauline Massy et Edouard Recezeg)
Vous pouvez commander un livre chez L'Harmattan, je pense que c'est
gratuit pour journalists:
L'Harmattan, 5-7 rue de l'Ecole-Polytechnique, F-75005 Paris, France
Tel. 01-40467922 (service de presse)
En mars, une presentation de livre est prevu a Paris.
J'espere de vous voir
...
Amicalement,
Juergen Elsaesser
Nouveaux textes en: www.juergen-elsaesser.de
---
Table des matières
Préface
L'Océania fait la guerre 5
Chapitre I
"La Rampe de Srebrenica? 11
Comment les Allemands ont participé à leur première guerre depuis 1945
Chapitre II
Les Amis de Fischer 43
Ou : Comment inventer une raison de guerre
Chapitre III
Racak : Le Silence de Mme Ranta 61
Les protocoles d'autopsie démentent la version de l'OTAN d'un massacre
commis par les Serbes
Chapitre IV
Les Magouilles de Rambouillet 75
Que s'y est-t-il passé ?
Chapitre V Wag the Dog 93
Comment Fischer et Scharping inventèrent une campagne d'expulsion
serbe : l'opération Fer à cheval
Chapitre VI
Sexe, Mensonges et Vidéos 111
Les armes-miracles de Scharping dans son combat contre la propagande
de Milosevic
Chapitre VII
Où sont les champs de morts ? 117
Propagande annonçant des centaines de milliers de Kosovars albanais
massacrés
Chapitre VIII
Charniers oubliés 143
Les "dommages collatéraux" des bombardements et le cynisme des
responsables
Chapitre IX
Prizren, Ville vidée des Serbes 157
Le mensonge d?une Bundeswehr aux mains propres
Chapitre X
Le Fascisme albanais 175
La fable de l'avenir multi-ethnique d'un Kosovo sous protectorat de
l'OTAN
Chapitre XI
Une Crédibilité appauvrie 193
La discussion à l'Ouest sur l'armement à uranium appauvri est
hypocrite et vise une conduite de guerre plus efficace
Chapitre XII
Au commencement fut le mensonge 193
Comment la justice et la politique réagissent aux preuves portant sur
la culpabilité allemande dans la guerre
Annexe 1
"La libanisation du pays" 193
Compte-rendu de la presse internationale et expertises de la situation
au Kosovo entre le début des années 70 et celui des années 90
Annexe 2
"Un traitement moins bon de la population albanophone n'a pu être
constaté" 193
Le ministère allemand des Affaires étrangères sur la situation au
Kosovo de 1990 à la fin 1997
Annexe 3
"La distinction entre les soldats de l'UCK et les civils est
difficile" 193
Le ministère allemand des Affaires étrangères à propos de l'escalade
de la violence au Kosovo à partir du printemps 1998
Annexe 4
Des montagnes de cadavres par ouï-dire 193
Une analyse de l'étude de l'OSCE As Seen, As Told sur les violations
des droits de l'homme au Kosovo
2) Michel Collon et Vanessa Stojiljkovic: LE DAMNEES DU KOSOVO
3) LA RFA DANS LA GUERRE AU KOSOVO
Chronique d'une Manipulation
un noveau livre de Juergen Elsaesser
=== 1 ===
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/plakat.JPG
Dans le cadre du cycle de débats contre la guerre
Le 26 février à 18h à la SORBONNE
amphi de gestion, rue Cujas,
Les Amis du MONDEdiplomatique présentent la
« Croisade des Fous :
La Yougoslavie, l'OTAN et les fantasmes Occidentaux »
Pluto Press, London, 2002 by Diana J. www.plutobooks.com
Kosovo, Afghanistan, Irak ....et ensuite ?
Avec Diana Johnstone et Jean Bricmont
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/plakat.JPG
=== 2 ===
ATTAC PARIS 13
CALENDRIER DES EVENEMENTS A VENIR
Mercredi 26 fév. à 19h15 : réunion-débat organisée par Attac Paris 13
avec Michel Collon:
" La guerre aujourd'hui : du Kosovo (1999) à l'Iraq (2003)" ;
la réunion débutera avec la projection du film
"Les damnés du Kosovo"
(durée 78 min ; auteurs : Michel Collon et Vanessa Stojilkovic)
à la Maison des Associations du 13è, 11 rue Caillaux, 75013 Paris
(métro Maison Blanche).
=== 3 ===
From: Jürgen Elsässer
Chers Amis de la Yugoslavie,
je suis heureux de vous annoncer que mon livre est finalement traduit
en francais (les editions serbes et italiennes sont en vente deja
depuis quelques mois):
LA RFA DANS LA GUERRE AU KOSOVO
Chronique d'une Manipulation
260 p., 22 euro
(Traduction de Pauline Massy et Edouard Recezeg)
Vous pouvez commander un livre chez L'Harmattan, je pense que c'est
gratuit pour journalists:
L'Harmattan, 5-7 rue de l'Ecole-Polytechnique, F-75005 Paris, France
Tel. 01-40467922 (service de presse)
En mars, une presentation de livre est prevu a Paris.
J'espere de vous voir
...
Amicalement,
Juergen Elsaesser
Nouveaux textes en: www.juergen-elsaesser.de
---
Table des matières
Préface
L'Océania fait la guerre 5
Chapitre I
"La Rampe de Srebrenica? 11
Comment les Allemands ont participé à leur première guerre depuis 1945
Chapitre II
Les Amis de Fischer 43
Ou : Comment inventer une raison de guerre
Chapitre III
Racak : Le Silence de Mme Ranta 61
Les protocoles d'autopsie démentent la version de l'OTAN d'un massacre
commis par les Serbes
Chapitre IV
Les Magouilles de Rambouillet 75
Que s'y est-t-il passé ?
Chapitre V Wag the Dog 93
Comment Fischer et Scharping inventèrent une campagne d'expulsion
serbe : l'opération Fer à cheval
Chapitre VI
Sexe, Mensonges et Vidéos 111
Les armes-miracles de Scharping dans son combat contre la propagande
de Milosevic
Chapitre VII
Où sont les champs de morts ? 117
Propagande annonçant des centaines de milliers de Kosovars albanais
massacrés
Chapitre VIII
Charniers oubliés 143
Les "dommages collatéraux" des bombardements et le cynisme des
responsables
Chapitre IX
Prizren, Ville vidée des Serbes 157
Le mensonge d?une Bundeswehr aux mains propres
Chapitre X
Le Fascisme albanais 175
La fable de l'avenir multi-ethnique d'un Kosovo sous protectorat de
l'OTAN
Chapitre XI
Une Crédibilité appauvrie 193
La discussion à l'Ouest sur l'armement à uranium appauvri est
hypocrite et vise une conduite de guerre plus efficace
Chapitre XII
Au commencement fut le mensonge 193
Comment la justice et la politique réagissent aux preuves portant sur
la culpabilité allemande dans la guerre
Annexe 1
"La libanisation du pays" 193
Compte-rendu de la presse internationale et expertises de la situation
au Kosovo entre le début des années 70 et celui des années 90
Annexe 2
"Un traitement moins bon de la population albanophone n'a pu être
constaté" 193
Le ministère allemand des Affaires étrangères sur la situation au
Kosovo de 1990 à la fin 1997
Annexe 3
"La distinction entre les soldats de l'UCK et les civils est
difficile" 193
Le ministère allemand des Affaires étrangères à propos de l'escalade
de la violence au Kosovo à partir du printemps 1998
Annexe 4
Des montagnes de cadavres par ouï-dire 193
Une analyse de l'étude de l'OSCE As Seen, As Told sur les violations
des droits de l'homme au Kosovo
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:23 januar 2003. g.
Beogradski forum: Ne rat protiv Iraka
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Broj 10/2003
Beograd, 22. januara 2003. godine
Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih sa dubokom
zabrinutos?u prati pripreme oru?anog napada SAD i Velike
Britanije protiv Iraka. Gomilanje ogromnih vojnih snaga i
naoru?anja na granicama Iraka i u regionu Bliskog Istoka odvija
se pred o?ima svetske javnosti uz grubo krsenje Povelje UN
koja zabranjuje pretnju i upotrebu sile i nala?e mirno resavanje
svih problema.
Potvrdjuje se da ameri?ka administracija nije zainteresovana za
istinu ve? za uspostavljanje svoje kontrole nad najbogatijim
nalazistima nafte i gasa u svetu. Ako bilo koja zemlja na svetu
poseduje oru?je za masovno unistavanje, onda su to SAD na
prvom mestu. Rat protiv Iraka ?ele upravo da iskoriste za
isprobavanje novih oru?ja za masovno unistavanje.
Dok ogromna ve?ina zemalja u svetu, uklju?uju?i i sve Arapske,
tra?e da se sva pitanja sa Irakom rese mirnim, diplomatskim
putem, u duhu Povelje UN, amari?ka administracija upravo
insistira na ratnoj opciji, ?ak i mimo saglasnosti Saveta
Bezbednosti.
Ira?ki narod, koji pla?a te?ak danak dugogodisnjih sankcija i
gotovo svakodnevnog ameri?ko-britanskog bombardovanja,
sada ?ivi u permanentnom strahu od najavljenog totalnog rata.
Beogradski forum pridru?uje se i podr??ava medjunarodne
proteste u Evropi i svetu protiv oru?anog napada na Irak.
Forum poziva sve organizacije, institucije civilnog drustva,
javnost i pojedince kojima je stalo do mira i postovanja
medjunarodnog prava da se pridru?e protestima u Evropi i
svetu protiv agresije na Irak i zatra?e mirno resavanje svih
pitanja politi?kim, diplomatskim putem, u skladu sa Poveljom
UN.
Nasa javnost ima pravo i moralnu obavezu da se jasno opredeli
protiv rata, jer su gradjani nase zemlje bili direktna ?rtva
agresije NATO pakta i na svojoj ko?i osetili trajne pogubne
posledice politike sile i krsenja Povelje UN.
Beogradski forum poziva jugoslovenske vlasti da ne dozvole
koris?enje jugoslovenske teritorije, pomorskih luka i vazdusnog
prostora za pripreme ili bilo koje vojne akcije protiv Iraka, jer
bi to zna?ilo uvodjenje zemlje u rat protiv prijateljskog naroda i
dr?ave.
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
11000 Beograd, Misarska 6/II, Jugoslavija
Tel/Fax: (*381 11) 3245601
www.belgrade-forum.org
office@...
Datum:23 januar 2003. g.
Beogradski forum: Ne rat protiv Iraka
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Broj 10/2003
Beograd, 22. januara 2003. godine
Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih sa dubokom
zabrinutos?u prati pripreme oru?anog napada SAD i Velike
Britanije protiv Iraka. Gomilanje ogromnih vojnih snaga i
naoru?anja na granicama Iraka i u regionu Bliskog Istoka odvija
se pred o?ima svetske javnosti uz grubo krsenje Povelje UN
koja zabranjuje pretnju i upotrebu sile i nala?e mirno resavanje
svih problema.
Potvrdjuje se da ameri?ka administracija nije zainteresovana za
istinu ve? za uspostavljanje svoje kontrole nad najbogatijim
nalazistima nafte i gasa u svetu. Ako bilo koja zemlja na svetu
poseduje oru?je za masovno unistavanje, onda su to SAD na
prvom mestu. Rat protiv Iraka ?ele upravo da iskoriste za
isprobavanje novih oru?ja za masovno unistavanje.
Dok ogromna ve?ina zemalja u svetu, uklju?uju?i i sve Arapske,
tra?e da se sva pitanja sa Irakom rese mirnim, diplomatskim
putem, u duhu Povelje UN, amari?ka administracija upravo
insistira na ratnoj opciji, ?ak i mimo saglasnosti Saveta
Bezbednosti.
Ira?ki narod, koji pla?a te?ak danak dugogodisnjih sankcija i
gotovo svakodnevnog ameri?ko-britanskog bombardovanja,
sada ?ivi u permanentnom strahu od najavljenog totalnog rata.
Beogradski forum pridru?uje se i podr??ava medjunarodne
proteste u Evropi i svetu protiv oru?anog napada na Irak.
Forum poziva sve organizacije, institucije civilnog drustva,
javnost i pojedince kojima je stalo do mira i postovanja
medjunarodnog prava da se pridru?e protestima u Evropi i
svetu protiv agresije na Irak i zatra?e mirno resavanje svih
pitanja politi?kim, diplomatskim putem, u skladu sa Poveljom
UN.
Nasa javnost ima pravo i moralnu obavezu da se jasno opredeli
protiv rata, jer su gradjani nase zemlje bili direktna ?rtva
agresije NATO pakta i na svojoj ko?i osetili trajne pogubne
posledice politike sile i krsenja Povelje UN.
Beogradski forum poziva jugoslovenske vlasti da ne dozvole
koris?enje jugoslovenske teritorije, pomorskih luka i vazdusnog
prostora za pripreme ili bilo koje vojne akcije protiv Iraka, jer
bi to zna?ilo uvodjenje zemlje u rat protiv prijateljskog naroda i
dr?ave.
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
11000 Beograd, Misarska 6/II, Jugoslavija
Tel/Fax: (*381 11) 3245601
www.belgrade-forum.org
-----Messaggio originale-----
Da: bellone
Inviato: lunedì 10 febbraio 2003 17.28
A: rai-tv@...
Alla Redazione di RAI 1
p.c. La Repubblica, La Stampa, Radio Iran, Radio Cuba, Luna Nuova,
Dialogo in Valle, La voce del Gamadi, L'incontro, Liberazione, ANPI,
ANPPIA, L'antifascista, Les amis de Robespierre, Libero Pensiero
Giordano Bruno, sindacato jugoslavo, Giorgio Bocca, Eugenio Scalari,
Politecnico di Torino
Con grande dispiacere ho ascoltato la notizia da voi trasmessa oggi 10
febbraio 2003 al TG delle ore 13:30, riguardo la questione dei
"profughi" italiani, dopo la seconda guerra mondiale, dalle isole
jugoslave (oggi croate). Avete descritto il fatto come un "mini"
olocausto. Ricordo che gli Italiani hanno avuto la possibilità di
scegliere se stare in Jugoslavia o tornare in Italia, non sono stati
né massacrati, né giustiziati, né tantomeno allontanati, né con le
buone, né con le cattive. Quanto avete riferito è pertanto falso e
offende chi ha combattuto il fascismo che, come è noto alle persone
sincere e documentate, ha contribuito in maniera sostanziale allo
sterminio del popolo jugoslavo, innalzando ben 200, dico duecento,
campi di concentramento, dove donne e bambini (gli uomini venivano
subito uccisi davanti ai loro figli e alle loro mogli) morivano
perfino di sete.
