Informazione
ROSSO XXI
Periodico del Movimento per la Confederazione dei Comunisti
http://www.confederazionecomunisti.it/ROSSOXXI.htm
N° 12 - SETTEMBRE 2002
IL "PROCESSO MILOSEVIC" E L'IMPERIALISMO
di Aldo Bernardini
(quarta ed ultima parte)
(Per leggere l'articolo nella sua interezza si vedano le URL:
http://www.confederazionecomunisti.it/Il%20processo%20
Milosevic%20e%20l%27imperialismo.htm
e
http://www.confederazionecomunisti.it/Il%20processo%20
Milosevic%20e%20l%27imperialismo2.htm )
6. Non cessava però l?azione antijugoslava. L?imperialismo
non aveva conseguito tutti i suoi scopi. L?Unione Europea per
parte sua riprendeva dunque in questa fase l?azione di
embargo contro la Jugoslavia. Ad es., si vietavano le
forniture di prodotti petroliferi alla Serbia con eccezioni,
se autorizzate, per il Montenegro e il Kosovo;
successivamente si consentiva, sempre previa autorizzazione,
la fornitura di prodotti petroliferi soltanto alle città di
Nis e di Pirot, amministrate dall?opposizione jugoslava, nel
quadro di un progetto ?energia in cambio della democrazia?!
L?eliminazione di Milosevic restava all?ordine del giorno,
per gli occidentali. L?obiettivo venne perseguito con la
gravissima, inammissibile pressione nei confronti delle
elezioni jugoslave del 24 settembre 2000: o la ?democrazia?
(come la intendono lorsignori, e cioè l?asservimento) o ogni
sorta di guai. Il 18 settembre 2000, a Bruxelles, i ministri
degli esteri dell?Unione europea hanno approvato un inaudito
?messaggio al popolo serbo?, invitandolo a ?ricusare
chiaramente e pacificamente la politica di Milosevic?
attraverso le elezioni. ?Una scelta elettorale che conducesse
a un cambiamento democratico (la consueta solfa: democratico
come lo intendono lorsignori o i ?soliti noti?: n.d.a.)
provocherebbe un mutamento radicale della politica
dell?Unione europea nei confronti della Serbia?. Pur senza
verifica di eventuali precedenti, si può affermare che è
entrato così sulla scena mondiale il ?gangsterismo
internazionale? con un infame ricatto, che prosegue quello di
Rambouillet, contro la libera scelta elettorale del popolo
jugoslavo.
La turpe vicenda delle elezioni jugoslave del 24 settembre
2000 è stata dunque connotata dalla prosecuzione
dell?ingerenza degli Stati NATO, esercitata a tutto campo,
nonostante una vana denuncia del governo jugoslavo al C.d.s.,
con i finanziamenti ingenti alle opposizioni, campagne
massicce di propaganda e falsificazioni attraverso i media
radio-televisivi dall?esterno, manovre militari e navali in
tutti gli spazi circostanti e il dichiarato ricatto sugli
elettori jugoslavi, dopo gli ottanta giorni di bombardamenti,
attraverso la minaccia di mantenere e aggravare le sanzioni e
di eventuali altre misure, nel caso il risultato del voto non
fosse stato quello voluto dall?Occidente. Proprio perché
l?esito elettorale non è apparso subito appagante
(nell?elezione al Parlamento federale la maggioranza è stata
presa dal Partito socialista e dagli alleati di Milosevic),
si è innescato un vero e proprio ?colpo di stato?,
mimetizzato come esito di manifestazioni popolari, in realtà
finanziate e pilotate anch?esse in larga misura dall?estero:
il risultato elettorale tra i due candidati presidenziali ha
visto il prevalere di non eccessiva misura di Kostunica, ma
anche sulla base dell?annullamento delle votazioni relative
al Kosovo, ciò che avrebbe imposto la ripetizione di tali
votazioni ?regionali?: con tutta e maggiore probabilità si
sarebbe dovuta tenere una votazione di ballottaggio a livello
federale, ma questo è stato impedito anche dagli organizzati
e foraggiati (pure dall?estero) moti di piazza, con lo scopo
pure di ?disintegrare? nei fatti il successo del Partito
socialista di Milosevic. Cosicché in Serbia è divenuto
premier il principale agente dell?imperialismo, Djindjic. La
violazione del divieto di ingerenza e di attentato
all?indipendenza politica della Federazione jugoslava (art.
2, punto 4, Carta) è stata ancora una volta mostruosa e
toglie ogni validità ?democratica? e giuridica alle elezioni
presidenziali e ai cambiamenti fattuali susseguiti.
La nuova dirigenza jugoslava, voluta dagli Stati NATO, ha fra
l?altro, pure con violazioni costituzionali, compromesso la
posizione della Jugoslavia quale membro originario delle
N.U.. Il presidente federale Kostunica ha presentato domanda
di ammissione della Jugoslavia alle N.U. come nuovo membro,
infrangendo quindi la corretta posizione della continuità
dello Stato. Ciò fra l?altro espone la Jugoslavia a gravi
problemi in tema di continuità di trattati e rapporti
internazionali e a richieste di risarcimento da parte
soprattutto delle altre repubbliche ex jugoslave. Non basta.
Proprio Kostunica ha firmato con il presidente montenegrino
Djukanovic (a quanto si dice implicato in affari di
contrabbando e aspirante secessionista) un?intesa per
l?allentamento dei vincoli federali tra Serbia e Montenegro,
con la prospettiva di un?eventuale separazione allo scadere
di un triennio, e inoltre la sottoposizione ad arbitrato
dell?Unione europea delle questioni attinenti all?attuazione
dell?intesa: che peraltro sta incontrando difficoltà nelle
assemblee parlamentari jugoslave competenti.
Si comprende come la vicenda elettorale del settembre 2000
possa plausibilmente considerarsi sfociata in un colpo di
stato promosso dalle forze imperialistiche. Anche qui
ingerenza esterna e violazioni costituzionali interne
attestano lo stravolgimento del diritto e la distorsione dei
fatti.
7. Ben si intende come per portare avanti questi disegni
fosse necessario fiaccare il Partito socialista serbo e
togliere dalla scena politica il suo presidente Slobodan
Milosevic. Questa è stata la mira di lungo tempo dei centri
imperialistici, che pure di Milosevic si erano serviti per
compromessi inevitabili (e per i quali Milosevic stesso verrà
criticato dagli jugoslavi o serbi più intransigenti). Forse
può apparire esagerato ritenere che il Tribunale dell?Aja sia
stato costituito proprio con il lontano e primario bersaglio
costituito dagli jugoslavi resistenti e dalla loro componente
più tenace, quella serba, e dunque da Milosevic come leader
più prestigioso di tali forze. Se si scorrono le cronache, si
vedrà che la minaccia di incriminazione contro Milosevic e i
suoi principali collaboratori è stata agitata da tempo,
mentre nulla di serio è stato mai incombente sul leader
croato Tudjiman (ora defunto) e su quello bosniaco-musulmano
Izebetgovic, così che talune incriminazioni di croati e
bosniaci-musulmani possono dare l?impressione di azioni di
copertura.
L?incriminazione formale di Milosevic da parte del Tribunale
dell?Aja è avvenuta durante i bombardamenti della primavera
1999: incriminazione di un capo di stato in carica, con
l?evidente scopo immediato di giustificare l?illegale azione
degli Stati NATO. Atto gravissimo e fuori da ogni regola
internazionale. La stessa incriminazione di Milosevic e
l?ordine di arresto di un capo di stato in funzione hanno
urtato contro specifiche norme internazionali sulle immunità
degli individui-organi, come può desumersi dalla recente
sentenza del 14 febbraio 2002 della Corte internazionale di
giustizia in una controversia tra Congo e Belgio: norme che,
certamente, nessuna decisione del C.d.s. avrebbe potuto
validamente intaccare.
La nuova dirigenza jugoslava, oltre ad avere intrapreso una
via liberistica rovinosa per il popolo, si è piegata - con
qualche contrasto fra Kostunica e Djindjic - persino a una
collaborazione con l?illegittimo Tribunale dell?Aja per i
crimini nella ex Jugoslavia (il quale ha, oltretutto,
dimostrato la sua partigianeria, ?archiviando? senza esame -
l?ineffabile procuratore Carla Del Ponte - le denunce
presentate contro i crimini della NATO, condannati invece in
precedenza dalla sentenza del Tribunale distrettuale di
Belgrado del 21 settembre 2000).
L?incarcerazione a Belgrado del presidente Slobodan
Milosevic, nel marzo 2001, è avvenuta, tra proteste popolari
che forse proprio Milosevic ha impedito sfociassero in
episodi cruenti, sulla base di accuse di reati finanziari, a
quanto pare del tutto inconsistenti. In realtà si trattava di
mettere sotto custodia l?ex presidente per la successiva
ignominiosa operazione: la consegna di Milosevic (28 giugno
2001) all?illegale ?Tribunale internazionale dell?Aja per i
crimini nella ex Jugoslavia? è avvenuta, dietro promessa di
danaro (si ripercorra l?intervista a Djindjic all?inizio di
questo scritto), con l?infamia di una implicita, nella
sostanza falsa, assoluzione dei crimini occidentali e NATO a
sfregio delle vittime e dei sacrifici del popolo jugoslavo: è
stata addirittura ignorata una pronuncia della Corte
costituzionale jugoslava, che aveva sospeso - era stato
impossibile votare una legge che in realtà avrebbe poi dovuto
aver rango costituzionale! - un decreto governativo federale
sulla cooperazione con il Tribunale dell?Aja, in quanto
contrastante con il divieto dell?estradizione di cittadini
stabilito dall?art. 27 della Costituzione federale. In
realtà, la consegna dell?(ex) presidente Milosevic è stata
effettuata sulla base di un successivo decreto del governo
serbo, cioè di un?entità federata assolutamente incompetente
(e comunque addirittura in violazione dell?art. 47 della
stessa Costituzione serba, anch?esso vietante l?estradizione
dei cittadini). Dopo l?avvenuta consegna di Milosevic, la
Corte costituzionale jugoslava ha consolidato in annullamento
(6 novembre 2001) la sospensione, del 28 giugno 2001, del già
ricordato decreto governativo federale. Come è chiaro,
assolutamente illegittimo è il decreto serbo.
Rapimento e sequestro di persona: in un mondo di media
civiltà giuridica verrebbe così classificata la cattura e la
consegna del presidente Slobodan Milosevic.
Per completezza, si ricorda che recentemente il parlamento
federale ha approvato una legge (non costituzionale) sulla
cooperazione con il Tribunale dell?Aja, legge alla quale si
vorrebbe dare effetto retroattivo e che appare comunque
viziata sotto diversi profili costituzionali: nuove pressioni
soprattutto statunitensi sul piano dei promessi aiuti
finanziari hanno ottenuto questo risultato, in base al quale
taluni collaboratori di Milosevic si sono ?spontaneamente?
consegnati al Tribunale dell?Aja.
8. In una guerra civile accadono fatti orribili da tutti i
lati ma attribuirne la responsabilità ad una parte sola e
soprattutto direttamente a un determinato dirigente è prova
di fondamentale, radicale mancanza di senso storico e
sentimento di giustizia, questa rivelandosi solo come
giustizia dei vincitori (ben singolari ?vincitori? peraltro,
nel caso jugoslavo). La praticamente nulla considerazione
riservata ai comportamenti dei croati e dei bosniaci
musulmani, dirigenti compresi, dal Tribunale dell?Aja
(l?autodeterminazione negata ai serbi di Krajina e di Bosnia
e la relativa ?pulizia etnica?), nonché ancora a quelli
dell?Uck (con la massiccia cacciata dei serbi dal Kosovo) e
in modo particolarmente rivelatore il già ricordato non luogo
a procedere in rapporto alla denuncia degli evidentissimi
crimini NATO (78 giorni di bombardamenti anche all?uranio
impoverito su ogni tipo di obiettivi in Jugoslavia), ne
costituiscono definitiva dimostrazione. Nella consegna
dell?ex Presidente Milosevic, il volgare baratto monetario
(un uomo contro danaro? bene ha detto Raniero La Valle,
quella moneta al cambio vale ?trenta denari?) attesta che non
di ?giustizia internazionale? si tratta (ammesso e non
concesso che questa possa esistere), bensì della svendita di
un uomo da sacrificare, acciocché l?umanità creda di aver
trovato il colpevole di tutto e i veri aggressori risultino
mondati.
Personalmente ritengo per tanti motivi, che qui non possono
neppure sfiorarsi, che prevalgano nell?attuale contesto
mondiale le considerazioni di inopportunità rispetto a
meccanismi di c.d. giustizia penale internazionale nei
confronti di individui e in particolare di organi titolari di
funzioni statali. Senza dubbio, una legittimità formale in
tali meccanismi può riconoscersi, qualora basati su accordi
tra Stati che vengano ratificati nel rispetto delle relative
Costituzioni (vengono infatti spesso in gioco garanzie
costituzionali). Ma tale legittimità è del tutto carente in
organismi creati in decisioni del C.d.s. delle N.U.: si
tratta dei due casi del Tribunale per la ex Jugoslavia e di
quello per il Ruanda.
Tralasciamo quest?ultimo. Per il primo, forti perplessità
furono sollevate in C.d.s. da alcuni Stati, come la Cina, che
peraltro, malauguratamente e diremmo sciaguratamente, non
esitarono ad avallare con il voto una soluzione non
ammissibile in diritto internazionale, l?istituzione del
Tribunale.
Singolare (ma forse non troppo) è che furono gli Stati Uniti
a mostrarsi assolutamente determinati, e ad essere
determinanti, per l?istituzione del Tribunale: proprio dunque
lo Stato che rifiuta oggi categoricamente di sottoporsi alla
recentemente costituita Corte penale internazionale (di Roma)
sui crimini di diritti internazionale. Si vuole per altri,
anzi si impone, ciò che si respinge per se stessi. Vero è che
anche nei riguardi del Tribunale dell?Aja gli USA cominciano
a manifestare impazienza e a ventilare termini per la
cessazione della sua attività: a supporto, se ce ne fosse
bisogno, della conclamata indipendenza di quell?organismo e
probabilmente perché l?iniziativa si sta rivelando
controproducente proprio nel caso Milosevic. Va però tenuta
d?occhio con molta cautela l?alternativa, non sempre
internazionalmente lecita, che stanno oggi privilegiando
taluni centri imperialistici, a cominciare dagli Stati Uniti:
l?estensione ?universale? della propria giurisdizione penale
statale per certe categorie di reati (contro l?umanità,
terrorismo ecc.) per l?arbitrarietà basata sulla forza che
impronta di sé tali iniziative (anche se talora rivolte
contro effettivi criminali internazionali?).
Il Tribunale penale internazionale (dell?Aja) per i crimini
nella ex Jugoslavia (giudice ad hoc, quindi ?speciale?, in
parte funzionante retroattivamente, con norme processuali
discutibilissime, finanziato anche da privati come Soros e da
singoli Stati come gli USA, che impiega come polizia
giudiziaria forze della NATO, cioè occupanti e aggressori
della Jugoslavia, e utilizza i servizi segreti degli stessi
paesi), non ha fondamento normativo. A parte questo aspetto
basilare, non appare difficile riscontrare nel suo
funzionamento, tanto per le relative norme quanto per la
prassi e la giurisprudenza sviluppate, violazione di
importanti principi sui diritti dell?uomo (quelli
dell?imputato Milosevic sono ampiamente violati, e per questo
si agita il problema di un ricorso alla Corte europea dei
diritti dell?uomo di Strasburgo) e distorsioni della realtà
di fatto e giuridica. Non dimentichiamo certo le
incriminazioni ?segrete? o i veri e propri sequestri di
persona per catturare gli incriminati, che non hanno escluso
scontri sanguinosi e perdite di vite umane! D?altra parte, se
la competenza per materia appare ritagliata in modo da
escludere i crimini contro la pace (pur se non, formalmente,
gli altri crimini in ipotesi ascrivibili a soggetti diversi
da quelli jugoslavi, come gli Stati occidentali operanti o
non nel quadro della NATO), tale mutilazione incide sul
generale contesto di riferimenti assunto dallo stesso
Tribunale rispetto alle vicende jugoslave: queste vengono
acriticamente valutate secondo la corrente interpretazione
occidentale (sull?autodeterminazione, sull?estinzione dello
Stato jugoslavo, sulla Jugoslavia federale come aggressore,
ecc.).
Nella sua dichiarazione sulla illegittimità del Tribunale
dell?Aja, resa davanti a questo il 30 agosto 2001, Milosevic
sintetizza in modo chiaro i tre fondamentali vizi che
inficiano l?azione di tale organo ?giudiziario?: la Carta
delle N.U. non dà al C.d.s. il potere di creare un tribunale
penale; un tribunale che riguarda un unico contesto temporale
e politico e prende di mira un singolo Paese ed è stato
creato dal ?potere politico internazionale? per servire i
propri interessi geo-politici, non è idoneo ad operare con
criteri di uguaglianza e conduce a divisioni e violenza; il
tribunale penale internazionale per la ex Jugoslavia è
incapace di proteggere i diritti fondamentali o di garantire
un giusto processo.
Nessuna norma della Carta delle N.U. (nonostante gli sforzi
di tanti internazionalisti, degni di miglior causa) ne può
stare a fondamento: solo, e con qualche dubbio, come detto,
una convenzione internazionale, debitamente e
costituzionalmente ratificata dagli Stati interessati,
avrebbe potuto dare una base a un Tribunale internazionale
con giurisdizione su individui. Una convenzione del genere
non può ritenersi surrogata (e solo poi per i fatti di
Bosnia-Erzegovina) dal complesso di accordi di Dayton e di
Parigi (1995) sulla cessazione delle ostilità in
Bosnia-Erzegovina: accordi c.d. in forma semplificata e
comunque non debitamente ratificati (essi comunque
genericamente prevedono non una collaborazione con il
Tribunale dell?Aja, come viene propalato, bensì la normale
cooperazione fra Stati nel perseguimento dei crimini di
guerra), che quindi sono inidonei allo scopo e forse anche
viziati da violenza a danno della parte jugoslava. Le Nazioni
Unite non sono una federazione, non hanno potere diretto
sugli individui; il Consiglio di sicurezza non è un
supergoverno e non ha sugli individui poteri né normativi né
giurisdizionali. Altrimenti, se si seguissero le correnti
interpretazioni estensive di comodo, dovremmo accettare che
il Consiglio di sicurezza possa stabilire, con il pretesto di
una situazione di minaccia alla pace discrezionalmente
pronunciata, qualunque cosa anche nell?ordine interno degli
Stati, la cui indipendenza e sovranità è invece presupposto
invalicabile della loro partecipazione alle Nazioni Unite:
potrebbe dichiarare decaduti i capi di stato e altri titolari
di organi o colpire i cittadini degli Stati (membri o no) e
così via. Saremmo di fronte alla prospettiva spaventosa di
una dittatura mondiale del C.d.s., mentre la Carta delle N.U.
enuncia limiti precisi rispetto ai vincoli assunti dagli
Stati. Il Consiglio di sicurezza non può, al posto di misure
specifiche (di c.d. polizia internazionale) per il
mantenimento o ripristino della pace - quelle indicate come
tipologie dagli artt. 41 e 42 Carta N.U. o similari o al più
l?invio di corpi di pace, salva sempre la riserva delle
questioni interne -, emanare un proprio ?ordine?, con cui si
istituisce un organismo (il Tribunale dell?Aja) dotato di un
potere giurisdizionale su individui (e ancor più
individui-organi), cioè di un potere che il Consiglio di
sicurezza per sé non possiede: una misura che urta
frontalmente con l?ordine costituzionale degli Stati, in
particolare di quello nel caso maggiormente interessato (la
Jugoslavia), e cioè con il ricordato presupposto
dell?indipendenza e sovranità, sulla base del quale gli Stati
divengono membri delle N.U.. Ha giustamente osservato
Milosevic, in uno dei suoi così pertinenti e dignitosi
interventi di fronte al Tribunale dell?Aja, che se la Carta
delle N.U. avesse previsto simili possibilità, le N.U. stesse
non sarebbero mai sorte. Come negare che anche qui si abbia
un totale travolgimento di principi internazionali basilari?
9. Il Presidente Milosevic, pur con qualche errore che possa
ascriverglisi, è stato il difensore accanito della Jugoslavia
precedente e di quella ?residua? e della stessa idea
(progressista) jugoslava, persino quando ha assunto le difese
della componente serba, dalla quale non avrebbe potuto non
prendere le mosse per salvare il salvabile a fronte delle
secessioni e dell?aggressione anzitutto economica e politica
di chi le sosteneva dall?esterno. La sua violenta e
fraudolenta estromissione non ha fornito soluzioni di sorta:
la crisi dei Balcani è lungi da una conclusione (la Macedonia
insegna e tutti gli altri casi restano in realtà aperti).
Solo il mantenimento di un?idea e di una realtà
?jugoslavista? avrebbe potuto consentire esiti diversi.
Il discorso di Milosevic a Kosovo Polie del 28 giugno 1989,
nell?anniversario della storica battaglia del 1389 tra serbi
e turchi, che viene indicato da chi non l?ha mai letto come
un?arringa di fanatico nazionalismo, contiene certo una
difesa dei serbi e il rifiuto di consentire una secessione
del Kosovo, ma esplicitamente associa tali obiettivi ad un
alto apprezzamento della tradizione socialista, del
multiculturalismo e pluralismo nazionali (si conclude con
?viva la Serbia, viva la Jugoslavia!?). Tutto ciò ha trovato,
come è stato già accennato, riflesso normativo nella
Costituzione serba del 1990 e in quella jugoslava del 1992: a
differenza ad es. da quella croata (?la Croazia è lo Stato
dei croati?), queste carte costituzionali fanno riferimento a
coloro che vivono nella Repubblica federata serba o nella
Jugoslavia federale, la Costituzione di quest?ultima è poi
espressamente aperta all?adesione di altre Repubbliche.
Incertezze, errori tattici, forzature non sono mancate, e
neppure probabilmente situazioni di oggettiva formale non
aderenza al precedente dettato costituzionale jugoslavo:
spiegabili peraltro nella congiuntura di disgregazione e
sfacelo progredienti della Federazione di allora e di fronte
all?evidente ostilità non solo platonica delle forze estere
decisive. Ciò può anche avere destato, in altre componenti
della Jugoslavia, timori di volontà serbe egemoniche, volontà
del resto in effetti presenti in talune forze serbe
ultranazionalistiche.
Ma quel che conta è la linea che emerge gradualmente:
Milosevic, pur dovendo prendere atto della sconfitta storica
del socialismo in Europa, ha operato per difendere il
difendibile nel contesto europeo e mondiale e per seminare
quindi per una prospettiva futura, per sostenere una
concezione di indipendenza e di socialità avanzata pur nel
complessivo pauroso arretramento provocato dalla caduta dei
Paesi socialisti europei e dalla piena restaurazione di
rapporti capitalistici, per verità però già anticipata dal
revisionismo a cominciare proprio dalla Jugoslavia. Conta il
mantenimento dell?idea ?internazionalista? jugoslava e
l?apertura costituzionale e pratica a tutte le etnie, difesa
proprio da Milosevic contro gli estremisti. Certo, merita
riflessione il fatto che proprio nel Paese che per primo
aveva conosciuto il revisionismo al potere, o almeno in una
parte fondamentale di esso, vi sia stata la resistenza più
tenace contro l?imperialismo con scandalo di tanti
?comunisti? nostrani, che tuttora professano ammirazione più
o meno dichiarata per il liquidatore Gorbaciov (tutt?altro
che apprezzato da Milosevic) e per questo partecipano ancora,
in modo tante volte subdolo, alla campagna di denigrazione e
di demonizzazione di Milosevic.
E? invece precisamente alla resistenza guidata da Milosevic
e, sinora, al suo esemplare comportamento nel vergognoso
?processo? dell?Aja che riteniamo doversi in larga misura il
fatto che la Jugoslavia e particolarmente la Serbia non
possano considerarsi - nonostante i Quisling che attualmente
la reggono - totalmente domate e, per ora almeno, non
integralmente acquisite all?imperialismo. Se ripercorriamo i
cenni iniziali dell?intervista a Djindjic, siamo ora forse
maggiormente in grado di valutare la portata della condotta
processuale di Milosevic, del suo rifiuto di riconoscere,
come è giuridicamente ineccepibile, lo pseudo-tribunale
speciale che pretende di giudicare l?eroica resistenza di uno
Stato e di un popolo, avendo assolto preventivamente i
crimini dell?imperialismo, del quale quindi quell?organismo
si rivela strumento arbitrario di violenza mascherata da
diritto. Per ora, a quanto si sa, Milosevic sta smontando i
?teoremi giudiziari?, in base ai quali egli dovrebbe apparire
l?artefice, e il principale se non addirittura l?unico
artefice, dei mali della Jugoslavia. Tali ?teoremi? si
fondano su assunti dati per certi e incontrovertibili:
qualunque fosse stata o fosse la sua posizione formale o la
carica rivestita, Milosevic dalla fine degli anni ?80 avrebbe
controllato e organizzato tutto in Jugoslavia e naturalmente
avrebbe anche organizzato, deciso, fatto eseguire o almeno
non impedito, dato che non avrebbe potuto non sapere, i
crimini di guerra e contro l?umanità e addirittura i genocidi
ascritti ai serbi (delle altre componenti quasi non si
parla). Ma indubitabilmente vi è una logica (perversa) in
tutto ciò: la vera colpa è di aver preteso di resistere
all?imperialismo, che quindi è stato ?costretto? a ricorrere
alla guerra! E? merito di Milosevic, e non è un caso che i
media abbiano dopo i giorni iniziali oscurato il processo,
aver disvelato il carattere tutto politico e di parte degli
avvenimenti ?giudiziari? dell?Aja: quia lupus sum, la
?morale? delle forze imperialistiche è stata messa a nudo.
Milosevic, come mi è stato chiaro nell?incontro che ho avuto
con lui il 16 agosto 2001 nell?ingiusto carcere di
Scheveningen, sa bene (sono sue parole) che ?globalizzazione
è nuovo imperialismo, è dominio mondiale, non fondandosi
sull?eguaglianza fra popoli e fra Stati?.
Occorre che le forze antimperialistiche diano maggior
solidarietà a questo dirigente e a tutti gli jugoslavi che
resistono: è dovere e interesse comune.
(4. Fine)
Periodico del Movimento per la Confederazione dei Comunisti
http://www.confederazionecomunisti.it/ROSSOXXI.htm
N° 12 - SETTEMBRE 2002
IL "PROCESSO MILOSEVIC" E L'IMPERIALISMO
di Aldo Bernardini
(quarta ed ultima parte)
(Per leggere l'articolo nella sua interezza si vedano le URL:
http://www.confederazionecomunisti.it/Il%20processo%20
Milosevic%20e%20l%27imperialismo.htm
e
http://www.confederazionecomunisti.it/Il%20processo%20
Milosevic%20e%20l%27imperialismo2.htm )
6. Non cessava però l?azione antijugoslava. L?imperialismo
non aveva conseguito tutti i suoi scopi. L?Unione Europea per
parte sua riprendeva dunque in questa fase l?azione di
embargo contro la Jugoslavia. Ad es., si vietavano le
forniture di prodotti petroliferi alla Serbia con eccezioni,
se autorizzate, per il Montenegro e il Kosovo;
successivamente si consentiva, sempre previa autorizzazione,
la fornitura di prodotti petroliferi soltanto alle città di
Nis e di Pirot, amministrate dall?opposizione jugoslava, nel
quadro di un progetto ?energia in cambio della democrazia?!
L?eliminazione di Milosevic restava all?ordine del giorno,
per gli occidentali. L?obiettivo venne perseguito con la
gravissima, inammissibile pressione nei confronti delle
elezioni jugoslave del 24 settembre 2000: o la ?democrazia?
(come la intendono lorsignori, e cioè l?asservimento) o ogni
sorta di guai. Il 18 settembre 2000, a Bruxelles, i ministri
degli esteri dell?Unione europea hanno approvato un inaudito
?messaggio al popolo serbo?, invitandolo a ?ricusare
chiaramente e pacificamente la politica di Milosevic?
attraverso le elezioni. ?Una scelta elettorale che conducesse
a un cambiamento democratico (la consueta solfa: democratico
come lo intendono lorsignori o i ?soliti noti?: n.d.a.)
provocherebbe un mutamento radicale della politica
dell?Unione europea nei confronti della Serbia?. Pur senza
verifica di eventuali precedenti, si può affermare che è
entrato così sulla scena mondiale il ?gangsterismo
internazionale? con un infame ricatto, che prosegue quello di
Rambouillet, contro la libera scelta elettorale del popolo
jugoslavo.
La turpe vicenda delle elezioni jugoslave del 24 settembre
2000 è stata dunque connotata dalla prosecuzione
dell?ingerenza degli Stati NATO, esercitata a tutto campo,
nonostante una vana denuncia del governo jugoslavo al C.d.s.,
con i finanziamenti ingenti alle opposizioni, campagne
massicce di propaganda e falsificazioni attraverso i media
radio-televisivi dall?esterno, manovre militari e navali in
tutti gli spazi circostanti e il dichiarato ricatto sugli
elettori jugoslavi, dopo gli ottanta giorni di bombardamenti,
attraverso la minaccia di mantenere e aggravare le sanzioni e
di eventuali altre misure, nel caso il risultato del voto non
fosse stato quello voluto dall?Occidente. Proprio perché
l?esito elettorale non è apparso subito appagante
(nell?elezione al Parlamento federale la maggioranza è stata
presa dal Partito socialista e dagli alleati di Milosevic),
si è innescato un vero e proprio ?colpo di stato?,
mimetizzato come esito di manifestazioni popolari, in realtà
finanziate e pilotate anch?esse in larga misura dall?estero:
il risultato elettorale tra i due candidati presidenziali ha
visto il prevalere di non eccessiva misura di Kostunica, ma
anche sulla base dell?annullamento delle votazioni relative
al Kosovo, ciò che avrebbe imposto la ripetizione di tali
votazioni ?regionali?: con tutta e maggiore probabilità si
sarebbe dovuta tenere una votazione di ballottaggio a livello
federale, ma questo è stato impedito anche dagli organizzati
e foraggiati (pure dall?estero) moti di piazza, con lo scopo
pure di ?disintegrare? nei fatti il successo del Partito
socialista di Milosevic. Cosicché in Serbia è divenuto
premier il principale agente dell?imperialismo, Djindjic. La
violazione del divieto di ingerenza e di attentato
all?indipendenza politica della Federazione jugoslava (art.
2, punto 4, Carta) è stata ancora una volta mostruosa e
toglie ogni validità ?democratica? e giuridica alle elezioni
presidenziali e ai cambiamenti fattuali susseguiti.
La nuova dirigenza jugoslava, voluta dagli Stati NATO, ha fra
l?altro, pure con violazioni costituzionali, compromesso la
posizione della Jugoslavia quale membro originario delle
N.U.. Il presidente federale Kostunica ha presentato domanda
di ammissione della Jugoslavia alle N.U. come nuovo membro,
infrangendo quindi la corretta posizione della continuità
dello Stato. Ciò fra l?altro espone la Jugoslavia a gravi
problemi in tema di continuità di trattati e rapporti
internazionali e a richieste di risarcimento da parte
soprattutto delle altre repubbliche ex jugoslave. Non basta.
Proprio Kostunica ha firmato con il presidente montenegrino
Djukanovic (a quanto si dice implicato in affari di
contrabbando e aspirante secessionista) un?intesa per
l?allentamento dei vincoli federali tra Serbia e Montenegro,
con la prospettiva di un?eventuale separazione allo scadere
di un triennio, e inoltre la sottoposizione ad arbitrato
dell?Unione europea delle questioni attinenti all?attuazione
dell?intesa: che peraltro sta incontrando difficoltà nelle
assemblee parlamentari jugoslave competenti.
Si comprende come la vicenda elettorale del settembre 2000
possa plausibilmente considerarsi sfociata in un colpo di
stato promosso dalle forze imperialistiche. Anche qui
ingerenza esterna e violazioni costituzionali interne
attestano lo stravolgimento del diritto e la distorsione dei
fatti.
7. Ben si intende come per portare avanti questi disegni
fosse necessario fiaccare il Partito socialista serbo e
togliere dalla scena politica il suo presidente Slobodan
Milosevic. Questa è stata la mira di lungo tempo dei centri
imperialistici, che pure di Milosevic si erano serviti per
compromessi inevitabili (e per i quali Milosevic stesso verrà
criticato dagli jugoslavi o serbi più intransigenti). Forse
può apparire esagerato ritenere che il Tribunale dell?Aja sia
stato costituito proprio con il lontano e primario bersaglio
costituito dagli jugoslavi resistenti e dalla loro componente
più tenace, quella serba, e dunque da Milosevic come leader
più prestigioso di tali forze. Se si scorrono le cronache, si
vedrà che la minaccia di incriminazione contro Milosevic e i
suoi principali collaboratori è stata agitata da tempo,
mentre nulla di serio è stato mai incombente sul leader
croato Tudjiman (ora defunto) e su quello bosniaco-musulmano
Izebetgovic, così che talune incriminazioni di croati e
bosniaci-musulmani possono dare l?impressione di azioni di
copertura.
L?incriminazione formale di Milosevic da parte del Tribunale
dell?Aja è avvenuta durante i bombardamenti della primavera
1999: incriminazione di un capo di stato in carica, con
l?evidente scopo immediato di giustificare l?illegale azione
degli Stati NATO. Atto gravissimo e fuori da ogni regola
internazionale. La stessa incriminazione di Milosevic e
l?ordine di arresto di un capo di stato in funzione hanno
urtato contro specifiche norme internazionali sulle immunità
degli individui-organi, come può desumersi dalla recente
sentenza del 14 febbraio 2002 della Corte internazionale di
giustizia in una controversia tra Congo e Belgio: norme che,
certamente, nessuna decisione del C.d.s. avrebbe potuto
validamente intaccare.
La nuova dirigenza jugoslava, oltre ad avere intrapreso una
via liberistica rovinosa per il popolo, si è piegata - con
qualche contrasto fra Kostunica e Djindjic - persino a una
collaborazione con l?illegittimo Tribunale dell?Aja per i
crimini nella ex Jugoslavia (il quale ha, oltretutto,
dimostrato la sua partigianeria, ?archiviando? senza esame -
l?ineffabile procuratore Carla Del Ponte - le denunce
presentate contro i crimini della NATO, condannati invece in
precedenza dalla sentenza del Tribunale distrettuale di
Belgrado del 21 settembre 2000).
L?incarcerazione a Belgrado del presidente Slobodan
Milosevic, nel marzo 2001, è avvenuta, tra proteste popolari
che forse proprio Milosevic ha impedito sfociassero in
episodi cruenti, sulla base di accuse di reati finanziari, a
quanto pare del tutto inconsistenti. In realtà si trattava di
mettere sotto custodia l?ex presidente per la successiva
ignominiosa operazione: la consegna di Milosevic (28 giugno
2001) all?illegale ?Tribunale internazionale dell?Aja per i
crimini nella ex Jugoslavia? è avvenuta, dietro promessa di
danaro (si ripercorra l?intervista a Djindjic all?inizio di
questo scritto), con l?infamia di una implicita, nella
sostanza falsa, assoluzione dei crimini occidentali e NATO a
sfregio delle vittime e dei sacrifici del popolo jugoslavo: è
stata addirittura ignorata una pronuncia della Corte
costituzionale jugoslava, che aveva sospeso - era stato
impossibile votare una legge che in realtà avrebbe poi dovuto
aver rango costituzionale! - un decreto governativo federale
sulla cooperazione con il Tribunale dell?Aja, in quanto
contrastante con il divieto dell?estradizione di cittadini
stabilito dall?art. 27 della Costituzione federale. In
realtà, la consegna dell?(ex) presidente Milosevic è stata
effettuata sulla base di un successivo decreto del governo
serbo, cioè di un?entità federata assolutamente incompetente
(e comunque addirittura in violazione dell?art. 47 della
stessa Costituzione serba, anch?esso vietante l?estradizione
dei cittadini). Dopo l?avvenuta consegna di Milosevic, la
Corte costituzionale jugoslava ha consolidato in annullamento
(6 novembre 2001) la sospensione, del 28 giugno 2001, del già
ricordato decreto governativo federale. Come è chiaro,
assolutamente illegittimo è il decreto serbo.
Rapimento e sequestro di persona: in un mondo di media
civiltà giuridica verrebbe così classificata la cattura e la
consegna del presidente Slobodan Milosevic.
Per completezza, si ricorda che recentemente il parlamento
federale ha approvato una legge (non costituzionale) sulla
cooperazione con il Tribunale dell?Aja, legge alla quale si
vorrebbe dare effetto retroattivo e che appare comunque
viziata sotto diversi profili costituzionali: nuove pressioni
soprattutto statunitensi sul piano dei promessi aiuti
finanziari hanno ottenuto questo risultato, in base al quale
taluni collaboratori di Milosevic si sono ?spontaneamente?
consegnati al Tribunale dell?Aja.
8. In una guerra civile accadono fatti orribili da tutti i
lati ma attribuirne la responsabilità ad una parte sola e
soprattutto direttamente a un determinato dirigente è prova
di fondamentale, radicale mancanza di senso storico e
sentimento di giustizia, questa rivelandosi solo come
giustizia dei vincitori (ben singolari ?vincitori? peraltro,
nel caso jugoslavo). La praticamente nulla considerazione
riservata ai comportamenti dei croati e dei bosniaci
musulmani, dirigenti compresi, dal Tribunale dell?Aja
(l?autodeterminazione negata ai serbi di Krajina e di Bosnia
e la relativa ?pulizia etnica?), nonché ancora a quelli
dell?Uck (con la massiccia cacciata dei serbi dal Kosovo) e
in modo particolarmente rivelatore il già ricordato non luogo
a procedere in rapporto alla denuncia degli evidentissimi
crimini NATO (78 giorni di bombardamenti anche all?uranio
impoverito su ogni tipo di obiettivi in Jugoslavia), ne
costituiscono definitiva dimostrazione. Nella consegna
dell?ex Presidente Milosevic, il volgare baratto monetario
(un uomo contro danaro? bene ha detto Raniero La Valle,
quella moneta al cambio vale ?trenta denari?) attesta che non
di ?giustizia internazionale? si tratta (ammesso e non
concesso che questa possa esistere), bensì della svendita di
un uomo da sacrificare, acciocché l?umanità creda di aver
trovato il colpevole di tutto e i veri aggressori risultino
mondati.
Personalmente ritengo per tanti motivi, che qui non possono
neppure sfiorarsi, che prevalgano nell?attuale contesto
mondiale le considerazioni di inopportunità rispetto a
meccanismi di c.d. giustizia penale internazionale nei
confronti di individui e in particolare di organi titolari di
funzioni statali. Senza dubbio, una legittimità formale in
tali meccanismi può riconoscersi, qualora basati su accordi
tra Stati che vengano ratificati nel rispetto delle relative
Costituzioni (vengono infatti spesso in gioco garanzie
costituzionali). Ma tale legittimità è del tutto carente in
organismi creati in decisioni del C.d.s. delle N.U.: si
tratta dei due casi del Tribunale per la ex Jugoslavia e di
quello per il Ruanda.
Tralasciamo quest?ultimo. Per il primo, forti perplessità
furono sollevate in C.d.s. da alcuni Stati, come la Cina, che
peraltro, malauguratamente e diremmo sciaguratamente, non
esitarono ad avallare con il voto una soluzione non
ammissibile in diritto internazionale, l?istituzione del
Tribunale.
Singolare (ma forse non troppo) è che furono gli Stati Uniti
a mostrarsi assolutamente determinati, e ad essere
determinanti, per l?istituzione del Tribunale: proprio dunque
lo Stato che rifiuta oggi categoricamente di sottoporsi alla
recentemente costituita Corte penale internazionale (di Roma)
sui crimini di diritti internazionale. Si vuole per altri,
anzi si impone, ciò che si respinge per se stessi. Vero è che
anche nei riguardi del Tribunale dell?Aja gli USA cominciano
a manifestare impazienza e a ventilare termini per la
cessazione della sua attività: a supporto, se ce ne fosse
bisogno, della conclamata indipendenza di quell?organismo e
probabilmente perché l?iniziativa si sta rivelando
controproducente proprio nel caso Milosevic. Va però tenuta
d?occhio con molta cautela l?alternativa, non sempre
internazionalmente lecita, che stanno oggi privilegiando
taluni centri imperialistici, a cominciare dagli Stati Uniti:
l?estensione ?universale? della propria giurisdizione penale
statale per certe categorie di reati (contro l?umanità,
terrorismo ecc.) per l?arbitrarietà basata sulla forza che
impronta di sé tali iniziative (anche se talora rivolte
contro effettivi criminali internazionali?).
Il Tribunale penale internazionale (dell?Aja) per i crimini
nella ex Jugoslavia (giudice ad hoc, quindi ?speciale?, in
parte funzionante retroattivamente, con norme processuali
discutibilissime, finanziato anche da privati come Soros e da
singoli Stati come gli USA, che impiega come polizia
giudiziaria forze della NATO, cioè occupanti e aggressori
della Jugoslavia, e utilizza i servizi segreti degli stessi
paesi), non ha fondamento normativo. A parte questo aspetto
basilare, non appare difficile riscontrare nel suo
funzionamento, tanto per le relative norme quanto per la
prassi e la giurisprudenza sviluppate, violazione di
importanti principi sui diritti dell?uomo (quelli
dell?imputato Milosevic sono ampiamente violati, e per questo
si agita il problema di un ricorso alla Corte europea dei
diritti dell?uomo di Strasburgo) e distorsioni della realtà
di fatto e giuridica. Non dimentichiamo certo le
incriminazioni ?segrete? o i veri e propri sequestri di
persona per catturare gli incriminati, che non hanno escluso
scontri sanguinosi e perdite di vite umane! D?altra parte, se
la competenza per materia appare ritagliata in modo da
escludere i crimini contro la pace (pur se non, formalmente,
gli altri crimini in ipotesi ascrivibili a soggetti diversi
da quelli jugoslavi, come gli Stati occidentali operanti o
non nel quadro della NATO), tale mutilazione incide sul
generale contesto di riferimenti assunto dallo stesso
Tribunale rispetto alle vicende jugoslave: queste vengono
acriticamente valutate secondo la corrente interpretazione
occidentale (sull?autodeterminazione, sull?estinzione dello
Stato jugoslavo, sulla Jugoslavia federale come aggressore,
ecc.).
Nella sua dichiarazione sulla illegittimità del Tribunale
dell?Aja, resa davanti a questo il 30 agosto 2001, Milosevic
sintetizza in modo chiaro i tre fondamentali vizi che
inficiano l?azione di tale organo ?giudiziario?: la Carta
delle N.U. non dà al C.d.s. il potere di creare un tribunale
penale; un tribunale che riguarda un unico contesto temporale
e politico e prende di mira un singolo Paese ed è stato
creato dal ?potere politico internazionale? per servire i
propri interessi geo-politici, non è idoneo ad operare con
criteri di uguaglianza e conduce a divisioni e violenza; il
tribunale penale internazionale per la ex Jugoslavia è
incapace di proteggere i diritti fondamentali o di garantire
un giusto processo.
Nessuna norma della Carta delle N.U. (nonostante gli sforzi
di tanti internazionalisti, degni di miglior causa) ne può
stare a fondamento: solo, e con qualche dubbio, come detto,
una convenzione internazionale, debitamente e
costituzionalmente ratificata dagli Stati interessati,
avrebbe potuto dare una base a un Tribunale internazionale
con giurisdizione su individui. Una convenzione del genere
non può ritenersi surrogata (e solo poi per i fatti di
Bosnia-Erzegovina) dal complesso di accordi di Dayton e di
Parigi (1995) sulla cessazione delle ostilità in
Bosnia-Erzegovina: accordi c.d. in forma semplificata e
comunque non debitamente ratificati (essi comunque
genericamente prevedono non una collaborazione con il
Tribunale dell?Aja, come viene propalato, bensì la normale
cooperazione fra Stati nel perseguimento dei crimini di
guerra), che quindi sono inidonei allo scopo e forse anche
viziati da violenza a danno della parte jugoslava. Le Nazioni
Unite non sono una federazione, non hanno potere diretto
sugli individui; il Consiglio di sicurezza non è un
supergoverno e non ha sugli individui poteri né normativi né
giurisdizionali. Altrimenti, se si seguissero le correnti
interpretazioni estensive di comodo, dovremmo accettare che
il Consiglio di sicurezza possa stabilire, con il pretesto di
una situazione di minaccia alla pace discrezionalmente
pronunciata, qualunque cosa anche nell?ordine interno degli
Stati, la cui indipendenza e sovranità è invece presupposto
invalicabile della loro partecipazione alle Nazioni Unite:
potrebbe dichiarare decaduti i capi di stato e altri titolari
di organi o colpire i cittadini degli Stati (membri o no) e
così via. Saremmo di fronte alla prospettiva spaventosa di
una dittatura mondiale del C.d.s., mentre la Carta delle N.U.
enuncia limiti precisi rispetto ai vincoli assunti dagli
Stati. Il Consiglio di sicurezza non può, al posto di misure
specifiche (di c.d. polizia internazionale) per il
mantenimento o ripristino della pace - quelle indicate come
tipologie dagli artt. 41 e 42 Carta N.U. o similari o al più
l?invio di corpi di pace, salva sempre la riserva delle
questioni interne -, emanare un proprio ?ordine?, con cui si
istituisce un organismo (il Tribunale dell?Aja) dotato di un
potere giurisdizionale su individui (e ancor più
individui-organi), cioè di un potere che il Consiglio di
sicurezza per sé non possiede: una misura che urta
frontalmente con l?ordine costituzionale degli Stati, in
particolare di quello nel caso maggiormente interessato (la
Jugoslavia), e cioè con il ricordato presupposto
dell?indipendenza e sovranità, sulla base del quale gli Stati
divengono membri delle N.U.. Ha giustamente osservato
Milosevic, in uno dei suoi così pertinenti e dignitosi
interventi di fronte al Tribunale dell?Aja, che se la Carta
delle N.U. avesse previsto simili possibilità, le N.U. stesse
non sarebbero mai sorte. Come negare che anche qui si abbia
un totale travolgimento di principi internazionali basilari?
9. Il Presidente Milosevic, pur con qualche errore che possa
ascriverglisi, è stato il difensore accanito della Jugoslavia
precedente e di quella ?residua? e della stessa idea
(progressista) jugoslava, persino quando ha assunto le difese
della componente serba, dalla quale non avrebbe potuto non
prendere le mosse per salvare il salvabile a fronte delle
secessioni e dell?aggressione anzitutto economica e politica
di chi le sosteneva dall?esterno. La sua violenta e
fraudolenta estromissione non ha fornito soluzioni di sorta:
la crisi dei Balcani è lungi da una conclusione (la Macedonia
insegna e tutti gli altri casi restano in realtà aperti).
Solo il mantenimento di un?idea e di una realtà
?jugoslavista? avrebbe potuto consentire esiti diversi.
Il discorso di Milosevic a Kosovo Polie del 28 giugno 1989,
nell?anniversario della storica battaglia del 1389 tra serbi
e turchi, che viene indicato da chi non l?ha mai letto come
un?arringa di fanatico nazionalismo, contiene certo una
difesa dei serbi e il rifiuto di consentire una secessione
del Kosovo, ma esplicitamente associa tali obiettivi ad un
alto apprezzamento della tradizione socialista, del
multiculturalismo e pluralismo nazionali (si conclude con
?viva la Serbia, viva la Jugoslavia!?). Tutto ciò ha trovato,
come è stato già accennato, riflesso normativo nella
Costituzione serba del 1990 e in quella jugoslava del 1992: a
differenza ad es. da quella croata (?la Croazia è lo Stato
dei croati?), queste carte costituzionali fanno riferimento a
coloro che vivono nella Repubblica federata serba o nella
Jugoslavia federale, la Costituzione di quest?ultima è poi
espressamente aperta all?adesione di altre Repubbliche.
Incertezze, errori tattici, forzature non sono mancate, e
neppure probabilmente situazioni di oggettiva formale non
aderenza al precedente dettato costituzionale jugoslavo:
spiegabili peraltro nella congiuntura di disgregazione e
sfacelo progredienti della Federazione di allora e di fronte
all?evidente ostilità non solo platonica delle forze estere
decisive. Ciò può anche avere destato, in altre componenti
della Jugoslavia, timori di volontà serbe egemoniche, volontà
del resto in effetti presenti in talune forze serbe
ultranazionalistiche.
Ma quel che conta è la linea che emerge gradualmente:
Milosevic, pur dovendo prendere atto della sconfitta storica
del socialismo in Europa, ha operato per difendere il
difendibile nel contesto europeo e mondiale e per seminare
quindi per una prospettiva futura, per sostenere una
concezione di indipendenza e di socialità avanzata pur nel
complessivo pauroso arretramento provocato dalla caduta dei
Paesi socialisti europei e dalla piena restaurazione di
rapporti capitalistici, per verità però già anticipata dal
revisionismo a cominciare proprio dalla Jugoslavia. Conta il
mantenimento dell?idea ?internazionalista? jugoslava e
l?apertura costituzionale e pratica a tutte le etnie, difesa
proprio da Milosevic contro gli estremisti. Certo, merita
riflessione il fatto che proprio nel Paese che per primo
aveva conosciuto il revisionismo al potere, o almeno in una
parte fondamentale di esso, vi sia stata la resistenza più
tenace contro l?imperialismo con scandalo di tanti
?comunisti? nostrani, che tuttora professano ammirazione più
o meno dichiarata per il liquidatore Gorbaciov (tutt?altro
che apprezzato da Milosevic) e per questo partecipano ancora,
in modo tante volte subdolo, alla campagna di denigrazione e
di demonizzazione di Milosevic.
E? invece precisamente alla resistenza guidata da Milosevic
e, sinora, al suo esemplare comportamento nel vergognoso
?processo? dell?Aja che riteniamo doversi in larga misura il
fatto che la Jugoslavia e particolarmente la Serbia non
possano considerarsi - nonostante i Quisling che attualmente
la reggono - totalmente domate e, per ora almeno, non
integralmente acquisite all?imperialismo. Se ripercorriamo i
cenni iniziali dell?intervista a Djindjic, siamo ora forse
maggiormente in grado di valutare la portata della condotta
processuale di Milosevic, del suo rifiuto di riconoscere,
come è giuridicamente ineccepibile, lo pseudo-tribunale
speciale che pretende di giudicare l?eroica resistenza di uno
Stato e di un popolo, avendo assolto preventivamente i
crimini dell?imperialismo, del quale quindi quell?organismo
si rivela strumento arbitrario di violenza mascherata da
diritto. Per ora, a quanto si sa, Milosevic sta smontando i
?teoremi giudiziari?, in base ai quali egli dovrebbe apparire
l?artefice, e il principale se non addirittura l?unico
artefice, dei mali della Jugoslavia. Tali ?teoremi? si
fondano su assunti dati per certi e incontrovertibili:
qualunque fosse stata o fosse la sua posizione formale o la
carica rivestita, Milosevic dalla fine degli anni ?80 avrebbe
controllato e organizzato tutto in Jugoslavia e naturalmente
avrebbe anche organizzato, deciso, fatto eseguire o almeno
non impedito, dato che non avrebbe potuto non sapere, i
crimini di guerra e contro l?umanità e addirittura i genocidi
ascritti ai serbi (delle altre componenti quasi non si
parla). Ma indubitabilmente vi è una logica (perversa) in
tutto ciò: la vera colpa è di aver preteso di resistere
all?imperialismo, che quindi è stato ?costretto? a ricorrere
alla guerra! E? merito di Milosevic, e non è un caso che i
media abbiano dopo i giorni iniziali oscurato il processo,
aver disvelato il carattere tutto politico e di parte degli
avvenimenti ?giudiziari? dell?Aja: quia lupus sum, la
?morale? delle forze imperialistiche è stata messa a nudo.
Milosevic, come mi è stato chiaro nell?incontro che ho avuto
con lui il 16 agosto 2001 nell?ingiusto carcere di
Scheveningen, sa bene (sono sue parole) che ?globalizzazione
è nuovo imperialismo, è dominio mondiale, non fondandosi
sull?eguaglianza fra popoli e fra Stati?.
Occorre che le forze antimperialistiche diano maggior
solidarietà a questo dirigente e a tutti gli jugoslavi che
resistono: è dovere e interesse comune.
(4. Fine)
PER "IL MANIFESTO" - RUBRICA LETTERE
Con preghiera di pubblicazione
"Il Manifesto" ingoia la pillola, ed affida a Tiziana Boari una
recensione dello scomodo libro "Menzogne di guerra". Tiziana -
ex inviata OSCE in Kosovo, collaboratrice di Limes e di molte
altre testate - svolge alla perfezione il compito affidatole. Primo:
minimizza sul contenuto del libro, insinuando dubbi su presunte
imprecisioni ma senza entrare nel merito. Secondo: coglie
l'occasione per presentare *un altro* libro, "di ben altro spessore
e rigore scientifico" certo, nemmeno tradotto in italiano, scritto
da un militare "buono" - poiche' europeo: gli americani sono
cattivi, gli europei sono buoni. Terzo, evita accuratamente di
citare i curatori del volume e l'esistenza di un Coordinamento
Nazionale per la Jugoslavia, che - dopo avere organizzato i
ben 5 appuntamenti di presentazione del libro di Elsaesser in
giro per l'Italia insieme all'autore (a due dei quali la stessa
Tiziana ha partecipato) - prosegue nella sua crescita e nel
suo impegno di smascheramento e di chiarificazione sulle
cause e sulle dinamiche reali - non "giornalistiche" - dello
squartamento della Repubblica Federativa Socialista di
Jugoslavia. E le politiche europee, in queste cause ed in
queste dinamiche reali di squartamento, ci sono implicate
fino al collo.
Quarto - per l'appunto, e piu' grave di tutto il resto - usa
lo spazio della recensione per propagandare "la proposta
[che, lo garantiamo, e' aborrita da Elsaesser in primis!]
della creazione di una forza europea d'intervento rapido
preventivo per la risoluzione e la prevenzione dei conflitti,
composta da esperti civili, ben addestrati e pronti
a essere dislocati dove necessario con la stessa rapidità di
dispiegamento delle truppe militari." Sara' divertente vederli,
questi militari fare a gara con i loro colleghi in abito
borghese, a chi arriva prima...
Andrea Martocchia (Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia)
---
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/18-Ottobre-2002/art80.html
il manifesto - 18 Ottobre 2002 - pagina 15
Le bugie hanno le guerre lunghe
La costruzione del consenso dell'opinione pubblica internazionale
all'intervento prima statunitense e poi Nato nel Kosovo. «Menzogne di
guerra», un libro del giornalista tedesco Jürgen Elsaesser
TIZIANA BOARI
L'abbattimento del muro di Berlino nel 1989 avrebbe dovuto portare una
nuova era di pace e democrazia, secondo le speranze di molti, e invece è
stato l'inizio di una catena perversa di conflitti mondiali sempre più
pericolosi per l'umanità intera: l'Iraq, l'ex Jugoslavia, l'Afghanistan
e ora di
nuovo l'Iraq, per non parlare dei conflitti «dimenticati», come quelli
in corso nella Costa d'Avorio, in Liberia, in Sudan, in Colombia.
Chissà perché questi venti di guerra che spirano nel mondo occidentale
nei confronti dell'Iraq ricordano tanto situazioni del passato ed errori
da non ripetere,
riserve da non tenere nei confronti della pace. Nel frattempo, la
macchina delle menzogne di guerra è ripartita anch'essa puntuale, come
ogni autunno. Ricordate una certa, esilarante quanto tragica,
filmografia americana degli ultimi anni, che denunciava i meccanismi di
disinformazione allo
scopo di creare le guerre virtuali fino a farle diventare reali? C'è da
chiedersi se sia servita a cambiare le coscienze, la consapevolezza
delle strumentalizzazioni in atto, a far aprire gli occhi. Così non
appare in questi giorni del tutto fuori luogo il contributo che fornisce
alla loro comprensione, seppur guardando alla guerra nella e contro la
ex-Jugoslavia, il giornalista tedesco Jürgen Elsaesser con il suo libro
Menzogne di guerra (trad. Mara Oneta, ed. «La Città del Sole»).
Elsaesser, 45 anni,
redattore del mensile tedesco di sinistra Konkret, con un metodo che lui
stesso ha definito «da criminologo», ripercorre i passaggi essenziali
della campagna massmediatica che demonizzò Milosevic, l'imputato numero
uno del Tribunale Speciale dell'Aja che di brani di questo libro (già
tradotto in serbo e in uscita nella sua traduzione francese) si è
avvalso per la propria difesa. Malgrado il lavoro e lo sforzo
encomiabile, l'autore pecca di imprecisione filologica e bibliografica,
cade su alcune citazioni imprecise e su non poche approssimazioni che
automaticamente, con un effetto a domino, rendono il lettore scettico
sulla credibilità di tutte le altre interessanti informazioni riportate
nel testo. Le operazioni di controinformazione, per essere efficaci,
ovvero considerate serie e credibili, non possono permettersi scivoloni
di questo tipo.
Il libro tratta in particolare le «menzogne di guerra» che diffuse il
governo tedesco per giustificare il primo intervento di sue truppe fuori
dai confini nazionali dalla II guerra mondiale. Ma si inizia dalla
Bosnia , dalle cifre ballerine sui morti di Srebrenica (1995) fornite
dall'allora ministro della difesa
Rudolf Scharping: si parlò di 30mila assassinati dalle truppe serbe,
quando nell'estate del 2000, alla luce degli ultimi dati e della
improvvisa <<resurrezione>> di circa 3.000 persone nelle liste degli
elettori presentate dagli osservatori elettorali dell'Osce in occasione
delle elezioni del 1997, si parlò invece di 3.000 vittime,
ridimensionando l'episodio, uno dei numerosi capi d'accusa contro i
quali Milosevic è chiamato a difendersi proprio in questi giorni dal
Tribunale dell'Aja. Certo è che non sono le cifre a due o tre zeri a
fare la differenza su un crimine; è tuttavia importante illustrare
alcune dinamiche perché poi è comunque sui numeri che si giocano alcune
partite, che le guerre vengono approvate dall'opinione pubblica.
Nel marzo 1999 non fu importante, anzi passò sotto silenzio il dato di
quei profughi, di tutte le etnie, che attraversarono alla spicciolata il
confine tra Kosovo e Macedonia, nei giorni che seguirono l'evacuazione
dell'Osce e precedettero i bombardamenti. Questione di qualche giorno, è
quello che pensavano tutti. Quanto fu abile e scaltra invece la
sovrapposizione semantica tra i treni piombati, le deportazioni, le
vittime sacrificali e la Pasqua cattolica che si celebrava di lì a poco
da una parte e i profughi kosovaro albanesi in fuga. Così, nel giro di
pochissimi giorni, coloro che fuggivano dalle bombe (e cominciarono ad
essere numerosi dal 30 marzo soltanto) e venivano evacuati per ragioni
di sicurezza divennero gli agnelli pasquali, vittime della ferocia
serba. A Pasqua scoppiò lo «scandalo» di Blace e in molti si chiesero
come mai l'Alto Commissariato Onu per i Rifugiati non avesse previsto
una tale emergenza. Rimase un mistero, poco chiaro anche a coloro che in
quei giorni e poco prima in quei luoghi c'erano stati.
Di ben altro spessore e rigore scientifico è invece l'opera, molto
citata dallo stesso Elsaesser, del generale Heinz Loquai, già
consigliere militare presso la rappresentanza tedesca all'Osce, Il
conflitto del Kosovo. Percorsi di una guerra evitabile (Der Kosovo
Konflikt. Wege in einenvermeidbaren Krieg,
Baden Baden 2000), uno studio e insieme una testimonianza molto rigorosi
nella trattazione dei documenti e della storia più recente, un'opera
alla quale dovrebbero andare le attenzioni di un editore coraggioso e di
un pubblico attento proprio perché rilancia anche la proposta della
creazione di una forza europea d'intervento rapido preventivo per la
risoluzione e la prevenzione dei conflitti, composta da esperti civili,
ben addestrati e pronti a essere dislocati dove necessario con la stessa
rapidità di dispiegamento delle truppe militari.
E' inquietante comunque rileggere oggi i meccanismi con i quali una
guerra ormai decisa da tempo fu resa «accettabile» all'opinione pubblica
mondiale. I tempi sono peggiorati rispetto ad allora, quando già in
molti si additava con sdegno alla palese violazione del diritto
internazionale che la
guerra, angloamericana prima e Nato poi, contro uno stato sovrano come
la Federazione Jugoslava aveva rappresentato: il primo attacco militare
internazionale partito senza una risoluzione del Consiglio di Sicurezza
dell'Onu. Con l'attacco all'Afghanistan si passa alla fantomatica
risposta al
terrorismo, alla «caccia all'uomo» (bin Laden che sembra avere nove vite
e il dono dell'ubiquità: roba da studi Disney...), alla «guerra
infinita». Si distrugge un paese per colpire un individuo e i suoi
adepti. Oggi andiamo verso lo stravolgimento completo del diritto in
quanto tale. Assistiamo al rovesciamento completo del principio di
presunzione di innocenza fino a prova contraria: oggi sono colpevoli di
terrorismo tutti quegli stati che sono sulla lista nera degli Usa e sono
colpevoli finché non provano, attraverso il loro assoggettamento
completo agli interessi economici e geopolitici americani, di essere
«innocenti».
Gli Usa soffrono di una gravissima recessione economica, la guerra è
paradossalmente, come è sempre stata, un modo per salvarsi dal disastro
economico interno e per l'amministrazione Bush uno strumento di
propaganda politica. In Europa oggi è la Germania a dire fermamente «No»
alla guerra preventiva contro Baghdad. Lo dice anche la Francia, ma la
posizione tedesca oggi ha un valore diverso perché fu proprio la
Germania il primo paese Ue a cedere alle pressioni statunitensi nel
negoziato di Rambouillet che precedette la guerra contro la Federazione
Jugoslava. La guerra è evitabile, parafrasando Loquai, perché è davvero
una scelta: di mezzi, di modalità, di tempi. E la consapevolezza del
valore di una scelta di pace si sta facendo strada nelle coscienze
dell'Europa ogni giorno di più. Forse la lezione del Kosovo è servita a
qualcosa. A impedire che la menzogna entri ancora una volta nella storia
e diventi verità.
Con preghiera di pubblicazione
"Il Manifesto" ingoia la pillola, ed affida a Tiziana Boari una
recensione dello scomodo libro "Menzogne di guerra". Tiziana -
ex inviata OSCE in Kosovo, collaboratrice di Limes e di molte
altre testate - svolge alla perfezione il compito affidatole. Primo:
minimizza sul contenuto del libro, insinuando dubbi su presunte
imprecisioni ma senza entrare nel merito. Secondo: coglie
l'occasione per presentare *un altro* libro, "di ben altro spessore
e rigore scientifico" certo, nemmeno tradotto in italiano, scritto
da un militare "buono" - poiche' europeo: gli americani sono
cattivi, gli europei sono buoni. Terzo, evita accuratamente di
citare i curatori del volume e l'esistenza di un Coordinamento
Nazionale per la Jugoslavia, che - dopo avere organizzato i
ben 5 appuntamenti di presentazione del libro di Elsaesser in
giro per l'Italia insieme all'autore (a due dei quali la stessa
Tiziana ha partecipato) - prosegue nella sua crescita e nel
suo impegno di smascheramento e di chiarificazione sulle
cause e sulle dinamiche reali - non "giornalistiche" - dello
squartamento della Repubblica Federativa Socialista di
Jugoslavia. E le politiche europee, in queste cause ed in
queste dinamiche reali di squartamento, ci sono implicate
fino al collo.
Quarto - per l'appunto, e piu' grave di tutto il resto - usa
lo spazio della recensione per propagandare "la proposta
[che, lo garantiamo, e' aborrita da Elsaesser in primis!]
della creazione di una forza europea d'intervento rapido
preventivo per la risoluzione e la prevenzione dei conflitti,
composta da esperti civili, ben addestrati e pronti
a essere dislocati dove necessario con la stessa rapidità di
dispiegamento delle truppe militari." Sara' divertente vederli,
questi militari fare a gara con i loro colleghi in abito
borghese, a chi arriva prima...
Andrea Martocchia (Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia)
---
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/18-Ottobre-2002/art80.html
il manifesto - 18 Ottobre 2002 - pagina 15
Le bugie hanno le guerre lunghe
La costruzione del consenso dell'opinione pubblica internazionale
all'intervento prima statunitense e poi Nato nel Kosovo. «Menzogne di
guerra», un libro del giornalista tedesco Jürgen Elsaesser
TIZIANA BOARI
L'abbattimento del muro di Berlino nel 1989 avrebbe dovuto portare una
nuova era di pace e democrazia, secondo le speranze di molti, e invece è
stato l'inizio di una catena perversa di conflitti mondiali sempre più
pericolosi per l'umanità intera: l'Iraq, l'ex Jugoslavia, l'Afghanistan
e ora di
nuovo l'Iraq, per non parlare dei conflitti «dimenticati», come quelli
in corso nella Costa d'Avorio, in Liberia, in Sudan, in Colombia.
Chissà perché questi venti di guerra che spirano nel mondo occidentale
nei confronti dell'Iraq ricordano tanto situazioni del passato ed errori
da non ripetere,
riserve da non tenere nei confronti della pace. Nel frattempo, la
macchina delle menzogne di guerra è ripartita anch'essa puntuale, come
ogni autunno. Ricordate una certa, esilarante quanto tragica,
filmografia americana degli ultimi anni, che denunciava i meccanismi di
disinformazione allo
scopo di creare le guerre virtuali fino a farle diventare reali? C'è da
chiedersi se sia servita a cambiare le coscienze, la consapevolezza
delle strumentalizzazioni in atto, a far aprire gli occhi. Così non
appare in questi giorni del tutto fuori luogo il contributo che fornisce
alla loro comprensione, seppur guardando alla guerra nella e contro la
ex-Jugoslavia, il giornalista tedesco Jürgen Elsaesser con il suo libro
Menzogne di guerra (trad. Mara Oneta, ed. «La Città del Sole»).
Elsaesser, 45 anni,
redattore del mensile tedesco di sinistra Konkret, con un metodo che lui
stesso ha definito «da criminologo», ripercorre i passaggi essenziali
della campagna massmediatica che demonizzò Milosevic, l'imputato numero
uno del Tribunale Speciale dell'Aja che di brani di questo libro (già
tradotto in serbo e in uscita nella sua traduzione francese) si è
avvalso per la propria difesa. Malgrado il lavoro e lo sforzo
encomiabile, l'autore pecca di imprecisione filologica e bibliografica,
cade su alcune citazioni imprecise e su non poche approssimazioni che
automaticamente, con un effetto a domino, rendono il lettore scettico
sulla credibilità di tutte le altre interessanti informazioni riportate
nel testo. Le operazioni di controinformazione, per essere efficaci,
ovvero considerate serie e credibili, non possono permettersi scivoloni
di questo tipo.
Il libro tratta in particolare le «menzogne di guerra» che diffuse il
governo tedesco per giustificare il primo intervento di sue truppe fuori
dai confini nazionali dalla II guerra mondiale. Ma si inizia dalla
Bosnia , dalle cifre ballerine sui morti di Srebrenica (1995) fornite
dall'allora ministro della difesa
Rudolf Scharping: si parlò di 30mila assassinati dalle truppe serbe,
quando nell'estate del 2000, alla luce degli ultimi dati e della
improvvisa <<resurrezione>> di circa 3.000 persone nelle liste degli
elettori presentate dagli osservatori elettorali dell'Osce in occasione
delle elezioni del 1997, si parlò invece di 3.000 vittime,
ridimensionando l'episodio, uno dei numerosi capi d'accusa contro i
quali Milosevic è chiamato a difendersi proprio in questi giorni dal
Tribunale dell'Aja. Certo è che non sono le cifre a due o tre zeri a
fare la differenza su un crimine; è tuttavia importante illustrare
alcune dinamiche perché poi è comunque sui numeri che si giocano alcune
partite, che le guerre vengono approvate dall'opinione pubblica.
Nel marzo 1999 non fu importante, anzi passò sotto silenzio il dato di
quei profughi, di tutte le etnie, che attraversarono alla spicciolata il
confine tra Kosovo e Macedonia, nei giorni che seguirono l'evacuazione
dell'Osce e precedettero i bombardamenti. Questione di qualche giorno, è
quello che pensavano tutti. Quanto fu abile e scaltra invece la
sovrapposizione semantica tra i treni piombati, le deportazioni, le
vittime sacrificali e la Pasqua cattolica che si celebrava di lì a poco
da una parte e i profughi kosovaro albanesi in fuga. Così, nel giro di
pochissimi giorni, coloro che fuggivano dalle bombe (e cominciarono ad
essere numerosi dal 30 marzo soltanto) e venivano evacuati per ragioni
di sicurezza divennero gli agnelli pasquali, vittime della ferocia
serba. A Pasqua scoppiò lo «scandalo» di Blace e in molti si chiesero
come mai l'Alto Commissariato Onu per i Rifugiati non avesse previsto
una tale emergenza. Rimase un mistero, poco chiaro anche a coloro che in
quei giorni e poco prima in quei luoghi c'erano stati.
Di ben altro spessore e rigore scientifico è invece l'opera, molto
citata dallo stesso Elsaesser, del generale Heinz Loquai, già
consigliere militare presso la rappresentanza tedesca all'Osce, Il
conflitto del Kosovo. Percorsi di una guerra evitabile (Der Kosovo
Konflikt. Wege in einenvermeidbaren Krieg,
Baden Baden 2000), uno studio e insieme una testimonianza molto rigorosi
nella trattazione dei documenti e della storia più recente, un'opera
alla quale dovrebbero andare le attenzioni di un editore coraggioso e di
un pubblico attento proprio perché rilancia anche la proposta della
creazione di una forza europea d'intervento rapido preventivo per la
risoluzione e la prevenzione dei conflitti, composta da esperti civili,
ben addestrati e pronti a essere dislocati dove necessario con la stessa
rapidità di dispiegamento delle truppe militari.
E' inquietante comunque rileggere oggi i meccanismi con i quali una
guerra ormai decisa da tempo fu resa «accettabile» all'opinione pubblica
mondiale. I tempi sono peggiorati rispetto ad allora, quando già in
molti si additava con sdegno alla palese violazione del diritto
internazionale che la
guerra, angloamericana prima e Nato poi, contro uno stato sovrano come
la Federazione Jugoslava aveva rappresentato: il primo attacco militare
internazionale partito senza una risoluzione del Consiglio di Sicurezza
dell'Onu. Con l'attacco all'Afghanistan si passa alla fantomatica
risposta al
terrorismo, alla «caccia all'uomo» (bin Laden che sembra avere nove vite
e il dono dell'ubiquità: roba da studi Disney...), alla «guerra
infinita». Si distrugge un paese per colpire un individuo e i suoi
adepti. Oggi andiamo verso lo stravolgimento completo del diritto in
quanto tale. Assistiamo al rovesciamento completo del principio di
presunzione di innocenza fino a prova contraria: oggi sono colpevoli di
terrorismo tutti quegli stati che sono sulla lista nera degli Usa e sono
colpevoli finché non provano, attraverso il loro assoggettamento
completo agli interessi economici e geopolitici americani, di essere
«innocenti».
Gli Usa soffrono di una gravissima recessione economica, la guerra è
paradossalmente, come è sempre stata, un modo per salvarsi dal disastro
economico interno e per l'amministrazione Bush uno strumento di
propaganda politica. In Europa oggi è la Germania a dire fermamente «No»
alla guerra preventiva contro Baghdad. Lo dice anche la Francia, ma la
posizione tedesca oggi ha un valore diverso perché fu proprio la
Germania il primo paese Ue a cedere alle pressioni statunitensi nel
negoziato di Rambouillet che precedette la guerra contro la Federazione
Jugoslava. La guerra è evitabile, parafrasando Loquai, perché è davvero
una scelta: di mezzi, di modalità, di tempi. E la consapevolezza del
valore di una scelta di pace si sta facendo strada nelle coscienze
dell'Europa ogni giorno di più. Forse la lezione del Kosovo è servita a
qualcosa. A impedire che la menzogna entri ancora una volta nella storia
e diventi verità.
1. Hoce li Milosevic biti deveta haska zrtva? (Nedeljni Telegraf)
2. SLOBODA: Vratite Milosevica!
3. BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNORPAVNIH
SUDJENJE SLOBODANU MILOSEVI?U SAOPSTENJE ZA JAVNOST (12.9.2002.)