Come figlio di un noto comandante partigiano della Valle di Susa e
responsabile del sabotaggio e controsabotaggio in Piemonte e nipote di
Virgilio, giornalista e direttore didattico allontanato
dall'insegnamento per "scarso adattamento al fascismo", come membro
dell'ANPPIA, protesto per queste menzogne vergognose, probabilmente
suggerite per far piacere al ministro Tremaglia, noto fascista, che
certamente non si è mai vergognato dei campi di sterminio.
Allego alcune lettere che potrebbero farvi riflettere.
Distinti saluti
Boris Bellone
Via Carli 74 (via intitolata a Carlo Carli comandante partigiano
massacrato dai fascisti. Il suo aguzzino fu assolto perché "l'omicidio
non fu particolarmente efferato, ma solo efferato! I partigiani
accettarono comunque la sentenza, furono democratici come i partigiani
di Tito! Le menzogne che ho ascoltato alla RAI fanno ancora più orrore
adesso)
10050 S. Giorio di Susa
Da: bellone
Inviato: lunedì 10 febbraio 2003 17.28
A: rai-tv@...
Alla Redazione di RAI 1
p.c. La Repubblica, La Stampa, Radio Iran, Radio Cuba, Luna Nuova,
Dialogo in Valle, La voce del Gamadi, L'incontro, Liberazione, ANPI,
ANPPIA, L'antifascista, Les amis de Robespierre, Libero Pensiero
Giordano Bruno, sindacato jugoslavo, Giorgio Bocca, Eugenio Scalari,
Politecnico di Torino
Con grande dispiacere ho ascoltato la notizia da voi trasmessa oggi 10
febbraio 2003 al TG delle ore 13:30, riguardo la questione dei
"profughi" italiani, dopo la seconda guerra mondiale, dalle isole
jugoslave (oggi croate). Avete descritto il fatto come un "mini"
olocausto. Ricordo che gli Italiani hanno avuto la possibilità di
scegliere se stare in Jugoslavia o tornare in Italia, non sono stati
né massacrati, né giustiziati, né tantomeno allontanati, né con le
buone, né con le cattive. Quanto avete riferito è pertanto falso e
offende chi ha combattuto il fascismo che, come è noto alle persone
sincere e documentate, ha contribuito in maniera sostanziale allo
sterminio del popolo jugoslavo, innalzando ben 200, dico duecento,
campi di concentramento, dove donne e bambini (gli uomini venivano
subito uccisi davanti ai loro figli e alle loro mogli) morivano
perfino di sete.
Come figlio di un noto comandante partigiano della Valle di Susa e
responsabile del sabotaggio e controsabotaggio in Piemonte e nipote di
Virgilio, giornalista e direttore didattico allontanato
dall'insegnamento per "scarso adattamento al fascismo", come membro
dell'ANPPIA, protesto per queste menzogne vergognose, probabilmente
suggerite per far piacere al ministro Tremaglia, noto fascista, che
certamente non si è mai vergognato dei campi di sterminio.
Allego alcune lettere che potrebbero farvi riflettere.
Distinti saluti
Boris Bellone
Via Carli 74 (via intitolata a Carlo Carli comandante partigiano
massacrato dai fascisti. Il suo aguzzino fu assolto perché "l'omicidio
non fu particolarmente efferato, ma solo efferato! I partigiani
accettarono comunque la sentenza, furono democratici come i partigiani
di Tito! Le menzogne che ho ascoltato alla RAI fanno ancora più orrore
adesso)
10050 S. Giorio di Susa
http://www.observer.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4601418,00.html
Observer Worldview Extra
Iraq after Saddam - the next Yugoslavia?
Online commentary: Will the model for
post-Saddam Iraq be post-war Japan or Yugoslavia
after 1992? A former US Ambassador argues that
too little is being done to ensure that the right
choices are made after a war
Robert L Barry
Sunday February 9, 2003
The Observer
Following Colin Powell's presentation to the UN Security
Council, war with Iraq seems virtually inevitable. This could
be done without a new Security Council resolution - but the
United States and the United Kingdom would own the
problem of what to do with Iraq on the morning after
Saddam goes. Our publics are not prepared to take on this
burden, and more time is needed to develop support for a
large scale multilateral effort at nation-building.
The central question concerning post-Saddam Iraq is
whether we will be looking at Yugoslavia in 1992 or Japan
in 1945. Based on my years in post-war Bosnia, the
Yugoslav parallel seems compelling. There are strong
separatist movements in both countries. Both have
neighbours which would pull it in different directions, both
are awash in arms, and bloody reprisals will likely take place
in Iraq as they have in the former Yugoslavia. Political
parties care more about gaining control of resources and state
industries than about introducing democracy. Corruption and
a weak justice system discourage foreign investment. The
military and police and judiciary need to be rebuilt from the
ground up. And outside help is urgently needed to repair war
damage and deteriorated infrastructure.
In the former Yugoslavia we have dealt with these problems
through a major effort at nation-building, involving tens of
thousands of peacekeeping troops, thousands of civilian
experts from the UN, NATO, the EU, OSCE, the World
Bank, the IMF and more than 50 nations around the world.
Yet a decade later the job is far from done, despite the
expenditure of somewhere close to $100 billion. There is
little sign that serious preparations are under way to deal
with post-Saddam Iraq.
The first question to face on the morning after is who is in
charge. If Jim Hoagland of the Washington Post is correct,
President Bush has decided to assign responsibility to the US
Department of Defense, with US Central Command
commander General Tommy Franks in command, assisted by
a civilian political adviser.
If the past is any guide, the US Defense Department will be
eager to get out of the business of running Iraq, especially
since the one thing all Iraqi exile groups oppose is a US
military government. The idea of a UN civil administration
has been mentioned, but no planning for this, or even UN
relief operations, can begin without the backing of the
Security Council. A UN administration would also be
unpopular with many Iraqis and would be slow to mobilize
and expensive to maintain. Another option is the
appointment of a High Representative of the international
community, drawn from among the "coalition of the
willing". Lord Paddy Ashdown, who fills this role in Bosnia,
has learned that this model fosters dependence, is very
expensive, and is difficult to end.
Another urgent question concerns the size of the occupation
force and the duration of their mandate. Most reporting
points to the need for some 75,000-100,000 troops. The US
and the UK could not sustain a force of this size, given the
need to rotate units to their home bases and maintain
readiness elsewhere. So a new coalition of the willing would
have to be created to maintain the peace - or the US and UK
standing armies would have to be increased significantly to
meet the demand. Based on NATO's experience in Bosnia
and Kosovo, peacekeepers will have to remain on the ground
for at least five years.
On the morning after Saddam goes, there will be an
immediate need for large-scale international assistance, to
rebuild and provide relief. The costs of rebuilding the
infrastructure, even in the absence of major war damage, are
likely to be huge. A donors' conference, such as followed the
victory over the Taliban in Afghanistan, is the usual first
resort of the international community. But the Afghan
donors' conference was notable for pledges that were never
redeemed, and given resentment in Europe over US and
British policies in Iraq, a major contribution by the EU
would be a surprise.
If war comes, it will not be about oil, but what to do with the
oil fields which will be occupied in the opening days of war
will be a major headache. Rival Kurdish groups and the
Turks may come to blows over the rich fields around Kirkuk,
an area which Saddam has "cleansed" of its original Kurdish
and Turkmen population. Much has been made of the
possibility of using Iraqi oil revenues to finance rebuilding
the economy, but increasing production or even restoring
production will be slow, and will depend on foreign
investment. Who will decide what to do about Iraq's billions
in external debts, for example to Russia and France?
Faced with these alternatives and given the US Defense
Department's distaste for nation building, a possible "exit
strategy" would be to toss the ball to Iraqis as soon as
decently possible. This was the course the US aimed at in
Bosnia, believing that elections within a year would enable
NATO forces to withdraw. As we learned to our regret,
premature elections aggravated the problem.
In some quarters in Washington talk of finding a secular
authority figure, possibly a general who might emerge as an
early defector from Saddam, has replaced talk about a
democratic Iraq inside its current borders. This would be a
short-sighted solution.
Secretary Powell made the case that Saddam Hussein is in
material breach of Security Council Resolution 1441, and
that inspections are not the answer. But turning to the our
publics and the international community on the morning
after Saddam goes with a request for help in cleaning up the
mess left behind will not be good for Iraq, the Middle East
or the transatlantic relationship.
Giving diplomacy more time will produce a Security
Council resolution, even if not unanimous, which will be
needed to mobilize the support of governments for a major
effort at nation-building in Iraq. That time can be well used
to win the support of our own publics for taking on a burden
larger than war.
Robert L Barry, a retired US Ambassador, headed the
OSCE mission to Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1998 to 2001
and is a member of the board of the British American
Security Information Council.
Send us your views
You can write to the author of this piece at
rlbarry796@....
Email Observer site editor Sunder Katwala at
observer@... with comments on
articles or ideas for future pieces.
About Observer Worldview
Observer Worldview contains the best of The Observer's
recent international commentary and reporting, along with
exclusive online coverage each week. The online pieces are
also trailed in the newspaper. Please get in touch if you
would like to offer a piece
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2003
Observer Worldview Extra
Iraq after Saddam - the next Yugoslavia?
Online commentary: Will the model for
post-Saddam Iraq be post-war Japan or Yugoslavia
after 1992? A former US Ambassador argues that
too little is being done to ensure that the right
choices are made after a war
Robert L Barry
Sunday February 9, 2003
The Observer
Following Colin Powell's presentation to the UN Security
Council, war with Iraq seems virtually inevitable. This could
be done without a new Security Council resolution - but the
United States and the United Kingdom would own the
problem of what to do with Iraq on the morning after
Saddam goes. Our publics are not prepared to take on this
burden, and more time is needed to develop support for a
large scale multilateral effort at nation-building.
The central question concerning post-Saddam Iraq is
whether we will be looking at Yugoslavia in 1992 or Japan
in 1945. Based on my years in post-war Bosnia, the
Yugoslav parallel seems compelling. There are strong
separatist movements in both countries. Both have
neighbours which would pull it in different directions, both
are awash in arms, and bloody reprisals will likely take place
in Iraq as they have in the former Yugoslavia. Political
parties care more about gaining control of resources and state
industries than about introducing democracy. Corruption and
a weak justice system discourage foreign investment. The
military and police and judiciary need to be rebuilt from the
ground up. And outside help is urgently needed to repair war
damage and deteriorated infrastructure.
In the former Yugoslavia we have dealt with these problems
through a major effort at nation-building, involving tens of
thousands of peacekeeping troops, thousands of civilian
experts from the UN, NATO, the EU, OSCE, the World
Bank, the IMF and more than 50 nations around the world.
Yet a decade later the job is far from done, despite the
expenditure of somewhere close to $100 billion. There is
little sign that serious preparations are under way to deal
with post-Saddam Iraq.
The first question to face on the morning after is who is in
charge. If Jim Hoagland of the Washington Post is correct,
President Bush has decided to assign responsibility to the US
Department of Defense, with US Central Command
commander General Tommy Franks in command, assisted by
a civilian political adviser.
If the past is any guide, the US Defense Department will be
eager to get out of the business of running Iraq, especially
since the one thing all Iraqi exile groups oppose is a US
military government. The idea of a UN civil administration
has been mentioned, but no planning for this, or even UN
relief operations, can begin without the backing of the
Security Council. A UN administration would also be
unpopular with many Iraqis and would be slow to mobilize
and expensive to maintain. Another option is the
appointment of a High Representative of the international
community, drawn from among the "coalition of the
willing". Lord Paddy Ashdown, who fills this role in Bosnia,
has learned that this model fosters dependence, is very
expensive, and is difficult to end.
Another urgent question concerns the size of the occupation
force and the duration of their mandate. Most reporting
points to the need for some 75,000-100,000 troops. The US
and the UK could not sustain a force of this size, given the
need to rotate units to their home bases and maintain
readiness elsewhere. So a new coalition of the willing would
have to be created to maintain the peace - or the US and UK
standing armies would have to be increased significantly to
meet the demand. Based on NATO's experience in Bosnia
and Kosovo, peacekeepers will have to remain on the ground
for at least five years.
On the morning after Saddam goes, there will be an
immediate need for large-scale international assistance, to
rebuild and provide relief. The costs of rebuilding the
infrastructure, even in the absence of major war damage, are
likely to be huge. A donors' conference, such as followed the
victory over the Taliban in Afghanistan, is the usual first
resort of the international community. But the Afghan
donors' conference was notable for pledges that were never
redeemed, and given resentment in Europe over US and
British policies in Iraq, a major contribution by the EU
would be a surprise.
If war comes, it will not be about oil, but what to do with the
oil fields which will be occupied in the opening days of war
will be a major headache. Rival Kurdish groups and the
Turks may come to blows over the rich fields around Kirkuk,
an area which Saddam has "cleansed" of its original Kurdish
and Turkmen population. Much has been made of the
possibility of using Iraqi oil revenues to finance rebuilding
the economy, but increasing production or even restoring
production will be slow, and will depend on foreign
investment. Who will decide what to do about Iraq's billions
in external debts, for example to Russia and France?
Faced with these alternatives and given the US Defense
Department's distaste for nation building, a possible "exit
strategy" would be to toss the ball to Iraqis as soon as
decently possible. This was the course the US aimed at in
Bosnia, believing that elections within a year would enable
NATO forces to withdraw. As we learned to our regret,
premature elections aggravated the problem.
In some quarters in Washington talk of finding a secular
authority figure, possibly a general who might emerge as an
early defector from Saddam, has replaced talk about a
democratic Iraq inside its current borders. This would be a
short-sighted solution.
Secretary Powell made the case that Saddam Hussein is in
material breach of Security Council Resolution 1441, and
that inspections are not the answer. But turning to the our
publics and the international community on the morning
after Saddam goes with a request for help in cleaning up the
mess left behind will not be good for Iraq, the Middle East
or the transatlantic relationship.
Giving diplomacy more time will produce a Security
Council resolution, even if not unanimous, which will be
needed to mobilize the support of governments for a major
effort at nation-building in Iraq. That time can be well used
to win the support of our own publics for taking on a burden
larger than war.
Robert L Barry, a retired US Ambassador, headed the
OSCE mission to Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1998 to 2001
and is a member of the board of the British American
Security Information Council.
Send us your views
You can write to the author of this piece at
rlbarry796@....
Email Observer site editor Sunder Katwala at
observer@... with comments on
articles or ideas for future pieces.
About Observer Worldview
Observer Worldview contains the best of The Observer's
recent international commentary and reporting, along with
exclusive online coverage each week. The online pieces are
also trailed in the newspaper. Please get in touch if you
would like to offer a piece
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2003
(In Croazia i media parlano molto di "riconciliazione".
Ivan ha allora scritto una lettera ad alcuni giornali...)
POMIRENJA
Na prostorima bivse Jugoslavije prinudno
je zaveden mir "odozgo", ali nista
nije razjasnjeno ni rijeseno sto se tice
uzroka i posljedica ovog
krvoprolica. Zrtve jos nisu izbrojane,
zrtve jos nisu pronadjene. Mrznja je
jos uvjek prisutna. Samo je ucutkana i ne
dozvoljava se da eksplodira. Sve
je unisteno. I privreda i administracija,
infrstruktura, itd. Jedino sto
funkcionira je kriminal i sverc koji se i
zaceo tijekom razbijanja Jugoslavije.
Krivce jos uvijek trazimo vise na
pogresnom nego na pravom mijestu, a tako
cini (i naredjuje) Medjunarodna zajednica.
U toj situaciji politickog nereda i
socijalne bijede tesko je naci prostora
za uspostavljanje nekih normalnih odnosa.
Dok se ne omoguci da se svako vrati na
svoj prag, ne moze se traziti neko
normaliziranje odnosa medju ljudima, a
pogotovo ne pomirenje i prastanje.
Kolikima jos mozemo postaviti pitanje:
"Gdje su granice izmedju tebe i
tvoga supruga", "Izmedju tebe i tvoje
djece"?
Jedan od velikih uzroka je vjerska
netrpeljivost koja i dan danas postoji,
ne toliko medju samim narodom, vec medju
onima koji ga vode (neznam kuda, a
najpozvaniji vjerski dostojanstvenici nisu
nista ucinili pozitivno u tom
smislu, vec naprotiv. Moze li se
beatifikacija Stepinca prihvatiti kao
jedan od povoda "za pomirenje"?! Ako je
trazen oprostaj za nedjela ucinjena
prije nekoliko vjekova od nekog ondasnjeg
vjerskog poglavara ili
institucije, moze li se vec zaboraviti ono
sto je juce ucinjeno. Uz to,
moze li vise bilo koji Papa pobiti svoju
"nepogresivost" i izviniti se za
beatifikaciju Alojzija Stepinca. Nas
obicne smrtnike zabrinjava vise toliko
klanjanje naroda...
Bilo je jednom pomirenja kad je i receno
NIKAD VISE! Pomirili smo se na
ovozemaljskim cinjenicama, tolerancije,
prosperiteta, a NASA zajednica bila
je citirana, kao primjer, cijelom svijetu.
Stepinac je osudjen, ne zato sto
je bio antikomunista (jer ga Hrvatska
crkva predstavlja kao mucenika
komunizma), vec zato sto je odobravao ono
sto bi trebalo uvrijediti svakog
pravog vjernika i dijelio blagoslove onima
koji su ubijali neduzne ljude.
Na posljednjoj TV emisiji "Latinici", a i
inace dobroj emisiji, koju sam
imao prilike vidjeti, govorilo se o
"Pomirenju". Najumjereniji je bio onaj
svecenik, ali "jedna lastavica ne cini
proljece".
Prvo se mora uciniti nesto dobroga za nas
narod, bez obzira koji vjeri i
nacionalnosti pripadao, a narod ce se sam
pomiriti, pa i na vjerskoj osnovi.
A ni na ovaj nacin ne moze doci do
potpunog pomirenja dok svaki narod ne
prizna i osudi odgovorne politicare pa cak
i crkvene dostojanstvenike, a ne
samo direktne pocinioce zlocina.
Ivan Pavicevac
Ivan ha allora scritto una lettera ad alcuni giornali...)
POMIRENJA
Na prostorima bivse Jugoslavije prinudno
je zaveden mir "odozgo", ali nista
nije razjasnjeno ni rijeseno sto se tice
uzroka i posljedica ovog
krvoprolica. Zrtve jos nisu izbrojane,
zrtve jos nisu pronadjene. Mrznja je
jos uvjek prisutna. Samo je ucutkana i ne
dozvoljava se da eksplodira. Sve
je unisteno. I privreda i administracija,
infrstruktura, itd. Jedino sto
funkcionira je kriminal i sverc koji se i
zaceo tijekom razbijanja Jugoslavije.
Krivce jos uvijek trazimo vise na
pogresnom nego na pravom mijestu, a tako
cini (i naredjuje) Medjunarodna zajednica.
U toj situaciji politickog nereda i
socijalne bijede tesko je naci prostora
za uspostavljanje nekih normalnih odnosa.
Dok se ne omoguci da se svako vrati na
svoj prag, ne moze se traziti neko
normaliziranje odnosa medju ljudima, a
pogotovo ne pomirenje i prastanje.
Kolikima jos mozemo postaviti pitanje:
"Gdje su granice izmedju tebe i
tvoga supruga", "Izmedju tebe i tvoje
djece"?
Jedan od velikih uzroka je vjerska
netrpeljivost koja i dan danas postoji,
ne toliko medju samim narodom, vec medju
onima koji ga vode (neznam kuda, a
najpozvaniji vjerski dostojanstvenici nisu
nista ucinili pozitivno u tom
smislu, vec naprotiv. Moze li se
beatifikacija Stepinca prihvatiti kao
jedan od povoda "za pomirenje"?! Ako je
trazen oprostaj za nedjela ucinjena
prije nekoliko vjekova od nekog ondasnjeg
vjerskog poglavara ili
institucije, moze li se vec zaboraviti ono
sto je juce ucinjeno. Uz to,
moze li vise bilo koji Papa pobiti svoju
"nepogresivost" i izviniti se za
beatifikaciju Alojzija Stepinca. Nas
obicne smrtnike zabrinjava vise toliko
klanjanje naroda...
Bilo je jednom pomirenja kad je i receno
NIKAD VISE! Pomirili smo se na
ovozemaljskim cinjenicama, tolerancije,
prosperiteta, a NASA zajednica bila
je citirana, kao primjer, cijelom svijetu.
Stepinac je osudjen, ne zato sto
je bio antikomunista (jer ga Hrvatska
crkva predstavlja kao mucenika
komunizma), vec zato sto je odobravao ono
sto bi trebalo uvrijediti svakog
pravog vjernika i dijelio blagoslove onima
koji su ubijali neduzne ljude.
Na posljednjoj TV emisiji "Latinici", a i
inace dobroj emisiji, koju sam
imao prilike vidjeti, govorilo se o
"Pomirenju". Najumjereniji je bio onaj
svecenik, ali "jedna lastavica ne cini
proljece".
Prvo se mora uciniti nesto dobroga za nas
narod, bez obzira koji vjeri i
nacionalnosti pripadao, a narod ce se sam
pomiriti, pa i na vjerskoj osnovi.
A ni na ovaj nacin ne moze doci do
potpunog pomirenja dok svaki narod ne
prizna i osudi odgovorne politicare pa cak
i crkvene dostojanstvenike, a ne
samo direktne pocinioce zlocina.
Ivan Pavicevac
STORIELLE DI SARAJEVO
Qual'è la differenza fra un pessimista e un ottimista?
Il pessimista dice: "Le cose non possono andare peggio."
L'ottimista dice: "Possono, possono."
(P. Graffer)
Qual'è la differenza fra un pessimista e un ottimista?
Il pessimista dice: "Le cose non possono andare peggio."
L'ottimista dice: "Possono, possono."
(P. Graffer)
J U G O S L A V I J A
Il voto del Parlamento Federale Jugoslavo del 4 febbraio scorso, che
ha cancellato la denominazione di "Jugoslavia" dagli atlanti
geografici europei e ha dato vita ad una provvisoria "Unione di Serbia
e Montenegro", e' stato accolto con un misto di rassegnazione e
disapprovazione dalla popolazione jugoslava.
Secondo un sondaggio i cui risultati sono stati diffusi dall'agenzia
di stampa macedone, il 71 per cento degli intervistati rimpiange il
vecchio nome ed il 57 per cento disapprova il cambiamento di nome.
Tutti gli osservatori onesti riconoscono che la creazione di questa
"Nuova Unione", fortemente voluta dal signor Solana, e' un capestro
che di fatto condurra' al distacco totale di Serbia e Montenegro nel
2006, cioe' dopo i tre anni previsti nel testo approvato. Perdipiu',
con la cancellazione del vecchio Stato comune, gli avversari della
pace e della unita' delle popolazioni balcaniche avranno gioco facile
a ritenere non piu' validi tutti gli accordi internazionali stipulati
dalla RF di Jugoslavia, a partire dalla Risoluzione ONU 1244. E'
dunque facile prevedere che il secessionismo kosovaro sfruttera'
subito la nuova situazione determinatasi. Per tacere del Sangiaccato e
della Vojvodina.
Come ha spiegato Jela Jovanovic, il provvedimento e' comunque
incostituzionale poiche' una decisione del genere non si puo' prendere
con la maggioranza semplice dei voti, bensi' servirebbe una
maggioranza di almeno i due terzi. Inoltre, sono stati resi pubblici i
nomi di 12 deputati-fantasma che hanno "partecipato al voto" senza
potervi partecipare. Questo ultimo episodio nella drammatica vicenda
della Jugoslavia conferma dunque per l'ennesima volta il carattere
della attuale leadership politica di Belgrado e Podgorica/Titograd. Ma
svelare queste irregolarita' clamorose non e' mai bastato, e non ci
bastera' nemmeno stavolta, per contrastare la realizzazione di certi
progetti geopolitici, pagati con il sangue dalle popolazioni locali.
Nonostante il perdurante tradimento da parte dei loro indegni
rappresentanti, ne' la Jugoslavia, ne' gli jugoslavi cadranno cosi'
facilmente nell'oblio della Storia, come pure qualcuno vorrebbe. Come
ha giustamente detto Stevan Mirkovic: "non ci sara' la Jugoslavia,
eppure ci sono gli jugoslavi. Una madre muore, ma i figli restano."
Come Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia facciamo seguire
immediatamente a questa documentazione una nostra presa di posizione
sugli avvenimenti (nel prossimo messaggio).
---
Fonti:
1. Serbia: Vast majority of Serbia's citizens regret over
Yugoslavia (Makfax 6/2/2003)
2. Yugoslavia Dissolved? Unconstitutional Change of Constitution in
the New World (Dis)Order (Jela Jovanovic, 6/2/2003)
3. A sentence by Stevan Mirkovic (Centar Josip Broz Tito, Belgrade)
=== 1 ===
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=30806
Makfax (Macedonia)
February 6, 2003
Serbia: Vast majority of Serbia's citizens regret over
Yugoslavia
The recent opinion poll shows that vast majority of
Serbia's citizens regret over the split of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and they disagree with the new
name of their common state.
The opinion poll, conducted by Belgrade's agency
Strategic Marketing, covered 433 respondents with age
of 12 to 65. Some 71 percent of poll respondents
expressed regrets over the old name, whilst some 26
percent of respondents felt no regrets.
Some 57 percent of respondent disagreed with the
change of the name of the new state, 28 percent
presume the change of the name is a positive move,
whilst 15 percent of respondents have no clear
position.
Some 78 percent of the repondents in Vojvodina regret
over the old name. Some 32.4 percent of respondents in
central Serbia regret over the old name.
=== 2 ===
This text is from the Emperor's Clothes Website
The URL is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/illegal.htm
Please forward this text to your friends!
========================================================
Yugoslavia Dissolved?
Unconstitutional Change of Constitution in the New World (Dis)Order
By Jela Jovanovic
[Posted on 6 February 2003]
========================================================
Let us put aside for the moment the contents of the so-called
Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro. It proclaims a 'state
community' that nowhere exists because no state could possibly
function based on its principles.
Apart from that, it is necessary to draw the attention of the domestic
and international public and relevant institutions to the
unconstitutional way this act was forced through the Serbian
Parliament.
Contrary to the Constitution of Serbia, which stipulates that a
Constitutional change requires a 2/3 Parliamentary majority, the
deputies supporting Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic and his Democratic
Party proclaimed that a simple majority was sufficient to accept this
Charter *dissolving Yugoslavia*.
As if that was not sufficiently illegal, Parliamentary Chairperson
Natasa Micic arbitrarily ruled that two *former* delegates - Goran
Vesic, who resigned in June 2002 and Stevan Lilic, whose resignation
was verified by Parliament, would be counted among the 130 voting for
the Charter.
And more: at a 30 January Press Conference, Dr. Vojisla Seselj,
president of the Serbian Radical Party, revealed the names of ten
people who voted *although they are not deputies*.
The non-deputy voters are: Aleksandra Joksimovic, Jozef Kasa, Nebojsa
Lekovic, Petar Misic, Gorica Mojovic, Visnja Nezic, Branisla
Pomoriski, Zivica Predojev, Alan Selimovic and Goran Ciric.
How could a viable state be founded through such violation of the law?
It is urgent that the Constitutional Court annuls the results of this
latest gangsterism.
-- Jela Jovanovic
art historian Yugoslavia
=== 3 ===
"There will be no Yugoslavia, but there will be Yugoslavs.
A mother dies but the sons live on."
Stevan Mirkovic, 76, former army chief of staff. Cited in:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A26338-2003Feb4.html
Il voto del Parlamento Federale Jugoslavo del 4 febbraio scorso, che
ha cancellato la denominazione di "Jugoslavia" dagli atlanti
geografici europei e ha dato vita ad una provvisoria "Unione di Serbia
e Montenegro", e' stato accolto con un misto di rassegnazione e
disapprovazione dalla popolazione jugoslava.
Secondo un sondaggio i cui risultati sono stati diffusi dall'agenzia
di stampa macedone, il 71 per cento degli intervistati rimpiange il
vecchio nome ed il 57 per cento disapprova il cambiamento di nome.
Tutti gli osservatori onesti riconoscono che la creazione di questa
"Nuova Unione", fortemente voluta dal signor Solana, e' un capestro
che di fatto condurra' al distacco totale di Serbia e Montenegro nel
2006, cioe' dopo i tre anni previsti nel testo approvato. Perdipiu',
con la cancellazione del vecchio Stato comune, gli avversari della
pace e della unita' delle popolazioni balcaniche avranno gioco facile
a ritenere non piu' validi tutti gli accordi internazionali stipulati
dalla RF di Jugoslavia, a partire dalla Risoluzione ONU 1244. E'
dunque facile prevedere che il secessionismo kosovaro sfruttera'
subito la nuova situazione determinatasi. Per tacere del Sangiaccato e
della Vojvodina.