=== 1 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Miroslav Antic" wrote:
Hoce li Milosevic biti deveta haska zrtva?
Pukovnik docent dr ZDRAVKO MIJAILOVIC, nacelnik kardiologije na VMA i
clan medjunarodnog lekarskog tima koji je Tribunal imenovao, nakon
posete Hagu otkriva:
Milosevicu prete infarkt srca i mozga sa smrtnim ishodom
Olivera Jovicevic
Nakon sto je Medjunarodni tribunal u Hagu podigao prve optuznice za
ratne zlocine, od 1996. godine do danas, prilikom hapsenja ili u samom
seveningenskom zatvoru, tragicno je stradalo sedam haskih optuzenika.
Svi su bili srpske nacionalnosti.
Nedavno je iz haskog zatvora "privremeno pusten na slobodu" i general
Momir Talic sa tumorom na plucima, koji je, po lekarskom izvestaju
beogradske Vojnomedicinske akademije, "metastazirao na vise mesta na
skeletu", te je i njegov zivot u pitanju.
Oni koji povremeno posecuju bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika
Slobodana Milosevica, porodica i saradnici, ali i lekari, upozoravaju
da bi dramaticno stanje njegovog zdravlja moglo imati fatalan ishod.
Ukoliko bi Hag dobio i svoju osmu, odnosno devetu zrtvu, jos jednom bi
se drasticno postavio problem tanke granice izmedju doslednog
postovanja pravne procedure i ugrozavanja zivota optuzenog. S obzirom
na znacaj institucije Tribunala, postavlja se i pitanje da li je Hag
mesto na kojem se utvrdjuje istina, uz sav respekt i brigu o
zdravstvenom stanju optuzenog, ili je seveningensko zatvorsko zdanje,
zapravo, poslednje i smrtno konaciste za optuzenike vec bolesne i
iznurene, po pravilu, dugotrajnim sudjenjem.
NASTAVAK: http://www.nedeljnitelegraf.co.yu/novi/milos.html
--- End forwarded message ---
=== 2 ===
Subject: SLOBODA: Vratite Milosevica!
Date: Sun, 13 Oct 2002 21:55:45 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
13. oktobra 2002. g.
PREDSEDNIK MILOSEVIC MORA BITI
VRACEN U JUGOSLAVIJU!
Haski tribunal svesno nastavlja da ugrozava zivot
predsednika Slobodana Milosevica.
Uprkos brojnim apelima i upozorenjima iz zemlje i
inostranstva ova nedopustiva kriminalna aktivnost se
nastavlja. Celodnevno trajanje procesa je ponovo uvedeno. Mimo
vremena provedenog u samoj sudnici, predsednik Milosevic je
prinu|en da dopunske sate provede u zgradi tribunala, bez
hrane, odmora i svezeg vazduha. Proces se i dalje odugovlaci
beskrajnim nizom laznih svedoka, ciji se redosled menja u
poslednjem trenutku, ali uz koje se dostavljaju desetine
hiljada stranica materijala.
Uz sve to, ne samo da nema nikakvog lecenja, vec
nema ni bilo kakvog lekarskog nadzora nad zdravljem
predsednika Milosevica. Nije cak bilo ni pregleda od strane
kardiologa, iako su to trazili holandski lekari opste prakse
koje je odredio tribunal i koji su jedan jedini put pregledali
predsednika Milosevica.
Zato potpune neistine koje je u izjavi listu
Nacional izneo portparol tribunala Dzim Lendejl - da je
predsednik Milosevic pod stalnim lekarskim nadzorom i da se
primenjuje neophodna terapija, izazivaju jos vecu zabrinutost.
Domacoj i svetskoj javnosti je poznato da stalni
nadljudski napor i neljudski uslovi kojima je predsednik
Milosevic izlozen u tribunalu i zatvoru, uz ostecenja srcanog
misica i visok krvni pritisak, predstavljaju stalnu pretnju
njegovom zivotu.
Javnost tako|e zna da je vec nekoliko zatvorenika
tribunala izgubilo zivot posle drasticnog pogorsanja zdravlja
u pritvoru.
Zbog svega toga zahtevamo da predsednik Slobodan
Milosevic bude odmah vracen u Jugoslaviju radi oporavka i
dobijanja neophodnog specijalistickog tretmana od strane
odgovarajuce medicinske ustanove. To je jedini nacin da se
otkloni opasnost po njegov zivot!
Bogoljub Bjelica
predsednik Udruzenja Sloboda - Jugoslovenskog komiteta za odbranu
Slobodana Milosevica
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
=== 3 ===
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNORPAVNIH
SUDJENJE SLOBODANU MILOSEVI?U
SAOPSTENJE ZA JAVNOST (3)
U Beogradu, 12. septembar 2002.
U svoja prethodna dva saopstenja Beogradski forum za svet
ravnopravnih (Forum) je izrazio svoju zabrinutost zbog na?ina na
koji se vodi sudjenje gospodinu Slobodanu Milosevi?u pred
Medjunarodnim krivi?nim Tribunalom za bivsu Jugoslaviju (ICTY) u
Hagu. Forum je takodje pozvao sve organizacije za zastitu
ljudskih prava da postave svoje posmatra?e na sudjenju u cilju
postovanja prava na posteno sudjenje.
Nakon ovih saopstenja, nekoliko ?lanova Parlamentarne skupstine
Saveta Evrope su pokrenuli inicijativu pred tim telom u cilju
postavljanja posmatra?a na sudjenju. Rezultat ove inicijative ?e
biti poznat u skoroj budu?nosti.
U medjuvremenu, Forum skre?e pa?nju na slede?e nepravilnosti u
postupku:
- dana 14 juna unakrsno ispitivanje penzionisanog NATO generala
Klausa Naumana (?oveka koji je autorizovao bombardovanje ciljeve
u centru Beograda) od strane jednog od prijatelja suda gospodina
Tapuskovi?a, sudija Mej je naglo prekinuo sa objasnjenjem da
"svedok mora da uhvati avion";
- dana 11. juna desila se nista drugo do pravno skandalozna
situacija kada je svedok g Avdiju tvrdio da je pre?iveo
strelja?ki vod, a zatim i 4 sata u vatri u ku?i u Maloj Krusi.
Svedok je zatim utvrdio da njegovo prezime nije Avdiju, nego da
ga je promenio u Krasni?i i takodje je priznao da neki od 4
potpisa na kraju njegove izjave nisu njegovi. Mada je sudija Kvon
pokusao da razjasni ovo pitanje, za ?aljenje je da sudsko Ve?e
nije zatra?ilo od svedoka da se ponovo potpise na izjavi i to na
licu mesta;
- svedok K 12 koji je odbio da svedo?i tvrde?i da je bio izlo?en
"psiholoskom obradjivanju" od strane tu?ilastva je optu?en od
strane sudskog Ve?a za nepostovanja suda. Pitamo se zbog ?ega
sudsko Ve?e nije pomoglo nesretnom K 12 i oslobodilo ga psihi?kih
pritisaka kojima je bio izlo?en i opa?amo da ni jedan drugi
svedok nije bio ka?njen na ovaj na?in, uprkos ?injenici da su
mnoga svedo?enja bila vi?e nego neverovatna;
- svedok g Ali Djogaj, grobar sa Kosova, je izjavio 3. jula da je
tovario hladnja?u sa telima iz masovne grobnice na Kosovu i
kategori?no tvrdio da se ovo desilo u aprilu 2000. godine. U to
vreme nije bilo jugoslovenske vojske i policije na Kosovu. Sudija
Mej je li?no potvrdio taj datum. Medjutim, slede?eg jutra sudsko
ve?e je dozvolilo svedoku da se ponovo pojavi pred njim i promeni
svoj iskaz. Relevantan datum vise nije bio april 2000. nego
"april 1999. godine". Kada je gospodin Milosevi? ulo?io svoj
protest zbog ovoga, sudija Mej je rekao da mora da pogleda u
zapisnik.
Forum podse?a da je u svom prvom saopstenju pozvao sudsko Ve?e da
izrekne kaznene mere prema svedocima ?ija svedo?enja su o?ito
lisena kredibiliteta i tom prilikom Forum je upozorio na
?injenicu da su mnogi svedoci sa Kosova tvrdili da ?ak nisu ni
?uli za OVK. Medjutim, 30. avgusta g Gani Bo?aj, osudjen za
krivi?no delo terorizma, posvedo?io je da je svaki muskarac u
njegovom selu bio ?lan OVK! U skladu sa tim kancelarija
tu?ilastva, u finalnoj fazi izvodjenja svojih dokaza po kosovskoj
optu?nici, u?inila je sve da dovede sto vise pripadnika OVK kao
svedoke. Jedan od tih svedoka je ?ak izjavio "da je ubio onoliko
Srba na koliko je nanisanio". Forum mo?e jednostavno da
konstatuje da je kredibilitet ovakvih svedoka, koji su otvoreno
neprijateljski nastrojeni prema jugoslovenskoj dr?avi i gospodinu
Milosevi?u, jednostavno - nepostoje?i.
Forum takodje opa?a, da nisu samo svedoci sa Kosova oni ?ija
svedo?enja su lisena verodostojnosti. Na primer, g Jan Hendri,
detektiv iz Britanije, se ponovo pojavio pred Ve?em u nameri da
ga "ubedi" da je na dve manje - vise identi?ne fotografije istog
poginulog iz Ra?ka krv mogla biti vidljiva na jednoj od
fotografija, ali ne i na drugoj. General Klaus Nauman, koji je
mo?da takodje autorizovao bombardovanje rezidencije gospodina
Milosevi?a i TV stanice "Kosava" koja je pripadala njegovoj
k?erci, je nastavio svoju neprijateqsku kampanju pred Tribunalom
sa prosto neverovatnim izjavama. Forum smatra potpuno
neprihvatljivim da se svedo?enje svedoka koji je verovatno
po?inio ratne zlo?ine i zlo?in pokusaja ubistva gospodina
Milosev?a i njegove porodice mo?e smatrati nepristrasnim od
starne Tribunala.
Forum poziva:
- Saveznu Vladu SRJ da preduzme konkretne korake u cilju
sprovodjenja odluke Saveznog ustavnog suda koji se odnosi na
nelegalno izru?enje gospodina Milosevi?a haskom Tribunalu;
- Predsednika SRJ gospodina Kostunicu da se li?no obrati svim
sefovima dr?ava i zatra?i njihovo anga?ovanje u cilju
obezbedjenja prava gospodina Milosevi?a da se brani sa slobode iz
Haga - Holandije;
- Saveznu skupstinu i Skupstinu Republike Srbije da se obrate
svim parlamentima u svetu sa zahtevom za njihovu podrsku za
oslobadj|anje gospodina Milosevi?a.
Forum smatra da tu?ilastvo nije uspelo da pove?e gospodina
Milosevi?a sa navodnim zlo?inima na Kosovu i dokaz za ovu tvrdnju
je o?iti pokusaj tu?ilastva da tereti jugoslovenske snage
bezbednosti i gospodina Milosevi?a za dokazane NATO zlo?ine, kao
sto je bombardovanje zatvora Dubrava i kolona albanskih izbeglica
u Bistre?inu i Meji. U cilju oslobodjenja odgovornosti NATO-a na
ovaj na?in, tu?ilastvo je pozvalo mnoge la?ne svedoke poput Muse
Krasnisija i Ganija Ba?aja, obojicu osudjenih za krivi?no delo
terorizma. Ovo je o?ita zloupotreba postupka od strane
tu?ilastva. Iz navedenih razloga Forum smatra da bi kosovska
optu?nica trebalo da bude smesta odba?ena od strane sudskog Ve?a.
Jos jedan razlog za odbacivanje optu?nice je totalno odsustvo
jednakosti strana u postupku izmedju gospodina Milosevi?a i
tu?ilastva (razlog za odbacivanje ustanovljen u precedentnom
pravu).
Na kraju Forum je i dalje zabrinut ne samo zbog na?ina na koji se
sudi, ve? i zbog stanja zdravlja gospodina Milosevi?a ?iji je
krvni pritisak nedavno bio, zbog napora izazvanih sudjenjem,
200/120. Forum ponavlja svoj poziv svim organizacijama za ljudska
prava i drugim relevantnim telima da postave svoje posmatra?e u
slede?oj fazi postupka i poziva sudsko Ve?e da prekine praksu
tu?ilastva koja se sastoji u pozivanju osudjenih, optu?enih ili
osumnji?enih kriminalaca kao svedoka, svedoka koji su zaposljeni
od strane kancelarije tu?ilastva, kao i onih koji svedo?e iz
druge ruke. Bilo je zaista previse ovakvih svedoka i Forum
podse?a predsedavaju?eg sudiju Meja da svedo?enja iz druge ruke
(rekla-kazala) nisu privhatljiva pred sudovima u njegovoj
sopstvenoj zemlji. Takva svedo?enja ne mogu pomo?i Ve?u ve? samo
izlo?iti gospodina Milosevi?a nepotrebnom iscrpljivanju.
PREDSEDAVAJU?I BEOGRADSKOG FORUMA
Vladislav Jovanovi?
2. SLOBODA: Vratite Milosevica!
3. BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNORPAVNIH
SUDJENJE SLOBODANU MILOSEVI?U SAOPSTENJE ZA JAVNOST (12.9.2002.)
=== 1 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Miroslav Antic" wrote:
Hoce li Milosevic biti deveta haska zrtva?
Pukovnik docent dr ZDRAVKO MIJAILOVIC, nacelnik kardiologije na VMA i
clan medjunarodnog lekarskog tima koji je Tribunal imenovao, nakon
posete Hagu otkriva:
Milosevicu prete infarkt srca i mozga sa smrtnim ishodom
Olivera Jovicevic
Nakon sto je Medjunarodni tribunal u Hagu podigao prve optuznice za
ratne zlocine, od 1996. godine do danas, prilikom hapsenja ili u samom
seveningenskom zatvoru, tragicno je stradalo sedam haskih optuzenika.
Svi su bili srpske nacionalnosti.
Nedavno je iz haskog zatvora "privremeno pusten na slobodu" i general
Momir Talic sa tumorom na plucima, koji je, po lekarskom izvestaju
beogradske Vojnomedicinske akademije, "metastazirao na vise mesta na
skeletu", te je i njegov zivot u pitanju.
Oni koji povremeno posecuju bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika
Slobodana Milosevica, porodica i saradnici, ali i lekari, upozoravaju
da bi dramaticno stanje njegovog zdravlja moglo imati fatalan ishod.
Ukoliko bi Hag dobio i svoju osmu, odnosno devetu zrtvu, jos jednom bi
se drasticno postavio problem tanke granice izmedju doslednog
postovanja pravne procedure i ugrozavanja zivota optuzenog. S obzirom
na znacaj institucije Tribunala, postavlja se i pitanje da li je Hag
mesto na kojem se utvrdjuje istina, uz sav respekt i brigu o
zdravstvenom stanju optuzenog, ili je seveningensko zatvorsko zdanje,
zapravo, poslednje i smrtno konaciste za optuzenike vec bolesne i
iznurene, po pravilu, dugotrajnim sudjenjem.
NASTAVAK: http://www.nedeljnitelegraf.co.yu/novi/milos.html
--- End forwarded message ---
=== 2 ===
Subject: SLOBODA: Vratite Milosevica!
Date: Sun, 13 Oct 2002 21:55:45 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
13. oktobra 2002. g.
PREDSEDNIK MILOSEVIC MORA BITI
VRACEN U JUGOSLAVIJU!
Haski tribunal svesno nastavlja da ugrozava zivot
predsednika Slobodana Milosevica.
Uprkos brojnim apelima i upozorenjima iz zemlje i
inostranstva ova nedopustiva kriminalna aktivnost se
nastavlja. Celodnevno trajanje procesa je ponovo uvedeno. Mimo
vremena provedenog u samoj sudnici, predsednik Milosevic je
prinu|en da dopunske sate provede u zgradi tribunala, bez
hrane, odmora i svezeg vazduha. Proces se i dalje odugovlaci
beskrajnim nizom laznih svedoka, ciji se redosled menja u
poslednjem trenutku, ali uz koje se dostavljaju desetine
hiljada stranica materijala.
Uz sve to, ne samo da nema nikakvog lecenja, vec
nema ni bilo kakvog lekarskog nadzora nad zdravljem
predsednika Milosevica. Nije cak bilo ni pregleda od strane
kardiologa, iako su to trazili holandski lekari opste prakse
koje je odredio tribunal i koji su jedan jedini put pregledali
predsednika Milosevica.
Zato potpune neistine koje je u izjavi listu
Nacional izneo portparol tribunala Dzim Lendejl - da je
predsednik Milosevic pod stalnim lekarskim nadzorom i da se
primenjuje neophodna terapija, izazivaju jos vecu zabrinutost.
Domacoj i svetskoj javnosti je poznato da stalni
nadljudski napor i neljudski uslovi kojima je predsednik
Milosevic izlozen u tribunalu i zatvoru, uz ostecenja srcanog
misica i visok krvni pritisak, predstavljaju stalnu pretnju
njegovom zivotu.
Javnost tako|e zna da je vec nekoliko zatvorenika
tribunala izgubilo zivot posle drasticnog pogorsanja zdravlja
u pritvoru.
Zbog svega toga zahtevamo da predsednik Slobodan
Milosevic bude odmah vracen u Jugoslaviju radi oporavka i
dobijanja neophodnog specijalistickog tretmana od strane
odgovarajuce medicinske ustanove. To je jedini nacin da se
otkloni opasnost po njegov zivot!
Bogoljub Bjelica
predsednik Udruzenja Sloboda - Jugoslovenskog komiteta za odbranu
Slobodana Milosevica
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
=== 3 ===
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNORPAVNIH
SUDJENJE SLOBODANU MILOSEVI?U
SAOPSTENJE ZA JAVNOST (3)
U Beogradu, 12. septembar 2002.
U svoja prethodna dva saopstenja Beogradski forum za svet
ravnopravnih (Forum) je izrazio svoju zabrinutost zbog na?ina na
koji se vodi sudjenje gospodinu Slobodanu Milosevi?u pred
Medjunarodnim krivi?nim Tribunalom za bivsu Jugoslaviju (ICTY) u
Hagu. Forum je takodje pozvao sve organizacije za zastitu
ljudskih prava da postave svoje posmatra?e na sudjenju u cilju
postovanja prava na posteno sudjenje.
Nakon ovih saopstenja, nekoliko ?lanova Parlamentarne skupstine
Saveta Evrope su pokrenuli inicijativu pred tim telom u cilju
postavljanja posmatra?a na sudjenju. Rezultat ove inicijative ?e
biti poznat u skoroj budu?nosti.
U medjuvremenu, Forum skre?e pa?nju na slede?e nepravilnosti u
postupku:
- dana 14 juna unakrsno ispitivanje penzionisanog NATO generala
Klausa Naumana (?oveka koji je autorizovao bombardovanje ciljeve
u centru Beograda) od strane jednog od prijatelja suda gospodina
Tapuskovi?a, sudija Mej je naglo prekinuo sa objasnjenjem da
"svedok mora da uhvati avion";
- dana 11. juna desila se nista drugo do pravno skandalozna
situacija kada je svedok g Avdiju tvrdio da je pre?iveo
strelja?ki vod, a zatim i 4 sata u vatri u ku?i u Maloj Krusi.
Svedok je zatim utvrdio da njegovo prezime nije Avdiju, nego da
ga je promenio u Krasni?i i takodje je priznao da neki od 4
potpisa na kraju njegove izjave nisu njegovi. Mada je sudija Kvon
pokusao da razjasni ovo pitanje, za ?aljenje je da sudsko Ve?e
nije zatra?ilo od svedoka da se ponovo potpise na izjavi i to na
licu mesta;
- svedok K 12 koji je odbio da svedo?i tvrde?i da je bio izlo?en
"psiholoskom obradjivanju" od strane tu?ilastva je optu?en od
strane sudskog Ve?a za nepostovanja suda. Pitamo se zbog ?ega
sudsko Ve?e nije pomoglo nesretnom K 12 i oslobodilo ga psihi?kih
pritisaka kojima je bio izlo?en i opa?amo da ni jedan drugi
svedok nije bio ka?njen na ovaj na?in, uprkos ?injenici da su
mnoga svedo?enja bila vi?e nego neverovatna;
- svedok g Ali Djogaj, grobar sa Kosova, je izjavio 3. jula da je
tovario hladnja?u sa telima iz masovne grobnice na Kosovu i
kategori?no tvrdio da se ovo desilo u aprilu 2000. godine. U to
vreme nije bilo jugoslovenske vojske i policije na Kosovu. Sudija
Mej je li?no potvrdio taj datum. Medjutim, slede?eg jutra sudsko
ve?e je dozvolilo svedoku da se ponovo pojavi pred njim i promeni
svoj iskaz. Relevantan datum vise nije bio april 2000. nego
"april 1999. godine". Kada je gospodin Milosevi? ulo?io svoj
protest zbog ovoga, sudija Mej je rekao da mora da pogleda u
zapisnik.
Forum podse?a da je u svom prvom saopstenju pozvao sudsko Ve?e da
izrekne kaznene mere prema svedocima ?ija svedo?enja su o?ito
lisena kredibiliteta i tom prilikom Forum je upozorio na
?injenicu da su mnogi svedoci sa Kosova tvrdili da ?ak nisu ni
?uli za OVK. Medjutim, 30. avgusta g Gani Bo?aj, osudjen za
krivi?no delo terorizma, posvedo?io je da je svaki muskarac u
njegovom selu bio ?lan OVK! U skladu sa tim kancelarija
tu?ilastva, u finalnoj fazi izvodjenja svojih dokaza po kosovskoj
optu?nici, u?inila je sve da dovede sto vise pripadnika OVK kao
svedoke. Jedan od tih svedoka je ?ak izjavio "da je ubio onoliko
Srba na koliko je nanisanio". Forum mo?e jednostavno da
konstatuje da je kredibilitet ovakvih svedoka, koji su otvoreno
neprijateljski nastrojeni prema jugoslovenskoj dr?avi i gospodinu
Milosevi?u, jednostavno - nepostoje?i.
Forum takodje opa?a, da nisu samo svedoci sa Kosova oni ?ija
svedo?enja su lisena verodostojnosti. Na primer, g Jan Hendri,
detektiv iz Britanije, se ponovo pojavio pred Ve?em u nameri da
ga "ubedi" da je na dve manje - vise identi?ne fotografije istog
poginulog iz Ra?ka krv mogla biti vidljiva na jednoj od
fotografija, ali ne i na drugoj. General Klaus Nauman, koji je
mo?da takodje autorizovao bombardovanje rezidencije gospodina
Milosevi?a i TV stanice "Kosava" koja je pripadala njegovoj
k?erci, je nastavio svoju neprijateqsku kampanju pred Tribunalom
sa prosto neverovatnim izjavama. Forum smatra potpuno
neprihvatljivim da se svedo?enje svedoka koji je verovatno
po?inio ratne zlo?ine i zlo?in pokusaja ubistva gospodina
Milosev?a i njegove porodice mo?e smatrati nepristrasnim od
starne Tribunala.
Forum poziva:
- Saveznu Vladu SRJ da preduzme konkretne korake u cilju
sprovodjenja odluke Saveznog ustavnog suda koji se odnosi na
nelegalno izru?enje gospodina Milosevi?a haskom Tribunalu;
- Predsednika SRJ gospodina Kostunicu da se li?no obrati svim
sefovima dr?ava i zatra?i njihovo anga?ovanje u cilju
obezbedjenja prava gospodina Milosevi?a da se brani sa slobode iz
Haga - Holandije;
- Saveznu skupstinu i Skupstinu Republike Srbije da se obrate
svim parlamentima u svetu sa zahtevom za njihovu podrsku za
oslobadj|anje gospodina Milosevi?a.
Forum smatra da tu?ilastvo nije uspelo da pove?e gospodina
Milosevi?a sa navodnim zlo?inima na Kosovu i dokaz za ovu tvrdnju
je o?iti pokusaj tu?ilastva da tereti jugoslovenske snage
bezbednosti i gospodina Milosevi?a za dokazane NATO zlo?ine, kao
sto je bombardovanje zatvora Dubrava i kolona albanskih izbeglica
u Bistre?inu i Meji. U cilju oslobodjenja odgovornosti NATO-a na
ovaj na?in, tu?ilastvo je pozvalo mnoge la?ne svedoke poput Muse
Krasnisija i Ganija Ba?aja, obojicu osudjenih za krivi?no delo
terorizma. Ovo je o?ita zloupotreba postupka od strane
tu?ilastva. Iz navedenih razloga Forum smatra da bi kosovska
optu?nica trebalo da bude smesta odba?ena od strane sudskog Ve?a.
Jos jedan razlog za odbacivanje optu?nice je totalno odsustvo
jednakosti strana u postupku izmedju gospodina Milosevi?a i
tu?ilastva (razlog za odbacivanje ustanovljen u precedentnom
pravu).
Na kraju Forum je i dalje zabrinut ne samo zbog na?ina na koji se
sudi, ve? i zbog stanja zdravlja gospodina Milosevi?a ?iji je
krvni pritisak nedavno bio, zbog napora izazvanih sudjenjem,
200/120. Forum ponavlja svoj poziv svim organizacijama za ljudska
prava i drugim relevantnim telima da postave svoje posmatra?e u
slede?oj fazi postupka i poziva sudsko Ve?e da prekine praksu
tu?ilastva koja se sastoji u pozivanju osudjenih, optu?enih ili
osumnji?enih kriminalaca kao svedoka, svedoka koji su zaposljeni
od strane kancelarije tu?ilastva, kao i onih koji svedo?e iz
druge ruke. Bilo je zaista previse ovakvih svedoka i Forum
podse?a predsedavaju?eg sudiju Meja da svedo?enja iz druge ruke
(rekla-kazala) nisu privhatljiva pred sudovima u njegovoj
sopstvenoj zemlji. Takva svedo?enja ne mogu pomo?i Ve?u ve? samo
izlo?iti gospodina Milosevi?a nepotrebnom iscrpljivanju.
PREDSEDAVAJU?I BEOGRADSKOG FORUMA
Vladislav Jovanovi?
1. In un contesto di continue violenze e mentre esplode il rancore
contro le truppe di occupazione occidentali, i terroristi UCK entrano
nel nuovo governo (dispacci ANSA)
2. Swiss Papers Reveal Ahmeti's Dark Secret. Il leader dei terroristi
dell'UCK di Macedonia, oggi al governo nella FYROM con il partito DUI,
riceve da anni una pensione di invalidita' dalla Svizzera per gravi
problemi psichici (Le Matin, Losanna)
3. Incoming Macedonian government pledges subservience to Western
powers (by T. Kent and P.Stuart, WSWS)
=== 1 ===
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml
MACEDONIA: TETOVO; SPARI SU RAGAZZI, UN MORTO E 2 FERITI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 19 OTT - Raffiche di mitra sono state esplose nel
pomeriggio di oggi contro un gruppo di ragazzini macedoni intenti a
giocare a pallacanestro su un campetto comunale nei pressi dello
stadio di Tetovo, nella Macedonia nord-occidentale. Un giovane del
quale non si conosce al momento l'eta' e' morto e altri due sono
rimasti feriti. (ANSA). BLL-COR 19/10/2002 19:35
MACEDONIA: SCONTRO A FUOCO CON POLIZIA, UN MORTO E UN FERITO
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 19 OTT - Un albanese e' rimasto ucciso e un altro
ferito in uno scontro a fuoco con una pattuglia della polizia avvenuto
ieri
sera a Tetovo, nella Macedonia nord-occidentale. La vittima, Madin
Adili, aveva 21 anni e viaggiava insieme ad un amico su un'autovettura
che
non si e' fermata all'alt della polizia. Secondo il portavoce del
ministero dell'Interno, Vojislav Zafirovski, gli albanesi hanno aperto
il fuoco contro
gli agenti che hanno risposto uccidendo il guidatore e ferendo il
secondo occupante della vettura.(ANSA) BLL 19/10/2002 12:03
MACEDONIA: SASSI DA CAVALCAVIA CONTRO AUTO CARABINIERI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 18 OTT - Giovani teppisti hanno lanciato sassi da un
cavalcavia contro una camionetta dei carabinieri italiani che operano
in
Macedonia nell'ambito della forza di pace multinazionale. Una grossa
pietra ha infranto il parabrezza del fuoristrada italiano senza per
fortuna
ferire gli occupanti. L'incidente e' accaduto ieri lungo la strada che
da Skopje conduce all'aeroporto di Petrovec, sede delle forze armate
italiane che
partecipano alla missione della Nato (Task Force Fox). Fonti militari
hanno riferito all'Ansa che episodi analoghi sono accaduti nei giorni
scorsi
coinvolgendo anche mezzi militari olandesi. Da quello stesso
cavalcavia nel settembre dello scorso anno fu un lanciato un grosso
sasso che provoco'
la morte di un militare britannico. Osservatori occidentali a Skopje
fanno notare che dopo le elezioni dello scorso 15 settembre si sono
intensificati
gli episodi di intolleranza nei confronti dei rappresentanti
internazionali presenti in Macedonia. Il 9 ottobre scorso, si e'
appreso oggi, un gruppo di
manifestanti macedoni ha assalito civili albanesi che si trovavano in
coda davanti alla sede dell'ambasciata d'Italia a Skopje, in attesa
di ottenere il
visto. Sassi e uova lanciati contro gli albanesi hanno colpito anche
la nostra sede diplomatica. I manifestanti hanno poi strappato le
targhe del
corpo diplomatico da alcune auto italiane in sosta davanti
all'ambasciata.(ANSA) BLL-COR 18/10/2002 17:09
MACEDONIA: ACCORDO SU GOVERNO, ANCHE 4 MINISTERI A EX UCK
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 18 OTT - Albanesi e macedoni hanno raggiunto nelle
prime ore della mattina di oggi l'accordo per costituire il nuovo
governo dopo le elezioni generali dello scorso 15 settembre. La
coalizione vedra' uniti l'Unione socialdemocratica macedone (Sdsm) del
nuovo
premier Branko Crvenkovski, e l'Unione democratica per l'integrazione
(Udi), la formazione albanese nata dalle ceneri dell'ormai disciolto
movimento di guerriglia Uck. In base all'accordo che dovra' essere
ufficializzato nelle prossime ore gli ex guerriglieri controlleranno 4
dicasteri
(Giustizia, Istruzione, Trasporti e Sanita'), 4 posti da vice ministro
(tra cui Difesa e Interno) e un posto da vice primo ministro. La
formula ricalca
in gran parte quella applicata nel precedente governo che pero'
vedeva uniti il Partito nazionalista macedone Dmro-Dpmne e il Partito
democratico albanese, entrambi sconfitti alle elezioni. (ANSA). RED
18/10/2002 16:19
=== 2 ===
Swiss Papers Reveal Ahmeti's Dark Secret
Ali Ahmeti, the former NLA leader will enter Macedonian government.
Diagnosed as "paranoid and schizophrenic," he enjoys an invalidity
pension
from Switzerland
A Kosovo minister enjoying invalidity pension
By Victor Fingal
"Le Matin" Lausanne (Switzerland), 30 September 2002, page 5
Ali Ahmeti, 43, the Kosovar [sic!] who lusts for the post of Minister
of interior or Minister of defense of the Republic of Macedonia - a
simulator
or psychically-disturbed person?
One thing is certain - during his stay in Switzerland in the 1980's, a
psychiatrist has judged him incapable for labor, and the forthcoming
member
of the Macedonian executive obtains CHF 3,000.00 (Swiss francs) per
month from the invalidity insurance in Lucerne due to his "paranoid
and
schizophrenic" tendencies.
Of course, reveals the "SonntagsBlick," it would seem that Ahmeti's
official biography has forgotten this detail. History should retain
that the
warrior of the "New UCK", who carried out the bloody Albanian revolt
in the course of winter 2001, was working hard in Switzerland as "a
mechanic and in a textile factory".
On the Black List
In June last year the USA have put Ali Ahmeti on the Black List
because of his "extremist violence" and he was proclaimed persona non
grata in
Switzerland. Today, after having swapped the uniform with a costume,
the Kosovar leader obtained 70% of the ballots in the elections held
last
mid-September 2002. The "schizophrenic paranoid," boss of the
Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) now requests the post of
Minister of
Interior or Minister of Defense of the Republic of Macedonia. DUI
should enter into coalition with the social democrats who have
obtained the
majority of [ethnic Albanian] votes.
The future minister has retained the links with his adoptive country:
his wife and two children still live in the canton of Lucerne.
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2354
=== 3 ===
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/oct2002/mace-o19_prn.shtml
World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org
WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkans
Incoming Macedonian government
pledges subservience to Western powers
By Tania Kent and Paul Stuart
19 October 2002
Back to screen version | Send this link by email | Email the author
On September 16, the President of Macedonia, Ljubco
Georgijevski of Vmro-Dpmne, was voted out of office in a shock
election result. He handed power over with a whimper, declaring:
"The people of Macedonia have spoken."
Amidst the wrangle over the structure of a new coalition, the
population is demanding a government that will tackle the
escalating economic crisis.
The election was called as part of the implementation of the Ohrid
Agreement signed August 13, 2001 by the outgoing Macedonian
government and the Albanian National Liberation Army, which
ended the six-month insurgency of Albanian separatists that had
resulted in the internal displacement of 100,000 people.
Georgijevski will be replaced by the head of the Social
Democratic Alliance, Branko Crvenkovski, the main party in the
"Together for Macedonia" coalition with the Liberal Democratic
Party and the Workers and Farmers Party. With 60 seats out of
120, more than double that of any other single party, they are
expected to establish a coalition with the newly formed Albanian
separatist Union for Democratic Initiative (DUI). Agreement has
been reached on its principles for full governmental
"transparency" demanded by United States and European Union
officials. According to early reports, Crvenkovski will offer the
DUI the ministries of justice, local self-government, labour and
social welfare.
The DUI was formed three months ago by the Nationalist
Liberation Army headed by Ali Ahmeti. He launched terror
attacks against Macedonian targets between spring and summer
last year. Ahmeti had been indicted by the outgoing government
for the alleged murder of 100 Macedonians. The DUI, winning 30
seats, eclipsed the established Albanian party, the Democratic
Party for Albanians, the coalition partner of Georgijevski, whose
vote collapsed from 11 seats to two.
The election campaign was characterised by violence and
interference from international institutions. Six people were killed
in the run up to polling day and several shootings took place at
polling booths. Planned rallies in the capital Skopje by the main
parties were banned on the grounds of forestalling violence. The
situation threatened to escalate when DUI spokesperson, Agron
Buxhaku, in a press conference declared, "We will continue with
the congregations, and so far we have tolerated enough in order
not to complicate the situation. But from now on those who will
stop DUI pre-election campaigns will be responsible for any
escalations of the situation in the country."
NATO had troops in Kosova and helicopters on the border on
standby alert, and some 3,500 specially trained police officers
were deployed. The Christian Science Monitor observed, "Indeed,
intimidation was so pervasive that, despite the country's
population of only two million, the international community
mobilised the largest international monitoring effort ever."
The American think tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG),
staffed by former US military and judicial figures, has a history of
formulating pseudo-environmental or humanitarian justifications
for imperialist policies in the Balkans. The ICG released a report,
"Macedonia's Public Secret: How the corruption drags the country
down," the day before the election campaign which began by
saying that corruption in the country was widespread, especially at
the "top of the government".
The report used the privatisation of OKTA, the only Macedonian
oil refinery, as a major case in point. The refinery was sold in
1999 to Greek Hellenic Petroleum for only $32 million, which
was not its market value. OKTA was sold based on direct
negotiations with the Greek company. World Bank director James
Wolfenson also reacted to this "non-transparent" sale and said that
the functioning of the government should be more accessible to
the public if it wanted to make any financial arrangements with
the World Bank.
The ruling party interpreted the publication of the report as an
attempt to topple the government. An outgoing government
spokesman accused the ICG representative in Macedonia, Edward
Joseph, of working in favour of the opposition coalition and
having close ties with Ahmeti.
Seventy percent of the population turned out to vote in the hope of
changing the disastrous course of the outgoing government. A
November 5 article from last year's Aimpress noted, "hardly
anyone in Macedonia pays any attention to the almost tragic
erosion of the economy, widespread poverty of almost one half of
the population, daily street protests and road blockades of
dissatisfied workers. The economists say that the worst is yet to
come unless the promised economic assistance arrives, which is
conditioned by the realisation of the Framework Agreement
[Ohrid]."