Come ha spiegato Jela Jovanovic, il provvedimento e' comunque
incostituzionale poiche' una decisione del genere non si puo' prendere
con la maggioranza semplice dei voti, bensi' servirebbe una
maggioranza di almeno i due terzi. Inoltre, sono stati resi pubblici i
nomi di 12 deputati-fantasma che hanno "partecipato al voto" senza
potervi partecipare. Questo ultimo episodio nella drammatica vicenda
della Jugoslavia conferma dunque per l'ennesima volta il carattere
della attuale leadership politica di Belgrado e Podgorica/Titograd. Ma
svelare queste irregolarita' clamorose non e' mai bastato, e non ci
bastera' nemmeno stavolta, per contrastare la realizzazione di certi
progetti geopolitici, pagati con il sangue dalle popolazioni locali.
Nonostante il perdurante tradimento da parte dei loro indegni
rappresentanti, ne' la Jugoslavia, ne' gli jugoslavi cadranno cosi'
facilmente nell'oblio della Storia, come pure qualcuno vorrebbe. Come
ha giustamente detto Stevan Mirkovic: "non ci sara' la Jugoslavia,
eppure ci sono gli jugoslavi. Una madre muore, ma i figli restano."
Come Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia facciamo seguire
immediatamente a questa documentazione una nostra presa di posizione
sugli avvenimenti (nel prossimo messaggio).
---
Fonti:
1. Serbia: Vast majority of Serbia's citizens regret over
Yugoslavia (Makfax 6/2/2003)
2. Yugoslavia Dissolved? Unconstitutional Change of Constitution in
the New World (Dis)Order (Jela Jovanovic, 6/2/2003)
3. A sentence by Stevan Mirkovic (Centar Josip Broz Tito, Belgrade)
=== 1 ===
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=30806
Makfax (Macedonia)
February 6, 2003
Serbia: Vast majority of Serbia's citizens regret over
Yugoslavia
The recent opinion poll shows that vast majority of
Serbia's citizens regret over the split of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and they disagree with the new
name of their common state.
The opinion poll, conducted by Belgrade's agency
Strategic Marketing, covered 433 respondents with age
of 12 to 65. Some 71 percent of poll respondents
expressed regrets over the old name, whilst some 26
percent of respondents felt no regrets.
Some 57 percent of respondent disagreed with the
change of the name of the new state, 28 percent
presume the change of the name is a positive move,
whilst 15 percent of respondents have no clear
position.
Some 78 percent of the repondents in Vojvodina regret
over the old name. Some 32.4 percent of respondents in
central Serbia regret over the old name.
=== 2 ===
This text is from the Emperor's Clothes Website
The URL is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/illegal.htm
Please forward this text to your friends!
========================================================
Yugoslavia Dissolved?
Unconstitutional Change of Constitution in the New World (Dis)Order
By Jela Jovanovic
[Posted on 6 February 2003]
========================================================
Let us put aside for the moment the contents of the so-called
Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro. It proclaims a 'state
community' that nowhere exists because no state could possibly
function based on its principles.
Apart from that, it is necessary to draw the attention of the domestic
and international public and relevant institutions to the
unconstitutional way this act was forced through the Serbian
Parliament.
Contrary to the Constitution of Serbia, which stipulates that a
Constitutional change requires a 2/3 Parliamentary majority, the
deputies supporting Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic and his Democratic
Party proclaimed that a simple majority was sufficient to accept this
Charter *dissolving Yugoslavia*.
As if that was not sufficiently illegal, Parliamentary Chairperson
Natasa Micic arbitrarily ruled that two *former* delegates - Goran
Vesic, who resigned in June 2002 and Stevan Lilic, whose resignation
was verified by Parliament, would be counted among the 130 voting for
the Charter.
And more: at a 30 January Press Conference, Dr. Vojisla Seselj,
president of the Serbian Radical Party, revealed the names of ten
people who voted *although they are not deputies*.
The non-deputy voters are: Aleksandra Joksimovic, Jozef Kasa, Nebojsa
Lekovic, Petar Misic, Gorica Mojovic, Visnja Nezic, Branisla
Pomoriski, Zivica Predojev, Alan Selimovic and Goran Ciric.
How could a viable state be founded through such violation of the law?
It is urgent that the Constitutional Court annuls the results of this
latest gangsterism.
-- Jela Jovanovic
art historian Yugoslavia
=== 3 ===
"There will be no Yugoslavia, but there will be Yugoslavs.
A mother dies but the sons live on."
Stevan Mirkovic, 76, former army chief of staff. Cited in:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A26338-2003Feb4.html
Presa di posizione del Coord. Naz. per la Jugoslavia
HANNO "SUICIDATO" LA JUGOSLAVIA
Il voto del Parlamento Federale Jugoslavo del 4 febbraio scorso
rappresenta un compimento simbolico del progetto revanscista
sanguinario messo in atto ai danni del paese balcanico e dei suoi
cittadini a partire dal 1990.
Tale progetto, realizzato su procura delle consorterie occidentali da
indegni rappresentanti politici (quelli oggi al potere in tutte le
Repubbliche ex-federate), si e' articolato in un arco di tempo
simbolicamente collocabile tra il 5 novembre 1990 - quando il
Congresso degli USA approvo' la legge 101/513, che sanciva la
dissoluzione della Jugoslavia attraverso il finanziamento
diretto di tutte le nuove formazioni "democratiche" (nazionaliste e
secessioniste) - al 4 febbraio 2003 - con la nascita di questa formale
"Unione di Serbia e Montenegro" e la cancellazione dello stesso nome
della "Jugoslavia" dalle cartine geografiche dell'Europa.
Pur comprendendo e condividendo la "nostalgia" di cui parla
l'ambasciatore serbomontenegrino in Italia, Lekic, non condividiamo
per nulla la sua opinione secondo cui la nuova "Unione" sara' "piu'
efficiente e meno forte". Viceversa, le dichiarazioni esplicite degli
uomini di governo del Montenegro e dei responsabili politici delle
provincie di Kosovo-Metohija e Vojvodina chiariscono che il nuovo
status e' considerato transitorio ed e' funzionale solo all'ulteriore
disgregazione del paese, dunque alla creazione di nuove frontiere a
dividere gli abitanti di quelle terre.
Il voto del Parlamento Federale viene accolto con grande giubilo
dall'ideatore di questa ennesima "impresa", Xavier Solana, gia' ben
noto alle popolazioni locali per avere comandato la aggressione
militare del 1999. Tutta questa soddisfazione, palese o malcelata, da
parte dei responsabili politici internazionali e locali tradisce
l'ispirazione profonda delle scelte criminali compiute in tutti questi
anni, a partire dal riconoscimento diplomatico delle Repubbliche
secessioniste. Scelte che hanno causato indicibili tragedie umane,
ridisegnando i Balcani secondo protettorati coloniali come ai tempi
dell'occupazione nazifascista, trasformandone i territori in servitu'
militari occidentali e bacini di sfruttamento delle risorse e della
forza-lavoro, devastando le basi della convivenza civile e della
cultura comune di quelle genti.
Per noi del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia quello che
continua a svolgersi in Jugoslavia e' un immenso e protratto crimine
contro l'umanita', del quale ancora purtroppo non si vede la fine, e
del quale dovranno rispondere quelli che ne portano la
responsabilita'. Per noi, la Jugoslavia non muore il 4 febbraio 2003.
Che viva la Jugoslavia,
che vivano l'unita' e la fratellanza tra i popoli.
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
Febbraio 2003
HANNO "SUICIDATO" LA JUGOSLAVIA
Il voto del Parlamento Federale Jugoslavo del 4 febbraio scorso
rappresenta un compimento simbolico del progetto revanscista
sanguinario messo in atto ai danni del paese balcanico e dei suoi
cittadini a partire dal 1990.
Tale progetto, realizzato su procura delle consorterie occidentali da
indegni rappresentanti politici (quelli oggi al potere in tutte le
Repubbliche ex-federate), si e' articolato in un arco di tempo
simbolicamente collocabile tra il 5 novembre 1990 - quando il
Congresso degli USA approvo' la legge 101/513, che sanciva la
dissoluzione della Jugoslavia attraverso il finanziamento
diretto di tutte le nuove formazioni "democratiche" (nazionaliste e
secessioniste) - al 4 febbraio 2003 - con la nascita di questa formale
"Unione di Serbia e Montenegro" e la cancellazione dello stesso nome
della "Jugoslavia" dalle cartine geografiche dell'Europa.
Pur comprendendo e condividendo la "nostalgia" di cui parla
l'ambasciatore serbomontenegrino in Italia, Lekic, non condividiamo
per nulla la sua opinione secondo cui la nuova "Unione" sara' "piu'
efficiente e meno forte". Viceversa, le dichiarazioni esplicite degli
uomini di governo del Montenegro e dei responsabili politici delle
provincie di Kosovo-Metohija e Vojvodina chiariscono che il nuovo
status e' considerato transitorio ed e' funzionale solo all'ulteriore
disgregazione del paese, dunque alla creazione di nuove frontiere a
dividere gli abitanti di quelle terre.
Il voto del Parlamento Federale viene accolto con grande giubilo
dall'ideatore di questa ennesima "impresa", Xavier Solana, gia' ben
noto alle popolazioni locali per avere comandato la aggressione
militare del 1999. Tutta questa soddisfazione, palese o malcelata, da
parte dei responsabili politici internazionali e locali tradisce
l'ispirazione profonda delle scelte criminali compiute in tutti questi
anni, a partire dal riconoscimento diplomatico delle Repubbliche
secessioniste. Scelte che hanno causato indicibili tragedie umane,
ridisegnando i Balcani secondo protettorati coloniali come ai tempi
dell'occupazione nazifascista, trasformandone i territori in servitu'
militari occidentali e bacini di sfruttamento delle risorse e della
forza-lavoro, devastando le basi della convivenza civile e della
cultura comune di quelle genti.
Per noi del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia quello che
continua a svolgersi in Jugoslavia e' un immenso e protratto crimine
contro l'umanita', del quale ancora purtroppo non si vede la fine, e
del quale dovranno rispondere quelli che ne portano la
responsabilita'. Per noi, la Jugoslavia non muore il 4 febbraio 2003.
Che viva la Jugoslavia,
che vivano l'unita' e la fratellanza tra i popoli.
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
Febbraio 2003
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:07. februar 2003. g.
Goran Matic: Ustavna povelja Srbije i Crne Gore
Izlaganje poslanika Gorana Mati?a u Saveznoj skupstini
prilikom usvajanja Ustavne povelje Dr?avne zajednice
Srbija i Crna Gora.
Beograd, 05. februara 2003. g.
Ja bih odmah na po?etku konstatovao da se sla?em u
potpunosti sa gospodinom Samijem, koji veruje u
mudrost ovog naroda i da ?e mudrost ovog naroda mnoge
od ovih stvari, koje su danas na dnevnom redu, u
budu?nosti postaviti na pravi na?in. Ali, na?alost, mnogi
ne veruju u mudrost tog naroda, i vise veruju u svoju
mudrost, te su Ustavnu povelju i rad oko Ustavne povelje
koncipirali tako da se narod nista ne pita, a da procedura
bude izvan ustavne i pravne, koja je predvidjena za
ovakve akte u Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, dr?avi koja
se ve? dve godine zaklinje da se u njoj sprovodi vladavina
prava
Mi mo?emo o Ustavnoj povelji i proceduri donosenja
Ustavne povelje da ?ujemo najrazli?itije kvalifikacije.
One se kre?u od veoma ozbiljnih i nau?nih, do raznih
narodnih viceva i raznih imena koja se tim povodom
ovde navode i dodaju.
Razli?ite kvalifikacije su u tome da je to sporazum
vladaju?ih oligarhija. da je to po?etak brakorazvodne
parnice dve republike, da se radi o ugovoru o sukcesiji, o
obezbedjivanju medjunarodne pozicije Crne Gore itd.
Verovatno da u velikom delu ovih kvalifikacija ima i deo
istine. Ali, ja smatram da su to sve stvari koje ?ine
formu, a ne sustinu i sadr?aj, u okviru kojih se vrsi
prekompozicija bivse Savezne Republike Jugoslavije u
jednu novu tvorevinu i nastavlja praksa atomiziranja
dr?ava na Balkanu.
Mi ?emo, nakon ove prekompozicije, razbijanja Savezne
Republike Jugoslavije, u?i u proces komadanja Srbije. Ja
se bojim da ?e Srbija sada ostati bez tog stita koji je do
sada bio ispred nje, da ?e Srbija u budu?nosti sve vise
postajati geografski pojam polivalentnih regiona, kao sto
se pojavljuje u raznim opcijama koje prakti?no treba da
startuju ?im se okon?a ova politi?ka aktivnost.
Procedura, postupak i na?in usvajanja i aktivnosti u radu
Ustavne povelje, neodoljivo vra?aju na balkansku scenu
jedan pojam, koji je u poslednja dva veka bio izuzetno
aktuelan na Balkanu. To je protektorat. Pojam
protektorata jako je dobro poznat narodima Balkana.
Vekovima se razni pokrivitelji, zastitnici, velike i
regionalne sile, jednostavno takmi?e u tome kako da
upravljaju dr?avama ili dr?avnim tvorevinama
balkanskih naroda. Po pravilu, uvek se navode, kao i
danas, plemeniti ciljevi i ?rtve koje ?ini protektor, kako
bi civilizovao ili priveo zapadnoj civilizaciji ili kulturi
zaostale balkanske narode, koji su maltene na plemenskoj
razvojnom nivou.
Takva ssaopstenja ?esto slusamo ve? vise od pola godine
iz raznih evropskih institucija. Ja sam izbrojao 48
saoppstenja, izjava, kvalifikacija, izvesne gospodje
Galjak, koja sebi uzima za pravo da tretira oivaj potez
dobrim, ovaj potez losim, ovo usporava, ovo omogu?ava
integraciju, ili gospodine Solane, koji je ushi?en sto je
doslo do usvajanja ove poveolje.
Sve ove izjave na najbolji na?in govore o protektorskim
aktivnostima koje se sprovode u ovom trenutku, ne samo
prema nasoj zemlji. Nije u pitanju samo Savezna
Republike Jugoslavija. Sve bivse republike, izuzev
mo?da Slovenije koja je u malo druga?ijem statusu,
nastale iz prethodne Jugoslavije, kao nove dr?ave, su
prakti?no u istom statusu, a takodje i neke druge dr?ave
na Balkanu.
Politi?ki smisao pomo?i medjunarodne zajednice ili
njihovih ?inovnika u kreaciji nove tvorevine na Balkanu,
isti je kao sto je uvek i bio u prethodna dva veka. On se
sastoji u pot?injavanju teritorije i dr?avne organizacije
balkanskih naroda velikim silama i regionalnim
hegemonima. Iza re?i "proitektorat" uvek stoji
ekspanzionizam, koji mi danas mo?emo tretirati, pod
plastom "integracije" ove nove tvorevine u evropsku
zajednicu naroda, ili kako ve? nazivamo te medjunarodne
organizacije i institucije, prema kojima te?imo.
Paralelno sa uvodjenjem temina "protektorat" - on se
uvek obavljao kroz uspostavljanje razli?itih modela i
nivoa zavisnosti, uvodi se i pojam"ograni?eni
suverenitet". Ti pojmovi su se ovde, na Balkanu,
definisali javno ili tajno, individualno ili kolektivno.
Narodi Balkanskog poluostrva, kao retko koje podru?je
na svetu, iskusili su izuzetno bogat repertoar
medjunarodnog mesanja, pokriviteljstva ili direktnog
stranog upravljanja njihovim teritorijama i dr?avama. U
tom smislu je Ustavna povelja, i tvorevina koja na osnovu
nje nastaje, jos jedan novi teorijski i prakti?ni dopirnos
ovom repertoaru.
Ipak teoreti?ari prava ka?u da ona mo?e dda se poredi
jedino sa Austro-Ugarskom unijom iz 1867. godine, po
svom konceptu. Mo?da mo?e da se poredi, ali predstavlja
autenti?an i novi doprinos razvoju pravne prakse, kada
govorimo o oblikovanju dr?ava i udru?ivanju dr?ava, na
ovakav na?in.
Ve?ina dr?avnih tvorevina na Balkanu u poslednja dva
veka imala je svoje strane zastitnike. Uostalom,
Balkansko poluostrvo, kao stratesko geopoliti?ko
raskrs?e, uvek je bilo predmet posebne pa?nje velikih
sila. O tome svedo?e mnogi medjunarodni ugovori,
dokumenti i ?injenice. Ja bih dodao da su sve prethodne
Jugoslavije, od 1919. godine pa nadalje, bile gradjene i da
je njihova pozicija u medjunarodnim okvirima bila
garantovana, odgovaraju?im sporazumima velikih sila.
Mi znamo koji su to sporazumi , i koje sile.
Ono sto danas treba da se proglasi kao nova tvorevina,
bojim se da je napravljena kao nesprazum velikih sila i da
?e zahvaljuju?i toj konstrukciji, koja je izgradjena na
nesporazumu velikih sila, kada je Balkan u pitanju, biti
kratkog daha i osudjena na nove prekompozicije koje,
na?alost, ne?e zavisiti niti od nase dobre volje, niti od
gradjana ove zemlje, pa niti najboljih ?elja ove vlasti.
?injenica je takodje da na Balkanu postoji, na izvestan
na?in, bogata tradicija prikrivanja realnog stepena i
oblika povezanosti dr?avnih tvorevina sa velikim silama.
Neki od istorijskih oblika dr?ava, tretiraju se u pojedinim
periodima kao doba slobode i nezavisnosti, iako su imali
sna?ne medjunarodne garante ove pozicije. Ja bih rekao
da je ?ak i Socijalisti?ka Federativna Republika
Jugoslavija, koju tretiramo kao nezavisnu i nesvrstanu,
imala sna?ne garante te svoje pozicije, koji nisu bili
zasnovani samo na balansu snaga u hladnom ratu. Na
osnovu dokumenata, koji su tek pre dve godine dospeli u
javnost iz ameri?kih arhiva, na osnovu zastarevanja od 50
godina, doslo se u posed sporazuma koji je bivsa
Jugoslavija, odnosno Tito, potpisala sa NATO Paktom.
Jugoslavija je, na izvestan na?in, bila preko odredjenih
vojnih sporazuma sa Gr?kom i Turskom, iz 1952. godine,
aktivni pridru?eni ?lan NATO pakta koji je garantovao
milion vojnika za potrebe NATO pakta u ovom delu
sveta.
Mi danas imamo obra?un sa medjunarodnom pozicijom i
prethodne SFRJ i prethodne SRJ. U tom obra?unu
previdjamo sta je bilo pozitivno u tom periodu. Danas za
ovom govornicom mnogi dr?e tirade o tome kako je
neophodno sto pre u NATO, sto pre u Partnerstvo za mir,
sto pre u institucije koje garantuju nas medjunarodni
polo?aj. Zaboravljaju da je Jugoslavija bila ?lan NATO'a
ali se to sakrivalo od njene javnosti. Jugoslavija "ne bi
trebal da silazi sa konja na magarca" kako to neki ka?u,
nego da pokusa da reaktivira svoj polo?aj u NATO'u.
Nisu bezazlene ni ocene koje danas ima Hrvatske kada
pokusava u Partnerstvo za mir i kada joj Robertson
ka?e:"Vi ne mo?ete u Partnerstvo za mir samostalno -
mo?ete preko vojnog saveza sa Jugoslavijom". To je zbog
toga sto NATO tretira bivsu SFRJ ili njen najve?i deo,
kao jedinstvenu operativnu zonu u koju je godinama
ulagao. Sve ovo sto mi tretiramo kao dr?avne tvorevine
na ovom podru?ju, to su za njih prolazne teritorije. Za
njih je vojno prisustvo na osnovu Spajkmanove doktrine
"periferne odbrane Evrope" jedina konstantna kategorija.
Oni ?e se za to boriti. Oni ?e to ostvariti kroz novu
integraciju na Balkanu, bez obzira kako mi to ovde
tretirali, eksponirali i zagovarali.
Na?alost, disolucija Balkana jos nije zavrsena. Dok se
vode rasprave o integraciji i stabilnosti, i dalje se
realizuju elementi nekadasnjeg plana o komadanju
Jugoslavije i Srbije. Ciljevi su veoma jednostavni: da se
Jugoslaviji otkine Kosovo, izlaz na more Crna Gora,
?itnica Vojvodina, a da Sand?ak, tri li ?etiri opstine na
Jugu Srbije, kao i Dimitrovgrad, Bosilegrad i druga
podru?ja prema Bugarskoj, dobiju jedan polivalentan
status, u kome ?e Srbija postati geografski pojam, i u
kome ?e sve izgledati druga?ije. Uostalom, to
medjunarodna zajednica na krije. Karl Bilt u februaru
1999. godine govori o integraciji balkanskih zemalja:
"Sti?e se utisak da se politika medjunarodne zajednice u
odnosu na Balkan sastaji u stvaranju mozaika sa?injenog
od protektorata. To bi podrazumevalo transfer
suvereniteta u ekonomskim i strukturnim pitanjima na
institucije Evropske Unije."
Da li Evropska Unija ima moralno pravo i kredibilitet da
suvereno upravlja balkanskim prostoro9m, tretiraju?i
ovaj prostor kao neku perifernu zonu, preko koje ?se
resavati svoje probleme i svoje pitanja, a ne tretiraju?i
ovaj prostor kao prostor koji treba ravnopravno
integrisati u Evropsku Uniju, odnosno u zajednicu
evropskih naroda?
Podsetio bih da evropska kultura ne samo da nije bila u
stanju da spre?i razbuktavanje sukoba u bivsoj
Jugoslaviji, nego je obezbedila ideolosku osnovu na kojoj
su ovi sukobi nastali. Evropska politika, demokratija,
religija i humanizam, nisu pomogli spre?avanju sukoba
ve? su dopirneli njihovom razbuktavanju.
Na?alost, i danas na sceni imamo one elemente koji svoje
interese na Balkanu vide tako sto Jugoslavija treba da
nestane, sto ?e Srbija biti dalje komadana i tako sto ?e se
ovde realizovati njihova pozicija. Najbolji svedok za to je
Ralf Hartman, ?ovek koji je u knjizi "?asni mesetari"
analizirao sednice Bundestaga i koji je preneo delove
stenograma u kojima se u poslednjih deset godina ?uje
ratni pokli? velikog broja poslanika Bundestaga, od
Svarca pa nadalje, da se Srbima osvete za nema?ki poraz
na Balkanu u dva svetska rata. Taj pokli? bi mogao da se
tuma?i kao revansisti?ak retorika ali samo pod uslovom
da se ta retorika nije zaista i sprovela, i to na
najmilitantniji na?in, onako kako su oni zagovarali
prema Srbiji i ovom podru?ju.
Satanizovanje srpskog nacionalnog korpusa i forsiranje
kolektivne krivice mo?e se pratiti i istorijski. Nije nista
novo. To je deo kontinuiteta od formiranja ujedinjene
nema?ke dr?ave, kako u pretproslom veku, tako i u
proslom. Eksponent ove politike je bila i
ekspanzionist?ka politika umiru?eg Austrougarskog
carstva, koje prodiru?i na Balkan, pokusava da produ?i
?ivot, osiguravaju?i istovremeno Nema?koj ?uveni
prodor na Iatok. Prepreka na tom putu je i danas , kao i
nekada ' srpska dr?ava, sto ve?a' to ja?a. Zato se i dalje sa
istog mesta kre?u nastojanja za sto manjom i slabojom
srpskom dr?avom, za ponistenjem svakog oblika
integracije u okviru koga Srbi i narodi ovog regiona
mogu da ?ive slobodno, na svoj autenti?an na?in.
Za narode i gradjane Balkana, od svih ovih velikih igara,
je zato mnogo bitnije da se pitisnu elementi na osnovu
kojih se vrse nasilne prekompozicije Balkana, kao sto su:
istorijska izvornost, nacionalno samoopredeljenje i
kategorije koje pripadaju XIX veku i romantizmu.
Za gradjane Balkana je mnogo va?nije da ta?no zanaju
kako se na njihove pojedina?ne sudbine i kvalitet ?ivota
odnosi ovaj ili onaj akt njihove vlasti ili medjunarodnih
institucija, a ne gde su granice obele?avali car Dusan,
kralj Tomislav, Tvrtko ili kraljiva Teuta. To je posao za
nauku i istori?are, a ne za politi?ku borbu. Kada bi se
Balkan istinski integrisao u miru, slobodi i
ravopravnosti, tada bi sve ove virtuelne dr?ave mogle da
se nadju na jednom mestu. Nestao bi nacionalni
rimantizam u pratki?nom smislu kao potencijlani
pokreta? bilo kakve dezintegracije i destrukcije. Gubile
bi se granice izmedju dr?ava i gradjani Balkana mogli bi
da ?ive mirno i da grade svoj put, bez spornih
nacionalnih i teritorijalnih pitanja.
Jedina alternativa podeljenom i atomiziranom Balkanu je
istinska demokratija i saradnja i integracije, potiskivanje
i pacificiranje projekata nacionalnog romantizma, kada
se uspostave gradjanska i politi?ka prava, ali i drustvena
svest na tom nivou, da se ostvaruje i nacionalna i ljudska
emancipacija, a da niko nikoga ne ugro?ava. Alternativa
nacionalnoj kcenofobiji je da granice budu otvorene, a da
se svaki gradjanin Balkana ose?a bezbedno na bilo kojoj
ta?ki balkanskog prostora.
I na kraju samo, dozvolite mi jos jedan stav, brzo ?u
zavrsiti izlaganje. Mi znamo da dr?ava , po pravilu, ima
uvek istu funkciju. Ona pokusava da izvrsi
homogenizaciju stanovnistva, kroz na?ela vladaju?eg
drustvenog poretka. Zbog toga, organaizacija Evrope
mirovnim ugovorima ne predstavlja pacifisti?ku
koncepciju, kako je to verovao Vilson, idejni nosilac
koncepcije nacionalnog samoopredeljenja, na rusevinama
evropskih carevina, ?ije je opredeljenje bilo
ujedna?avanje i asimilacija naroda. Bilo je to uvod u novu
nestbilnost, jer svaka nova dr?ava je bila sastavljena od
raznorodnog stanovnistva.
Tako i danas, i Srbija i Crna Gora - u pravom dr?avnom
i sustinskom smislu - pojedina?no i zajedni?iki
preuzimaju sve one elemnete koji su bili sporni u
prethodnoj Jugoslaviji, pa i u Saveznoj Republici
Jugoslaviji.
Elementi i poluge za destrukciju ovih dr?ava postoje i
danas. Srbija i Crna Gora imaju obe , i svoju Vojvodinu, i
svoje Kosovo, i svoj Sand?ak, i mnoga sporna pitanja, i
bez ove dr?ave koju danas pravimo.
Ja bih voleo da sve protekne u najboljem redu i miru, da
postanemo deo Evrope ' na na?in kako to mi vidimo
Evropu. Na?alost, Evropa nas ne vidi na taj na?in, vidi
nas na drugi na?in, i zato bih voleo da se narodi i gradjani
Balkana integrisu oko pitanja svog ?ivota autenti?no, na
nasim interesima, a ne na interesima bilo ?ijeg i bilo
kakvog ekspanzionizma, ?iji rezultat je i ova Ustavna
povelja.
office@...
Datum:07. februar 2003. g.
Goran Matic: Ustavna povelja Srbije i Crne Gore
Izlaganje poslanika Gorana Mati?a u Saveznoj skupstini
prilikom usvajanja Ustavne povelje Dr?avne zajednice
Srbija i Crna Gora.
Beograd, 05. februara 2003. g.
Ja bih odmah na po?etku konstatovao da se sla?em u
potpunosti sa gospodinom Samijem, koji veruje u
mudrost ovog naroda i da ?e mudrost ovog naroda mnoge
od ovih stvari, koje su danas na dnevnom redu, u
budu?nosti postaviti na pravi na?in. Ali, na?alost, mnogi
ne veruju u mudrost tog naroda, i vise veruju u svoju
mudrost, te su Ustavnu povelju i rad oko Ustavne povelje
koncipirali tako da se narod nista ne pita, a da procedura
bude izvan ustavne i pravne, koja je predvidjena za
ovakve akte u Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, dr?avi koja
se ve? dve godine zaklinje da se u njoj sprovodi vladavina
prava
Mi mo?emo o Ustavnoj povelji i proceduri donosenja
Ustavne povelje da ?ujemo najrazli?itije kvalifikacije.
One se kre?u od veoma ozbiljnih i nau?nih, do raznih
narodnih viceva i raznih imena koja se tim povodom
ovde navode i dodaju.
Razli?ite kvalifikacije su u tome da je to sporazum
vladaju?ih oligarhija. da je to po?etak brakorazvodne
parnice dve republike, da se radi o ugovoru o sukcesiji, o
obezbedjivanju medjunarodne pozicije Crne Gore itd.