In a pre-election special, the National Democratic Institute (NDI),
a Washington-based think tank, described "widespread frustration
within the Macedonian electorate regarding the responsiveness of
the current government to its economic and social needs."
Both Crvenkovski and Ahmeti made partial attempts to direct
their public policies and election agitation to these growing
demands. Both parties made promises of tackling almost 40
percent unemployment and average monthly salaries below $200,
with work programmes designed to create 150,000 jobs. But the
possible leaders of the new coalition government have already
been told by leading financial institutions that assistance will be
made conditional on implementing aggressive privatisation
policies and the full implementation of the Ohrid Agreement.
The Ohrid Agreement includes provision for increasing ethnic
Albanian representation in the police force from 5 percent to 25
percent, the use of Albanian as a second language in official
communications, government institutions for minorities
constituting 20 percent of the population and devolution of power
to local government. Most of its statutes have been implemented
under threats of financial sanctions.
The DUI is the only party that fully supports the Ohrid
Agreement. At a pre-election meeting, candidate Abdylhaqim
Ademi said, "DUI is a new party, but with high national values, a
party that knows how to lead the population, in its political
activity, also in its military aspect, which we proved last year." He
added that the DUI's support "is an obstacle to those... who
cooperate with and who think of Bulgaria, Ukraine and Russia."
Fazli Veliu, member of DUI Central Committee, explained the
party's pro-Western policies: "DUI doesn't have a local program,
nor a Balkan one, but a European and American one, which is
based on the integrated economy, in the economy of construction
and the civilised nation."
After the elections the first international delegation to arrive in
Macedonia was led by the Special Coordinator of the Stability
Pact for South Eastern Europe, Erhard Busek. The priority for
future cooperation, he pointed out, was the signing of free trade
agreements in the region. He reiterated the main goals of the
stability pact, integration of South Eastern Europe countries into
the EU. A new government, he insisted, must adopt laws to
stimulate foreign investments, complete the privatisation process
in industry and agriculture. He announced that the next meeting of
the pact is to be held on December 11 in Skopje.
A second delegation came from the US Department of State and
Defence, led by Ambassador Nicholas Burns, permanent US envoy
to NATO, and immediately entered discussions with Crvenkovski
and others on the makeup of the coalition. US Ambassador to
Macedonia, Lawrence Butler, who attended the meeting, declared
his satisfaction at the election results.
Despite the fact that DUI leader is still on President Bush's
terrorist blacklist and US companies remain forbidden to engage
in any financial transactions with him, Butler said of Ali Ahmeti:
"After the signing of the Framework Agreement [Ohrid] he got
involved in the democratic process in Macedonia. The Albanian
voters have elected him and his party as their representatives in the
Parliament. The situation from last week's parliamentary session,
when the former opponents sat together in order to accomplish the
political goals in democratic and peaceful manner is something we
have not seen before on the Balkans. It makes Macedonia unique in
the region."
The US turned against the outgoing coalition when it became
obvious they had no support in the country. The Western powers
have been working for some time, both overtly and covertly, to
bring to power a more compliant regime that would integrate the
NLA, which a plethora of evidence suggests was secretly backed
by Washington, into government structures. Although
Giorgijevski had implemented most of the Ohrid Agreement, he
had to be pushed all the way and continued to attack NATO
involvement in last year's NLA insurgency.
In a pre-election rally Giorgijevski reiterated, "We can't accept
bloody screenplays and kidnappings. We have to say that last year
we didn't fight only against mountain gangs. We fought against
the whole infrastructure of Kosovo Protection Forces, paid and
sponsored by the United Nations, fought against many NATO
generals, who publicly supported the terrorists in Macedonia, went
in their camps and gave them arms and satellite communication
systems and equipment... orders for massacres were given not only
by the commanders of the Albanian terrorist, but also by Peter
Fate, James Pardew and other ambassadors, who all over the world
speak about the democracy and against the terrorism."
The new coalition will not bring stability to Macedonia. It has
come to power partially as a result of efforts by the US to stoke up
the type of ethnic conflicts that have torn apart the Balkans.
Moreover, it benefited from a wave of disaffection with the social
and economic policies of the Georgijevski coalition, but is charged
with implementing the demands of the US and the EU more
forcefully than its predecessor. The restructuring of its economy
will necessitate the elimination of tens of thousands of jobs and
the dismantling of welfare protection, thus setting the government
on a collision course with the working class.
Copyright 1998-2002
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved
contro le truppe di occupazione occidentali, i terroristi UCK entrano
nel nuovo governo (dispacci ANSA)
2. Swiss Papers Reveal Ahmeti's Dark Secret. Il leader dei terroristi
dell'UCK di Macedonia, oggi al governo nella FYROM con il partito DUI,
riceve da anni una pensione di invalidita' dalla Svizzera per gravi
problemi psichici (Le Matin, Losanna)
3. Incoming Macedonian government pledges subservience to Western
powers (by T. Kent and P.Stuart, WSWS)
=== 1 ===
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml
MACEDONIA: TETOVO; SPARI SU RAGAZZI, UN MORTO E 2 FERITI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 19 OTT - Raffiche di mitra sono state esplose nel
pomeriggio di oggi contro un gruppo di ragazzini macedoni intenti a
giocare a pallacanestro su un campetto comunale nei pressi dello
stadio di Tetovo, nella Macedonia nord-occidentale. Un giovane del
quale non si conosce al momento l'eta' e' morto e altri due sono
rimasti feriti. (ANSA). BLL-COR 19/10/2002 19:35
MACEDONIA: SCONTRO A FUOCO CON POLIZIA, UN MORTO E UN FERITO
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 19 OTT - Un albanese e' rimasto ucciso e un altro
ferito in uno scontro a fuoco con una pattuglia della polizia avvenuto
ieri
sera a Tetovo, nella Macedonia nord-occidentale. La vittima, Madin
Adili, aveva 21 anni e viaggiava insieme ad un amico su un'autovettura
che
non si e' fermata all'alt della polizia. Secondo il portavoce del
ministero dell'Interno, Vojislav Zafirovski, gli albanesi hanno aperto
il fuoco contro
gli agenti che hanno risposto uccidendo il guidatore e ferendo il
secondo occupante della vettura.(ANSA) BLL 19/10/2002 12:03
MACEDONIA: SASSI DA CAVALCAVIA CONTRO AUTO CARABINIERI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 18 OTT - Giovani teppisti hanno lanciato sassi da un
cavalcavia contro una camionetta dei carabinieri italiani che operano
in
Macedonia nell'ambito della forza di pace multinazionale. Una grossa
pietra ha infranto il parabrezza del fuoristrada italiano senza per
fortuna
ferire gli occupanti. L'incidente e' accaduto ieri lungo la strada che
da Skopje conduce all'aeroporto di Petrovec, sede delle forze armate
italiane che
partecipano alla missione della Nato (Task Force Fox). Fonti militari
hanno riferito all'Ansa che episodi analoghi sono accaduti nei giorni
scorsi
coinvolgendo anche mezzi militari olandesi. Da quello stesso
cavalcavia nel settembre dello scorso anno fu un lanciato un grosso
sasso che provoco'
la morte di un militare britannico. Osservatori occidentali a Skopje
fanno notare che dopo le elezioni dello scorso 15 settembre si sono
intensificati
gli episodi di intolleranza nei confronti dei rappresentanti
internazionali presenti in Macedonia. Il 9 ottobre scorso, si e'
appreso oggi, un gruppo di
manifestanti macedoni ha assalito civili albanesi che si trovavano in
coda davanti alla sede dell'ambasciata d'Italia a Skopje, in attesa
di ottenere il
visto. Sassi e uova lanciati contro gli albanesi hanno colpito anche
la nostra sede diplomatica. I manifestanti hanno poi strappato le
targhe del
corpo diplomatico da alcune auto italiane in sosta davanti
all'ambasciata.(ANSA) BLL-COR 18/10/2002 17:09
MACEDONIA: ACCORDO SU GOVERNO, ANCHE 4 MINISTERI A EX UCK
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 18 OTT - Albanesi e macedoni hanno raggiunto nelle
prime ore della mattina di oggi l'accordo per costituire il nuovo
governo dopo le elezioni generali dello scorso 15 settembre. La
coalizione vedra' uniti l'Unione socialdemocratica macedone (Sdsm) del
nuovo
premier Branko Crvenkovski, e l'Unione democratica per l'integrazione
(Udi), la formazione albanese nata dalle ceneri dell'ormai disciolto
movimento di guerriglia Uck. In base all'accordo che dovra' essere
ufficializzato nelle prossime ore gli ex guerriglieri controlleranno 4
dicasteri
(Giustizia, Istruzione, Trasporti e Sanita'), 4 posti da vice ministro
(tra cui Difesa e Interno) e un posto da vice primo ministro. La
formula ricalca
in gran parte quella applicata nel precedente governo che pero'
vedeva uniti il Partito nazionalista macedone Dmro-Dpmne e il Partito
democratico albanese, entrambi sconfitti alle elezioni. (ANSA). RED
18/10/2002 16:19
=== 2 ===
Swiss Papers Reveal Ahmeti's Dark Secret
Ali Ahmeti, the former NLA leader will enter Macedonian government.
Diagnosed as "paranoid and schizophrenic," he enjoys an invalidity
pension
from Switzerland
A Kosovo minister enjoying invalidity pension
By Victor Fingal
"Le Matin" Lausanne (Switzerland), 30 September 2002, page 5
Ali Ahmeti, 43, the Kosovar [sic!] who lusts for the post of Minister
of interior or Minister of defense of the Republic of Macedonia - a
simulator
or psychically-disturbed person?
One thing is certain - during his stay in Switzerland in the 1980's, a
psychiatrist has judged him incapable for labor, and the forthcoming
member
of the Macedonian executive obtains CHF 3,000.00 (Swiss francs) per
month from the invalidity insurance in Lucerne due to his "paranoid
and
schizophrenic" tendencies.
Of course, reveals the "SonntagsBlick," it would seem that Ahmeti's
official biography has forgotten this detail. History should retain
that the
warrior of the "New UCK", who carried out the bloody Albanian revolt
in the course of winter 2001, was working hard in Switzerland as "a
mechanic and in a textile factory".
On the Black List
In June last year the USA have put Ali Ahmeti on the Black List
because of his "extremist violence" and he was proclaimed persona non
grata in
Switzerland. Today, after having swapped the uniform with a costume,
the Kosovar leader obtained 70% of the ballots in the elections held
last
mid-September 2002. The "schizophrenic paranoid," boss of the
Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) now requests the post of
Minister of
Interior or Minister of Defense of the Republic of Macedonia. DUI
should enter into coalition with the social democrats who have
obtained the
majority of [ethnic Albanian] votes.
The future minister has retained the links with his adoptive country:
his wife and two children still live in the canton of Lucerne.
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2354
=== 3 ===
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/oct2002/mace-o19_prn.shtml
World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org
WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkans
Incoming Macedonian government
pledges subservience to Western powers
By Tania Kent and Paul Stuart
19 October 2002
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On September 16, the President of Macedonia, Ljubco
Georgijevski of Vmro-Dpmne, was voted out of office in a shock
election result. He handed power over with a whimper, declaring:
"The people of Macedonia have spoken."
Amidst the wrangle over the structure of a new coalition, the
population is demanding a government that will tackle the
escalating economic crisis.
The election was called as part of the implementation of the Ohrid
Agreement signed August 13, 2001 by the outgoing Macedonian
government and the Albanian National Liberation Army, which
ended the six-month insurgency of Albanian separatists that had
resulted in the internal displacement of 100,000 people.
Georgijevski will be replaced by the head of the Social
Democratic Alliance, Branko Crvenkovski, the main party in the
"Together for Macedonia" coalition with the Liberal Democratic
Party and the Workers and Farmers Party. With 60 seats out of
120, more than double that of any other single party, they are
expected to establish a coalition with the newly formed Albanian
separatist Union for Democratic Initiative (DUI). Agreement has
been reached on its principles for full governmental
"transparency" demanded by United States and European Union
officials. According to early reports, Crvenkovski will offer the
DUI the ministries of justice, local self-government, labour and
social welfare.
The DUI was formed three months ago by the Nationalist
Liberation Army headed by Ali Ahmeti. He launched terror
attacks against Macedonian targets between spring and summer
last year. Ahmeti had been indicted by the outgoing government
for the alleged murder of 100 Macedonians. The DUI, winning 30
seats, eclipsed the established Albanian party, the Democratic
Party for Albanians, the coalition partner of Georgijevski, whose
vote collapsed from 11 seats to two.
The election campaign was characterised by violence and
interference from international institutions. Six people were killed
in the run up to polling day and several shootings took place at
polling booths. Planned rallies in the capital Skopje by the main
parties were banned on the grounds of forestalling violence. The
situation threatened to escalate when DUI spokesperson, Agron
Buxhaku, in a press conference declared, "We will continue with
the congregations, and so far we have tolerated enough in order
not to complicate the situation. But from now on those who will
stop DUI pre-election campaigns will be responsible for any
escalations of the situation in the country."
NATO had troops in Kosova and helicopters on the border on
standby alert, and some 3,500 specially trained police officers
were deployed. The Christian Science Monitor observed, "Indeed,
intimidation was so pervasive that, despite the country's
population of only two million, the international community
mobilised the largest international monitoring effort ever."
The American think tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG),
staffed by former US military and judicial figures, has a history of
formulating pseudo-environmental or humanitarian justifications
for imperialist policies in the Balkans. The ICG released a report,
"Macedonia's Public Secret: How the corruption drags the country
down," the day before the election campaign which began by
saying that corruption in the country was widespread, especially at
the "top of the government".
The report used the privatisation of OKTA, the only Macedonian
oil refinery, as a major case in point. The refinery was sold in
1999 to Greek Hellenic Petroleum for only $32 million, which
was not its market value. OKTA was sold based on direct
negotiations with the Greek company. World Bank director James
Wolfenson also reacted to this "non-transparent" sale and said that
the functioning of the government should be more accessible to
the public if it wanted to make any financial arrangements with
the World Bank.
The ruling party interpreted the publication of the report as an
attempt to topple the government. An outgoing government
spokesman accused the ICG representative in Macedonia, Edward
Joseph, of working in favour of the opposition coalition and
having close ties with Ahmeti.
Seventy percent of the population turned out to vote in the hope of
changing the disastrous course of the outgoing government. A
November 5 article from last year's Aimpress noted, "hardly
anyone in Macedonia pays any attention to the almost tragic
erosion of the economy, widespread poverty of almost one half of
the population, daily street protests and road blockades of
dissatisfied workers. The economists say that the worst is yet to
come unless the promised economic assistance arrives, which is
conditioned by the realisation of the Framework Agreement
[Ohrid]."
In a pre-election special, the National Democratic Institute (NDI),
a Washington-based think tank, described "widespread frustration
within the Macedonian electorate regarding the responsiveness of
the current government to its economic and social needs."
Both Crvenkovski and Ahmeti made partial attempts to direct
their public policies and election agitation to these growing
demands. Both parties made promises of tackling almost 40
percent unemployment and average monthly salaries below $200,
with work programmes designed to create 150,000 jobs. But the
possible leaders of the new coalition government have already
been told by leading financial institutions that assistance will be
made conditional on implementing aggressive privatisation
policies and the full implementation of the Ohrid Agreement.
The Ohrid Agreement includes provision for increasing ethnic
Albanian representation in the police force from 5 percent to 25
percent, the use of Albanian as a second language in official
communications, government institutions for minorities
constituting 20 percent of the population and devolution of power
to local government. Most of its statutes have been implemented
under threats of financial sanctions.
The DUI is the only party that fully supports the Ohrid
Agreement. At a pre-election meeting, candidate Abdylhaqim
Ademi said, "DUI is a new party, but with high national values, a
party that knows how to lead the population, in its political
activity, also in its military aspect, which we proved last year." He
added that the DUI's support "is an obstacle to those... who
cooperate with and who think of Bulgaria, Ukraine and Russia."
Fazli Veliu, member of DUI Central Committee, explained the
party's pro-Western policies: "DUI doesn't have a local program,
nor a Balkan one, but a European and American one, which is
based on the integrated economy, in the economy of construction
and the civilised nation."
After the elections the first international delegation to arrive in
Macedonia was led by the Special Coordinator of the Stability
Pact for South Eastern Europe, Erhard Busek. The priority for
future cooperation, he pointed out, was the signing of free trade
agreements in the region. He reiterated the main goals of the
stability pact, integration of South Eastern Europe countries into
the EU. A new government, he insisted, must adopt laws to
stimulate foreign investments, complete the privatisation process
in industry and agriculture. He announced that the next meeting of
the pact is to be held on December 11 in Skopje.
A second delegation came from the US Department of State and
Defence, led by Ambassador Nicholas Burns, permanent US envoy
to NATO, and immediately entered discussions with Crvenkovski
and others on the makeup of the coalition. US Ambassador to
Macedonia, Lawrence Butler, who attended the meeting, declared
his satisfaction at the election results.
Despite the fact that DUI leader is still on President Bush's
terrorist blacklist and US companies remain forbidden to engage
in any financial transactions with him, Butler said of Ali Ahmeti:
"After the signing of the Framework Agreement [Ohrid] he got
involved in the democratic process in Macedonia. The Albanian
voters have elected him and his party as their representatives in the
Parliament. The situation from last week's parliamentary session,
when the former opponents sat together in order to accomplish the
political goals in democratic and peaceful manner is something we
have not seen before on the Balkans. It makes Macedonia unique in
the region."
The US turned against the outgoing coalition when it became
obvious they had no support in the country. The Western powers
have been working for some time, both overtly and covertly, to
bring to power a more compliant regime that would integrate the
NLA, which a plethora of evidence suggests was secretly backed
by Washington, into government structures. Although
Giorgijevski had implemented most of the Ohrid Agreement, he
had to be pushed all the way and continued to attack NATO
involvement in last year's NLA insurgency.
In a pre-election rally Giorgijevski reiterated, "We can't accept
bloody screenplays and kidnappings. We have to say that last year
we didn't fight only against mountain gangs. We fought against
the whole infrastructure of Kosovo Protection Forces, paid and
sponsored by the United Nations, fought against many NATO
generals, who publicly supported the terrorists in Macedonia, went
in their camps and gave them arms and satellite communication
systems and equipment... orders for massacres were given not only
by the commanders of the Albanian terrorist, but also by Peter
Fate, James Pardew and other ambassadors, who all over the world
speak about the democracy and against the terrorism."
The new coalition will not bring stability to Macedonia. It has
come to power partially as a result of efforts by the US to stoke up
the type of ethnic conflicts that have torn apart the Balkans.
Moreover, it benefited from a wave of disaffection with the social
and economic policies of the Georgijevski coalition, but is charged
with implementing the demands of the US and the EU more
forcefully than its predecessor. The restructuring of its economy
will necessitate the elimination of tens of thousands of jobs and
the dismantling of welfare protection, thus setting the government
on a collision course with the working class.
Copyright 1998-2002
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved
International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
www.icdsm.org
=================================
Slobodan Milosevic's Cross-Examination of
Croatian President Stjepan Mesic: PART II
Because the transcript of the cross-examination is 150 pages long we
have broken it into 12 easy to read segments. If you wish to read the
whole thing at once go to: http://www.icdsm.org/more/mesic.htm
=================================
Page 10614
1 Wednesday, 2 October 2002
2 [Open session]
3 [The accused entered court]
4 [The witness entered court]
5 --- Upon commencing at 9.10 a.m.
6 JUDGE MAY: Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
7 WITNESS: STJEPAN MESIC [Resumed]
8 [Witness answered through interpreter]
9 Cross-examined by Mr. Milosevic:
10 Q. [Interpretation] How long a prison sentence did you serve in
11 Gradisce?
12 A. One year.
13 Q. You were there together with Petar Sale and another person in
the
14 same cell; right?
15 A. Yes, in the same penitentiary, but we were not in the same room.
16 Q. And you know, later, that the state security service recorded
your
17 activities with the third person that you were with?
18 A. I don't know anything about that.
19 Q. Is it correct -- I mean, I imagine that you do know that at that
20 time you were monitored, taken care of, I don't know how to put it,
by
21 Milanko Orescanin, an operations officer of the state security
service?
22 A. This is the first time I hear that name.
23 Q. He worked at the state security service in Slavonski Brod?
24 A. This is the first time I hear that name, and in Slavonski Brod,
I
25 was there only a few times in my life.
Page 10615
1 Q. Well, he had very detailed information about your activities
2 concerning that person. Tell me: Do you know anything about that?
3 Because there is evidence that after the HDZ victory, you were the
person
4 who gave instructions to have that operations officer killed, the
man from
5 Slavonski Brod, and he was liquidated on the 15th of August, 1991, a
6 religious holiday, Sunday.
7 Q. This is the first I ever hear of it. I never held any executive
8 positions and I had no influence whatsoever on anyone's liberty or
life.
9 Q. But there are persons, there are witnesses, Mr. Mesic, who
10 according to your instructions kidnapped that person, Mijokovic,
Milan
11 from Slavonski Brod and Jokic, Ivan from Slavonski Brod?
12 A. You're probably the one who is socialising with them. I have no
13 idea.
14 Q. Also according to your instructions, Momo Devrnja, a Serb from
15 Orahovac, a forwarder was liquidated, a man who had a conflict with
you.
16 I imagine you remember that?
17 A. Just as much influence as I had on Lincoln's assassination.
18 That's about it.
19 Q. On the 24th of December, Muselinovic, Miodrag with his wife
Milici
20 and neighbour Desanka Radonjic [phoen] was the chief of SUP in
Orahovac
21 and he was killed according to your instructions.
22 A. The same answer as for the previous one.
23 THE INTERPRETER: Could the accused please repeat the question.
24 The speed is impossible to follow.
25 JUDGE MAY: We'll have to pause. The interpreters can't keep up
Page 10616
1 this pace. Now, you both speak the same language; therefore, it
would be
2 better if there was a pause between the question and answer. And
also
3 after the answer. Mr. Milosevic, will you bear that in mind.
4 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
5 Q. According to your instructions, Serb villages Pusina, Kokocak,
6 Kraskovici [phoen], Brekoracani [phoen], Gornja Pistana, Slatinski
7 Drenovac were destroyed; is that correct or is that not correct?
8 A. That has nothing to do with actual facts. I found out about the
9 torching of these villages and I protested. I launched by protest
with
10 President Tudjman.
11 Q. With who?
12 A. With President Tudjman, and you had also socialised with him.
13 Q. You were involved in the Hefner affair in 1967, the one that had
14 to do with the selling of white slaves, and also you remember that
Tito
15 referred to an affair that you were involved in that had to do with
buying
16 machinery for the textile industry in Leskovac.
17 A. No. This is just a figment of someone's imagination.
18 Q. Is it correct that you were the main organiser of the affair
that
19 had to do with military records, abolishing the security records
that were
20 kept? Need I remind you of why you did that?
21 A. This is no affair. This has to do with the following: The
22 National Defence authorities kept records about young men who were
23 supposed to go and do their military service. As president of the
24 municipality, I got information that Croats were not being
sufficiently
25 active in the army, that they did not enroll in military schools.
They
Page 10617
1 did not take up commissions and they did not go to military schools
in
2 general. I was surprised by the fact that it was only Serbs who were
3 applying. I realised that there was one particular item in
4 questionnaires, that is to say, item 32, and this was something that
was
5 filled by the officials of the Secretariats of National Defence and
I
6 asked to see what was written there. Since a person involved
protested
7 because it said that his father -- his name is Slavko Sulovnjak. He
was
8 in the army. And in that questionnaire, it said that his father was
an
9 Ustasha from 1941 and that he was tried as a war criminal. However,
his
10 father had been a partisan. His father had retired as an
non-commissioned
11 officer of the Yugoslav People's Army. I asked for this to be
looked
12 into. They did look into it and they established that for over 90
per
13 cent of Croatian young men, it said that they were children of
enemies,
14 and that therefore they could not attend such schools. Serb
children did
15 have passing grades, though, so to speak. That is what I know about
item
16 32.
17 Q. That's what the Croatian authorities wrote. It was not the Serb
18 authorities.
19 A. It was Serbs who were employed in the National Defence
20 authorities, and I can even give you names if you're really
interested.
21 Q. Are you trying to say that Croats were not employed in Croatia
in
22 National Defence authorities?
23 A. It is only when I came to Orahovac as president of the
24 municipality, the first Croat became head of the Secretariat for
National
25 Defence.
Page 10618
1 Q. All right. Is it correct that while you were in prison, and this
2 Petar Sale, by the way, is a well-known chauvinist from Sibenik; is
that
3 right? While you were in prison, the officials of the state security
4 service of Croatia tried to employ your services for the rest of
your
5 prison term?
6 A. Again this is a figment of your imagination. I did have a prison
7 sentence of two years and two months. This was the first-instance
court
8 that made that ruling. However, the Supreme Court reduced the
sentence to
9 one year and I served one year. I don't really see why anybody would
try
10 to enlist my services. This is again pure fantasy.
11 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Mesic, remind us again: When was this prison
12 sentence? What years.
13 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] From 1975, from May 1975 until May
14 1976.
15 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
16 Q. Is it correct that after that you worked for the state security
17 service of Croatia in the sector for internal enemies at that?
18 JUDGE MAY: Just a moment, Mr. Milosevic.
19 The next question is: What was the sentence imposed for?
20 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] For participation in the Croatian
21 Spring. I was president of a municipality and I took part in the
Croatian
22 Spring, as it was called. I can also give you a list of all the
crimes
23 that I was accused of, if the Trial Chamber is interested in that.
24 JUDGE MAY: Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
25 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
Page 10619
1 Q. When was this Croatian Spring?
2 A. One of the crimes was that I said: Let the devil get warm by our
3 Croatian fire but let him not extinguish the fire. At that time, a
4 topical question throughout Yugoslavia was the struggle for
constitutional
5 amendments. I said for all of those who wish to see democracy, there
is
6 place in the train leading to democracy. Every person who tries to
7 sidetrack that train by putting his foot in front of it can only
remain
8 without that foot. That's what I said.
9 I also said that the Croats tread their path to the Adriatic Sea
10 with their own sabres and all the rest followed in their footsteps.
These
11 are the crimes for which I was sentenced to two years, two months
in
12 prison.
13 Q. Is it true that you worked then for the state security service
of
14 Croatia in the department for internal enemies and that after that
you
15 started working for the state security service of the Yugoslav
army?
16 A. The truth is that I asked for a passport. For 15 years I did not
17 have a passport. I asked for a passport to be issued to me as a
free
18 citizen. I was refused a passport, and I lodged a complaint because
of
19 that. And I did that every year, a few times every year, as a
matter of
20 fact. That is more or less all the contact I had with the police.
All
21 the rest just pertains to the realm of fantasy.
22 Q. All right. You did not work for the state security service of
23 Croatia, you did not work for the counter-intelligence service of
the
24 army, I assume. And it is assumed that your relationship with
Spegelj
25 dates back to those days, that is to say, some other period of
time. Do
Page 10620
1 you know that Franjo Tudjman replaced Spegelj as well because it was
his
2 suspicion that he was an agent of the KOS and that is why he fled
across
3 the border with the assistance of Josip Manolic, former head of the
4 Croatian police, with a false passport issued in a false name?
5 A. This is pure fantasy and that can be proved by the following: In
6 order to get a job after prison, I applied at 150 different posts.
7 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness finish. Yes. Let him finish.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] My question was different, and it
9 had to do with Spegelj.
10 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness finish and give his explanation.
11 A. What is the logic? Why would I work for the state security
12 service and I could not find a job? And I applied at 150 different
13 places, and I did not get a job anywhere. What is the logic of
that? And
14 for 15 years I did not have a passport.
15 As for Spegelj, the situation was well known. At a meeting of the
16 Croatian political leadership, Spegelj presented a plan, which is
referred
17 to in Croatia as the Spegelj Plan. He proposed that warehouses be
seized
18 from the Yugoslav People's Army, where weapons were, depots with
the
19 weapons of the Yugoslav People's Army, and not to touch military
barracks
20 but to take weapons. Since in these depots there were several
hundreds or
21 perhaps thousands of tanks, Spegelj said: If we take these weapons,
for
22 each tank we have people who are trained, who were in the army, and
if
23 Milosevic wants to move against Croatia, we have the resources to
meet
24 him. In this way, we are going to avoid a war, because the Yugoslav
army
25 is in disarray. However, if we go on waiting, the Yugoslav army
will
Page 10621
1 consolidate itself, it's going to become a Serb army, and Milosevic
is
2 going for try to conquer Croatian territories with it. Tudjman
disagreed
3 with that. I was the only one who voted in favour of that proposal,
and
4 that is why General Spegelj left his post.
5 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
6 Q. I see that you really have this hang-up about Milosevic. You
7 mentioned me in every other sentence you uttered yesterday. On the
basis
8 of what you said just now, Mr. Mesic, is that to show that you were
more
9 radical than Tudjman in your viewpoints that had to do with the war,
more
10 radical than Tudjman?
11 A. I'm really pleased that this question was put to me, because I
12 responded in one case how war can be averted; to take weapons from
the
13 hands of the army and to avoid the war. Because Croatia would have
14 something to meet Milosevic with if he were to attack. So this is a
case
15 about which I think I was right until the present day, and I think
that
16 General Spegelj was right too. Many lives would have been saved,
both of
17 Serbs and Croats, had it been that way.
18 Q. Mr. Mesic, is it clear to you, in connection with these
19 accusations levelled against Milosevic, and Milosevic's purported
command
20 over the army, what you said just now, that I really had -- had I
actually
21 had the possibility of commanding the army, Yugoslavia would not
have
22 fallen apart, there would not have been a civil war. Regrettably, I
did
23 not have that possibility, so what happened, happened. But please
answer
24 the following: You spoke about motives a few minutes ago. Motive
for a
25 cooperation with the state security service. Could your motive not
have
Page 10622
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3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10623
1 been to reduce your prison sentence from two years to one year? You
said
2 it yourself. Just like now, the motive for cooperation here is to
avoid
3 punishment and responsibility that is your due, since you are a
person --
4 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, you know you have to ask questions here
5 and not make speeches. The witness has said that he did not
cooperate
6 with the state security service, so there seems little point going
on
7 about it. Your next question.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well.
9 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
10 Q. Now that we're on the subject, that we're discussing such
11 questions: On the 24th of April -- on the 26th of April, 1994, you
stated
12 for Feral Tribune: There were quite a few murders in the case of
which
13 the perpetrators, though known, are not in prison yet. People know
who
14 killed Reihl-Kir and Saban Krivokuca, the Zec family. The murders
of the
15 Zec family said themselves that they raped the woman and her
12-year-old
16 daughter and killed them. One of them is employed by the Ministry
of
17 Defence. You know it's not easy to sit at the same table with a
person
18 whose bodyguard took a 12-year-old child, followed a bullet into
his head
19 and then threw him into the garbage. It is my understanding that it
has
20 become clear to the Croat people as well that things have happened
that
21 are leading us to an abyss. So that is your own statement, isn't
it? I
22 have quoted you correctly, I believe. My question is: The changes
in
23 Croatia - you are now president of Croatia - is this fact --
24 JUDGE MAY: Let us first of all deal with the quotation which you
25 have attributed to the witness.
Page 10624
1 Mr. Mesic, that is a quotation from a paper in April 1994. Is the
2 quotation correct, and is there anything you want to say about it
before
3 we move on to another subject?
4 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] Correct. I always struggled for the
5 rule of law, and I did assert that crimes had been committed, and
the rule
6 of law had to prevail. I am struggling for the rule of law now as
well.
7 I'm struggling for ascertaining individual guilt and responsibility,
8 because in that case, collective responsibility will be halted.
9 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
10 Q. All right. My question was: The changes in Croatia which have
11 taken place, and you have been elected president, has that led to
this
12 clearing up and settling of accounts with the killers that you
yourself
13 said were known, that their names were known, the people who did
the
14 killings were known? Now, you, as head of the Croatian state now,
have
15 you succeeded in clearing all this up and bringing these people to
16 justice?
17 A. The people that you are talking about in this particular case
are
18 undergoing trial in Croatia at the moment.
19 Q. You mean all the victims that you mentioned, or just some of
them?
20 A. The ones that we learnt about have been taken to trial, but none
21 of the cases have been completed, no files have been closed, and
22 investigations are under way and the perpetrators will be
prosecuted.
23 Q. Do you yourself feel responsible for what took place and for the
24 crimes that were committed while you yourself occupied the highest
posts
25 and offices in Croatia after Tudjman, that is to say, up until
1994?
Page 10625
1 A. The accused knows very well, because he's a lawyer, that I was
2 president of the Croatian Sabor or parliament assembly, which means
primus
3 inter pares, and I was president of parliament. I was not in the
4 judiciary organs or in executive power and authority, nor was I in
the
5 police force. And the accused knows full well what the function of a
6 parliament is.
7 Q. As far as I remember, you were president of the executive board
of
8 the HDZ party as well.
9 A. Yes. I was the president of the executive board of the HDZ.
10 That's true, in 1992, which means from January to the elections,
that is
11 to say, until October 1992.
12 Q. Before that, you were prime minister when the HDZ won the
13 elections; isn't that right, Mr. Mesic, when it came into power?
14 A. Yes, you're quite right. You have the right facts and figures. I
15 was prime minister for three months. That is true. And after that I
took
16 up my post as member of the Yugoslav state Presidency. And that's
where I
17 remained until the end of 1991.
18 Q. All right. What you're saying is that after you returned from
the
19 Yugoslav state Presidency, when you were elected as president of
the
20 Croatian parliament, that that was not the second most important
office in
21 Croatia and that you link your activities up with the formal
decisions
22 taken by -- official decisions taken by parliament and not for the
overall
23 political situation in Croatia, the state of affairs that prevailed
and
24 everything that went on there. You were the number two man in
Croatia;
25 isn't that right, Mr. Mesic?
Page 10626
1 A. I always strove for the functioning of the rule of law of the
2 Croatian state and the Croatian constitution recognises the division
of
3 power into three sections: The legal section and the two others, the
4 judiciary and everything else that the constitution implied and
5 stipulated, which means that I was president of parliament.
6 Q. All right. You therefore consider that you worked in line with
7 the constitution and that you did the work that comes under the
8 competencies of the parliament. Does the parliament have the right
to
9 send Croatian troops, for example, to Bosnia-Herzegovina or is that
10 something that comes under the competence of executive power?
11 A. It's a very good thing that this question was raised, and I
think
12 we ought to clear it up now. For the Croatian army to be able to
act
13 outside Croatia, the head of state could take a decision only with
the
14 acquiescence and agreement from the Croatian parliament. This kind
of
15 agreement was never issued by the Croatian parliament, whether
anybody
16 went outside Croatia, groups or individuals, it was not up to the
17 parliament to ascertain.
18 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. What you're saying is that you don't
19 consider yourself to be responsible for not having carried out your
20 constitutional duties, the ones that you insisted upon a moment
ago,
21 because parliament did not take decisions in that respect, the
decisions
22 that it should have taken. So you feel, do you, that this rids you
of all
23 responsibility?
24 A. Yes, that's quite right.
25 Q. And are you aware of the fact that, for example, units of the
Page 10627
1 Republic of Croatia launched an attack on the municipality of Brod
in
2 Bosnia-Herzegovina on the 26th of March, 1992, a great crime was
committed
3 there, the population of the village of Sijekovac in the Bosanski
Brod
4 municipality was massacred and even at that time Bosnia-Herzegovina
was
5 not even internationally recognised, which means that in all
respects it
6 was part and parcel of Yugoslavia, even in the most -- in the
strictest
7 formal sense. And their 108 -- the members of the 108th Brigade of
the
8 National Guard Corps were there from Slavonski Brod and so on and so
9 forth. There is a complete set of documents pertaining to the
10 perpetrators. Is it possible that you, as president of parliament,
did
11 not know about that?
12 A. There were several interventions that I had from several
families
13 of -- and the parents said that they had gone to Bosnia. I asked
for
14 information, both from the head of state and the defence minister,
and
15 they told me that it was only volunteers who had gone and that it
was the
16 volunteers who were born in Bosnia-Herzegovina who volunteered to
go. I
17 had no other instruments at my disposal. The only thing I could do
was to
18 ask to be informed. But I must say that if anybody does have
knowledge as
19 to the fact that a citizen of Croatia perpetrated a crime anywhere,
then
20 this should be filed. Croatia is a country in which the rule of law
holds
21 true today, and everybody will be held accountable.
22 Q. Well, you've received many such reports, Mr. Mesic, but are you
23 saying now that you did not know, as president of parliament, a
body who
24 was the sole body competent to take a decision in the matter, that
you did
25 not know that what came within the frameworks of your competence
was done
Page 10628
1 illegally and that you did not in fact know that Croatian troops
were
2 present in Bosnia-Herzegovina? Is that what you're saying?
3 A. That observation is quite correct. I did not know about that.
4 Q. All right. Did you know, for example, that from the 3rd of April
5 until the 9th of April an attack was launched on Kupres, the Gornji
6 Malovan, Kratez, Mala Plazenica, Zagliska Suma [phoen], the town of
7 Kupres, Begovo Selo, all these other villages, and so on and so
forth?
8 JUDGE MAY: Is looks as though this is going to be a reputation of
9 much of the cross-examination which we heard in the earlier part of
the
10 case, which doesn't relate to the evidence of the witness. What he
said
11 is that he heard of interventions, made inquiries and was told that
it was
12 due to volunteers. Perhaps, Mr. Mesic, in order to avoid a long
list
13 being given, if that's what the accused has in mind, can you answer
this
14 question: Can you tell us where these interventions which you
inquired
15 about took place, or can you not now remember?
16 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I certainly do not know the
17 locations they were sent to, but the parents of the young men told
us that
18 their children had gone to Bosnia. When I asked about this, the
defence
19 minister and the former president of the Republic told me that not
a
20 single unit had gone, that it was only volunteers who had gone, and
that
21 is the volunteers who were actually born in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Now, I
22 had no other instruments for investigating the truthfulness of
those
23 assertions.
24 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
25 Q. Mr. Mesic, it wasn't a case of individuals, for example, if we
had
Page 10629
1 the 106th Brigade from Osijek, the full complement of it, and the
Zuti
2 Mravi from Vukovar, the 101 Zagreb Brigade, the Student King
Tomislav
3 Battalion, the Zrinjski Battalion, the special purpose unit of the
MUP of
4 Croatia and so on and so forth. In addition to the KOS, the Zenga,
and so
5 on?
6 JUDGE MAY: Pause there, Mr. Milosevic. The witness can only give
7 evidence about what he knew himself. Now, what is being suggested,
that
8 these units intervened in your inquiries, were those units
mentioned? Do
9 you know anything about them or not?
10 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I see that the accused knows the
11 situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina very well and that he is well aware
of all
12 the units that went to war there, and I'm sure he could enumerate
all the
13 Serbs units. If he knows about the Croatian units, I'm sure he
knows much
14 more about those who came from Belgrade and other towns and
destroyed
15 Croatian and Bosnian towns. However, let me respond once again and
say
16 that I did not know of a single unit which went from Croatia to
17 Bosnia-Herzegovina.
18 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
19 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. Is it true that your nephew, who was not a
20 volunteer and who is not from Bosnia-Herzegovina, also went to
21 Bosnia-Herzegovina with his unit? Do you know about that? Are you
aware
22 of that?
23 A. My nephews were not in the army. They were too young to be.
24 Q. All right. We'll get to that later on.
25 But tell me this: How can you, for example, as we spoke a moment
Page 10630
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3
4
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6
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8
9
10
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13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10631
1 ago about those incidents and what was going on, to all intents and
2 purposes an aggression, and you say you know nothing about it, this
is
3 what I have in my hand: The command for the rear of Bosanski Brod
4 Sijekovac. That is where the crimes were perpetrated --
5 JUDGE MAY: I'm going to stop you now. The witness has given his
6 evidence. He knows nothing about it. Your duty, your function at the
7 moment, is to cross-examine him about his evidence. It's not to make
8 speeches or try and present evidence yourself. Now, he's given his
9 evidence about this matter and he can take it no further. In due
course,
10 if it's relevant, you can call evidence, but for the moment you
must move
11 on to some other topic.
12 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, I wish to ask the witness
13 respect to what he says he didn't know, how he can --
14 JUDGE MAY: He's told you. He told you he doesn't know. He
15 doesn't know.
16 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] His comment on this military
17 document and this is something that will take me 20 seconds to read
out.
18 This is a photocopy with a stamp and signature. It is a permit
allowing
19 the intervention platoon from Zagreb, a certificate, in fact, to
execute
20 the detention of women --
21 JUDGE MAY: Is it signed by the witness? What connection does it
22 have with him, before you put it.
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] The connection it has is -- with the
24 witness is -- this is to say, it is linked with his second function
in the
25 hierarchy of the Republic of Croatia, and this is a certificate
issued to
Page 10632
1 the intervention platoon from Zagreb, which is the capital of
Croatia,
2 where the cabinet of Mr. Mesic is located, a permit allowing the
detention
3 of women, young girls, Serbs, for the needs of the male sex.
4 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, what is the connection with this
5 witness, before you put it?
6 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, the connection is to show
7 that the units that he says he knows nothing about are not only
committing
8 crimes but are organising rape and all the rest of it.
9 JUDGE MAY: Look, that's nothing to do with the witness. You're
10 here to cross-examine him about these matters. If it's relevant,
you can
11 call evidence in due course, but what you're not here to do is to
make
12 speeches and try and present evidence that crimes were committed by
the
13 other side which are irrelevant. Now, this trial, remember, this
14 indictment, is about crimes which are alleged -- it's alleged that
you
15 committed, and his evidence is about that, so you should
concentrate on
16 that rather than to try and show that crimes were committed by
others.
17 MR. KAY: Your Honour, may I just raise a few matters, because
18 it's plainly important to the accused. Perhaps what is at stake
here is
19 the credibility of this particular witness for the Prosecution. In
20 respect of this, the accused is attempting, I believe, to put
forward to
21 the Court various events that occurred during his Presidency of
Croatia,
22 to demonstrate his involvement within the conflict that occurred in
the
23 region. Those issues may well be important to this accused in
relation to
24 issues of defence of territory, other aspects of the conflict. I
don't
25 have instructions on that matter, so I can't say, but it may well
be that
Page 10633
1 it's the form of questioning that's the problem here. But it's the
issue
2 of what was happening at the time whilst he was president of Croatia
and
3 whilst troops were leaving the borders of his state.
4 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Kay, much time has been wasted in this trial in
5 trying to establish that crimes were committed by others, which may
or may
6 not be relevant to the trial. That is why it's important to see
whether
7 documents were signed by this witness. If the issue is that it was
8 notorious, if that's the point that is being made, that crimes were
being
9 put, were being made, were being committed, then that can be put to
the
10 witness. What can't be put, which is what I suspect the accused is
doing,
11 is to read out lists and lists of crimes, taking up time, and
thereby, in
12 my view, raising matters which at this stage are not relevant to
the
13 trial. Our time is limited. We must stick to the relevant matters.
But
14 I will put to the witness the general point, and we'll hear what he
says.
15 Mr. Mesic, what may be being suggested is this, and you can help
16 us, if you would: That it was well known that crimes were being
committed
17 in Bosnia during the time of your Presidency. I think this is what
is
18 being suggested. And therefore you must have known about these
matters,
19 apart from them being referred to by the parents of the volunteers
or
20 members of the armed forces, as you suggested. Now, if that is
being
21 suggested, then you should answer it. Was this a matter which in
fact was
22 something of general knowledge in Croatia, and in particular, to
you as
23 president at the time?
24 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] While I was the president of the
25 parliament, I knew about the camps organised by the Serbian side in
Bosnia
Page 10634
1 and Herzegovina. I received information, and this was actually shown
on
2 television ultimately. If there were other crimes, news of them did
not
3 reach me.
4 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
5 Q. Until when were you president of parliament, Mr. Mesic? Until
6 what date?
7 A. I was president of parliament from the 7th of September, 1992
8 until the 24th of May, 1994.
9 Q. 1994. Very well. In that period of time, I ask you, within that
10 period of time, what you said you don't know, and you said you
inquired of
11 the minister about -- let me tell you: On the 3rd of July, 1993,
Alois
12 Mok criticised the Croats because of their activities against the
Muslims,
13 and he issued a protest which he addressed to the government of
Croatia.
14 On the 4th of February, also while you were president of
parliament, the
15 Security Council of the United Nations -- let me repeat- the
Security
16 Council of the United Nations, neither more nor less, issued a
statement
17 warning Croatia that it would be exposed to serious consequences if
it did
18 not withdraw its regular troops from Bosnia within a period of two
months.
19 So this is issued by the Security Council. It was a presidential
20 statement. And yet you, as the president of parliament, say you did
not
21 know about this. On the same day, the German chancellor, Helmut
Kohl?
22 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness deal with the Security Council point
23 and then you can tell us what is the relevance of this, Mr.
Milosevic.
24 Yes.
25 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] It's really noteworthy that the
Page 10635
1 accused is now expressing remorse for the sufferings of the Bosniak
2 people. This is really something to be commended. However --
3 JUDGE MAY: Could you deal with the Security Council resolution,
4 please.
5 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] With respect the resolution, I have
6 already said what I was able to do was to ask the president of the
state
7 whether our troops had crossed the border. He said no. The Minister
of
8 Defence said no. I had no other instruments at my disposal.
9 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
10 Q. Very well. May we proceed?
11 JUDGE MAY: No, we're not going to proceed with this until you've
12 explained what the relevance is. The indictment charges you with
crimes
13 in Croatia in the period between 1990 and 1992. What relevance does
the
14 conflict between the Muslims and the Croats have in relation to
that?
15 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, what we are speaking of
16 here is not relevance, but rather, the credibility of this witness.
17 JUDGE MAY: Very well. Yes. You can ask questions about the
18 credibility -- wait a moment. You can ask questions relating to the
19 credibility of the witness, but of course you're bound by his
answers and
20 the questions can only go so far as to test their credibility. Now,
he's
21 given you an answer about the Security Council resolution. Your
next
22 question.
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well, Mr. May. Then I may
24 proceed to my next question.
25 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
Page 10636
1 Q. You arrived on the 5th of December in the Croatian parliament.
2 You thanked them for their confidence. This was on the 5th of
December,
3 1991. And you made a notorious statement to the effect that you
thought I
4 have performed my task. Yugoslavia is no more. Is this so, Mr.
Mesic?
5 We saw it on the video we played here a few days ago, and all of
6 Yugoslavia knows about this. You said: I think I have performed my
task.
7 Yugoslavia is no more.
8 A. An excellent question. I will explain what this was about. The
9 Croatian parliament elected me to be the Croatian member of the
Presidency
10 of Yugoslavia. I went to Belgrade, where first, for several months,
I was
11 not allowed to take up my duties because the Federal Assembly was
unable
12 to meet. After that, the Serbian bloc boycotted my election as
president
13 under --
14 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, let him finish. You've asked him a
15 question. Let him give his explanation.
16 A. Finally, under pressure from the international community, I was
17 elected president. Croatia adopted a decision on its independence.
18 Croatia, in agreement with the international community, postponed
its
19 secession from Yugoslavia by three months. This time period had
elapsed.
20 Yugoslavia no longer existed. The federal institutions were no
longer
21 functioning. I returned to Zagreb, and that's precisely what I
said.
22 Because I did not go to Belgrade to open up a house-painting
business. I
23 went there as a member of the Presidency of Yugoslavia. Since
Yugoslavia
24 no longer existed and the Presidency no longer existed, I had
performed
25 the tasks entrusted to me by the Croatian parliament and was
reporting
Page 10637
1 back, ready to take up a different office. What was I to do in
Belgrade
2 when the Presidency no longer existed?
3 Q. Very well, Mr. Mesic. This is truly worthy of admiration, your
4 explanation of what you said, but you haven't told me whether you
actually
5 said: I have performed my task. Yugoslavia is no more.
6 A. The accused is a lawyer. He understands very well what I'm
7 talking about. My task was to represent Croatia in the Federal
8 Presidency.
9 Q. There is no need for you to repeat this. You said this in the
10 Croatian or Serbian language, or whatever you want to call it, and
11 everybody understood it. Your explanation now is obviously an
attempt to
12 make this statement relative, but this is no longer important.
13 [Trial Chamber confers]
14 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
15 Q. In your public statements, or rather, in Tudjman's public
16 statements on Ban Jelacic Square on the 24th of May, 1992, said
"There
17 would have been no war had not Croatia wanted it. But we thought
that it
18 was only by war that we could win the independence of Croatia.
That's why
19 we had a policy of negotiations behind which we were setting up
military
20 units. Had this not been so, we would not have reached our goal."
Is
21 this correct, Mr. Mesic?
22 A. I think that this could have been reported only by the Serbian
23 press, because it simply does not correspond to the truth. We know
who
24 was in control of the press in Serbia. It was the accused, Slobodan
25 Milosevic.
Page 10638
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13 English transcripts.
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21
22
23
24
25
Page 10639
1 Q. Unfortunately, a few days ago we watched a video of this, and we
2 saw this speech on Ban Jelacic square, taped on video. Tell me,
please:
3 Do you know that when the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was founded
and
4 the new constituted was promulgated on the 27th of April, 1992, a
5 declaration was adopted on the goals of the new common state, that
is, the
6 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, according to which, and I quote
verbatim:
7 "Yugoslavia has no territorial pretensions towards any of the former
8 Yugoslav republics." Are you aware of this?
9 A. I don't know what the declaration on the establishing of the
10 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia says, but I do know everything that
was
11 done to cut off parts of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and
annex them
12 to Serbia.
13 Q. Mr. Mesic, you're telling us fairy tales about Karlovac,
Karlobag
14 Virovitica boundary. When did you ever hear any official of the
Republic
15 of Serbia referring to this border, and when did any body or organ
of the
16 Republic of Serbia or anyone in Yugoslavia raise this issue and
talk about
17 such a boundary? This is a pure fabrication that you are launching
here.
18 Where did you get this idea?
19 A. It's quite understandable that those who perpetrated aggression
20 did not make such statements, but the Serbian minister, who was in
the
21 government, one of the ministers of Mr. Milosevic, visited this
boundary
22 with Vojislav Seselj, the Chetnik Vojvoda or leader, to show how
far the
23 interests of Serbia reached.
24 Q. What minister are you referring to? And if a minister visits a
25 spot, if he goes to a certain municipality, does he go to a
boundary or
Page 10640
1 does he mark a boundary? Was he marking a boundary there?
2 A. You understand very well that if someone visits Croatia,
3 especially an official, he should visit the official organs of the
4 Republic of Croatia.
5 Q. What municipal organs are you referring to if someone is visiting
6 a municipality? I didn't know you were a police state of that kind,
that
7 someone visiting a municipality in Croatia would have to report to
the
8 police.
9 A. I was not paid to teach the accused Croatian laws. I was paid to
10 implement them.
11 Q. Mr. Mesic, you are a university graduate. Did you ever learn
12 about the rights of peoples to self-determination, and do you know
that
13 volumes and volumes of books have been written on this topic? Do
you know
14 about this?
15 A. I think this question is pointless. Of course I do. Of course I
16 know about the right to self-determination. This is going too far.
17 Q. Well, then answer me, please: Where did you get the idea that,
as
18 you said, the Serbs in Croatia do not have a right to
self-determination?
19 Where did you get the idea, as you said on page 2 of your
statement, that
20 according to the constitution of 1974, Yugoslavia was a confederal
state?
21 You know yourself that this is untrue. Show me a single
constitutional
22 provision to this effect. Is this correct or not, Mr. Mesic?
23 A. The Presidency of Yugoslavia was established as a confederal
24 institution because all decisions were made for the most part by
25 consensus, and the accused knows this very well. He also knows very
well
Page 10641
1 that according to the constitution of 1974, the republics were
called
2 states, and he also knows that, by virtue of their association into
3 Yugoslavia, they also had the right to disassociate themselves from
4 Yugoslavia. When a threat arose that Croatia and Slovenia might
suffer
5 the same fate as Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro, Croatia made use
of
6 its right to disassociate itself, and the Badinter Commission
confirmed
7 this. Of course the Serbs have a right to their own state. That
state is
8 the Republic of Serbia. But it is well known that national
minorities
9 cannot ask to secede from the Republic of Croatia. They could ask
for
10 that but they could not realise it, because the Republic of Croatia
was
11 recognised in the borders established by Avnoj and the accused
knows this
12 very well.
13 Q. Do you know that according to the Yugoslav constitution, it was
14 the peoples and not the republics that had sovereignty? Do you
remember
15 that even the coat of arms of Yugoslavia had five torches,
represented
16 five peoples: The Serbs, the Croats, the Slovenes, the Macedonians
and the
17 Montenegrins, and then later on a sixth torch was added when the
Muslims
18 were declared a constituent people? Are you aware of this, Mr.
Mesic?
19 A. The constituent elements of the Federation were the republics,
20 plus two autonomous provinces: Vojvodina, and Kosovo. Those were
the
21 constituent elements of the Federation. Symbolism is one thing, but
22 constitutional provisions are quite another.
23 Q. You assert that in the constitutions of Yugoslavia and the
24 republics, it was not the sovereignty of peoples that was the
starting
25 point but the territory of the republics established in 1945; is
that what
Page 10642
1 you're claiming? I just want to be clear so as not to waste time.
2 A. I have said what I had to say about the constituent elements of
3 the Federation. Croatia had the right to self-determination, and the
4 Serbs in Croatia had the right to protection, to protection of their
5 collective rights and of their status as citizens of the Republic of
6 Croatia.
7 Q. Very well. Let us proceed, then. Let us proceed at a faster
8 pace, so please answer me yes or no: Is it correct that all the
9 constitutions of Croatia, until the amendments introduced by you in
1990,
10 had a provision about the Serbs as a constituent people, not a
ethnic
11 minority, as you have just said? For example, the constitution of
1945,
12 1963, 1974, the constitutional amendments of July 1990. So these
13 amendments of July 1990 for the first time left out the Serbs as a
14 constituent element of the Republic of Croatia. I'm referring now
to the
15 constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Did all the constitutions
16 contain a provision about the Serbian people as a constituent
people in
17 Croatia; yes or no?
18 A. One cannot reply to this question with yes or no. The
19 constitutions were enacted in different periods of time, in
different
20 situations, and in different international environments. The
21 constitution, therefore, had different provisions at different
points in
22 time. For example, the Yugoslav and the Croatian constitutions had
a
23 provision which other constitutions, for example, do not contain,
that
24 there are two kinds of groups: Narodi and Narodnosti, two kinds of
25 peoples, plus ethnic groups. The constitution was further developed
up
Page 10643
1 until 1990.
2 Q. So the fact that the Serbs were left out of the constitution was
3 a development.
4 Do you know that on the 14th of May, 1887, the Croatian parliament
5 enacted a provision on the use of the Cyrillic alphabet? Are you
aware of
6 this?
7 A. I was not aware of that particular piece of information, but I do
8 thank the accused for having given me this piece of information.
That is
9 truly meaningful for me.
10 Q. And do you know about the rest, that what the constitution --
what
11 the assembly of Croatia adopted in 1887 was abolished in 1990 by
your
12 parliament? They abolished the Cyrillic alphabet as an official
13 alphabet. Do you know about that? You went 150 years backwards. Do
you
14 know that?
15 A. Yet another piece of information, very important to me, as a
16 lawyer.
17 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. Do you remember an entire series of laws,
18 not to mention taking over symbols, the symbols of the Nazi state
of the
19 independent state of Croatia, for example, the law on the Academy
of
20 Sciences and Arts, the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts? In
article
21 1 it says that it is the legal successor of the academy from the
period
22 from 1941 to 1945. The budget for 1991 does not envisage a single
dinar
23 for the schools of Serbs in Croatia, but it does envisage money for
24 Italians, Czechs, Ruthenians, and other national minorities. The
law on
25 the government allows the government to take measures against
so-called
Page 10644
1 disobedient municipalities. The only executive government in Europe
that
2 has the right to dissolve municipalities. The law on education
refers to
3 the Croatian language only, and so on and so forth?
4 JUDGE MAY: One thing at a time. What is the question,
5 Mr. Milosevic?
6 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
7 Q. The question is -- the question is: Is it correct that not only
8 through this behaviour and also the combination of this ethnic
intolerance
9 towards the Serbs, but it is also through the adoption of many laws,
the
10 Croatian authorities instigated nationalism and chauvinism not only
in
11 Croatia but also a discriminatory, an insulting attitude towards
Serbs in
12 Croatia. Is that right or is that not right, Mr. Mesic?
13 A. Croatia adopted laws that gave equal rights to all its citizens
14 and protect national minorities, all vulnerable groups, actually.
15 National minorities are vulnerable groups, and that is why Croatia
favours
16 positive discrimination of all vulnerable groups.
17 Q. Very well. Then give me a comment with regard to these following
18 statements: There are many such laws, and of course they did have
to
19 cause concern. For example, a meeting of the parliament on the 4th
of
20 October, 1990, the 4th of October, 1990, your own assembly. Damir
Majovic
21 says: "Do not trust the Serbs even when they bring gifts." Stjepan
22 Sulimanac says: "Persons who moved in after 1918, who moved into
Croatia
23 after 1918, a law should be passed with regard to such persons and
there
24 should be protection from them." Then MP Ivan Milas says: "We are
going
25 to use a sword in respect of your rights. The day of a final
showdown is
Page 10645
1 getting near." Another MP says: "All Serbs should be isolated like
Iraq
2 isolated the Kurds. A ghetto should be established for the Serbs."
And
3 Praljak, what's his name, one of the helmsmen of the HDZ said in
April
4 1990: "Outside the boys are already singing we are going to
slaughter the
5 Serbs." And so on and so forth. Is that the right kind of
atmosphere,
6 Mr. Mesic? Is that the atmosphere in which the Serbs were supposed
to
7 view everything that was happening to them with confidence? And in
the
8 meantime you dismissed practically all Serbs from the state
9 administration?
10 JUDGE MAY: One thing at a time. Now, you've read out a series --
11 you've read out a series of quotations which are said to have been
made in
12 the parliament.
13 Now, Mr. Mesic, you can deal with that. First of all, do you know
14 if these statements were made, or these sort of statements, and if
so, is
15 there anything that you can tell us about them?
16 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] There were different statements that
17 will were impermissible, and it is certain that such statements
harmed
18 Croatia. As for Slobodan Praljak, I must say that he was never a
member
19 of the HDZ. When the HDZ was established, he was one of President
20 Tudjman's major critics. Now, why were such statements made? I say
today
21 as well that they did not work to Croatia's advantage but to its
22 disadvantage. There were rallies of Serbs in various places on the
4th of
23 February, 1990. On the 4th of March, 1990, there was a rally in
Petrova
24 Gora of people from Lika, Kordun, Banja Luka, Bosanska Krajina, and
also
25 Vojvodina in Serbia.
Page 10646
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20
21
22
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24
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Page 10647
1 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
2 Q. Was that when Ante Markovic established his own party?
3 A. On the 27th of July, 1990, the Serb assembly passed its so-called
4 decision on Serb autonomy in Croatia. On the 1st of July, 1990 in
Kosovo
5 by Knin, an official statement was made that the Serb Autonomous
Krajina
6 was established in Croatia, its president being Milan Babic. On the
17th
7 of August, the first roadblocks were on the road in Benkovac, Knin
and
8 Gradacac. On the 13th of September, there were meetings and rallies
of
9 persons in Dvor and in various other places. In towns and in
10 municipalities in Croatia where there is a predominantly Serb
population,
11 there were inscriptions saying: "This is Serbia." So it is persons
who
12 came from Serbia who manipulated the Serb masses in Serbia? Why?
Because
13 Milosevic needed to bring about an insurgency of the Serbs in
Croatia so
14 that he would light the initial fuse for setting Bosnia-Herzegovina
on
15 fire, because he needed Bosnia-Herzegovina. That's what the accused
16 actually did. That is why he should be held accountable. These
radical
17 statements, regrettably, are only in response to statements made by
the
18 accused.
19 Q. Mr. Mesic, do you see that you're not testifying about anything
20 here except your political and propaganda activities all this time?
21 Because you do not have a single fact here; you only have your own
22 positions and your attacks against Milosevic.
23 A. This is the trial of the accused Slobodan Milosevic. I have
24 sufficient facts in order to believe that he is guilty because he
planned
25 war, he carried out war, and he built into this plan a crime that
he
Page 10648
1 should be held accountable for.
2 Q. Very well.
3 JUDGE MAY: Let us get back to the subject-matter of the trial.
4 Yes. You are asking about the statements, Mr. Milosevic.
5 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
6 Q. I put a question. I said: These laws and the atmosphere in
7 parliament, the atmosphere in Croatia, the dismissals of thousands
of
8 persons from the administration, from the police, from the media,
even
9 from the health sector, is that the kind of atmosphere that caused
concern
10 among the Serbs, or was it, as Mr. Mesic just put it now, was it
Milosevic
11 who caused concern and who led to this insurgency? Were these facts
of
12 life the thing that caused concern among them or did Milosevic come
from
13 Serbia to make them start a rebellion, now that I've quoted all of
this?
14 A. It wasn't the accused Milosevic who came. His emissaries came,
15 and they were the ones who started the insurgency in Croatia.
16 JUDGE MAY: Can you deal with the allegations which are made,
17 that, first of all, there were the dismissals of thousands of
persons from
18 the administration and the police and the media and the health
sector?
19 Now, can you deal with that, Mr. Mesic? Were thousands dismissed?
20 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I think that it is an exaggeration
21 to speak of thousands, but that there were dismissals is a fact.
There
22 were unnecessary dismissals. People also took those who dismissed
them to
23 court and won these cases. I think that these statements that are
radical
24 and inadmissible only work to Croatia's detriment, and I always
struggled
25 against that.
Page 10649
1 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
2 Q. All right. So the atmosphere and the statements -- I mean, you
3 say now that it is negative, but the atmosphere was there, wasn't
it? So
4 it's not Milosevic who caused an insurgency among the Serbs; it is
your
5 laws, your pressures, your behaviour, your attacks against people.
Is
6 that right or is that not right, Mr. Mesic?
7 A. I have to reply once again, and I've already said this.
8 Q. If you've already said it, please don't read out what you've
9 already read out, please.
10 A. Those who wanted to cut off parts of Croatia, parts of the
11 Republic of Croatia, those are the ones who are to be blamed for
the
12 radical statements that were made.
13 Q. Well, look, somebody wanted to cut off parts of your territory.
14 Susanne Woodward from the Brooking Institution, an institution of
high
15 renown throughout the world, she says:
16 "Smashed stores fronts, fire bombs thrown and harassed and
17 arrested potential Serb leaders. In many parts of Croatia Serbs
were
18 expelled from jobs because of their nationality."
19 JUDGE MAY: You can call her to give evidence if you want. Yes.
20 Was there an atmosphere, Mr. Mesic, to cause the Serbs to have
21 fear at this time or is that not so?
22 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] It is an exaggeration to say that
23 there was an atmosphere of fear, but that there were improper and
24 inadmissible statements, that is a fact. Also there were dismissals
that
25 were wrong; however, people took those who dismissed them to court
and
Page 10650
1 they won those cases.
2 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
3 Q. You mean those 100,000 Serbs who fled Croatia already in 1990,
4 they won these cases for their own jobs; is that what you're trying
to
5 say?
6 A. The accused is a lawyer, and he knows that only a person who is a
7 plaintiff can win a case.
8 Q. Well, we heard your own statements of a few minutes ago about
9 those murders, what kind of rule of law you had. We're going to hear
10 others later as well. I assume that you're not joking now when
you're
11 referring to --
12 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, the time has come to move on from this
13 sort of argument, which doesn't assist the Court.
14 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
15 Q. Tell me, Mr. Mesic: Do you remember the statement made by the
16 famous artist Edo Murtic in Novi Liste [phoen], a daily from
Rijeka, made
17 in June 2000? I'm quoting him: "I remember how a few months prior
to the
18 elections in 1990" - he is referring to his conversation with
Tudjman -
19 "how he came to me quite delighted, believing that he would turn me
into
20 his Augustincic. He thought that we would now do what the Ustashas
and
21 Pavelic did not do in 1941. He said that he would send 250.000
Serbs
22 packing away and the remaining 250.000 would be killed." So these
are
23 your own newspapers. It's not a Belgrade newspaper. This is Edo
Murtic,
24 a famous artist, painter, a well-known intellectual. Do you
remember that
25 statement of his about this conversation before the elections in
1990?
Page 10651
1 And I quoted Susan Woodward a few minutes ago and she is referring
to the
2 atmosphere before 1990, before the elections.
3 JUDGE MAY: The witness can deal with the conversation by -- or
4 comments by the artist which has been referred to.
5 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] The artist Edo Murtic is a friend of
6 mine, by the way, but I do admit that I haven't read that particular
7 statement of his.
8 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
9 Q. All right. Tell me, please: I'm just going to briefly quote the
10 newspaper Feral Tribune on the 21st of April, 2001, autumn 2001,
there was
11 a hunt against the Serbs in 1991. It says: "Mercep's killers were
12 killing Serbs en masse in Pogracka [phoen], Puljane [phoen], they
were
13 taking people out of their homes in Zagreb and they were trying
them but
14 firing bullets into their heads. Norac Oreskovic and others applied
15 similar methods when dealing with the innocent Serbs of Gospic.
16 Spectacular Crystal Nights were organised in Zadar during which
tens of
17 houses were destroyed whose inhabitants had the wrong chromosomes."
18 Is that correct, Mr. Mesic? Is that what the Croatian newspaper
19 Feral Tribune said or did this Croatian newspaper lie when they
said that?
20 A. There were crimes, and I always asked for them to be
investigated
21 and the perpetrators to be punished. Croatia did not have
sufficient rule
22 of law, and after all, that is how I won the election, because I
have been
23 calling for true rule of law in Croatia. Crimes were committed and
24 perpetrators should be brought to justice. But that is no reason
for
25 destroying Dubrovnik, for destroying Vukovar, for destroying
Croatian
Page 10652
1 cities. Criminals should be prosecuted, but towns should not be
2 destroyed.
3 Q. Correct. Perpetrators should be prosecuted, perpetrators should
4 be tried, but the only question is: Who criminals were. Who were the
5 criminals? That's the only question. And criminals should certainly
be
6 prosecuted and brought to justice, certainly.
7 So that is the whole point. That is the inversion that was made,
8 Mr. Mesic; isn't that right? You are testifying here that I was the
one
9 who broke up Yugoslavia and you were in favour of Yugoslavia and any
child
10 in Yugoslavia knows --
11 A. I think that we can reach agreement on one thing very quickly
12 here. I am not the person on trial here.
13 Q. Well, that's the point.
14 JUDGE MAY: We're going to adjourn now. It's time, Mr. Milosevic.
15 Half past. Twenty minutes.
16 --- Recess taken at 10.29 a.m.
17 --- On resuming at 10.54 a.m.
18 JUDGE MAY: Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
19 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
20 Q. I'm going to show you now that you weren't speaking the truth a
21 moment ago when we were discussing an issue and questions about the
people
22 who were fighting in Bosnia who were not volunteers. And when I
asked you
23 about your nephew, who was also in Bosnia, a Croatian soldier
there, and
24 he was not a volunteer. He was born in Slavonia so he was not from
Bosnia
25 either and had nothing to do with Bosnia, and you said that that
was not
Page 10653
1 true, not correct; isn't that so? Now take a look at your own
testimony
2 in a case - or rather, when you speak about this same subject, it is
page
3 7266 of the transcript - while you were testifying here in this same
4 building --
5 JUDGE MAY: This is, so we've got it, is this in -- not in
6 Dokmanovic?
7 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] No, it isn't. It's in the other
8 case, the other trial, where Mr. Mesic was a protected witness. And
so I
9 wish to adhere to the rules, although the Slobodna Dalmacija paper
did
10 publicise this. I don't want to make explicit mention of it. And
11 Mr. Mesic, as we can see, is a witness, has been a witness in many
cases,
12 a witness for the Prosecution, which also demonstrates this
inversion.
13 JUDGE MAY: No. That's just --
14 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] That I was talking about. All
15 right. But this is what it says here. May I read it out?
16 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
17 Q. And I'm reading out your own transcript, not mine, when you're
18 talking about whether they were in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He says the
19 following: "Whether there were any, I cannot tell [In English] I
was not
20 an inspector, nor was it up to me to establish it. But my nephew
Vlatko
21 Mesic, who was a Croat soldier, he was in Bosnia. He came back from
there
22 and he was not a volunteer in Bosnia. He was born in Slavonia. He
has
23 nothing in common with Bosnia, but he was there."
24 Therefore, you told an untruth a moment ago. You even said that
25 your nephews were too young, whereas here in this transcript from
your
Page 10654
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10655
1 testimony which was given under oath, you are saying something quite
2 different, in fact. Is that right, Mr. Mesic, or is it not?
3 A. My two nephews live in France, and two of them live in Belgrade.
4 And during the war, they were minors. It is a relation of mine, a
distant
5 cousin. The interpretation of that was probably erroneous. Who said
6 that -- who told me he was in Bosnia. That is what he told me and
that is
7 what I said.
8 Q. Very well.
9 MR. NICE: Your Honour, can I -- I didn't want to interrupt that
10 last exchange, given that it had started, but any further reference
to
11 protected testimony should itself be given in private session.
12 JUDGE MAY: Yes. Very well.
13 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I don't see why this should be given
14 in private session, Mr. May, when I am making no mention here of --
15 JUDGE MAY: It doesn't matter.
16 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] -- what it refers to, actually.
17 JUDGE MAY: Those are the Rules. Any reference to private-session
18 matters should be in private session. Yes, let's go on.
19 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I don't see that I have infringed
20 upon your procedure in any way by having brought that up.
21 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
22 Q. When you were asked by a representative of the accused, did you
as
23 a speaker take any steps for this matter to be investigated?
Because of
24 course [In English] It is the assembly's responsibility regarding
the use
25 of the army outside its border. Did you form a commission? Did you
put
Page 10656
1 this issue on agenda --
2 JUDGE MAY: We'll go into private session.
3 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Don't, please. I don't want to
4 waste time. I won't carry on with that.
5 JUDGE MAY: Very well.
6 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
7 Q. So when weren't you speaking the truth, Mr. Mesic: Now or then,
8 when you made that statement which was under oath again?
9 JUDGE MAY: He's given his explanation. If there's anything you
10 want to add, Mr. Mesic, you can.
11 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] The direct question was whether my
12 nephew was there, and I said no. A relative, a relation of mine,
was,
13 which means that individuals were there who were not born in
Bosnia. But
14 apart from that one individual that I did know, I wasn't able to
ascertain
15 who was there.
16 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
17 Q. Now, whether you say nephew or relative or distant cousin or
18 whatever I read out here, that's what it said, so there can be no
dilemmas
19 there or confusion. Let's move on.
20 Is it true that in your presence Tudjman said that at the end of
21 the war there would be 5 per cent of Serbs in Croatia, by the end
of the
22 war?
23 A. Yes, that is what he said. He said that was his assumption.
24 Q. Is it also true that he said that Tudjman thought that the 1938
25 solution for Croatia was the<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
www.icdsm.org
=================================
Slobodan Milosevic's Cross-Examination of
Croatian President Stjepan Mesic: PART II
Because the transcript of the cross-examination is 150 pages long we
have broken it into 12 easy to read segments. If you wish to read the
whole thing at once go to: http://www.icdsm.org/more/mesic.htm
=================================
Page 10614
1 Wednesday, 2 October 2002
2 [Open session]
3 [The accused entered court]
4 [The witness entered court]
5 --- Upon commencing at 9.10 a.m.
6 JUDGE MAY: Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
7 WITNESS: STJEPAN MESIC [Resumed]
8 [Witness answered through interpreter]
9 Cross-examined by Mr. Milosevic:
10 Q. [Interpretation] How long a prison sentence did you serve in
11 Gradisce?
12 A. One year.
13 Q. You were there together with Petar Sale and another person in
the
14 same cell; right?
15 A. Yes, in the same penitentiary, but we were not in the same room.
16 Q. And you know, later, that the state security service recorded
your
17 activities with the third person that you were with?
18 A. I don't know anything about that.
19 Q. Is it correct -- I mean, I imagine that you do know that at that
20 time you were monitored, taken care of, I don't know how to put it,
by
21 Milanko Orescanin, an operations officer of the state security
service?
22 A. This is the first time I hear that name.
23 Q. He worked at the state security service in Slavonski Brod?
24 A. This is the first time I hear that name, and in Slavonski Brod,
I
25 was there only a few times in my life.
Page 10615
1 Q. Well, he had very detailed information about your activities
2 concerning that person. Tell me: Do you know anything about that?
3 Because there is evidence that after the HDZ victory, you were the
person
4 who gave instructions to have that operations officer killed, the
man from
5 Slavonski Brod, and he was liquidated on the 15th of August, 1991, a
6 religious holiday, Sunday.