Verovatno da u velikom delu ovih kvalifikacija ima i deo
istine. Ali, ja smatram da su to sve stvari koje ?ine
formu, a ne sustinu i sadr?aj, u okviru kojih se vrsi
prekompozicija bivse Savezne Republike Jugoslavije u
jednu novu tvorevinu i nastavlja praksa atomiziranja
dr?ava na Balkanu.
Mi ?emo, nakon ove prekompozicije, razbijanja Savezne
Republike Jugoslavije, u?i u proces komadanja Srbije. Ja
se bojim da ?e Srbija sada ostati bez tog stita koji je do
sada bio ispred nje, da ?e Srbija u budu?nosti sve vise
postajati geografski pojam polivalentnih regiona, kao sto
se pojavljuje u raznim opcijama koje prakti?no treba da
startuju ?im se okon?a ova politi?ka aktivnost.
Procedura, postupak i na?in usvajanja i aktivnosti u radu
Ustavne povelje, neodoljivo vra?aju na balkansku scenu
jedan pojam, koji je u poslednja dva veka bio izuzetno
aktuelan na Balkanu. To je protektorat. Pojam
protektorata jako je dobro poznat narodima Balkana.
Vekovima se razni pokrivitelji, zastitnici, velike i
regionalne sile, jednostavno takmi?e u tome kako da
upravljaju dr?avama ili dr?avnim tvorevinama
balkanskih naroda. Po pravilu, uvek se navode, kao i
danas, plemeniti ciljevi i ?rtve koje ?ini protektor, kako
bi civilizovao ili priveo zapadnoj civilizaciji ili kulturi
zaostale balkanske narode, koji su maltene na plemenskoj
razvojnom nivou.
Takva ssaopstenja ?esto slusamo ve? vise od pola godine
iz raznih evropskih institucija. Ja sam izbrojao 48
saoppstenja, izjava, kvalifikacija, izvesne gospodje
Galjak, koja sebi uzima za pravo da tretira oivaj potez
dobrim, ovaj potez losim, ovo usporava, ovo omogu?ava
integraciju, ili gospodine Solane, koji je ushi?en sto je
doslo do usvajanja ove poveolje.
Sve ove izjave na najbolji na?in govore o protektorskim
aktivnostima koje se sprovode u ovom trenutku, ne samo
prema nasoj zemlji. Nije u pitanju samo Savezna
Republike Jugoslavija. Sve bivse republike, izuzev
mo?da Slovenije koja je u malo druga?ijem statusu,
nastale iz prethodne Jugoslavije, kao nove dr?ave, su
prakti?no u istom statusu, a takodje i neke druge dr?ave
na Balkanu.
Politi?ki smisao pomo?i medjunarodne zajednice ili
njihovih ?inovnika u kreaciji nove tvorevine na Balkanu,
isti je kao sto je uvek i bio u prethodna dva veka. On se
sastoji u pot?injavanju teritorije i dr?avne organizacije
balkanskih naroda velikim silama i regionalnim
hegemonima. Iza re?i "proitektorat" uvek stoji
ekspanzionizam, koji mi danas mo?emo tretirati, pod
plastom "integracije" ove nove tvorevine u evropsku
zajednicu naroda, ili kako ve? nazivamo te medjunarodne
organizacije i institucije, prema kojima te?imo.
Paralelno sa uvodjenjem temina "protektorat" - on se
uvek obavljao kroz uspostavljanje razli?itih modela i
nivoa zavisnosti, uvodi se i pojam"ograni?eni
suverenitet". Ti pojmovi su se ovde, na Balkanu,
definisali javno ili tajno, individualno ili kolektivno.
Narodi Balkanskog poluostrva, kao retko koje podru?je
na svetu, iskusili su izuzetno bogat repertoar
medjunarodnog mesanja, pokriviteljstva ili direktnog
stranog upravljanja njihovim teritorijama i dr?avama. U
tom smislu je Ustavna povelja, i tvorevina koja na osnovu
nje nastaje, jos jedan novi teorijski i prakti?ni dopirnos
ovom repertoaru.
Ipak teoreti?ari prava ka?u da ona mo?e dda se poredi
jedino sa Austro-Ugarskom unijom iz 1867. godine, po
svom konceptu. Mo?da mo?e da se poredi, ali predstavlja
autenti?an i novi doprinos razvoju pravne prakse, kada
govorimo o oblikovanju dr?ava i udru?ivanju dr?ava, na
ovakav na?in.
Ve?ina dr?avnih tvorevina na Balkanu u poslednja dva
veka imala je svoje strane zastitnike. Uostalom,
Balkansko poluostrvo, kao stratesko geopoliti?ko
raskrs?e, uvek je bilo predmet posebne pa?nje velikih
sila. O tome svedo?e mnogi medjunarodni ugovori,
dokumenti i ?injenice. Ja bih dodao da su sve prethodne
Jugoslavije, od 1919. godine pa nadalje, bile gradjene i da
je njihova pozicija u medjunarodnim okvirima bila
garantovana, odgovaraju?im sporazumima velikih sila.
Mi znamo koji su to sporazumi , i koje sile.
Ono sto danas treba da se proglasi kao nova tvorevina,
bojim se da je napravljena kao nesprazum velikih sila i da
?e zahvaljuju?i toj konstrukciji, koja je izgradjena na
nesporazumu velikih sila, kada je Balkan u pitanju, biti
kratkog daha i osudjena na nove prekompozicije koje,
na?alost, ne?e zavisiti niti od nase dobre volje, niti od
gradjana ove zemlje, pa niti najboljih ?elja ove vlasti.
?injenica je takodje da na Balkanu postoji, na izvestan
na?in, bogata tradicija prikrivanja realnog stepena i
oblika povezanosti dr?avnih tvorevina sa velikim silama.
Neki od istorijskih oblika dr?ava, tretiraju se u pojedinim
periodima kao doba slobode i nezavisnosti, iako su imali
sna?ne medjunarodne garante ove pozicije. Ja bih rekao
da je ?ak i Socijalisti?ka Federativna Republika
Jugoslavija, koju tretiramo kao nezavisnu i nesvrstanu,
imala sna?ne garante te svoje pozicije, koji nisu bili
zasnovani samo na balansu snaga u hladnom ratu. Na
osnovu dokumenata, koji su tek pre dve godine dospeli u
javnost iz ameri?kih arhiva, na osnovu zastarevanja od 50
godina, doslo se u posed sporazuma koji je bivsa
Jugoslavija, odnosno Tito, potpisala sa NATO Paktom.
Jugoslavija je, na izvestan na?in, bila preko odredjenih
vojnih sporazuma sa Gr?kom i Turskom, iz 1952. godine,
aktivni pridru?eni ?lan NATO pakta koji je garantovao
milion vojnika za potrebe NATO pakta u ovom delu
sveta.
Mi danas imamo obra?un sa medjunarodnom pozicijom i
prethodne SFRJ i prethodne SRJ. U tom obra?unu
previdjamo sta je bilo pozitivno u tom periodu. Danas za
ovom govornicom mnogi dr?e tirade o tome kako je
neophodno sto pre u NATO, sto pre u Partnerstvo za mir,
sto pre u institucije koje garantuju nas medjunarodni
polo?aj. Zaboravljaju da je Jugoslavija bila ?lan NATO'a
ali se to sakrivalo od njene javnosti. Jugoslavija "ne bi
trebal da silazi sa konja na magarca" kako to neki ka?u,
nego da pokusa da reaktivira svoj polo?aj u NATO'u.
Nisu bezazlene ni ocene koje danas ima Hrvatske kada
pokusava u Partnerstvo za mir i kada joj Robertson
ka?e:"Vi ne mo?ete u Partnerstvo za mir samostalno -
mo?ete preko vojnog saveza sa Jugoslavijom". To je zbog
toga sto NATO tretira bivsu SFRJ ili njen najve?i deo,
kao jedinstvenu operativnu zonu u koju je godinama
ulagao. Sve ovo sto mi tretiramo kao dr?avne tvorevine
na ovom podru?ju, to su za njih prolazne teritorije. Za
njih je vojno prisustvo na osnovu Spajkmanove doktrine
"periferne odbrane Evrope" jedina konstantna kategorija.
Oni ?e se za to boriti. Oni ?e to ostvariti kroz novu
integraciju na Balkanu, bez obzira kako mi to ovde
tretirali, eksponirali i zagovarali.
Na?alost, disolucija Balkana jos nije zavrsena. Dok se
vode rasprave o integraciji i stabilnosti, i dalje se
realizuju elementi nekadasnjeg plana o komadanju
Jugoslavije i Srbije. Ciljevi su veoma jednostavni: da se
Jugoslaviji otkine Kosovo, izlaz na more Crna Gora,
?itnica Vojvodina, a da Sand?ak, tri li ?etiri opstine na
Jugu Srbije, kao i Dimitrovgrad, Bosilegrad i druga
podru?ja prema Bugarskoj, dobiju jedan polivalentan
status, u kome ?e Srbija postati geografski pojam, i u
kome ?e sve izgledati druga?ije. Uostalom, to
medjunarodna zajednica na krije. Karl Bilt u februaru
1999. godine govori o integraciji balkanskih zemalja:
"Sti?e se utisak da se politika medjunarodne zajednice u
odnosu na Balkan sastaji u stvaranju mozaika sa?injenog
od protektorata. To bi podrazumevalo transfer
suvereniteta u ekonomskim i strukturnim pitanjima na
institucije Evropske Unije."
Da li Evropska Unija ima moralno pravo i kredibilitet da
suvereno upravlja balkanskim prostoro9m, tretiraju?i
ovaj prostor kao neku perifernu zonu, preko koje ?se
resavati svoje probleme i svoje pitanja, a ne tretiraju?i
ovaj prostor kao prostor koji treba ravnopravno
integrisati u Evropsku Uniju, odnosno u zajednicu
evropskih naroda?
Podsetio bih da evropska kultura ne samo da nije bila u
stanju da spre?i razbuktavanje sukoba u bivsoj
Jugoslaviji, nego je obezbedila ideolosku osnovu na kojoj
su ovi sukobi nastali. Evropska politika, demokratija,
religija i humanizam, nisu pomogli spre?avanju sukoba
ve? su dopirneli njihovom razbuktavanju.
Na?alost, i danas na sceni imamo one elemente koji svoje
interese na Balkanu vide tako sto Jugoslavija treba da
nestane, sto ?e Srbija biti dalje komadana i tako sto ?e se
ovde realizovati njihova pozicija. Najbolji svedok za to je
Ralf Hartman, ?ovek koji je u knjizi "?asni mesetari"
analizirao sednice Bundestaga i koji je preneo delove
stenograma u kojima se u poslednjih deset godina ?uje
ratni pokli? velikog broja poslanika Bundestaga, od
Svarca pa nadalje, da se Srbima osvete za nema?ki poraz
na Balkanu u dva svetska rata. Taj pokli? bi mogao da se
tuma?i kao revansisti?ak retorika ali samo pod uslovom
da se ta retorika nije zaista i sprovela, i to na
najmilitantniji na?in, onako kako su oni zagovarali
prema Srbiji i ovom podru?ju.
Satanizovanje srpskog nacionalnog korpusa i forsiranje
kolektivne krivice mo?e se pratiti i istorijski. Nije nista
novo. To je deo kontinuiteta od formiranja ujedinjene
nema?ke dr?ave, kako u pretproslom veku, tako i u
proslom. Eksponent ove politike je bila i
ekspanzionist?ka politika umiru?eg Austrougarskog
carstva, koje prodiru?i na Balkan, pokusava da produ?i
?ivot, osiguravaju?i istovremeno Nema?koj ?uveni
prodor na Iatok. Prepreka na tom putu je i danas , kao i
nekada ' srpska dr?ava, sto ve?a' to ja?a. Zato se i dalje sa
istog mesta kre?u nastojanja za sto manjom i slabojom
srpskom dr?avom, za ponistenjem svakog oblika
integracije u okviru koga Srbi i narodi ovog regiona
mogu da ?ive slobodno, na svoj autenti?an na?in.
Za narode i gradjane Balkana, od svih ovih velikih igara,
je zato mnogo bitnije da se pitisnu elementi na osnovu
kojih se vrse nasilne prekompozicije Balkana, kao sto su:
istorijska izvornost, nacionalno samoopredeljenje i
kategorije koje pripadaju XIX veku i romantizmu.
Za gradjane Balkana je mnogo va?nije da ta?no zanaju
kako se na njihove pojedina?ne sudbine i kvalitet ?ivota
odnosi ovaj ili onaj akt njihove vlasti ili medjunarodnih
institucija, a ne gde su granice obele?avali car Dusan,
kralj Tomislav, Tvrtko ili kraljiva Teuta. To je posao za
nauku i istori?are, a ne za politi?ku borbu. Kada bi se
Balkan istinski integrisao u miru, slobodi i
ravopravnosti, tada bi sve ove virtuelne dr?ave mogle da
se nadju na jednom mestu. Nestao bi nacionalni
rimantizam u pratki?nom smislu kao potencijlani
pokreta? bilo kakve dezintegracije i destrukcije. Gubile
bi se granice izmedju dr?ava i gradjani Balkana mogli bi
da ?ive mirno i da grade svoj put, bez spornih
nacionalnih i teritorijalnih pitanja.
Jedina alternativa podeljenom i atomiziranom Balkanu je
istinska demokratija i saradnja i integracije, potiskivanje
i pacificiranje projekata nacionalnog romantizma, kada
se uspostave gradjanska i politi?ka prava, ali i drustvena
svest na tom nivou, da se ostvaruje i nacionalna i ljudska
emancipacija, a da niko nikoga ne ugro?ava. Alternativa
nacionalnoj kcenofobiji je da granice budu otvorene, a da
se svaki gradjanin Balkana ose?a bezbedno na bilo kojoj
ta?ki balkanskog prostora.
I na kraju samo, dozvolite mi jos jedan stav, brzo ?u
zavrsiti izlaganje. Mi znamo da dr?ava , po pravilu, ima
uvek istu funkciju. Ona pokusava da izvrsi
homogenizaciju stanovnistva, kroz na?ela vladaju?eg
drustvenog poretka. Zbog toga, organaizacija Evrope
mirovnim ugovorima ne predstavlja pacifisti?ku
koncepciju, kako je to verovao Vilson, idejni nosilac
koncepcije nacionalnog samoopredeljenja, na rusevinama
evropskih carevina, ?ije je opredeljenje bilo
ujedna?avanje i asimilacija naroda. Bilo je to uvod u novu
nestbilnost, jer svaka nova dr?ava je bila sastavljena od
raznorodnog stanovnistva.
Tako i danas, i Srbija i Crna Gora - u pravom dr?avnom
i sustinskom smislu - pojedina?no i zajedni?iki
preuzimaju sve one elemnete koji su bili sporni u
prethodnoj Jugoslaviji, pa i u Saveznoj Republici
Jugoslaviji.
Elementi i poluge za destrukciju ovih dr?ava postoje i
danas. Srbija i Crna Gora imaju obe , i svoju Vojvodinu, i
svoje Kosovo, i svoj Sand?ak, i mnoga sporna pitanja, i
bez ove dr?ave koju danas pravimo.
Ja bih voleo da sve protekne u najboljem redu i miru, da
postanemo deo Evrope ' na na?in kako to mi vidimo
Evropu. Na?alost, Evropa nas ne vidi na taj na?in, vidi
nas na drugi na?in, i zato bih voleo da se narodi i gradjani
Balkana integrisu oko pitanja svog ?ivota autenti?no, na
nasim interesima, a ne na interesima bilo ?ijeg i bilo
kakvog ekspanzionizma, ?iji rezultat je i ova Ustavna
povelja.
(Source: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli. )
Date: Fri, 7 Feb 2003 10:36:52 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
Subject: NATO's Next Round: FYROM, Bosnia, Croatia To Aid War
1) US Orders Macedonia To Provide Military And
Logisitical Support For War Against Iraq
2) Bosnia Backs US War Stance
3) Croatia Offers US Assistance With War
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/02/4-SEE/see-070203.asp
Radio Free Europe/Radio LIberty
February 7, 2003
MACEDONIA REPORTEDLY RECEIVES U.S. REQUEST FOR
MILITARY SUPPORT
The U.S. government has formally asked Macedonia for
military and logistical support, RFE/RL's Macedonian
broadcasters reported on 5 February, quoting
unspecified government sources. The request, which was
sent the army's commander in chief, President Boris
Trajkovski, is said to be similar to the ones received
by the Bulgarian and Turkish governments. It
reportedly includes overflight rights as well as
allowing the presence of U.S. troops on Macedonian
territory. UB
BOSNIA SUPPORTS PRO-U.S. DECLARATION ON IRAQ
Among the signatories of the Vilnius 10 declaration
were Albania, Croatia, and Slovenia, the "Frankfurter
Allgemeine Zeitung" reported on 7 February. Bosnia and
Serbia and Montenegro, which are not part of the
Vilnius group, did not have an opportunity to be
included. The Bosnian Foreign Ministry issued a
statement of its own on 6 February in which it backed
the U.S. stand on Iraq as presented by Secretary of
State Colin Powell before the UN Security Council the
previous day, dpa reported. The statement called on
Iraq to implement all relevant Security Council
resolutions and expressed Bosnia's support for the
role of that body in dealing with the crisis. PM
CROATIA OFFERS THE U.S. LOGISTICAL SUPPORT
Defense Minister Zeljka Antunovic said in Zagreb on 6
February that Croatia is prepared to provide the
United States with logistical support in the event of
a conflict in Iraq but did not elaborate. Local media
reports suggested that such support could involve
overflight and refueling rights for U.S. aircraft.
Elsewhere, President Stipe Mesic expressed support for
efforts to disarm Iraq but stressed that peace should
be "given a chance." PM
Date: Fri, 7 Feb 2003 10:36:52 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
Subject: NATO's Next Round: FYROM, Bosnia, Croatia To Aid War
1) US Orders Macedonia To Provide Military And
Logisitical Support For War Against Iraq
2) Bosnia Backs US War Stance
3) Croatia Offers US Assistance With War
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/02/4-SEE/see-070203.asp
Radio Free Europe/Radio LIberty
February 7, 2003
MACEDONIA REPORTEDLY RECEIVES U.S. REQUEST FOR
MILITARY SUPPORT
The U.S. government has formally asked Macedonia for
military and logistical support, RFE/RL's Macedonian
broadcasters reported on 5 February, quoting
unspecified government sources. The request, which was
sent the army's commander in chief, President Boris
Trajkovski, is said to be similar to the ones received
by the Bulgarian and Turkish governments. It
reportedly includes overflight rights as well as
allowing the presence of U.S. troops on Macedonian
territory. UB
BOSNIA SUPPORTS PRO-U.S. DECLARATION ON IRAQ
Among the signatories of the Vilnius 10 declaration
were Albania, Croatia, and Slovenia, the "Frankfurter
Allgemeine Zeitung" reported on 7 February. Bosnia and
Serbia and Montenegro, which are not part of the
Vilnius group, did not have an opportunity to be
included. The Bosnian Foreign Ministry issued a
statement of its own on 6 February in which it backed
the U.S. stand on Iraq as presented by Secretary of
State Colin Powell before the UN Security Council the
previous day, dpa reported. The statement called on
Iraq to implement all relevant Security Council
resolutions and expressed Bosnia's support for the
role of that body in dealing with the crisis. PM
CROATIA OFFERS THE U.S. LOGISTICAL SUPPORT
Defense Minister Zeljka Antunovic said in Zagreb on 6
February that Croatia is prepared to provide the
United States with logistical support in the event of
a conflict in Iraq but did not elaborate. Local media
reports suggested that such support could involve
overflight and refueling rights for U.S. aircraft.
Elsewhere, President Stipe Mesic expressed support for
efforts to disarm Iraq but stressed that peace should
be "given a chance." PM
ventiquattromarzonovantanove (2)
PANCEVO: NEMMENO I NAZISTI AVEVANO OSATO TANTO
Ecco come il "New York Times" racconto' il bombardamento chimico
contro la popolazione civile di Pancevo, poche settimane dopo gli
eventi. La NATO miro' intenzionalmente sui depositi di cloruro di
vinile monomero ed altre sostanze venefiche e cancerogene, per
garantirsi un effetto genocida di lunga durata, causando anche la
contaminazione del Danubio. Questo su di una citta' governata dai
partiti della (allora) opposizione. Il "Tribunale" dell'Aia non ha mai
aperto ne' aprira' mai alcuna inchiesta per questi crimini contro
l'umanita' commessi dai responsabili politici dei paesi della NATO.
Complice degli assassini della NATO e' oggi la classe dirigente serba,
che nasconde le statistiche e le ricerche epidemiologiche sulle
conseguenze della guerra chimica contro i civili scatenata nel 1999.
(I.S.)
---
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/pancevo.htm
www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
Toxic aftermath of war
From the NY Times News Service
Petar Makara, who is from Pancevo in Serbia and now works
as a computer scientist in the US, wrote the following
comments:
#1: The Pancevo chemical industry was built by NATO
countries. They knew exactly what they were hitting.
#2: It is clear from the NATO spokeswoman quoted
below that the war crime was deliberate and well
calculated: ""There were tactical and strategic targets.
The oil refinery in Pancevo was considered a strategic
target..."
And she adds: "When targeting is done we take into
account all possible collateral damage," she said, "be it
environmental, human or to the civilian infrastructure..."
As someone who was born and lived in Pancevo for 33 years I
must add that even though bombing of my home town
happened 8,000 miles away I have experienced some of the
same symptoms as my Pancevo neighbours. The symptoms
are vomiting and stomach cramps.
- Petar Makara
The New York Times
July 14, 1999, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final
Section A; Page 1; Column 5; Foreign Desk
Serbian Town Bombed by NATO Fears Effects of Toxic Chemicals
By CHRIS HEDGES
PANCEVO, Serbia, July 12
On the edge of town, in a sprawling industrial park that held an oil
refinery, a petrochemical plant and a fertilizer factory, lie the
twisted pipes, scorched storage tanks, crumbled roofs and jagged
detritus left by NATO bombs.
Yet it is not these ruined factories that are the worst scourges of
war in this river town, many people here say, but the tons of toxic
material that poured out of them. Farm workers, plunging their fingers
into the earth, say they come away with rashes that burn and blister.
Those who eat the river fish and vegetables or drink the tap water,
which trickles out of faucets because of the damage to the
purification plant, come down with diarrhea, vomiting and stomach
cramps.
Children, many of whom were sent away to Slovakia by local Red Cross
officials for several weeks to escape the clouds of noxious gasses
that hovered for days over Pancevo, still suffer headaches and
dizziness. The war's lingering, ghoulish touch could be affecting even
the unborn. There are twice as many miscarriages as there were during
the comparable period last year, doctors here say.
There is no independent assessment of the medical effects of the
exposure to chemicals that the bombing caused. The scientific studies
conducted by the Yugoslavs in Pancevo, by their own admission, have
been carried out with outdated methods and inferior, antiquated
equipment.
The results of such testing, said Dr. Predrag S. Polic, the chemist
who conducted many of the tests, are three or four weeks away.
The United Nations Environment Program has formed a Balkans Task
Force, headed by Pakka Haavisto, who was the Environment Minister of
Finland.
The task force will send a team of international experts to Pancevo,
and about half a dozen other damaged industrial sites, next Tuesday to
take air, water and soil samples for three or four weeks. It expects
to publish its findings and make recommendations in September.
"The most dangerous moment probably occurred during the fires, when
the smoke was in the air," said Mr. Haavisto, who briefly visited
Pancevo two weeks ago and was reached by phone in Geneva. "A large
amount of chemicals burned during this time. It remains unclear how
much is in the soil, but when you walk in Pancevo you can smell
chemical substances.
"The biggest danger now is that the ground water and the Danube have
been directly polluted, something that will affect the drinking water.
There are towns in Romania and Bulgaria that use the Danube for
drinking water. In my estimation the most damaged sites will need a
cleaning process, as in places where the soil and water have been
contaminated with toxic materials, before we can talk about
rebuilding."
Government officials, doctors and residents in the town report a
surge of unexplained symptoms.
"The effects of the bombing on these industrial sites have been
enormous," said Simon Bancov, the Government health inspector for the
region. "More than 100,000 tons of carcinogenics were unleashed into
the air, the water and the soil. The produce is not safe to eat. The
long-term damage to the water table and riverbeds is severe. People
complain constantly of stomach pain but have no viral or bacterial
symptoms. We have all been poisoned."
The repeated air strikes on the industrial complex, which covers
several acres, culminated in three huge hits at 1 A.M. on April 18.
The bombs sent fireballs into the air and enveloped Pancevo in clouds
of black smoke and milky white gases. Flames leapt from the site for
10 days.
The air strikes unleashed tons of chemicals into the air and water.
An estimated 1,500 tons of vinyl chloride, the building block of a
type of plastic, 3,000 times higher than permitted levels, burned into
the air or poured into the soil and river, said municipal officials in
Pancevo, which is controlled by opposition parties hostile to
President Slobodan Milosevic.
The chemical, which has left the banks of the river edged with white
foam, still clogs the canals around the town. Huge quantities of other
noxious chemicals burned or gushed out of storage tanks, said town
officials and Yugoslav scientists.
Those chemicals included an estimated 15,000 tons of ammonia, used to
make fertilizer; 800 tons of hydrochloric acid and 250 tons of liquid
chlorine, used for several industrial products; vast quantities of
dioxin, a component of Agent Orange and other defoliants, and 100 tons
of mercury, the officials said.
By dawn after the night of the attack, dozens of people were
hospitalized gasping for air, struggling to see and unable to digest
food, witnesses said.
The sun was blotted out for nearly a day as people moved with rags
over their noses and mouths through the fog.
NATO officials, reached by phone in Mons, Belgium, said the
industrial site had been a key target in the drive to deny fuel and
other resources to the Yugoslav Army.
"NATO had two types of targets," said a NATO spokeswoman. "There were
tactical and strategic targets. The oil refinery in Pancevo was
considered a strategic target. It was a key installation that provided
petrol and other elements to support the Yugoslav Army. By cutting off
these supplies we denied crucial material to the Serbian forces
fighting in Kosovo."
The official said the environmental damage caused by the attack had
been taken into consideration.
"When targeting is done we take into account all possible collateral
damage," she said, "be it environmental, human or to the civilian
infrastructure. Pancevo was considered to be a very, very important
refinery and strategic target, as important as tactical targets inside
Kosovo."
Three months later, anxious families are coping with illnesses no one
seems able to explain. Mothers, clutching the hands of small children,
along with people whose bodies are covered in rashes, clog the small
waiting rooms of local doctors hoping for explanations and treatment.
The doctors say there is little they can do but wait to see if the
exposure leads to cancer, blood contamination and serious respiratory
ailments.
Chemical exposure can produce immediate and longer-term effects,
causing different kinds of damage to the body, experts say. Some may
be clear to the eye and painful, but other effects could be silent and
only show up years later.
It is difficult to pinpoint the cause of the symptoms that people in
Pancevo report without scientific tests. Neither Dr. Polic nor
officials of the United Nations Environment Program said they were
ready to speculate on the possible health risks.
"What can we tell people?" said Dr. Dobrosav Pavlovic, a
gynecologist. "We have not advised expectant mothers to have
abortions, but we are seeing more and more miscarriages.
"I can't say how much the bombing has contributed to this increase. I
can't say what the results of the bombing will be over the long term.
It will be over a year, when we can begin to look for birth defects
and can detect serious illnesses, that we will start to understand
what has happened."
The bombing left most of the 8,761 people who worked in the plants,
10 miles northwest of Belgrade, out of work. The Government, which was
months late with salaries before the bombing, has reduced incomes from
$100 to $15 a month until the factories are repaired, something
workers say will never happen without foreign investment. The damage
is estimated in the hundreds of millions of dollars.
Three United States companies and a German company built the
petrochemical plant, used to make plastics, in 1978. Two American
corporations and a French concern constructed the oil refinery in
1969. The fertilizer plant, which began operation in 1958, was a joint
venture by companies from the United States, Spain and the
Netherlands.
The loss of income in the town has made it difficult for those who
would like to move or take precautions against the pollutants. There
is now 70 percent unemployment.
"My son and I have constant headaches," said Radmila Vukelic, 52. "We
feel dizzy, as if we were going to faint. No one has told us anything.
We have no information about what has happened or what we should do.
"I do not eat the fish from the river. I am afraid. We would like to
eat frozen or canned vegetables, but we do not have this kind of
money. We must eat what is in the markets."
Srdjan Mikovic, 38, the Mayor of Pancevo, said he was bewildered by
the extent of the air strikes, especially since his town of 130,000,
with a mixture of people of Hungarian and Croatian ancestry, has long
been one of the centers of the opposition.
It is one of the few places in Serbia where the radio and television
stations are free from party control, either by Mr. Milosevic's ruling
Socialists or the parties that oppose him.
"We have heard nothing from the Government," the Mayor said. "We have
never supported the regime, and for this reason I fear we will be
sacrificed.