7 Q. This is the first I ever hear of it. I never held any executive
8 positions and I had no influence whatsoever on anyone's liberty or
life.
9 Q. But there are persons, there are witnesses, Mr. Mesic, who
10 according to your instructions kidnapped that person, Mijokovic,
Milan
11 from Slavonski Brod and Jokic, Ivan from Slavonski Brod?
12 A. You're probably the one who is socialising with them. I have no
13 idea.
14 Q. Also according to your instructions, Momo Devrnja, a Serb from
15 Orahovac, a forwarder was liquidated, a man who had a conflict with
you.
16 I imagine you remember that?
17 A. Just as much influence as I had on Lincoln's assassination.
18 That's about it.
19 Q. On the 24th of December, Muselinovic, Miodrag with his wife
Milici
20 and neighbour Desanka Radonjic [phoen] was the chief of SUP in
Orahovac
21 and he was killed according to your instructions.
22 A. The same answer as for the previous one.
23 THE INTERPRETER: Could the accused please repeat the question.
24 The speed is impossible to follow.
25 JUDGE MAY: We'll have to pause. The interpreters can't keep up
Page 10616
1 this pace. Now, you both speak the same language; therefore, it
would be
2 better if there was a pause between the question and answer. And
also
3 after the answer. Mr. Milosevic, will you bear that in mind.
4 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
5 Q. According to your instructions, Serb villages Pusina, Kokocak,
6 Kraskovici [phoen], Brekoracani [phoen], Gornja Pistana, Slatinski
7 Drenovac were destroyed; is that correct or is that not correct?
8 A. That has nothing to do with actual facts. I found out about the
9 torching of these villages and I protested. I launched by protest
with
10 President Tudjman.
11 Q. With who?
12 A. With President Tudjman, and you had also socialised with him.
13 Q. You were involved in the Hefner affair in 1967, the one that had
14 to do with the selling of white slaves, and also you remember that
Tito
15 referred to an affair that you were involved in that had to do with
buying
16 machinery for the textile industry in Leskovac.
17 A. No. This is just a figment of someone's imagination.
18 Q. Is it correct that you were the main organiser of the affair
that
19 had to do with military records, abolishing the security records
that were
20 kept? Need I remind you of why you did that?
21 A. This is no affair. This has to do with the following: The
22 National Defence authorities kept records about young men who were
23 supposed to go and do their military service. As president of the
24 municipality, I got information that Croats were not being
sufficiently
25 active in the army, that they did not enroll in military schools.
They
Page 10617
1 did not take up commissions and they did not go to military schools
in
2 general. I was surprised by the fact that it was only Serbs who were
3 applying. I realised that there was one particular item in
4 questionnaires, that is to say, item 32, and this was something that
was
5 filled by the officials of the Secretariats of National Defence and
I
6 asked to see what was written there. Since a person involved
protested
7 because it said that his father -- his name is Slavko Sulovnjak. He
was
8 in the army. And in that questionnaire, it said that his father was
an
9 Ustasha from 1941 and that he was tried as a war criminal. However,
his
10 father had been a partisan. His father had retired as an
non-commissioned
11 officer of the Yugoslav People's Army. I asked for this to be
looked
12 into. They did look into it and they established that for over 90
per
13 cent of Croatian young men, it said that they were children of
enemies,
14 and that therefore they could not attend such schools. Serb
children did
15 have passing grades, though, so to speak. That is what I know about
item
16 32.
17 Q. That's what the Croatian authorities wrote. It was not the Serb
18 authorities.
19 A. It was Serbs who were employed in the National Defence
20 authorities, and I can even give you names if you're really
interested.
21 Q. Are you trying to say that Croats were not employed in Croatia
in
22 National Defence authorities?
23 A. It is only when I came to Orahovac as president of the
24 municipality, the first Croat became head of the Secretariat for
National
25 Defence.
Page 10618
1 Q. All right. Is it correct that while you were in prison, and this
2 Petar Sale, by the way, is a well-known chauvinist from Sibenik; is
that
3 right? While you were in prison, the officials of the state security
4 service of Croatia tried to employ your services for the rest of
your
5 prison term?
6 A. Again this is a figment of your imagination. I did have a prison
7 sentence of two years and two months. This was the first-instance
court
8 that made that ruling. However, the Supreme Court reduced the
sentence to
9 one year and I served one year. I don't really see why anybody would
try
10 to enlist my services. This is again pure fantasy.
11 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Mesic, remind us again: When was this prison
12 sentence? What years.
13 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] From 1975, from May 1975 until May
14 1976.
15 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
16 Q. Is it correct that after that you worked for the state security
17 service of Croatia in the sector for internal enemies at that?
18 JUDGE MAY: Just a moment, Mr. Milosevic.
19 The next question is: What was the sentence imposed for?
20 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] For participation in the Croatian
21 Spring. I was president of a municipality and I took part in the
Croatian
22 Spring, as it was called. I can also give you a list of all the
crimes
23 that I was accused of, if the Trial Chamber is interested in that.
24 JUDGE MAY: Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
25 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
Page 10619
1 Q. When was this Croatian Spring?
2 A. One of the crimes was that I said: Let the devil get warm by our
3 Croatian fire but let him not extinguish the fire. At that time, a
4 topical question throughout Yugoslavia was the struggle for
constitutional
5 amendments. I said for all of those who wish to see democracy, there
is
6 place in the train leading to democracy. Every person who tries to
7 sidetrack that train by putting his foot in front of it can only
remain
8 without that foot. That's what I said.
9 I also said that the Croats tread their path to the Adriatic Sea
10 with their own sabres and all the rest followed in their footsteps.
These
11 are the crimes for which I was sentenced to two years, two months
in
12 prison.
13 Q. Is it true that you worked then for the state security service
of
14 Croatia in the department for internal enemies and that after that
you
15 started working for the state security service of the Yugoslav
army?
16 A. The truth is that I asked for a passport. For 15 years I did not
17 have a passport. I asked for a passport to be issued to me as a
free
18 citizen. I was refused a passport, and I lodged a complaint because
of
19 that. And I did that every year, a few times every year, as a
matter of
20 fact. That is more or less all the contact I had with the police.
All
21 the rest just pertains to the realm of fantasy.
22 Q. All right. You did not work for the state security service of
23 Croatia, you did not work for the counter-intelligence service of
the
24 army, I assume. And it is assumed that your relationship with
Spegelj
25 dates back to those days, that is to say, some other period of
time. Do
Page 10620
1 you know that Franjo Tudjman replaced Spegelj as well because it was
his
2 suspicion that he was an agent of the KOS and that is why he fled
across
3 the border with the assistance of Josip Manolic, former head of the
4 Croatian police, with a false passport issued in a false name?
5 A. This is pure fantasy and that can be proved by the following: In
6 order to get a job after prison, I applied at 150 different posts.
7 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness finish. Yes. Let him finish.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] My question was different, and it
9 had to do with Spegelj.
10 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness finish and give his explanation.
11 A. What is the logic? Why would I work for the state security
12 service and I could not find a job? And I applied at 150 different
13 places, and I did not get a job anywhere. What is the logic of
that? And
14 for 15 years I did not have a passport.
15 As for Spegelj, the situation was well known. At a meeting of the
16 Croatian political leadership, Spegelj presented a plan, which is
referred
17 to in Croatia as the Spegelj Plan. He proposed that warehouses be
seized
18 from the Yugoslav People's Army, where weapons were, depots with
the
19 weapons of the Yugoslav People's Army, and not to touch military
barracks
20 but to take weapons. Since in these depots there were several
hundreds or
21 perhaps thousands of tanks, Spegelj said: If we take these weapons,
for
22 each tank we have people who are trained, who were in the army, and
if
23 Milosevic wants to move against Croatia, we have the resources to
meet
24 him. In this way, we are going to avoid a war, because the Yugoslav
army
25 is in disarray. However, if we go on waiting, the Yugoslav army
will
Page 10621
1 consolidate itself, it's going to become a Serb army, and Milosevic
is
2 going for try to conquer Croatian territories with it. Tudjman
disagreed
3 with that. I was the only one who voted in favour of that proposal,
and
4 that is why General Spegelj left his post.
5 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
6 Q. I see that you really have this hang-up about Milosevic. You
7 mentioned me in every other sentence you uttered yesterday. On the
basis
8 of what you said just now, Mr. Mesic, is that to show that you were
more
9 radical than Tudjman in your viewpoints that had to do with the war,
more
10 radical than Tudjman?
11 A. I'm really pleased that this question was put to me, because I
12 responded in one case how war can be averted; to take weapons from
the
13 hands of the army and to avoid the war. Because Croatia would have
14 something to meet Milosevic with if he were to attack. So this is a
case
15 about which I think I was right until the present day, and I think
that
16 General Spegelj was right too. Many lives would have been saved,
both of
17 Serbs and Croats, had it been that way.
18 Q. Mr. Mesic, is it clear to you, in connection with these
19 accusations levelled against Milosevic, and Milosevic's purported
command
20 over the army, what you said just now, that I really had -- had I
actually
21 had the possibility of commanding the army, Yugoslavia would not
have
22 fallen apart, there would not have been a civil war. Regrettably, I
did
23 not have that possibility, so what happened, happened. But please
answer
24 the following: You spoke about motives a few minutes ago. Motive
for a
25 cooperation with the state security service. Could your motive not
have
Page 10622
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3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10623
1 been to reduce your prison sentence from two years to one year? You
said
2 it yourself. Just like now, the motive for cooperation here is to
avoid
3 punishment and responsibility that is your due, since you are a
person --
4 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, you know you have to ask questions here
5 and not make speeches. The witness has said that he did not
cooperate
6 with the state security service, so there seems little point going
on
7 about it. Your next question.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well.
9 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
10 Q. Now that we're on the subject, that we're discussing such
11 questions: On the 24th of April -- on the 26th of April, 1994, you
stated
12 for Feral Tribune: There were quite a few murders in the case of
which
13 the perpetrators, though known, are not in prison yet. People know
who
14 killed Reihl-Kir and Saban Krivokuca, the Zec family. The murders
of the
15 Zec family said themselves that they raped the woman and her
12-year-old
16 daughter and killed them. One of them is employed by the Ministry
of
17 Defence. You know it's not easy to sit at the same table with a
person
18 whose bodyguard took a 12-year-old child, followed a bullet into
his head
19 and then threw him into the garbage. It is my understanding that it
has
20 become clear to the Croat people as well that things have happened
that
21 are leading us to an abyss. So that is your own statement, isn't
it? I
22 have quoted you correctly, I believe. My question is: The changes
in
23 Croatia - you are now president of Croatia - is this fact --
24 JUDGE MAY: Let us first of all deal with the quotation which you
25 have attributed to the witness.
Page 10624
1 Mr. Mesic, that is a quotation from a paper in April 1994. Is the
2 quotation correct, and is there anything you want to say about it
before
3 we move on to another subject?
4 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] Correct. I always struggled for the
5 rule of law, and I did assert that crimes had been committed, and
the rule
6 of law had to prevail. I am struggling for the rule of law now as
well.
7 I'm struggling for ascertaining individual guilt and responsibility,
8 because in that case, collective responsibility will be halted.
9 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
10 Q. All right. My question was: The changes in Croatia which have
11 taken place, and you have been elected president, has that led to
this
12 clearing up and settling of accounts with the killers that you
yourself
13 said were known, that their names were known, the people who did
the
14 killings were known? Now, you, as head of the Croatian state now,
have
15 you succeeded in clearing all this up and bringing these people to
16 justice?
17 A. The people that you are talking about in this particular case
are
18 undergoing trial in Croatia at the moment.
19 Q. You mean all the victims that you mentioned, or just some of
them?
20 A. The ones that we learnt about have been taken to trial, but none
21 of the cases have been completed, no files have been closed, and
22 investigations are under way and the perpetrators will be
prosecuted.
23 Q. Do you yourself feel responsible for what took place and for the
24 crimes that were committed while you yourself occupied the highest
posts
25 and offices in Croatia after Tudjman, that is to say, up until
1994?
Page 10625
1 A. The accused knows very well, because he's a lawyer, that I was
2 president of the Croatian Sabor or parliament assembly, which means
primus
3 inter pares, and I was president of parliament. I was not in the
4 judiciary organs or in executive power and authority, nor was I in
the
5 police force. And the accused knows full well what the function of a
6 parliament is.
7 Q. As far as I remember, you were president of the executive board
of
8 the HDZ party as well.
9 A. Yes. I was the president of the executive board of the HDZ.
10 That's true, in 1992, which means from January to the elections,
that is
11 to say, until October 1992.
12 Q. Before that, you were prime minister when the HDZ won the
13 elections; isn't that right, Mr. Mesic, when it came into power?
14 A. Yes, you're quite right. You have the right facts and figures. I
15 was prime minister for three months. That is true. And after that I
took
16 up my post as member of the Yugoslav state Presidency. And that's
where I
17 remained until the end of 1991.
18 Q. All right. What you're saying is that after you returned from
the
19 Yugoslav state Presidency, when you were elected as president of
the
20 Croatian parliament, that that was not the second most important
office in
21 Croatia and that you link your activities up with the formal
decisions
22 taken by -- official decisions taken by parliament and not for the
overall
23 political situation in Croatia, the state of affairs that prevailed
and
24 everything that went on there. You were the number two man in
Croatia;
25 isn't that right, Mr. Mesic?
Page 10626
1 A. I always strove for the functioning of the rule of law of the
2 Croatian state and the Croatian constitution recognises the division
of
3 power into three sections: The legal section and the two others, the
4 judiciary and everything else that the constitution implied and
5 stipulated, which means that I was president of parliament.
6 Q. All right. You therefore consider that you worked in line with
7 the constitution and that you did the work that comes under the
8 competencies of the parliament. Does the parliament have the right
to
9 send Croatian troops, for example, to Bosnia-Herzegovina or is that
10 something that comes under the competence of executive power?
11 A. It's a very good thing that this question was raised, and I
think
12 we ought to clear it up now. For the Croatian army to be able to
act
13 outside Croatia, the head of state could take a decision only with
the
14 acquiescence and agreement from the Croatian parliament. This kind
of
15 agreement was never issued by the Croatian parliament, whether
anybody
16 went outside Croatia, groups or individuals, it was not up to the
17 parliament to ascertain.
18 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. What you're saying is that you don't
19 consider yourself to be responsible for not having carried out your
20 constitutional duties, the ones that you insisted upon a moment
ago,
21 because parliament did not take decisions in that respect, the
decisions
22 that it should have taken. So you feel, do you, that this rids you
of all
23 responsibility?
24 A. Yes, that's quite right.
25 Q. And are you aware of the fact that, for example, units of the
Page 10627
1 Republic of Croatia launched an attack on the municipality of Brod
in
2 Bosnia-Herzegovina on the 26th of March, 1992, a great crime was
committed
3 there, the population of the village of Sijekovac in the Bosanski
Brod
4 municipality was massacred and even at that time Bosnia-Herzegovina
was
5 not even internationally recognised, which means that in all
respects it
6 was part and parcel of Yugoslavia, even in the most -- in the
strictest
7 formal sense. And their 108 -- the members of the 108th Brigade of
the
8 National Guard Corps were there from Slavonski Brod and so on and so
9 forth. There is a complete set of documents pertaining to the
10 perpetrators. Is it possible that you, as president of parliament,
did
11 not know about that?
12 A. There were several interventions that I had from several
families
13 of -- and the parents said that they had gone to Bosnia. I asked
for
14 information, both from the head of state and the defence minister,
and
15 they told me that it was only volunteers who had gone and that it
was the
16 volunteers who were born in Bosnia-Herzegovina who volunteered to
go. I
17 had no other instruments at my disposal. The only thing I could do
was to
18 ask to be informed. But I must say that if anybody does have
knowledge as
19 to the fact that a citizen of Croatia perpetrated a crime anywhere,
then
20 this should be filed. Croatia is a country in which the rule of law
holds
21 true today, and everybody will be held accountable.
22 Q. Well, you've received many such reports, Mr. Mesic, but are you
23 saying now that you did not know, as president of parliament, a
body who
24 was the sole body competent to take a decision in the matter, that
you did
25 not know that what came within the frameworks of your competence
was done
Page 10628
1 illegally and that you did not in fact know that Croatian troops
were
2 present in Bosnia-Herzegovina? Is that what you're saying?
3 A. That observation is quite correct. I did not know about that.
4 Q. All right. Did you know, for example, that from the 3rd of April
5 until the 9th of April an attack was launched on Kupres, the Gornji
6 Malovan, Kratez, Mala Plazenica, Zagliska Suma [phoen], the town of
7 Kupres, Begovo Selo, all these other villages, and so on and so
forth?
8 JUDGE MAY: Is looks as though this is going to be a reputation of
9 much of the cross-examination which we heard in the earlier part of
the
10 case, which doesn't relate to the evidence of the witness. What he
said
11 is that he heard of interventions, made inquiries and was told that
it was
12 due to volunteers. Perhaps, Mr. Mesic, in order to avoid a long
list
13 being given, if that's what the accused has in mind, can you answer
this
14 question: Can you tell us where these interventions which you
inquired
15 about took place, or can you not now remember?
16 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I certainly do not know the
17 locations they were sent to, but the parents of the young men told
us that
18 their children had gone to Bosnia. When I asked about this, the
defence
19 minister and the former president of the Republic told me that not
a
20 single unit had gone, that it was only volunteers who had gone, and
that
21 is the volunteers who were actually born in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Now, I
22 had no other instruments for investigating the truthfulness of
those
23 assertions.
24 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
25 Q. Mr. Mesic, it wasn't a case of individuals, for example, if we
had
Page 10629
1 the 106th Brigade from Osijek, the full complement of it, and the
Zuti
2 Mravi from Vukovar, the 101 Zagreb Brigade, the Student King
Tomislav
3 Battalion, the Zrinjski Battalion, the special purpose unit of the
MUP of
4 Croatia and so on and so forth. In addition to the KOS, the Zenga,
and so
5 on?
6 JUDGE MAY: Pause there, Mr. Milosevic. The witness can only give
7 evidence about what he knew himself. Now, what is being suggested,
that
8 these units intervened in your inquiries, were those units
mentioned? Do
9 you know anything about them or not?
10 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I see that the accused knows the
11 situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina very well and that he is well aware
of all
12 the units that went to war there, and I'm sure he could enumerate
all the
13 Serbs units. If he knows about the Croatian units, I'm sure he
knows much
14 more about those who came from Belgrade and other towns and
destroyed
15 Croatian and Bosnian towns. However, let me respond once again and
say
16 that I did not know of a single unit which went from Croatia to
17 Bosnia-Herzegovina.
18 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
19 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. Is it true that your nephew, who was not a
20 volunteer and who is not from Bosnia-Herzegovina, also went to
21 Bosnia-Herzegovina with his unit? Do you know about that? Are you
aware
22 of that?
23 A. My nephews were not in the army. They were too young to be.
24 Q. All right. We'll get to that later on.
25 But tell me this: How can you, for example, as we spoke a moment
Page 10630
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10631
1 ago about those incidents and what was going on, to all intents and
2 purposes an aggression, and you say you know nothing about it, this
is
3 what I have in my hand: The command for the rear of Bosanski Brod
4 Sijekovac. That is where the crimes were perpetrated --
5 JUDGE MAY: I'm going to stop you now. The witness has given his
6 evidence. He knows nothing about it. Your duty, your function at the
7 moment, is to cross-examine him about his evidence. It's not to make
8 speeches or try and present evidence yourself. Now, he's given his
9 evidence about this matter and he can take it no further. In due
course,
10 if it's relevant, you can call evidence, but for the moment you
must move
11 on to some other topic.
12 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, I wish to ask the witness
13 respect to what he says he didn't know, how he can --
14 JUDGE MAY: He's told you. He told you he doesn't know. He
15 doesn't know.
16 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] His comment on this military
17 document and this is something that will take me 20 seconds to read
out.
18 This is a photocopy with a stamp and signature. It is a permit
allowing
19 the intervention platoon from Zagreb, a certificate, in fact, to
execute
20 the detention of women --
21 JUDGE MAY: Is it signed by the witness? What connection does it
22 have with him, before you put it.
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] The connection it has is -- with the
24 witness is -- this is to say, it is linked with his second function
in the
25 hierarchy of the Republic of Croatia, and this is a certificate
issued to
Page 10632
1 the intervention platoon from Zagreb, which is the capital of
Croatia,
2 where the cabinet of Mr. Mesic is located, a permit allowing the
detention
3 of women, young girls, Serbs, for the needs of the male sex.
4 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, what is the connection with this
5 witness, before you put it?
6 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, the connection is to show
7 that the units that he says he knows nothing about are not only
committing
8 crimes but are organising rape and all the rest of it.
9 JUDGE MAY: Look, that's nothing to do with the witness. You're
10 here to cross-examine him about these matters. If it's relevant,
you can
11 call evidence in due course, but what you're not here to do is to
make
12 speeches and try and present evidence that crimes were committed by
the
13 other side which are irrelevant. Now, this trial, remember, this
14 indictment, is about crimes which are alleged -- it's alleged that
you
15 committed, and his evidence is about that, so you should
concentrate on
16 that rather than to try and show that crimes were committed by
others.
17 MR. KAY: Your Honour, may I just raise a few matters, because
18 it's plainly important to the accused. Perhaps what is at stake
here is
19 the credibility of this particular witness for the Prosecution. In
20 respect of this, the accused is attempting, I believe, to put
forward to
21 the Court various events that occurred during his Presidency of
Croatia,
22 to demonstrate his involvement within the conflict that occurred in
the
23 region. Those issues may well be important to this accused in
relation to
24 issues of defence of territory, other aspects of the conflict. I
don't
25 have instructions on that matter, so I can't say, but it may well
be that
Page 10633
1 it's the form of questioning that's the problem here. But it's the
issue
2 of what was happening at the time whilst he was president of Croatia
and
3 whilst troops were leaving the borders of his state.
4 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Kay, much time has been wasted in this trial in
5 trying to establish that crimes were committed by others, which may
or may
6 not be relevant to the trial. That is why it's important to see
whether
7 documents were signed by this witness. If the issue is that it was
8 notorious, if that's the point that is being made, that crimes were
being
9 put, were being made, were being committed, then that can be put to
the
10 witness. What can't be put, which is what I suspect the accused is
doing,
11 is to read out lists and lists of crimes, taking up time, and
thereby, in
12 my view, raising matters which at this stage are not relevant to
the
13 trial. Our time is limited. We must stick to the relevant matters.
But
14 I will put to the witness the general point, and we'll hear what he
says.
15 Mr. Mesic, what may be being suggested is this, and you can help
16 us, if you would: That it was well known that crimes were being
committed
17 in Bosnia during the time of your Presidency. I think this is what
is
18 being suggested. And therefore you must have known about these
matters,
19 apart from them being referred to by the parents of the volunteers
or
20 members of the armed forces, as you suggested. Now, if that is
being
21 suggested, then you should answer it. Was this a matter which in
fact was
22 something of general knowledge in Croatia, and in particular, to
you as
23 president at the time?
24 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] While I was the president of the
25 parliament, I knew about the camps organised by the Serbian side in
Bosnia
Page 10634
1 and Herzegovina. I received information, and this was actually shown
on
2 television ultimately. If there were other crimes, news of them did
not
3 reach me.
4 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
5 Q. Until when were you president of parliament, Mr. Mesic? Until
6 what date?
7 A. I was president of parliament from the 7th of September, 1992
8 until the 24th of May, 1994.
9 Q. 1994. Very well. In that period of time, I ask you, within that
10 period of time, what you said you don't know, and you said you
inquired of
11 the minister about -- let me tell you: On the 3rd of July, 1993,
Alois
12 Mok criticised the Croats because of their activities against the
Muslims,
13 and he issued a protest which he addressed to the government of
Croatia.
14 On the 4th of February, also while you were president of
parliament, the
15 Security Council of the United Nations -- let me repeat- the
Security
16 Council of the United Nations, neither more nor less, issued a
statement
17 warning Croatia that it would be exposed to serious consequences if
it did
18 not withdraw its regular troops from Bosnia within a period of two
months.
19 So this is issued by the Security Council. It was a presidential
20 statement. And yet you, as the president of parliament, say you did
not
21 know about this. On the same day, the German chancellor, Helmut
Kohl?
22 JUDGE MAY: Let the witness deal with the Security Council point
23 and then you can tell us what is the relevance of this, Mr.
Milosevic.
24 Yes.
25 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] It's really noteworthy that the
Page 10635
1 accused is now expressing remorse for the sufferings of the Bosniak
2 people. This is really something to be commended. However --
3 JUDGE MAY: Could you deal with the Security Council resolution,
4 please.
5 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] With respect the resolution, I have
6 already said what I was able to do was to ask the president of the
state
7 whether our troops had crossed the border. He said no. The Minister
of
8 Defence said no. I had no other instruments at my disposal.
9 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
10 Q. Very well. May we proceed?
11 JUDGE MAY: No, we're not going to proceed with this until you've
12 explained what the relevance is. The indictment charges you with
crimes
13 in Croatia in the period between 1990 and 1992. What relevance does
the
14 conflict between the Muslims and the Croats have in relation to
that?
15 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, what we are speaking of
16 here is not relevance, but rather, the credibility of this witness.
17 JUDGE MAY: Very well. Yes. You can ask questions about the
18 credibility -- wait a moment. You can ask questions relating to the
19 credibility of the witness, but of course you're bound by his
answers and
20 the questions can only go so far as to test their credibility. Now,
he's
21 given you an answer about the Security Council resolution. Your
next
22 question.
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Very well, Mr. May. Then I may
24 proceed to my next question.
25 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
Page 10636
1 Q. You arrived on the 5th of December in the Croatian parliament.
2 You thanked them for their confidence. This was on the 5th of
December,
3 1991. And you made a notorious statement to the effect that you
thought I
4 have performed my task. Yugoslavia is no more. Is this so, Mr.
Mesic?
5 We saw it on the video we played here a few days ago, and all of
6 Yugoslavia knows about this. You said: I think I have performed my
task.
7 Yugoslavia is no more.
8 A. An excellent question. I will explain what this was about. The
9 Croatian parliament elected me to be the Croatian member of the
Presidency
10 of Yugoslavia. I went to Belgrade, where first, for several months,
I was
11 not allowed to take up my duties because the Federal Assembly was
unable
12 to meet. After that, the Serbian bloc boycotted my election as
president
13 under --
14 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, let him finish. You've asked him a
15 question. Let him give his explanation.
16 A. Finally, under pressure from the international community, I was
17 elected president. Croatia adopted a decision on its independence.
18 Croatia, in agreement with the international community, postponed
its
19 secession from Yugoslavia by three months. This time period had
elapsed.
20 Yugoslavia no longer existed. The federal institutions were no
longer
21 functioning. I returned to Zagreb, and that's precisely what I
said.
22 Because I did not go to Belgrade to open up a house-painting
business. I
23 went there as a member of the Presidency of Yugoslavia. Since
Yugoslavia
24 no longer existed and the Presidency no longer existed, I had
performed
25 the tasks entrusted to me by the Croatian parliament and was
reporting
Page 10637
1 back, ready to take up a different office. What was I to do in
Belgrade
2 when the Presidency no longer existed?
3 Q. Very well, Mr. Mesic. This is truly worthy of admiration, your
4 explanation of what you said, but you haven't told me whether you
actually
5 said: I have performed my task. Yugoslavia is no more.
6 A. The accused is a lawyer. He understands very well what I'm
7 talking about. My task was to represent Croatia in the Federal
8 Presidency.
9 Q. There is no need for you to repeat this. You said this in the
10 Croatian or Serbian language, or whatever you want to call it, and
11 everybody understood it. Your explanation now is obviously an
attempt to
12 make this statement relative, but this is no longer important.
13 [Trial Chamber confers]
14 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
15 Q. In your public statements, or rather, in Tudjman's public
16 statements on Ban Jelacic Square on the 24th of May, 1992, said
"There
17 would have been no war had not Croatia wanted it. But we thought
that it
18 was only by war that we could win the independence of Croatia.
That's why
19 we had a policy of negotiations behind which we were setting up
military
20 units. Had this not been so, we would not have reached our goal."
Is
21 this correct, Mr. Mesic?
22 A. I think that this could have been reported only by the Serbian
23 press, because it simply does not correspond to the truth. We know
who
24 was in control of the press in Serbia. It was the accused, Slobodan
25 Milosevic.
Page 10638
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2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10639
1 Q. Unfortunately, a few days ago we watched a video of this, and we
2 saw this speech on Ban Jelacic square, taped on video. Tell me,
please:
3 Do you know that when the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was founded
and
4 the new constituted was promulgated on the 27th of April, 1992, a
5 declaration was adopted on the goals of the new common state, that
is, the
6 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, according to which, and I quote
verbatim:
7 "Yugoslavia has no territorial pretensions towards any of the former
8 Yugoslav republics." Are you aware of this?
9 A. I don't know what the declaration on the establishing of the
10 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia says, but I do know everything that
was
11 done to cut off parts of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and
annex them
12 to Serbia.
13 Q. Mr. Mesic, you're telling us fairy tales about Karlovac,
Karlobag
14 Virovitica boundary. When did you ever hear any official of the
Republic
15 of Serbia referring to this border, and when did any body or organ
of the
16 Republic of Serbia or anyone in Yugoslavia raise this issue and
talk about
17 such a boundary? This is a pure fabrication that you are launching
here.
18 Where did you get this idea?
19 A. It's quite understandable that those who perpetrated aggression
20 did not make such statements, but the Serbian minister, who was in
the
21 government, one of the ministers of Mr. Milosevic, visited this
boundary
22 with Vojislav Seselj, the Chetnik Vojvoda or leader, to show how
far the
23 interests of Serbia reached.
24 Q. What minister are you referring to? And if a minister visits a
25 spot, if he goes to a certain municipality, does he go to a
boundary or
Page 10640
1 does he mark a boundary? Was he marking a boundary there?
2 A. You understand very well that if someone visits Croatia,
3 especially an official, he should visit the official organs of the
4 Republic of Croatia.
5 Q. What municipal organs are you referring to if someone is visiting
6 a municipality? I didn't know you were a police state of that kind,
that
7 someone visiting a municipality in Croatia would have to report to
the
8 police.
9 A. I was not paid to teach the accused Croatian laws. I was paid to
10 implement them.
11 Q. Mr. Mesic, you are a university graduate. Did you ever learn
12 about the rights of peoples to self-determination, and do you know
that
13 volumes and volumes of books have been written on this topic? Do
you know
14 about this?
15 A. I think this question is pointless. Of course I do. Of course I
16 know about the right to self-determination. This is going too far.
17 Q. Well, then answer me, please: Where did you get the idea that,
as
18 you said, the Serbs in Croatia do not have a right to
self-determination?
19 Where did you get the idea, as you said on page 2 of your
statement, that
20 according to the constitution of 1974, Yugoslavia was a confederal
state?
21 You know yourself that this is untrue. Show me a single
constitutional
22 provision to this effect. Is this correct or not, Mr. Mesic?
23 A. The Presidency of Yugoslavia was established as a confederal
24 institution because all decisions were made for the most part by
25 consensus, and the accused knows this very well. He also knows very
well
Page 10641
1 that according to the constitution of 1974, the republics were
called
2 states, and he also knows that, by virtue of their association into
3 Yugoslavia, they also had the right to disassociate themselves from
4 Yugoslavia. When a threat arose that Croatia and Slovenia might
suffer
5 the same fate as Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro, Croatia made use
of
6 its right to disassociate itself, and the Badinter Commission
confirmed
7 this. Of course the Serbs have a right to their own state. That
state is
8 the Republic of Serbia. But it is well known that national
minorities
9 cannot ask to secede from the Republic of Croatia. They could ask
for
10 that but they could not realise it, because the Republic of Croatia
was
11 recognised in the borders established by Avnoj and the accused
knows this
12 very well.
13 Q. Do you know that according to the Yugoslav constitution, it was
14 the peoples and not the republics that had sovereignty? Do you
remember
15 that even the coat of arms of Yugoslavia had five torches,
represented
16 five peoples: The Serbs, the Croats, the Slovenes, the Macedonians
and the
17 Montenegrins, and then later on a sixth torch was added when the
Muslims
18 were declared a constituent people? Are you aware of this, Mr.
Mesic?
19 A. The constituent elements of the Federation were the republics,
20 plus two autonomous provinces: Vojvodina, and Kosovo. Those were
the
21 constituent elements of the Federation. Symbolism is one thing, but
22 constitutional provisions are quite another.
23 Q. You assert that in the constitutions of Yugoslavia and the
24 republics, it was not the sovereignty of peoples that was the
starting
25 point but the territory of the republics established in 1945; is
that what
Page 10642
1 you're claiming? I just want to be clear so as not to waste time.
2 A. I have said what I had to say about the constituent elements of
3 the Federation. Croatia had the right to self-determination, and the
4 Serbs in Croatia had the right to protection, to protection of their
5 collective rights and of their status as citizens of the Republic of
6 Croatia.
7 Q. Very well. Let us proceed, then. Let us proceed at a faster
8 pace, so please answer me yes or no: Is it correct that all the
9 constitutions of Croatia, until the amendments introduced by you in
1990,
10 had a provision about the Serbs as a constituent people, not a
ethnic
11 minority, as you have just said? For example, the constitution of
1945,
12 1963, 1974, the constitutional amendments of July 1990. So these
13 amendments of July 1990 for the first time left out the Serbs as a
14 constituent element of the Republic of Croatia. I'm referring now
to the
15 constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Did all the constitutions
16 contain a provision about the Serbian people as a constituent
people in
17 Croatia; yes or no?
18 A. One cannot reply to this question with yes or no. The
19 constitutions were enacted in different periods of time, in
different
20 situations, and in different international environments. The
21 constitution, therefore, had different provisions at different
points in
22 time. For example, the Yugoslav and the Croatian constitutions had
a
23 provision which other constitutions, for example, do not contain,
that
24 there are two kinds of groups: Narodi and Narodnosti, two kinds of
25 peoples, plus ethnic groups. The constitution was further developed
up
Page 10643
1 until 1990.
2 Q. So the fact that the Serbs were left out of the constitution was
3 a development.
4 Do you know that on the 14th of May, 1887, the Croatian parliament
5 enacted a provision on the use of the Cyrillic alphabet? Are you
aware of
6 this?
7 A. I was not aware of that particular piece of information, but I do
8 thank the accused for having given me this piece of information.
That is
9 truly meaningful for me.
10 Q. And do you know about the rest, that what the constitution --
what
11 the assembly of Croatia adopted in 1887 was abolished in 1990 by
your
12 parliament? They abolished the Cyrillic alphabet as an official
13 alphabet. Do you know about that? You went 150 years backwards. Do
you
14 know that?
15 A. Yet another piece of information, very important to me, as a
16 lawyer.
17 Q. All right, Mr. Mesic. Do you remember an entire series of laws,
18 not to mention taking over symbols, the symbols of the Nazi state
of the
19 independent state of Croatia, for example, the law on the Academy
of
20 Sciences and Arts, the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts? In
article
21 1 it says that it is the legal successor of the academy from the
period
22 from 1941 to 1945. The budget for 1991 does not envisage a single
dinar
23 for the schools of Serbs in Croatia, but it does envisage money for
24 Italians, Czechs, Ruthenians, and other national minorities. The
law on
25 the government allows the government to take measures against
so-called
Page 10644
1 disobedient municipalities. The only executive government in Europe
that
2 has the right to dissolve municipalities. The law on education
refers to
3 the Croatian language only, and so on and so forth?
4 JUDGE MAY: One thing at a time. What is the question,
5 Mr. Milosevic?
6 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
7 Q. The question is -- the question is: Is it correct that not only
8 through this behaviour and also the combination of this ethnic
intolerance
9 towards the Serbs, but it is also through the adoption of many laws,
the
10 Croatian authorities instigated nationalism and chauvinism not only
in
11 Croatia but also a discriminatory, an insulting attitude towards
Serbs in
12 Croatia. Is that right or is that not right, Mr. Mesic?
13 A. Croatia adopted laws that gave equal rights to all its citizens
14 and protect national minorities, all vulnerable groups, actually.
15 National minorities are vulnerable groups, and that is why Croatia
favours
16 positive discrimination of all vulnerable groups.
17 Q. Very well. Then give me a comment with regard to these following
18 statements: There are many such laws, and of course they did have
to
19 cause concern. For example, a meeting of the parliament on the 4th
of
20 October, 1990, the 4th of October, 1990, your own assembly. Damir
Majovic
21 says: "Do not trust the Serbs even when they bring gifts." Stjepan
22 Sulimanac says: "Persons who moved in after 1918, who moved into
Croatia
23 after 1918, a law should be passed with regard to such persons and
there
24 should be protection from them." Then MP Ivan Milas says: "We are
going
25 to use a sword in respect of your rights. The day of a final
showdown is
Page 10645
1 getting near." Another MP says: "All Serbs should be isolated like
Iraq
2 isolated the Kurds. A ghetto should be established for the Serbs."
And
3 Praljak, what's his name, one of the helmsmen of the HDZ said in
April
4 1990: "Outside the boys are already singing we are going to
slaughter the
5 Serbs." And so on and so forth. Is that the right kind of
atmosphere,
6 Mr. Mesic? Is that the atmosphere in which the Serbs were supposed
to
7 view everything that was happening to them with confidence? And in
the
8 meantime you dismissed practically all Serbs from the state
9 administration?
10 JUDGE MAY: One thing at a time. Now, you've read out a series --
11 you've read out a series of quotations which are said to have been
made in
12 the parliament.
13 Now, Mr. Mesic, you can deal with that. First of all, do you know
14 if these statements were made, or these sort of statements, and if
so, is
15 there anything that you can tell us about them?
16 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] There were different statements that
17 will were impermissible, and it is certain that such statements
harmed
18 Croatia. As for Slobodan Praljak, I must say that he was never a
member
19 of the HDZ. When the HDZ was established, he was one of President
20 Tudjman's major critics. Now, why were such statements made? I say
today
21 as well that they did not work to Croatia's advantage but to its
22 disadvantage. There were rallies of Serbs in various places on the
4th of
23 February, 1990. On the 4th of March, 1990, there was a rally in
Petrova
24 Gora of people from Lika, Kordun, Banja Luka, Bosanska Krajina, and
also
25 Vojvodina in Serbia.
Page 10646
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French
13 and English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10647
1 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
2 Q. Was that when Ante Markovic established his own party?
3 A. On the 27th of July, 1990, the Serb assembly passed its so-called
4 decision on Serb autonomy in Croatia. On the 1st of July, 1990 in
Kosovo
5 by Knin, an official statement was made that the Serb Autonomous
Krajina
6 was established in Croatia, its president being Milan Babic. On the
17th
7 of August, the first roadblocks were on the road in Benkovac, Knin
and
8 Gradacac. On the 13th of September, there were meetings and rallies
of
9 persons in Dvor and in various other places. In towns and in
10 municipalities in Croatia where there is a predominantly Serb
population,
11 there were inscriptions saying: "This is Serbia." So it is persons
who
12 came from Serbia who manipulated the Serb masses in Serbia? Why?
Because
13 Milosevic needed to bring about an insurgency of the Serbs in
Croatia so
14 that he would light the initial fuse for setting Bosnia-Herzegovina
on
15 fire, because he needed Bosnia-Herzegovina. That's what the accused
16 actually did. That is why he should be held accountable. These
radical
17 statements, regrettably, are only in response to statements made by
the
18 accused.
19 Q. Mr. Mesic, do you see that you're not testifying about anything
20 here except your political and propaganda activities all this time?
21 Because you do not have a single fact here; you only have your own
22 positions and your attacks against Milosevic.
23 A. This is the trial of the accused Slobodan Milosevic. I have
24 sufficient facts in order to believe that he is guilty because he
planned
25 war, he carried out war, and he built into this plan a crime that
he
Page 10648
1 should be held accountable for.
2 Q. Very well.
3 JUDGE MAY: Let us get back to the subject-matter of the trial.
4 Yes. You are asking about the statements, Mr. Milosevic.
5 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
6 Q. I put a question. I said: These laws and the atmosphere in
7 parliament, the atmosphere in Croatia, the dismissals of thousands
of
8 persons from the administration, from the police, from the media,
even
9 from the health sector, is that the kind of atmosphere that caused
concern
10 among the Serbs, or was it, as Mr. Mesic just put it now, was it
Milosevic
11 who caused concern and who led to this insurgency? Were these facts
of
12 life the thing that caused concern among them or did Milosevic come
from
13 Serbia to make them start a rebellion, now that I've quoted all of
this?
14 A. It wasn't the accused Milosevic who came. His emissaries came,
15 and they were the ones who started the insurgency in Croatia.
16 JUDGE MAY: Can you deal with the allegations which are made,
17 that, first of all, there were the dismissals of thousands of
persons from
18 the administration and the police and the media and the health
sector?
19 Now, can you deal with that, Mr. Mesic? Were thousands dismissed?
20 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] I think that it is an exaggeration
21 to speak of thousands, but that there were dismissals is a fact.
There
22 were unnecessary dismissals. People also took those who dismissed
them to
23 court and won these cases. I think that these statements that are
radical
24 and inadmissible only work to Croatia's detriment, and I always
struggled
25 against that.
Page 10649
1 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
2 Q. All right. So the atmosphere and the statements -- I mean, you
3 say now that it is negative, but the atmosphere was there, wasn't
it? So
4 it's not Milosevic who caused an insurgency among the Serbs; it is
your
5 laws, your pressures, your behaviour, your attacks against people.
Is
6 that right or is that not right, Mr. Mesic?
7 A. I have to reply once again, and I've already said this.
8 Q. If you've already said it, please don't read out what you've
9 already read out, please.
10 A. Those who wanted to cut off parts of Croatia, parts of the
11 Republic of Croatia, those are the ones who are to be blamed for
the
12 radical statements that were made.
13 Q. Well, look, somebody wanted to cut off parts of your territory.
14 Susanne Woodward from the Brooking Institution, an institution of
high
15 renown throughout the world, she says:
16 "Smashed stores fronts, fire bombs thrown and harassed and
17 arrested potential Serb leaders. In many parts of Croatia Serbs
were
18 expelled from jobs because of their nationality."
19 JUDGE MAY: You can call her to give evidence if you want. Yes.
20 Was there an atmosphere, Mr. Mesic, to cause the Serbs to have
21 fear at this time or is that not so?
22 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] It is an exaggeration to say that
23 there was an atmosphere of fear, but that there were improper and
24 inadmissible statements, that is a fact. Also there were dismissals
that
25 were wrong; however, people took those who dismissed them to court
and
Page 10650
1 they won those cases.
2 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
3 Q. You mean those 100,000 Serbs who fled Croatia already in 1990,
4 they won these cases for their own jobs; is that what you're trying
to
5 say?
6 A. The accused is a lawyer, and he knows that only a person who is a
7 plaintiff can win a case.
8 Q. Well, we heard your own statements of a few minutes ago about
9 those murders, what kind of rule of law you had. We're going to hear
10 others later as well. I assume that you're not joking now when
you're
11 referring to --
12 JUDGE MAY: Mr. Milosevic, the time has come to move on from this
13 sort of argument, which doesn't assist the Court.
14 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
15 Q. Tell me, Mr. Mesic: Do you remember the statement made by the
16 famous artist Edo Murtic in Novi Liste [phoen], a daily from
Rijeka, made
17 in June 2000? I'm quoting him: "I remember how a few months prior
to the
18 elections in 1990" - he is referring to his conversation with
Tudjman -
19 "how he came to me quite delighted, believing that he would turn me
into
20 his Augustincic. He thought that we would now do what the Ustashas
and
21 Pavelic did not do in 1941. He said that he would send 250.000
Serbs
22 packing away and the remaining 250.000 would be killed." So these
are
23 your own newspapers. It's not a Belgrade newspaper. This is Edo
Murtic,
24 a famous artist, painter, a well-known intellectual. Do you
remember that
25 statement of his about this conversation before the elections in
1990?
Page 10651
1 And I quoted Susan Woodward a few minutes ago and she is referring
to the
2 atmosphere before 1990, before the elections.
3 JUDGE MAY: The witness can deal with the conversation by -- or
4 comments by the artist which has been referred to.
5 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] The artist Edo Murtic is a friend of
6 mine, by the way, but I do admit that I haven't read that particular
7 statement of his.
8 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
9 Q. All right. Tell me, please: I'm just going to briefly quote the
10 newspaper Feral Tribune on the 21st of April, 2001, autumn 2001,
there was
11 a hunt against the Serbs in 1991. It says: "Mercep's killers were
12 killing Serbs en masse in Pogracka [phoen], Puljane [phoen], they
were
13 taking people out of their homes in Zagreb and they were trying
them but
14 firing bullets into their heads. Norac Oreskovic and others applied
15 similar methods when dealing with the innocent Serbs of Gospic.
16 Spectacular Crystal Nights were organised in Zadar during which
tens of
17 houses were destroyed whose inhabitants had the wrong chromosomes."
18 Is that correct, Mr. Mesic? Is that what the Croatian newspaper
19 Feral Tribune said or did this Croatian newspaper lie when they
said that?
20 A. There were crimes, and I always asked for them to be
investigated
21 and the perpetrators to be punished. Croatia did not have
sufficient rule
22 of law, and after all, that is how I won the election, because I
have been
23 calling for true rule of law in Croatia. Crimes were committed and
24 perpetrators should be brought to justice. But that is no reason
for
25 destroying Dubrovnik, for destroying Vukovar, for destroying
Croatian
Page 10652
1 cities. Criminals should be prosecuted, but towns should not be
2 destroyed.
3 Q. Correct. Perpetrators should be prosecuted, perpetrators should
4 be tried, but the only question is: Who criminals were. Who were the
5 criminals? That's the only question. And criminals should certainly
be
6 prosecuted and brought to justice, certainly.
7 So that is the whole point. That is the inversion that was made,
8 Mr. Mesic; isn't that right? You are testifying here that I was the
one
9 who broke up Yugoslavia and you were in favour of Yugoslavia and any
child
10 in Yugoslavia knows --
11 A. I think that we can reach agreement on one thing very quickly
12 here. I am not the person on trial here.
13 Q. Well, that's the point.
14 JUDGE MAY: We're going to adjourn now. It's time, Mr. Milosevic.
15 Half past. Twenty minutes.
16 --- Recess taken at 10.29 a.m.
17 --- On resuming at 10.54 a.m.
18 JUDGE MAY: Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
19 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
20 Q. I'm going to show you now that you weren't speaking the truth a
21 moment ago when we were discussing an issue and questions about the
people
22 who were fighting in Bosnia who were not volunteers. And when I
asked you
23 about your nephew, who was also in Bosnia, a Croatian soldier
there, and
24 he was not a volunteer. He was born in Slavonia so he was not from
Bosnia
25 either and had nothing to do with Bosnia, and you said that that
was not
Page 10653
1 true, not correct; isn't that so? Now take a look at your own
testimony
2 in a case - or rather, when you speak about this same subject, it is
page
3 7266 of the transcript - while you were testifying here in this same
4 building --
5 JUDGE MAY: This is, so we've got it, is this in -- not in
6 Dokmanovic?
7 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] No, it isn't. It's in the other
8 case, the other trial, where Mr. Mesic was a protected witness. And
so I
9 wish to adhere to the rules, although the Slobodna Dalmacija paper
did
10 publicise this. I don't want to make explicit mention of it. And
11 Mr. Mesic, as we can see, is a witness, has been a witness in many
cases,
12 a witness for the Prosecution, which also demonstrates this
inversion.
13 JUDGE MAY: No. That's just --
14 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] That I was talking about. All
15 right. But this is what it says here. May I read it out?
16 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
17 Q. And I'm reading out your own transcript, not mine, when you're
18 talking about whether they were in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He says the
19 following: "Whether there were any, I cannot tell [In English] I
was not
20 an inspector, nor was it up to me to establish it. But my nephew
Vlatko
21 Mesic, who was a Croat soldier, he was in Bosnia. He came back from
there
22 and he was not a volunteer in Bosnia. He was born in Slavonia. He
has
23 nothing in common with Bosnia, but he was there."
24 Therefore, you told an untruth a moment ago. You even said that
25 your nephews were too young, whereas here in this transcript from
your
Page 10654
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2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Blank page inserted to ensure pagination corresponds between the
French and
13 English transcripts.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Page 10655
1 testimony which was given under oath, you are saying something quite
2 different, in fact. Is that right, Mr. Mesic, or is it not?
3 A. My two nephews live in France, and two of them live in Belgrade.
4 And during the war, they were minors. It is a relation of mine, a
distant
5 cousin. The interpretation of that was probably erroneous. Who said
6 that -- who told me he was in Bosnia. That is what he told me and
that is
7 what I said.
8 Q. Very well.
9 MR. NICE: Your Honour, can I -- I didn't want to interrupt that
10 last exchange, given that it had started, but any further reference
to
11 protected testimony should itself be given in private session.
12 JUDGE MAY: Yes. Very well.
13 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I don't see why this should be given
14 in private session, Mr. May, when I am making no mention here of --
15 JUDGE MAY: It doesn't matter.
16 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] -- what it refers to, actually.
17 JUDGE MAY: Those are the Rules. Any reference to private-session
18 matters should be in private session. Yes, let's go on.
19 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I don't see that I have infringed
20 upon your procedure in any way by having brought that up.
21 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
22 Q. When you were asked by a representative of the accused, did you
as
23 a speaker take any steps for this matter to be investigated?
Because of
24 course [In English] It is the assembly's responsibility regarding
the use
25 of the army outside its border. Did you form a commission? Did you
put
Page 10656
1 this issue on agenda --
2 JUDGE MAY: We'll go into private session.
3 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Don't, please. I don't want to
4 waste time. I won't carry on with that.
5 JUDGE MAY: Very well.
6 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
7 Q. So when weren't you speaking the truth, Mr. Mesic: Now or then,
8 when you made that statement which was under oath again?
9 JUDGE MAY: He's given his explanation. If there's anything you
10 want to add, Mr. Mesic, you can.
11 THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] The direct question was whether my
12 nephew was there, and I said no. A relative, a relation of mine,
was,
13 which means that individuals were there who were not born in
Bosnia. But
14 apart from that one individual that I did know, I wasn't able to
ascertain
15 who was there.
16 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
17 Q. Now, whether you say nephew or relative or distant cousin or
18 whatever I read out here, that's what it said, so there can be no
dilemmas
19 there or confusion. Let's move on.
20 Is it true that in your presence Tudjman said that at the end of
21 the war there would be 5 per cent of Serbs in Croatia, by the end
of the
22 war?
23 A. Yes, that is what he said. He said that was his assumption.
24 Q. Is it also true that he said that Tudjman thought that the 1938
25 solution for Croatia was the<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
Dopo le serie dedicate a Bernard-Henri Levy ( vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1427
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1434
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1500
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1538 )
ed a Predrag Matvejevic ( vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1462 )
proseguiamo la nostra galleria degli orrori con Adriano Sofri. Cogliamo
l'occasione per esprimergli le nostre felicitazioni per essere riuscito
a sistemare il figlio Luca, trovandogli un lavoretto da Ferrara. I
favori degli amici, si sa, in Italia si ricambiano sempre. (I. Slavo)
---
Subject: Re: (Fwd) CARO ADRIANO SOFRI
Date: Sat, 19 Oct 2002 13:46:38 +0200
From: "Fulvio Grimaldi"
To: "Gianni Zampieri"
Sacrosanto messaggio, ma anche abbastanza ingenuo.
Intanto, a essere obiettivi, un po' esperti e non succubi della campagna
mediatica a favore di Sofri, non credo si possa essere così certi che a
Sofri sia stata negata giustizia. Sofri è da almeno 24 anni al servizio
dell'estrema destra imperialista, sionista e guerrafondaia, da quando,
chiusa Lotta Continua come se fosse un suo club privato, probabilmente
su ordine dei suoi mandanti, passò a Pannella, evidente provocatore di
stampo massonico, e poi alla coppia Craxi-Martelli.
Il meglio Sofri l'ha però dato in occasione delle guerre balcaniche,
quando soffiava sul fuoco dell'intervento esterno per smembrare la
Jugoslavia e ribadì per anni la sua menzogna circa le
due stragi di Sarajevo, 1993 e 1995, da lui e da tante spie attribuite
ai serbi e poi risultati, da inchieste ONU e giornalistiche, perpetrate
dai musulmani di Izetbegovic. Anche nelle guerre successive, Sofri, con
la sua infinita e logorroica pubblicistica autoreferenziale, si è
costantemente schierato al fianco degli aggressori colonialisti e
imperialisti: Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestina e di nuovo Iraq.
Non c'è nessuno da convertire e recuperare nel caso di questo logoro e
sporco arnese del padronato internazionale. Basta pensare a come abbia
sostenuto la ferocia israeliana nella spaventosa tragedia palestinese.
Tutto questo getta anche un'ombra pesante su tutto il ruolo di Sofri
alla testa di Lotta Continua, il cui quotidiano, peraltro da me diretto,
veniva pubblicato in società con colui che si scoprì più tardi essere il
capostazione CIA a Roma, Robert Cunningham. Società che poi ha avuto
filiazioni successive, sempre con questi titolari, per altre imprese
editoriali.
Si potrebbe andare avanti per ore sulle imprese nefande di questo
trombettiere delle più criminali forze in azione oggi contro i popoli,
la loro sovranità, la loro vita, e i diritti dei lavoratori. Sofri
merita
solo il nostro più profondo disprezzo e la sua denuncia quale rinnegato,
nemico della libertà e della giustizia.
Fulvio Grimaldi
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: Gianni Zampieri
To: rubrica.lettere@...
Subject: CARO ADRIANO SOFRI
Date sent: Fri, 18 Oct 2002 20:06:44 +0200
Ho sottoscritto forse più di un appello per reclamare la giustizia che
ti è stata negata ed ero al Palavobis qualche anno fa, assieme a
migliaia di amici, per lo stesso motivo.
Lo rifarei e lo rifarò se sarà necessario od opportuno, come faccio
tutto quello che posso per tutti coloro che sono condannati
ingiustamente: non per niente da quasi vent'anni sono anche socio di
Amnesty International.
Più recentemente ero allo stesso Palavobis, ancora con migliaia di
amici, molti dei quali gli stessi dell'altra volta, per protestare
assieme a Gino Strada e Alex Zanotelli contro l'ennesima guerra
scellerata.
Ecco il termine: scellerato.
Lo usai molti anni fa, quando mi riferirono e poi mi fecero leggere
quelle tue scellerate parole pubblicate su Lotta Continua. Dissi subito
che, al di là del merito che nemmeno condividevo, quelle parole erano
scellerate perché porgevano agli avversari, fascisti di destra e di
sinistra, un fianco
fin troppo facilmente vulnerabile: anche senza cercare un killer,
sarebbe bastata l'azione di un qualsiasi fuori di testa. Così (o cosà
?) è stato, ed ora tu stai pagando un prezzo ingiusto ed esorbitante per
quella scelleratezza.
Oggi non riesco a capire come, da persona intelligente e onesta quale io
ti reputo, non capisci quanto siano ancor più scellerate le tue parole
contro Gino Strada ed a favore della guerra.
Possibile che non ti rendi conto che le giustificazioni che dai per la
guerra, equivocando tra questa ed un uso responsabile della forza, non
sono altro che una scellerata riedizione delle giustificazioni
("politiche" naturalmente) che davi all'eventuale esecuzione del
commissario Calabresi. Con
l'aggravante che le scellerate parole di allora mettevano a rischio la
vita di una persona precisamente individuata come obbiettivo, mentre
oggi le tue scelleratissime parole giustificano l'esecuzione
nient'affatto casuale, perché prevedibile e prevista, di migliaia di
innocenti civili, bambini donne uomini e vecchi, senza distinzione: un
massacro terrorista legalizzato !
E proprio tu, ti metti dalla parte di quel potere che combattevi e di
cui sei tutt'ora illustre vittima.
Per chiarire, sulla differenza tra un uso responsabile della forza e la
guerra come noi tutti la conosciamo, basta pensare all'esempio
emblematico del folle terrorista che sequestra una classe di bambini o
dirotta un aereo: forse che non si cerca il modo di intervenire senza
mettere in grave pericolo la vita dei bambini o dei viaggiatori? Forse
che si bombarda la scuola o si abbatte l'aereo? Forse che non si cerca
di venire a patti, anche accettando costi economici elevati ed il
rischio che il folle la faccia franca?
Nel caso poi delle guerre attuali, tragica beffa, il diavolo Saddam è
vivo e vegeto, BinLaden sembra proprio che non sia morto e Milosevic sta
dando lezioni di diritto processuale ad un tribunale internazionale.
"Ma mi faccia il piacere ..." direbbe il grande Totò.
Mi stupisce ancor più la tua posizione, perché ti conosco per un
intellettuale molto preparato. Tito Livio pare abbia lasciato scritto
che "le guerre non sono mai fatte nell'interesse del popolo" e che "il
popolo non ha mai tratto reali benefici dalle guerre": duemila anni fa.
Dopo di lui, lo stesso concetto
sembra sia stato espresso da una quantità di personaggi della cultura e
della storia, ma evidentemente cultura e storia non sono brave maestre,
nemmeno (o soprattutto) per i dotti.
Io sono un semplice cittadino, padre di famiglia, pensionato e
ragioniere, ma credo di essere e voglio essere cittadino del mondo. Per
questo sono e sarò contro tutte le guerre, a costo della vita.
Credo che l'unica possibilità reale di fermare o meglio di impedire e
bandire per sempre questa autentica barbarie, sia che lo esiga un grande
numero di cittadini. Anche questo è stato detto e ridetto, da Einstein
a Capitini, da Don Sturzo a Martin Luther King, da Staffan De Mistura a
Moni Ovadia o a Tiziano Terzani, solo per fare qualche nome di ieri e di
oggi.
Per questo da qualche tempo stiamo proponendo un PATTO TRA I CITTADINI
DEL MONDO, ora anche con un sito: www.deicittadinidelmondo.it
Ti auguro "buone" riflessioni e spero proprio di riconoscerti, fratello.
Gianni Zampieri - cdm
Barzanò, 18 ottobre 2002
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1427
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1434
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1500
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1538 )
ed a Predrag Matvejevic ( vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1462 )
proseguiamo la nostra galleria degli orrori con Adriano Sofri. Cogliamo
l'occasione per esprimergli le nostre felicitazioni per essere riuscito
a sistemare il figlio Luca, trovandogli un lavoretto da Ferrara. I
favori degli amici, si sa, in Italia si ricambiano sempre. (I. Slavo)
---
Subject: Re: (Fwd) CARO ADRIANO SOFRI
Date: Sat, 19 Oct 2002 13:46:38 +0200
From: "Fulvio Grimaldi"
To: "Gianni Zampieri"
Sacrosanto messaggio, ma anche abbastanza ingenuo.
Intanto, a essere obiettivi, un po' esperti e non succubi della campagna
mediatica a favore di Sofri, non credo si possa essere così certi che a
Sofri sia stata negata giustizia. Sofri è da almeno 24 anni al servizio
dell'estrema destra imperialista, sionista e guerrafondaia, da quando,
chiusa Lotta Continua come se fosse un suo club privato, probabilmente
su ordine dei suoi mandanti, passò a Pannella, evidente provocatore di
stampo massonico, e poi alla coppia Craxi-Martelli.
Il meglio Sofri l'ha però dato in occasione delle guerre balcaniche,
quando soffiava sul fuoco dell'intervento esterno per smembrare la
Jugoslavia e ribadì per anni la sua menzogna circa le
due stragi di Sarajevo, 1993 e 1995, da lui e da tante spie attribuite
ai serbi e poi risultati, da inchieste ONU e giornalistiche, perpetrate
dai musulmani di Izetbegovic. Anche nelle guerre successive, Sofri, con
la sua infinita e logorroica pubblicistica autoreferenziale, si è
costantemente schierato al fianco degli aggressori colonialisti e
imperialisti: Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestina e di nuovo Iraq.
Non c'è nessuno da convertire e recuperare nel caso di questo logoro e
sporco arnese del padronato internazionale. Basta pensare a come abbia
sostenuto la ferocia israeliana nella spaventosa tragedia palestinese.
Tutto questo getta anche un'ombra pesante su tutto il ruolo di Sofri
alla testa di Lotta Continua, il cui quotidiano, peraltro da me diretto,
veniva pubblicato in società con colui che si scoprì più tardi essere il
capostazione CIA a Roma, Robert Cunningham. Società che poi ha avuto
filiazioni successive, sempre con questi titolari, per altre imprese
editoriali.
Si potrebbe andare avanti per ore sulle imprese nefande di questo
trombettiere delle più criminali forze in azione oggi contro i popoli,
la loro sovranità, la loro vita, e i diritti dei lavoratori. Sofri
merita
solo il nostro più profondo disprezzo e la sua denuncia quale rinnegato,
nemico della libertà e della giustizia.
Fulvio Grimaldi
------- Forwarded message follows -------
From: Gianni Zampieri
To: rubrica.lettere@...
Subject: CARO ADRIANO SOFRI
Date sent: Fri, 18 Oct 2002 20:06:44 +0200
Ho sottoscritto forse più di un appello per reclamare la giustizia che
ti è stata negata ed ero al Palavobis qualche anno fa, assieme a
migliaia di amici, per lo stesso motivo.
Lo rifarei e lo rifarò se sarà necessario od opportuno, come faccio
tutto quello che posso per tutti coloro che sono condannati
ingiustamente: non per niente da quasi vent'anni sono anche socio di
Amnesty International.
Più recentemente ero allo stesso Palavobis, ancora con migliaia di
amici, molti dei quali gli stessi dell'altra volta, per protestare
assieme a Gino Strada e Alex Zanotelli contro l'ennesima guerra
scellerata.
Ecco il termine: scellerato.
Lo usai molti anni fa, quando mi riferirono e poi mi fecero leggere
quelle tue scellerate parole pubblicate su Lotta Continua. Dissi subito
che, al di là del merito che nemmeno condividevo, quelle parole erano
scellerate perché porgevano agli avversari, fascisti di destra e di
sinistra, un fianco
fin troppo facilmente vulnerabile: anche senza cercare un killer,
sarebbe bastata l'azione di un qualsiasi fuori di testa. Così (o cosà
?) è stato, ed ora tu stai pagando un prezzo ingiusto ed esorbitante per
quella scelleratezza.
Oggi non riesco a capire come, da persona intelligente e onesta quale io
ti reputo, non capisci quanto siano ancor più scellerate le tue parole
contro Gino Strada ed a favore della guerra.
Possibile che non ti rendi conto che le giustificazioni che dai per la
guerra, equivocando tra questa ed un uso responsabile della forza, non
sono altro che una scellerata riedizione delle giustificazioni
("politiche" naturalmente) che davi all'eventuale esecuzione del
commissario Calabresi. Con
l'aggravante che le scellerate parole di allora mettevano a rischio la
vita di una persona precisamente individuata come obbiettivo, mentre
oggi le tue scelleratissime parole giustificano l'esecuzione
nient'affatto casuale, perché prevedibile e prevista, di migliaia di
innocenti civili, bambini donne uomini e vecchi, senza distinzione: un
massacro terrorista legalizzato !
E proprio tu, ti metti dalla parte di quel potere che combattevi e di
cui sei tutt'ora illustre vittima.
Per chiarire, sulla differenza tra un uso responsabile della forza e la
guerra come noi tutti la conosciamo, basta pensare all'esempio
emblematico del folle terrorista che sequestra una classe di bambini o
dirotta un aereo: forse che non si cerca il modo di intervenire senza
mettere in grave pericolo la vita dei bambini o dei viaggiatori? Forse
che si bombarda la scuola o si abbatte l'aereo? Forse che non si cerca
di venire a patti, anche accettando costi economici elevati ed il
rischio che il folle la faccia franca?
Nel caso poi delle guerre attuali, tragica beffa, il diavolo Saddam è
vivo e vegeto, BinLaden sembra proprio che non sia morto e Milosevic sta
dando lezioni di diritto processuale ad un tribunale internazionale.
"Ma mi faccia il piacere ..." direbbe il grande Totò.
Mi stupisce ancor più la tua posizione, perché ti conosco per un
intellettuale molto preparato. Tito Livio pare abbia lasciato scritto
che "le guerre non sono mai fatte nell'interesse del popolo" e che "il
popolo non ha mai tratto reali benefici dalle guerre": duemila anni fa.
Dopo di lui, lo stesso concetto
sembra sia stato espresso da una quantità di personaggi della cultura e
della storia, ma evidentemente cultura e storia non sono brave maestre,
nemmeno (o soprattutto) per i dotti.
Io sono un semplice cittadino, padre di famiglia, pensionato e
ragioniere, ma credo di essere e voglio essere cittadino del mondo. Per
questo sono e sarò contro tutte le guerre, a costo della vita.
Credo che l'unica possibilità reale di fermare o meglio di impedire e
bandire per sempre questa autentica barbarie, sia che lo esiga un grande
numero di cittadini. Anche questo è stato detto e ridetto, da Einstein
a Capitini, da Don Sturzo a Martin Luther King, da Staffan De Mistura a
Moni Ovadia o a Tiziano Terzani, solo per fare qualche nome di ieri e di
oggi.
Per questo da qualche tempo stiamo proponendo un PATTO TRA I CITTADINI
DEL MONDO, ora anche con un sito: www.deicittadinidelmondo.it
Ti auguro "buone" riflessioni e spero proprio di riconoscerti, fratello.
Gianni Zampieri - cdm
Barzanò, 18 ottobre 2002
Kosta Cavoski, editorialista del quotidiano "Glas Javnosti",
nell'articolo che qui
riportiamo in serbocroato ed in inglese parla dell'aggressione contro
50 anziani serbi
costretti da Steiner a recarsi a Pec per aprire un conto in banca per
poter ritirare
le loro pensioni. I dispacci di agenzia da noi gia' inviati (vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2002)
non rendono esattamente l'idea dei fatti. Per esempio: e' stata
l'impiegata della
banca allo sportello che ha urlato "UCK!" rendendosi conto che si
trattava di serbi, ed
e' stata lei a scatenare la protesta. E poi, a fatti avvenuti, i
vecchi serbi hanno dovuto
subire l'umiliazione di aspettare sotto la pioggia per due ore che la
KFOR accertasse
quanto accaduto...
---
LIÈNI STAV
Kosmetska "multietniènost"
Pi¹e: KOSTA ÈAVO©KI
U duhu evropejske zamisli navodne multietniènosti kosmetski gaulajter
Mihael ©tajner re¹io je da na delu poka¾e kako izgleda multietniènost
u Peæi u kojoj veæ vi¹e od tri godine nema Srba. Toga radi, njegovi
pouzdanici nagovorili su pedeset staraca iz sela Osojane, Tuèep i
©aljinovca da autobusom, u pratnji Kfora, doðu u Peæ zarad otvaranja
raèuna za primanje penzije.
Iako je po¹tar svakog meseca mogao da im odnosi penzije u njihova
bedna
stani¹ta pod ¹atorima i sklepanim barakama, ©tajner i njegovi
doglavnici su ¾eleli da od Peæi naprave otvoreni multietnièki grad u
koji
Srbi u svako doba mogu, bez ikakve oru¾ane pratnje, slobodno da
doðu, podignu penzije i vrate se kuæama.
Umesto toga, nesuðeni penzioneri su bili podvrgnuti pogibeljnom linèu
razularenih Arbanasa koji se pukom sreæom nije tragièno zavr¹io. Kad
je slu¾benica za ¹alterom razabrala da su stranke koje joj se obraæaju
Srbi, odmah je istrèala na ulicu i poèela da uzvikuje "UÈK!".
Za tili èas okupilo se oko hiljadu Arbanasa koji su skandirali "UÈK" i
"©kija, ©kija" (pogrdni naziv za Srbe). Potom su kamenicama i
"molotovljevim koktelima" zasuli autobus, tako da su na¹i jadni
sunarodnici
jedva spasli ¾ivu glavu.
Tom prilikom dva Srbina i dva policajca su povreðena, ali srpskim
patnjama
jo¹ nije do¹ao kraj. Kad su u te¹ko o¹teæenom autobusu bez
ijednog stakla stigli u Osojane, ¹panski vojnici su ojaðene i
zastra¹ene
starce dva sata dr¾ali na ki¹i sa uperenim pu¹kama, dok su ispitivali
vozaèa i suvozaèa autobusa kao da su oni izazvali linè.
Meðu prvima koji su o¹tro reagovali na ovaj poku¹aj masovnog linèa
bila
je Rada Trajkoviæ, ¹ef koalicije "Povratak" u okupatorskom
kosmetskom "Parlamentu", koja se dosad, iz nama nepoznatih razloga,
gorljivo zalagala za pristajanje Srba na svaki spoljni diktat i uèe¹æe
u
tzv. multietnièkim ustanovama kosmetske vlasti.
Ovog puta nedvosmisleno je izjavila da je i¹èezla vera u sve sporazume
koje su na¹e vlasti, a posebno Neboj¹a Èoviæ, zakljuèivale sa
okupatorskim upravnikom u Pri¹tini i da Srbi tako ne mogu pre¾iveti.
"Jednostavno, Srbima se nudi: uzmi i odlazi ili ostavi i nestani" -
zakljuèila je Rada Trajkoviæ.
Posle svega ¹to se u poslednje dve godine zbilo na Kosmetu, postavlja
se dalekose¾no pitanje: Kakva to tragedija jo¹ treba da se dogodi
da bi na¹i zvaniènici, poèev od Vojislava Ko¹tunice, preko Zorana
Ðinðiæa, do Neboj¹e Èoviæa, shvatili da njihova politika neprestanog
popu¹tanja i pristajanja na skoro svaki diktat kosmetskih okupatora
nije donela na¹im nesreænim sunarodnicima nikakvo pobolj¹anje i da se
skoro niko od vi¹e od 200.000 prognanih Srba i drugih ne-Arbanasa
nije vratio u svoje poharane i poru¹ene domove?
I zar oni zaista ne vide da se, zahvaljujuæi, pored ostalog, i
njihovim
pristajanju na nametnuti Ustavni okvir za Kosovo, u kojem se
Jugoslavija i
Srbija uop¹te ne pominju, i potonjem prisiljavanju na¹ih nesreænih
Kosmetlija da izaðu na tzv. parlamentarne izbore i uðu u pokrajinsku
skup¹tinu, pred njihovim oèima postupno stvara druga albanska dr¾ava
na Balkanu, èija æe nezavisnost biti progla¹ena kroz tri godine?
Mi, naravno, ovako slabi i podeljeni, te¹ko da to mo¾emo spreèiti, ali
bar ne moramo u tome uèestvovati na na¹u vlastitu ¹tetu i sramotu. I
moramo unapred staviti do znanja da æe nam ono ¹to silom bude oteto
pre ili posle silom biti vraæeno.
Jo¹ je va¾nije da u ovom èasu dr¾ava odre¹i kesu, kao ¹to je veæ
uèinila
za Arbanase u Pre¹evskoj dolini, pa da redovno isplaæuje plate i
penzije kosmetskim Srbima, naroèito zaposlenima u prosveti, zdravstvu
i
preostalim organima vlasti, a ne da na¹e nesreæne sunarodnike
izruèuje na milost i nemilost okupatorskim vlastima i njihovim divljim
¹tiæenicima.
Izgleda da æe, ako ne Amerikancima, ono bar osetljivijim zapadnim
Evropljanima tzv. multietniènost Kosmeta biti kljuèni izgovor za
priznanje
njegove dr¾avne nezavisnosti. Ako je to tako, onda bar u prividnom
graðenju
takve multietniènosti ne moramo uèestvovati.
http://www.glas-javnosti.co.yu/danas/srpski/T02101302.shtml
---
Glas Javnosti, Belgrade, Yugoslavia
October 14, 2002
Kosmet "Multiethnicity"?
Belgrade, 14 Oct (Glas Javnosti) Editorial - In the spirit of the
European
plans for multi-ethnicity, Michael Steiner has decided to show what
multi-ethnicity looks like in Pec where no Serb have been seen in the
past three years. To accomplish this, some of his close associates
persuaded
fifty old people from the villages of Osojane, Tucep and Saljinovac to
go to
Pec with a bus escorted by KFOR with the purpose of opening accounts
for
accepting pension pay.
Even though the postmen could have brought their pensions to the poor
living
quarters under the tents and the barracks, Steiner and his accomplices
wanted to
make Pec an open multi-ethnic city in which the Serbs could walk
freely at any
time of the day and with out any armed escort.
Instead of this the pensioners were nearly lynched by the masses of
hoodlums.
This incident could have ended tragically. When the clerk lady from
the bank
realized that the customers, who are addressing her, are Serbs she
immediately
ran on the street and started shouting "UCK"!