"NATO had to understand what they were doing to us, because these
factories were built by American and European firms. They could not
have been ignorant of the environmental damage. I have given up. I eat
the fish. How much more can I be poisoned after living in clouds of
this stuff?"
Pancevo was once a frontier town, manned by Hungarian, Serbian and
Austrian soldiers in the Austro-Hungarian empire. The pink facade of
the former imperial army barracks lies in the center of Pancevo. It
was from here that the European troops faced the Ottoman Turks across
the river from 1716, when Vienna captured Pancevo, until the end of
World War I.
The buildings, although in bad repair, look as if they were lifted
from Austria, with stuccoed block exteriors, onion domed towers,
arched windows and delicate wrought iron staircases.
This part of Serbia has never embraced Mr. Milosevic's nationalist
movement. Pancevo played host to a women's water polo tournament last
year, and the American swimmers won. The spectators cheered the
athletes as "The Star-Spangled Banner" was played during the awards
ceremony.
"The bombing has changed how we feel about the outside world," Mr.
Mikovic said. "People have lost their desire to fight, to reach out.
They only want to survive. The Americans can come back, but they will
not have any applause from us."
(c) NY Times * Reprinted for Fair Use Only
www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
PANCEVO: NEMMENO I NAZISTI AVEVANO OSATO TANTO
Ecco come il "New York Times" racconto' il bombardamento chimico
contro la popolazione civile di Pancevo, poche settimane dopo gli
eventi. La NATO miro' intenzionalmente sui depositi di cloruro di
vinile monomero ed altre sostanze venefiche e cancerogene, per
garantirsi un effetto genocida di lunga durata, causando anche la
contaminazione del Danubio. Questo su di una citta' governata dai
partiti della (allora) opposizione. Il "Tribunale" dell'Aia non ha mai
aperto ne' aprira' mai alcuna inchiesta per questi crimini contro
l'umanita' commessi dai responsabili politici dei paesi della NATO.
Complice degli assassini della NATO e' oggi la classe dirigente serba,
che nasconde le statistiche e le ricerche epidemiologiche sulle
conseguenze della guerra chimica contro i civili scatenata nel 1999.
(I.S.)
---
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/pancevo.htm
www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
Toxic aftermath of war
From the NY Times News Service
Petar Makara, who is from Pancevo in Serbia and now works
as a computer scientist in the US, wrote the following
comments:
#1: The Pancevo chemical industry was built by NATO
countries. They knew exactly what they were hitting.
#2: It is clear from the NATO spokeswoman quoted
below that the war crime was deliberate and well
calculated: ""There were tactical and strategic targets.
The oil refinery in Pancevo was considered a strategic
target..."
And she adds: "When targeting is done we take into
account all possible collateral damage," she said, "be it
environmental, human or to the civilian infrastructure..."
As someone who was born and lived in Pancevo for 33 years I
must add that even though bombing of my home town
happened 8,000 miles away I have experienced some of the
same symptoms as my Pancevo neighbours. The symptoms
are vomiting and stomach cramps.
- Petar Makara
The New York Times
July 14, 1999, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final
Section A; Page 1; Column 5; Foreign Desk
Serbian Town Bombed by NATO Fears Effects of Toxic Chemicals
By CHRIS HEDGES
PANCEVO, Serbia, July 12
On the edge of town, in a sprawling industrial park that held an oil
refinery, a petrochemical plant and a fertilizer factory, lie the
twisted pipes, scorched storage tanks, crumbled roofs and jagged
detritus left by NATO bombs.
Yet it is not these ruined factories that are the worst scourges of
war in this river town, many people here say, but the tons of toxic
material that poured out of them. Farm workers, plunging their fingers
into the earth, say they come away with rashes that burn and blister.
Those who eat the river fish and vegetables or drink the tap water,
which trickles out of faucets because of the damage to the
purification plant, come down with diarrhea, vomiting and stomach
cramps.
Children, many of whom were sent away to Slovakia by local Red Cross
officials for several weeks to escape the clouds of noxious gasses
that hovered for days over Pancevo, still suffer headaches and
dizziness. The war's lingering, ghoulish touch could be affecting even
the unborn. There are twice as many miscarriages as there were during
the comparable period last year, doctors here say.
There is no independent assessment of the medical effects of the
exposure to chemicals that the bombing caused. The scientific studies
conducted by the Yugoslavs in Pancevo, by their own admission, have
been carried out with outdated methods and inferior, antiquated
equipment.
The results of such testing, said Dr. Predrag S. Polic, the chemist
who conducted many of the tests, are three or four weeks away.
The United Nations Environment Program has formed a Balkans Task
Force, headed by Pakka Haavisto, who was the Environment Minister of
Finland.
The task force will send a team of international experts to Pancevo,
and about half a dozen other damaged industrial sites, next Tuesday to
take air, water and soil samples for three or four weeks. It expects
to publish its findings and make recommendations in September.
"The most dangerous moment probably occurred during the fires, when
the smoke was in the air," said Mr. Haavisto, who briefly visited
Pancevo two weeks ago and was reached by phone in Geneva. "A large
amount of chemicals burned during this time. It remains unclear how
much is in the soil, but when you walk in Pancevo you can smell
chemical substances.
"The biggest danger now is that the ground water and the Danube have
been directly polluted, something that will affect the drinking water.
There are towns in Romania and Bulgaria that use the Danube for
drinking water. In my estimation the most damaged sites will need a
cleaning process, as in places where the soil and water have been
contaminated with toxic materials, before we can talk about
rebuilding."
Government officials, doctors and residents in the town report a
surge of unexplained symptoms.
"The effects of the bombing on these industrial sites have been
enormous," said Simon Bancov, the Government health inspector for the
region. "More than 100,000 tons of carcinogenics were unleashed into
the air, the water and the soil. The produce is not safe to eat. The
long-term damage to the water table and riverbeds is severe. People
complain constantly of stomach pain but have no viral or bacterial
symptoms. We have all been poisoned."
The repeated air strikes on the industrial complex, which covers
several acres, culminated in three huge hits at 1 A.M. on April 18.
The bombs sent fireballs into the air and enveloped Pancevo in clouds
of black smoke and milky white gases. Flames leapt from the site for
10 days.
The air strikes unleashed tons of chemicals into the air and water.
An estimated 1,500 tons of vinyl chloride, the building block of a
type of plastic, 3,000 times higher than permitted levels, burned into
the air or poured into the soil and river, said municipal officials in
Pancevo, which is controlled by opposition parties hostile to
President Slobodan Milosevic.
The chemical, which has left the banks of the river edged with white
foam, still clogs the canals around the town. Huge quantities of other
noxious chemicals burned or gushed out of storage tanks, said town
officials and Yugoslav scientists.
Those chemicals included an estimated 15,000 tons of ammonia, used to
make fertilizer; 800 tons of hydrochloric acid and 250 tons of liquid
chlorine, used for several industrial products; vast quantities of
dioxin, a component of Agent Orange and other defoliants, and 100 tons
of mercury, the officials said.
By dawn after the night of the attack, dozens of people were
hospitalized gasping for air, struggling to see and unable to digest
food, witnesses said.
The sun was blotted out for nearly a day as people moved with rags
over their noses and mouths through the fog.
NATO officials, reached by phone in Mons, Belgium, said the
industrial site had been a key target in the drive to deny fuel and
other resources to the Yugoslav Army.
"NATO had two types of targets," said a NATO spokeswoman. "There were
tactical and strategic targets. The oil refinery in Pancevo was
considered a strategic target. It was a key installation that provided
petrol and other elements to support the Yugoslav Army. By cutting off
these supplies we denied crucial material to the Serbian forces
fighting in Kosovo."
The official said the environmental damage caused by the attack had
been taken into consideration.
"When targeting is done we take into account all possible collateral
damage," she said, "be it environmental, human or to the civilian
infrastructure. Pancevo was considered to be a very, very important
refinery and strategic target, as important as tactical targets inside
Kosovo."
Three months later, anxious families are coping with illnesses no one
seems able to explain. Mothers, clutching the hands of small children,
along with people whose bodies are covered in rashes, clog the small
waiting rooms of local doctors hoping for explanations and treatment.
The doctors say there is little they can do but wait to see if the
exposure leads to cancer, blood contamination and serious respiratory
ailments.
Chemical exposure can produce immediate and longer-term effects,
causing different kinds of damage to the body, experts say. Some may
be clear to the eye and painful, but other effects could be silent and
only show up years later.
It is difficult to pinpoint the cause of the symptoms that people in
Pancevo report without scientific tests. Neither Dr. Polic nor
officials of the United Nations Environment Program said they were
ready to speculate on the possible health risks.
"What can we tell people?" said Dr. Dobrosav Pavlovic, a
gynecologist. "We have not advised expectant mothers to have
abortions, but we are seeing more and more miscarriages.
"I can't say how much the bombing has contributed to this increase. I
can't say what the results of the bombing will be over the long term.
It will be over a year, when we can begin to look for birth defects
and can detect serious illnesses, that we will start to understand
what has happened."
The bombing left most of the 8,761 people who worked in the plants,
10 miles northwest of Belgrade, out of work. The Government, which was
months late with salaries before the bombing, has reduced incomes from
$100 to $15 a month until the factories are repaired, something
workers say will never happen without foreign investment. The damage
is estimated in the hundreds of millions of dollars.
Three United States companies and a German company built the
petrochemical plant, used to make plastics, in 1978. Two American
corporations and a French concern constructed the oil refinery in
1969. The fertilizer plant, which began operation in 1958, was a joint
venture by companies from the United States, Spain and the
Netherlands.
The loss of income in the town has made it difficult for those who
would like to move or take precautions against the pollutants. There
is now 70 percent unemployment.
"My son and I have constant headaches," said Radmila Vukelic, 52. "We
feel dizzy, as if we were going to faint. No one has told us anything.
We have no information about what has happened or what we should do.
"I do not eat the fish from the river. I am afraid. We would like to
eat frozen or canned vegetables, but we do not have this kind of
money. We must eat what is in the markets."
Srdjan Mikovic, 38, the Mayor of Pancevo, said he was bewildered by
the extent of the air strikes, especially since his town of 130,000,
with a mixture of people of Hungarian and Croatian ancestry, has long
been one of the centers of the opposition.
It is one of the few places in Serbia where the radio and television
stations are free from party control, either by Mr. Milosevic's ruling
Socialists or the parties that oppose him.
"We have heard nothing from the Government," the Mayor said. "We have
never supported the regime, and for this reason I fear we will be
sacrificed.
"NATO had to understand what they were doing to us, because these
factories were built by American and European firms. They could not
have been ignorant of the environmental damage. I have given up. I eat
the fish. How much more can I be poisoned after living in clouds of
this stuff?"
Pancevo was once a frontier town, manned by Hungarian, Serbian and
Austrian soldiers in the Austro-Hungarian empire. The pink facade of
the former imperial army barracks lies in the center of Pancevo. It
was from here that the European troops faced the Ottoman Turks across
the river from 1716, when Vienna captured Pancevo, until the end of
World War I.
The buildings, although in bad repair, look as if they were lifted
from Austria, with stuccoed block exteriors, onion domed towers,
arched windows and delicate wrought iron staircases.
This part of Serbia has never embraced Mr. Milosevic's nationalist
movement. Pancevo played host to a women's water polo tournament last
year, and the American swimmers won. The spectators cheered the
athletes as "The Star-Spangled Banner" was played during the awards
ceremony.
"The bombing has changed how we feel about the outside world," Mr.
Mikovic said. "People have lost their desire to fight, to reach out.
They only want to survive. The Americans can come back, but they will
not have any applause from us."
(c) NY Times * Reprinted for Fair Use Only
www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
IMPUNITA' GARANTITA
Apprendiamo nello stesso giorno che, mentre la "Procura" del
"tribunale" dell'Aja ha deciso di rinunciare a chiedere la consegna
del generale croato Janko Bobetko, un gruppo di squadristi croati si
e' introdotto nella Repubblica Serba di Bosnia per devastare il
villaggio di Jablan Do, demolendo 10 case e lasciando come "firma" i
simboli del nazismo.
Bobetko, responsabile della carneficina della sacca di Medak (1993),
e' stato graziato "a causa delle sue condizioni di salute". La
Croazia, nel frattempo, impedisce anche l'estradizione del criminale
di guerra Ante Gotovina. Ciononostante, la Croazia e' al centro di
generose iniziative diplomatiche berlusconiane e statunitensi per un
veloce accoglimento nella UE e nella NATO.
Fonti:
CROAZIA: TPI,PROCURA NON CHIEDERA' CONSEGNA GENERALE BOBETKO
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/croazia/20030205161832465478.html
+++ÜBERFALL KROATISCHER FASCHISTEN
TREBINJE. Eine Gruppe kroatischer Faschisten aus Dubrovnik hat ein
nahe gelegenes serbisches Dorf Jablan Do in der Republik Srpska
überfallen. Dabei wurden 10 Familienhäuser demoliert und mit
faschistischen Zeichen beschmutzt. Es ist unklar ob die kroatischen
Behörden etwas gegen solche Untaten unternehmen werden. TANJUG+++
Balkan-Telegramm, 5 Feb 2003 - http://www.amselfeld.com
Apprendiamo nello stesso giorno che, mentre la "Procura" del
"tribunale" dell'Aja ha deciso di rinunciare a chiedere la consegna
del generale croato Janko Bobetko, un gruppo di squadristi croati si
e' introdotto nella Repubblica Serba di Bosnia per devastare il
villaggio di Jablan Do, demolendo 10 case e lasciando come "firma" i
simboli del nazismo.
Bobetko, responsabile della carneficina della sacca di Medak (1993),
e' stato graziato "a causa delle sue condizioni di salute". La
Croazia, nel frattempo, impedisce anche l'estradizione del criminale
di guerra Ante Gotovina. Ciononostante, la Croazia e' al centro di
generose iniziative diplomatiche berlusconiane e statunitensi per un
veloce accoglimento nella UE e nella NATO.
Fonti:
CROAZIA: TPI,PROCURA NON CHIEDERA' CONSEGNA GENERALE BOBETKO
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/croazia/20030205161832465478.html
+++ÜBERFALL KROATISCHER FASCHISTEN
TREBINJE. Eine Gruppe kroatischer Faschisten aus Dubrovnik hat ein
nahe gelegenes serbisches Dorf Jablan Do in der Republik Srpska
überfallen. Dabei wurden 10 Familienhäuser demoliert und mit
faschistischen Zeichen beschmutzt. Es ist unklar ob die kroatischen
Behörden etwas gegen solche Untaten unternehmen werden. TANJUG+++
Balkan-Telegramm, 5 Feb 2003 - http://www.amselfeld.com
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