In no more then a moment there was around two thousand hoodlums,
shouting
"UCK" and "Shkija, Shkija" (pejorative for Serbs). Then rocks and
"Molotov
cocktails" started raining on the bus. Our poor countrymen barely
managed
to save their heads.
But the sufferings of the Serbs were not over. When the bus, which did
not have
any glass and was seriously damaged managed to arrive in Osojane, the
Spanish
soldiers who were frightened and nervous had held the old people for
two hours
in the pouring rain with rifles pointed at them, while they were
investigating
both drivers as though they were the ones that caused the chaos.
After everything that happened in Kosovo in the past two years we can
ask
ourselves one long term question: What kind of tragedy needs to
happen so that
our countrymen, starting from Kostunica, Djindjic and Covic can
realize that
their policy of constantly backing and excepting every ultimatum set
by the
Kosovo occupiers has not brought any improvement to our miserable
countrymen,
and that around two hundred thousand exiled Serbs and other
non-Albanian,
non-hoodlums did not manage to return to their torn homes.
It seams that if not for the Americans, then for sure the Western
Europeans
will use the so-called multi-ethnicity of Kosmet as a key argument in
granting
its independence. If this is so, than the least we can do is not
participating in
building this so-called multi-ethnicity.
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/70740
nell'articolo che qui
riportiamo in serbocroato ed in inglese parla dell'aggressione contro
50 anziani serbi
costretti da Steiner a recarsi a Pec per aprire un conto in banca per
poter ritirare
le loro pensioni. I dispacci di agenzia da noi gia' inviati (vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2002)
non rendono esattamente l'idea dei fatti. Per esempio: e' stata
l'impiegata della
banca allo sportello che ha urlato "UCK!" rendendosi conto che si
trattava di serbi, ed
e' stata lei a scatenare la protesta. E poi, a fatti avvenuti, i
vecchi serbi hanno dovuto
subire l'umiliazione di aspettare sotto la pioggia per due ore che la
KFOR accertasse
quanto accaduto...
---
LIÈNI STAV
Kosmetska "multietniènost"
Pi¹e: KOSTA ÈAVO©KI
U duhu evropejske zamisli navodne multietniènosti kosmetski gaulajter
Mihael ©tajner re¹io je da na delu poka¾e kako izgleda multietniènost
u Peæi u kojoj veæ vi¹e od tri godine nema Srba. Toga radi, njegovi
pouzdanici nagovorili su pedeset staraca iz sela Osojane, Tuèep i
©aljinovca da autobusom, u pratnji Kfora, doðu u Peæ zarad otvaranja
raèuna za primanje penzije.
Iako je po¹tar svakog meseca mogao da im odnosi penzije u njihova
bedna
stani¹ta pod ¹atorima i sklepanim barakama, ©tajner i njegovi
doglavnici su ¾eleli da od Peæi naprave otvoreni multietnièki grad u
koji
Srbi u svako doba mogu, bez ikakve oru¾ane pratnje, slobodno da
doðu, podignu penzije i vrate se kuæama.
Umesto toga, nesuðeni penzioneri su bili podvrgnuti pogibeljnom linèu
razularenih Arbanasa koji se pukom sreæom nije tragièno zavr¹io. Kad
je slu¾benica za ¹alterom razabrala da su stranke koje joj se obraæaju
Srbi, odmah je istrèala na ulicu i poèela da uzvikuje "UÈK!".
Za tili èas okupilo se oko hiljadu Arbanasa koji su skandirali "UÈK" i
"©kija, ©kija" (pogrdni naziv za Srbe). Potom su kamenicama i
"molotovljevim koktelima" zasuli autobus, tako da su na¹i jadni
sunarodnici
jedva spasli ¾ivu glavu.
Tom prilikom dva Srbina i dva policajca su povreðena, ali srpskim
patnjama
jo¹ nije do¹ao kraj. Kad su u te¹ko o¹teæenom autobusu bez
ijednog stakla stigli u Osojane, ¹panski vojnici su ojaðene i
zastra¹ene
starce dva sata dr¾ali na ki¹i sa uperenim pu¹kama, dok su ispitivali
vozaèa i suvozaèa autobusa kao da su oni izazvali linè.
Meðu prvima koji su o¹tro reagovali na ovaj poku¹aj masovnog linèa
bila
je Rada Trajkoviæ, ¹ef koalicije "Povratak" u okupatorskom
kosmetskom "Parlamentu", koja se dosad, iz nama nepoznatih razloga,
gorljivo zalagala za pristajanje Srba na svaki spoljni diktat i uèe¹æe
u
tzv. multietnièkim ustanovama kosmetske vlasti.
Ovog puta nedvosmisleno je izjavila da je i¹èezla vera u sve sporazume
koje su na¹e vlasti, a posebno Neboj¹a Èoviæ, zakljuèivale sa
okupatorskim upravnikom u Pri¹tini i da Srbi tako ne mogu pre¾iveti.
"Jednostavno, Srbima se nudi: uzmi i odlazi ili ostavi i nestani" -
zakljuèila je Rada Trajkoviæ.
Posle svega ¹to se u poslednje dve godine zbilo na Kosmetu, postavlja
se dalekose¾no pitanje: Kakva to tragedija jo¹ treba da se dogodi
da bi na¹i zvaniènici, poèev od Vojislava Ko¹tunice, preko Zorana
Ðinðiæa, do Neboj¹e Èoviæa, shvatili da njihova politika neprestanog
popu¹tanja i pristajanja na skoro svaki diktat kosmetskih okupatora
nije donela na¹im nesreænim sunarodnicima nikakvo pobolj¹anje i da se
skoro niko od vi¹e od 200.000 prognanih Srba i drugih ne-Arbanasa
nije vratio u svoje poharane i poru¹ene domove?
I zar oni zaista ne vide da se, zahvaljujuæi, pored ostalog, i
njihovim
pristajanju na nametnuti Ustavni okvir za Kosovo, u kojem se
Jugoslavija i
Srbija uop¹te ne pominju, i potonjem prisiljavanju na¹ih nesreænih
Kosmetlija da izaðu na tzv. parlamentarne izbore i uðu u pokrajinsku
skup¹tinu, pred njihovim oèima postupno stvara druga albanska dr¾ava
na Balkanu, èija æe nezavisnost biti progla¹ena kroz tri godine?
Mi, naravno, ovako slabi i podeljeni, te¹ko da to mo¾emo spreèiti, ali
bar ne moramo u tome uèestvovati na na¹u vlastitu ¹tetu i sramotu. I
moramo unapred staviti do znanja da æe nam ono ¹to silom bude oteto
pre ili posle silom biti vraæeno.
Jo¹ je va¾nije da u ovom èasu dr¾ava odre¹i kesu, kao ¹to je veæ
uèinila
za Arbanase u Pre¹evskoj dolini, pa da redovno isplaæuje plate i
penzije kosmetskim Srbima, naroèito zaposlenima u prosveti, zdravstvu
i
preostalim organima vlasti, a ne da na¹e nesreæne sunarodnike
izruèuje na milost i nemilost okupatorskim vlastima i njihovim divljim
¹tiæenicima.
Izgleda da æe, ako ne Amerikancima, ono bar osetljivijim zapadnim
Evropljanima tzv. multietniènost Kosmeta biti kljuèni izgovor za
priznanje
njegove dr¾avne nezavisnosti. Ako je to tako, onda bar u prividnom
graðenju
takve multietniènosti ne moramo uèestvovati.
http://www.glas-javnosti.co.yu/danas/srpski/T02101302.shtml
---
Glas Javnosti, Belgrade, Yugoslavia
October 14, 2002
Kosmet "Multiethnicity"?
Belgrade, 14 Oct (Glas Javnosti) Editorial - In the spirit of the
European
plans for multi-ethnicity, Michael Steiner has decided to show what
multi-ethnicity looks like in Pec where no Serb have been seen in the
past three years. To accomplish this, some of his close associates
persuaded
fifty old people from the villages of Osojane, Tucep and Saljinovac to
go to
Pec with a bus escorted by KFOR with the purpose of opening accounts
for
accepting pension pay.
Even though the postmen could have brought their pensions to the poor
living
quarters under the tents and the barracks, Steiner and his accomplices
wanted to
make Pec an open multi-ethnic city in which the Serbs could walk
freely at any
time of the day and with out any armed escort.
Instead of this the pensioners were nearly lynched by the masses of
hoodlums.
This incident could have ended tragically. When the clerk lady from
the bank
realized that the customers, who are addressing her, are Serbs she
immediately
ran on the street and started shouting "UCK"!
In no more then a moment there was around two thousand hoodlums,
shouting
"UCK" and "Shkija, Shkija" (pejorative for Serbs). Then rocks and
"Molotov
cocktails" started raining on the bus. Our poor countrymen barely
managed
to save their heads.
But the sufferings of the Serbs were not over. When the bus, which did
not have
any glass and was seriously damaged managed to arrive in Osojane, the
Spanish
soldiers who were frightened and nervous had held the old people for
two hours
in the pouring rain with rifles pointed at them, while they were
investigating
both drivers as though they were the ones that caused the chaos.
After everything that happened in Kosovo in the past two years we can
ask
ourselves one long term question: What kind of tragedy needs to
happen so that
our countrymen, starting from Kostunica, Djindjic and Covic can
realize that
their policy of constantly backing and excepting every ultimatum set
by the
Kosovo occupiers has not brought any improvement to our miserable
countrymen,
and that around two hundred thousand exiled Serbs and other
non-Albanian,
non-hoodlums did not manage to return to their torn homes.
It seams that if not for the Americans, then for sure the Western
Europeans
will use the so-called multi-ethnicity of Kosmet as a key argument in
granting
its independence. If this is so, than the least we can do is not
participating in
building this so-called multi-ethnicity.
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/70740
Sl rapporto tra il presidente Djukanovic e la mafia del contrabbando
1. "Caspian Oil Reaches Europe" - importante documentazione su corridoi
e infrastrutture per il trasporto del greggio attraverso i Balcani, dal
sito www.seeurope.com
2. "Via al petrolio del Caspio - La Russia ingannata e tagliata fuori
anche dal gasdotto" (M. Dinucci)
3. (ROADS) CORRIDOR 10 A PRIORITY SAYS SERBIAN PREMIER
4. "HELLENIC PETROLEUM" HA COMPRATO LA "JUGOPETROL" MONTENEGRINA
5. L'or noir de la Caspienne passera-t-il par l'Albanie? (F. Morava du
Klan)
6. ROMANIA: PROGRESS IN THE PIPELINE.
Bucharest, Belgrade and Zagreb sign up to the construction of an oil
pipeline linking the Black Sea to Western Europe. (M. Chiriac, IWPR)
=== 1 ===
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Category.php?CatID=11&sid=7744aa4dabd4e0c2a5254ead86519775
Caspian Oil Reaches Europe
Contents:
October 18, 2002
Caspian Integration Business Club Is Being Founded
October 7, 2002
Future Pipeline Projects
September 27, 2002
Conclusion Of Study For Trans-Balkan Oil Pipeline
September 25, 2002
Romania Might Participate In Building An Oil Terminal In
Georgia
September 24, 2002
Russia And Azerbaijan Sign Bilateral Deal On Caspian Sea
September 23, 2002
Putin And Aliev To Discuss The Use Of The Caspian Sea's
Energy Resources
September 20, 2002
Baku-Ceyhan Pipeline Guarantees Peace, Security And
Stability In The Region
September 19, 2002
Construction Of Oil Pipeline Linking Skopje And Southern
Serbia
September 18, 2002
New Pipeline Set To Open Up Caspian Oil Fields To The
West
September 17, 2002
New Projects Of TCO Help Increase Oil Production
...and many more documents!
www.seeurope.net
=== 2 ===
Via al petrolio del Caspio
La Russia ingannata e tagliata fuori anche dal
gasdotto
MANLIO DINUCCI
Il Manifesto 25/09/02
Sono stati inaugurati il 18 settembre i lavori di
costruzione dell'oleodotto che, partendo
dall'Azerbaigian e attraversando Georgia e Turchia,
trasporterà il petrolio del Caspio per 1.760 km fino
al porto turco di Ceyhan sul Mediterraneo. Alla
cerimonia, svoltasi al terminale azero di Sangachal
presso Baku, i presidenti dei tre paesi (Alivev,
Shevardnadze e Sezer) hanno gettato con le pale un po'
di terra nella trincea in cui era stata collocata una
sezione simbolica della tubatura. A imbracciare la
pala c'era però anche una quarta persona, la più
importante: il segretario Usa all'energia Spencer
Abraham, latore di una lettera del presidente Bush che
definisce il progetto «una componente essenziale del
corridoio energetico Est-Ovest». Non precisa il
presidente che, dal suo «Est», è esclusa la Russia.
L'oleodotto Baku-Ceyhan - così come quello che dal
1999 collega Baku al porto georgiano di Supsa sul Mar
Nero - segue un tracciato che aggira a sud la Russia,
sottraendole il controllo sull'esportazione della
maggior parte del petrolio del Caspio. Il greggio che
attraverso questo oleodotto sarà pompato dal Caspio al
Mediterraneo, nella misura di 375mila barili al giorno
nel 2005 e di un milione nel 2007, sarà controllato
soprattuttto dalla Bp che, dopo la fusione con la
Amoco nel 1998, è divenuta anglo-statunitense. La Bp -
terza compagnia petrolifera del mondo dopo la
ExxonMobil (Usa) e l'anglo-olandese Royal Dutch/Shell
- è a capo (con il 35%) del consorzio che realizzerà
l'oleodotto Baku-Ceyhan, il cui costo è stimato in 3
miliardi di dollari. Ne fanno parte altre due
compagnie statunitensi, Unocal e Amerada Hess, insieme
all'azera Socar, la norvegese Statoil, la turca Tpao,
l'italiana Eni, la francese TotalFinaElf e le
giapponesi Itochu e Impex.
Il progetto che il repubblicano Bush tiene a battesimo
è stato concepito dal democratico Clinton che, al
vertice dell'Ocse del 1999 a Istanbul, annunciò lo
«storico accordo» per la realizzazione dell'oleodotto,
subito sostenuto dal governo Usa attraverso il Caspian
Finance Center, aperto ad Ankara con il compito di
finanziare questo e altri progetti nella regione del
Caspio. Ma il sostegno Usa non è limitato a questo.
Nella «guerra degli oleodotti», che si svolge per il
controllo delle riserve petrolifere del Caspio e dei
relativi «corridoi», ci si serve di tutti gli
strumenti: economici, politici e anche militari.
Con la guerra in Afghanistan, gli Stati uniti,
affiancati dal fedele socio britannico, hanno
sottratto all'influenza di Mosca quasi tutta l'Asia
centrale, un tempo sovietica. Hanno potuto così
rafforzare la propria influenza anche nella regione
del Caspio e, allo stesso tempo, riavviare il progetto
del gasdotto che, attraverso l'Afghanistan,
trasporterà il gas naturale dal Turkmenistan fino in
Pakistan. Anche questo progetto, il cui studio di
fattibilità è stato presentato il 16 settembre alla
Banca per lo sviluppo asiatico, sarà controllato da un
consorzio a guida statunitense: vi svolge un ruolo
determinante la Unocal, presente anche nel progetto
dell'oleodotto Baku-Ceyhan. E non è finita. Ora è in
gioco una posta altrettanto preziosa: il petrolio
iracheno che, una volta occupato militarmente il
paese, verrebbe anch'esso controllato da un consorzio
a guida Usa.
=== 3 ===
CORRIDOR 10 A PRIORITY SAYS SERBIAN PREMIER
BELGRADE, Oct 1 (Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic
said on Oct. 1 that the construction of Corridor 10 passing
through Serbia to Greece was a priority.
In a meeting with World Road Organization chairman Wim
Westerhughes and the European Conference of Traffic Ministers
official Alan Rydery, Djindjic said that the realization of
this project will help Serbia reach the traffic standards of
developed European countries and will positively affect the
economy, the Serbian cabinet has announced.
Serbian Traffic Minister Marija Raseta Vukosavljevic and Road
Directorate director Tihomir Timotijevic also attended the meeting,
at which it was announced that Serbia will apply for membership
in the World Road Organization's regional center for southeastern
Europe.
=== 4 ===
HELLENIC PETROLEUM COMPRA LA JUGOPETROL MONTENEGRINA
L'ambasciatore USA a Belgrado si complimenta...
Montgomery says Jugopetrol's sales gives positive signal to other
investors
PODGORICA, Oct 11 (Tanjug) - US Ambassador in Belgrade William
Montgomery has said that the sales of the majority package of
shares of Kotor's Jugopetrol has been carried out in a transparent
and correct way and that it will send a positive message to
foreign investors.
Hellenic Petroleum on Thursday bought the majority package of
Jugopetrol's shares for 65 million euros.
Montgomery told the Podgorica daily Vijesti that according to all
reports he had received, he believed that the privatization of
Jugopetrol had been completely transparent and correct and that all
participants in the tender had a complete insight into the process.
Montenegrin opposition parties opposed the Montenegrin government's
way of privatizing Jugopetrol of Kotor.
=== 5 ===
L'or noir de la Caspienne passera-t-il par l'Albanie?
di Fabian Morava du Klan
Traduit par Mandi Gueguen. Mis en forme par Amaël Cattaruzza.
Le Courrier des Balkans, jeudi 22 août 2002
http://www.terredescale.net/article.php3?id_article=178
Le projet américain de construire un oléoduc reliant Burgas en
Bulgarie à Vlora en Albanie pourrait changer la donne géopolitique de
la région. S'il se concrétisait, il serait un atout autant pour les
Etats-Unis, qui verraient s'accroître leur indépendance énergétique
face aux pays de l'OPEC, que pour cette région balkanique qui
prendrait une plus grande importance économique et stratégique sur la
scène internationale.
Des pétroliers américains devraient jeter l'ancre dans le port de
Vlora. Ce projet s'intègre en tous cas dans les perspectives
américaines de développements économiques et stratégiques de la
région. Il ne devrait toutefois pas être sans conséquence pour
l'Albanie.
Le jour où de grands pétroliers américains de 300 000 tonnes jetteront
l'ancre dans le port de Vlora n'est peut-être pas si loin. Ainsi, dans
les années à venir, ils traverseraient régulièrement la Méditerranée,
qui deviendrait de facto l'une des principales routes pétrolières
américaines. Chaque jour, 770 000 barils de pétrole seraient remplis
dans le port de Vlora. Ce pétrole en provenance de la mer Caspienne
s'acheminerait de Burgas (Bulgarie) à Vlora (Albanie) dans un oléoduc
de près de 900 km de long. Le contrat passé avec la Corporation du
pétrole AMBO (Abanian, Macedonian and Bulgarian Oil) prévoit la
construction de cet oléoduc d'une valeur d'1.3 milliard de dollars.
Trois Etats seraient donc concernés par cette nouvelle route
pétrolière : l'Albanie, la Macédoine et la Bulgarie.
Les fondateurs d'AMBO sont tous des géants du pétrole : "Chevron",
"Texaco", "Exxon Mobil", "British Petroleum", "Agip" et "Total Fina
Elf". Ils devraient investir 450 millions de dollars et le reste du
financement serait assuré par des crédits contractés auprès d'EBRD,
MIGA, IFC, OPIK et EKSIM. Le plan américain paraît donc clair. Il
s'inscrit dans une dynamique plus large qui vise pour les Etats-Unis à
s'assurer un accès direct au pétrole brut sans plus dépendre du bon
vouloir des pays arabes de l'OPEC (Organization of the Petroleum
Exporting Countries).
Mais pourquoi les Etats-Unis ont-ils besoin d'une telle stratégie ? La
réponse est simple. Dans leur projet d'accéder à l'indépendance
énergétique, les Etats-Unis mettent la priorité sur les ressources
pétrolières et minières de la région Caspienne (principalement
Ouzbékistan, Kazakhstan et Kirghizistan). Actuellement, celle-ci ne
fournit que 14% du total de pétrole brut mondial. Or, cette quantité
pourrait au moins être doublée grâce à une technologie plus avancée.
Si les Etats-Unis réussissent à acheminer ce pétrole jusqu'à leur
territoire par le seul intermédiaire des concessions de ces quelques
républiques ex-soviétiques, ils pourraient devenir une puissance
totalement autonome en matière d'énergie.
Les Américains tireraient de ce projet de gros bénéfices. D'abord, ils
pourraient réduire leur déficit commercial annuel de 108 milliards de
dollars, conséquence directe de l'augmentation des prix du pétrole sur
le marché mondial. Ensuite, ils diminueraient le coût de toutes leur
productions industrielles nationales, dont l'achat du pétrole
constitue une part considérable. Et enfin, ils affaibliraient la
position de l'OPEC, qui domine actuellement l'économie internationale
du pétrole brut.
Mais pourquoi le projet américain tente-t-il de promouvoir l'axe
Burgas-Vlora pour le transit du pétrole de la mer Caspienne, alors que
dans le même temps, les pays de l'Union Européenne investissent dans
l'itinéraire Constance (Roumanie)-Trieste en participant au
financement de deux pétroliers (dont un pétrolier
russo-bulgaro-grecque actuellement en construction à Alexandrie)?
Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela :
En premier lieu, les Etats-Unis veulent éviter le détroit de Bosphore,
qui ne peut être traversé que par des pétroliers dont le poids
n'excède pas 150 000 tonnes (et non par ceux de 300 000 tonnes qu'ils
utilisent). Ensuite, ils considèrent que le risque d'actions
terroristes reste non négligeable, car si les ponts construits sur le
détroit, fierté d'Istanbul, venaient à être détruits, il n'y aurait
plus aucun passage possible autant pour les pétroliers que pour les
sous-marins qui les escortent.
Enfin, la dernière raison, mais non la moindre, est le coût
relativement bas que représente la construction d'un oléoduc qui
traverserait les Etats balkaniques membres de la Corporation AMBO. Le
chemin de fer qui traverse la Bulgarie et la Macédoine est déjà prêt.
Il ne nécessite pas de frais supplémentaires pour son électrification
ou pour les transports de matériaux et d'individus. De son côté, la
partie albanaise considérée comme moins facilement aménageable est
très petite et les tarifs qui y sont en vigueur sont très faibles.
Avec le port de Vlora, l'Albanie offre de plus un avantage important :
ce port est le seul à être suffisamment profond pour accueillir les
gros porteurs américains, contrairement à ceux de Durrës ou du
Monténégro.
Toutefois, l'Albanie pourrait, elle aussi, tirer partie de cet oléoduc
qui pourrait être inauguré entre 2005 et 2010. Premièrement, le
pétrole arriverait directement des pays de la Caspienne à Tirana. Son
coût serait donc très bas, ce qui serait un atout pour l'économie
locale. Deuxièmement, l'Albanie obtiendrait probablement des
compensations pour avoir permis le transit du pétrole sur son
territoire. Enfin, cela ne ferait qu'accroître les intérêts américains
dans la région comme cela se vérifie déjà dans les républiques d'Asie
centrale. Dans ces pays de la mer Caspienne, les Etats Unis ont établi
troupes et bases militaires pour maintenir la paix et ne pas entraver
les nouvelles routes du pétrole. De telles démarches préventives
seraient une aubaine pour l'Albanie et les pays membres de l'AMBO.
Elles permettraient à cette région d'amplifier son importance
stratégique sur la scène internationale. La présence de l'OTAN et
d'autres structures de défense et de prévention serait plus marquée ce
qui minimiserait l'éventualité de nouveaux conflits. Ainsi, l'Albanie
serait plus sûre et mieux contrôlée. Cette présence internationale sur
le sol albanais serait à la fois le privilège et le prix à payer pour
la concrétisation de ce projet qui placerait le pays au c?ur des
grands axes pétroliers.
=== 6 ===
IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, No. 371, October 7, 2002
ROMANIA: PROGRESS IN THE PIPELINE
Bucharest, Belgrade and Zagreb sign up to the construction of an oil
pipeline linking the Black Sea to Western Europe.
By Marian Chiriac in Bucharest
A new oil pipeline linking Romania, Yugoslavia and Croatia could boost
the Balkan nations' battered economies by opening up lucrative trade
routes from Central Asia to Western Europe.
The three states signed an agreement on the 1,200 km long pipeline -
which is to run from Constanta in Romania to the Adriatic oil terminal
near Omisalj, Croatia - in Bucharest on September 10. The contract is
to be finalised in November, according to Serbian officials.
Work on the project could start next year and, once completed, it is
expected to reduce western dependence on Gulf exporters and Russian
pipelines.
There is also potential for the Constanta-Omisalj pipeline - which would
have a capacity of 10 million tonnes of oil per year - to be extended to
Trieste in Italy and beyond.
"The project is one of the most important of its kind in Europe and may
attract financing from the European Union and many important banks and
oil companies," Romanian industry minister Dan Popescu told IWPR.
Analysts agree the pipeline could improve economic development and
international trade in the Balkans, which is making a slow recovery from
years of ethnic conflict and corruption.
"The project's chief selling point is that it will provide access to
Balkan markets, which are now beginning their economic revival," said
Dana Armean of the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit.
Financing remains a problem, as construction is expected to cost around
one billion US dollars, even though some two-thirds of it will be made
up of existing pipelines.
The Serbian section will be the most problematic part of the scheme and
is expected to consume around 80 per cent of the construction budget.
Bucharest officials, however, are confident their section will not be
hard to finance. "The 400 km-long construction on Romanian territory
benefits from easily accessible terrain. This should result in lower
costs and may attract potential investors," said Popescu.
The United States is a key supporter of the project. Washington
officials said recently they are prepared to provide 200,000 dollars to
fund a study into pipeline routes, and to support the scheme as one of
several aimed at enhancing economic cooperation with the Balkan states.
Money is also expected from Interstate Oil and Gas Transport to Europe,
INOGATE, a ten-country project funded by the EU and aimed at developing
a pipeline network stretching from Central Asia to Europe. Balkan
countries have enjoyed limited benefits from this project to date,
despite their strategic position along the east-west corridor.
All countries along the pipeline hope that the project will inject new
life into their shattered economies. "The biggest winner will probably
be Croatia, which has two refineries in Omisalj and great potential for
access to Western Europe," Armean said, pointing out that the latter are
linked by pipeline to Yugoslavia to the south and Hungary and Austria to
the north.
The pipeline may also play a key role in building Balkan security, as
the foreign investment it's expected to attract could strengthen
stability and regional relations.
Some analysts, however, are cautious over the scheme's potential impact
on the area. "The project is probably too small, compared to the scale
of others, and it would be an exaggeration to conclude that somehow it
could lead to intense international interest in the Balkans," Armean
said.
Marian Chiriac is a Bucharest-based journalist
Balkan Crisis Report is supported by the Department for International
Development, the European Commission, the Swedish International
Development and Cooperation Agency, The Netherlands Ministry for Foreign
Affairs, and other funders. IWPR also acknowledges general support from
the Ford Foundation.
e infrastrutture per il trasporto del greggio attraverso i Balcani, dal
sito www.seeurope.com
2. "Via al petrolio del Caspio - La Russia ingannata e tagliata fuori
anche dal gasdotto" (M. Dinucci)
3. (ROADS) CORRIDOR 10 A PRIORITY SAYS SERBIAN PREMIER
4. "HELLENIC PETROLEUM" HA COMPRATO LA "JUGOPETROL" MONTENEGRINA
5. L'or noir de la Caspienne passera-t-il par l'Albanie? (F. Morava du
Klan)
6. ROMANIA: PROGRESS IN THE PIPELINE.
Bucharest, Belgrade and Zagreb sign up to the construction of an oil
pipeline linking the Black Sea to Western Europe. (M. Chiriac, IWPR)
=== 1 ===
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Category.php?CatID=11&sid=7744aa4dabd4e0c2a5254ead86519775
Caspian Oil Reaches Europe
Contents:
October 18, 2002
Caspian Integration Business Club Is Being Founded
October 7, 2002
Future Pipeline Projects
September 27, 2002
Conclusion Of Study For Trans-Balkan Oil Pipeline
September 25, 2002
Romania Might Participate In Building An Oil Terminal In
Georgia
September 24, 2002
Russia And Azerbaijan Sign Bilateral Deal On Caspian Sea
September 23, 2002
Putin And Aliev To Discuss The Use Of The Caspian Sea's
Energy Resources
September 20, 2002
Baku-Ceyhan Pipeline Guarantees Peace, Security And
Stability In The Region
September 19, 2002
Construction Of Oil Pipeline Linking Skopje And Southern
Serbia
September 18, 2002
New Pipeline Set To Open Up Caspian Oil Fields To The
West
September 17, 2002
New Projects Of TCO Help Increase Oil Production
...and many more documents!
www.seeurope.net
=== 2 ===
Via al petrolio del Caspio
La Russia ingannata e tagliata fuori anche dal
gasdotto
MANLIO DINUCCI
Il Manifesto 25/09/02
Sono stati inaugurati il 18 settembre i lavori di
costruzione dell'oleodotto che, partendo
dall'Azerbaigian e attraversando Georgia e Turchia,
trasporterà il petrolio del Caspio per 1.760 km fino
al porto turco di Ceyhan sul Mediterraneo. Alla
cerimonia, svoltasi al terminale azero di Sangachal
presso Baku, i presidenti dei tre paesi (Alivev,
Shevardnadze e Sezer) hanno gettato con le pale un po'
di terra nella trincea in cui era stata collocata una
sezione simbolica della tubatura. A imbracciare la
pala c'era però anche una quarta persona, la più
importante: il segretario Usa all'energia Spencer
Abraham, latore di una lettera del presidente Bush che
definisce il progetto «una componente essenziale del
corridoio energetico Est-Ovest». Non precisa il
presidente che, dal suo «Est», è esclusa la Russia.
L'oleodotto Baku-Ceyhan - così come quello che dal
1999 collega Baku al porto georgiano di Supsa sul Mar
Nero - segue un tracciato che aggira a sud la Russia,
sottraendole il controllo sull'esportazione della
maggior parte del petrolio del Caspio. Il greggio che
attraverso questo oleodotto sarà pompato dal Caspio al
Mediterraneo, nella misura di 375mila barili al giorno
nel 2005 e di un milione nel 2007, sarà controllato
soprattuttto dalla Bp che, dopo la fusione con la
Amoco nel 1998, è divenuta anglo-statunitense. La Bp -
terza compagnia petrolifera del mondo dopo la
ExxonMobil (Usa) e l'anglo-olandese Royal Dutch/Shell
- è a capo (con il 35%) del consorzio che realizzerà
l'oleodotto Baku-Ceyhan, il cui costo è stimato in 3
miliardi di dollari. Ne fanno parte altre due
compagnie statunitensi, Unocal e Amerada Hess, insieme
all'azera Socar, la norvegese Statoil, la turca Tpao,
l'italiana Eni, la francese TotalFinaElf e le
giapponesi Itochu e Impex.
Il progetto che il repubblicano Bush tiene a battesimo
è stato concepito dal democratico Clinton che, al
vertice dell'Ocse del 1999 a Istanbul, annunciò lo
«storico accordo» per la realizzazione dell'oleodotto,
subito sostenuto dal governo Usa attraverso il Caspian
Finance Center, aperto ad Ankara con il compito di
finanziare questo e altri progetti nella regione del
Caspio. Ma il sostegno Usa non è limitato a questo.
Nella «guerra degli oleodotti», che si svolge per il
controllo delle riserve petrolifere del Caspio e dei
relativi «corridoi», ci si serve di tutti gli
strumenti: economici, politici e anche militari.
Con la guerra in Afghanistan, gli Stati uniti,
affiancati dal fedele socio britannico, hanno
sottratto all'influenza di Mosca quasi tutta l'Asia
centrale, un tempo sovietica. Hanno potuto così
rafforzare la propria influenza anche nella regione
del Caspio e, allo stesso tempo, riavviare il progetto
del gasdotto che, attraverso l'Afghanistan,
trasporterà il gas naturale dal Turkmenistan fino in
Pakistan. Anche questo progetto, il cui studio di
fattibilità è stato presentato il 16 settembre alla
Banca per lo sviluppo asiatico, sarà controllato da un
consorzio a guida statunitense: vi svolge un ruolo
determinante la Unocal, presente anche nel progetto
dell'oleodotto Baku-Ceyhan. E non è finita. Ora è in
gioco una posta altrettanto preziosa: il petrolio
iracheno che, una volta occupato militarmente il
paese, verrebbe anch'esso controllato da un consorzio
a guida Usa.
=== 3 ===
CORRIDOR 10 A PRIORITY SAYS SERBIAN PREMIER
BELGRADE, Oct 1 (Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic
said on Oct. 1 that the construction of Corridor 10 passing
through Serbia to Greece was a priority.
In a meeting with World Road Organization chairman Wim
Westerhughes and the European Conference of Traffic Ministers
official Alan Rydery, Djindjic said that the realization of
this project will help Serbia reach the traffic standards of
developed European countries and will positively affect the
economy, the Serbian cabinet has announced.
Serbian Traffic Minister Marija Raseta Vukosavljevic and Road
Directorate director Tihomir Timotijevic also attended the meeting,
at which it was announced that Serbia will apply for membership
in the World Road Organization's regional center for southeastern
Europe.
=== 4 ===
HELLENIC PETROLEUM COMPRA LA JUGOPETROL MONTENEGRINA
L'ambasciatore USA a Belgrado si complimenta...
Montgomery says Jugopetrol's sales gives positive signal to other
investors
PODGORICA, Oct 11 (Tanjug) - US Ambassador in Belgrade William
Montgomery has said that the sales of the majority package of
shares of Kotor's Jugopetrol has been carried out in a transparent
and correct way and that it will send a positive message to
foreign investors.
Hellenic Petroleum on Thursday bought the majority package of
Jugopetrol's shares for 65 million euros.
Montgomery told the Podgorica daily Vijesti that according to all
reports he had received, he believed that the privatization of
Jugopetrol had been completely transparent and correct and that all
participants in the tender had a complete insight into the process.
Montenegrin opposition parties opposed the Montenegrin government's
way of privatizing Jugopetrol of Kotor.
=== 5 ===
L'or noir de la Caspienne passera-t-il par l'Albanie?
di Fabian Morava du Klan
Traduit par Mandi Gueguen. Mis en forme par Amaël Cattaruzza.
Le Courrier des Balkans, jeudi 22 août 2002
http://www.terredescale.net/article.php3?id_article=178
Le projet américain de construire un oléoduc reliant Burgas en
Bulgarie à Vlora en Albanie pourrait changer la donne géopolitique de
la région. S'il se concrétisait, il serait un atout autant pour les
Etats-Unis, qui verraient s'accroître leur indépendance énergétique
face aux pays de l'OPEC, que pour cette région balkanique qui
prendrait une plus grande importance économique et stratégique sur la
scène internationale.
Des pétroliers américains devraient jeter l'ancre dans le port de
Vlora. Ce projet s'intègre en tous cas dans les perspectives
américaines de développements économiques et stratégiques de la
région. Il ne devrait toutefois pas être sans conséquence pour
l'Albanie.
Le jour où de grands pétroliers américains de 300 000 tonnes jetteront
l'ancre dans le port de Vlora n'est peut-être pas si loin. Ainsi, dans
les années à venir, ils traverseraient régulièrement la Méditerranée,
qui deviendrait de facto l'une des principales routes pétrolières
américaines. Chaque jour, 770 000 barils de pétrole seraient remplis
dans le port de Vlora. Ce pétrole en provenance de la mer Caspienne
s'acheminerait de Burgas (Bulgarie) à Vlora (Albanie) dans un oléoduc
de près de 900 km de long. Le contrat passé avec la Corporation du
pétrole AMBO (Abanian, Macedonian and Bulgarian Oil) prévoit la
construction de cet oléoduc d'une valeur d'1.3 milliard de dollars.
Trois Etats seraient donc concernés par cette nouvelle route
pétrolière : l'Albanie, la Macédoine et la Bulgarie.
Les fondateurs d'AMBO sont tous des géants du pétrole : "Chevron",
"Texaco", "Exxon Mobil", "British Petroleum", "Agip" et "Total Fina
Elf". Ils devraient investir 450 millions de dollars et le reste du
financement serait assuré par des crédits contractés auprès d'EBRD,
MIGA, IFC, OPIK et EKSIM. Le plan américain paraît donc clair. Il
s'inscrit dans une dynamique plus large qui vise pour les Etats-Unis à
s'assurer un accès direct au pétrole brut sans plus dépendre du bon
vouloir des pays arabes de l'OPEC (Organization of the Petroleum
Exporting Countries).
Mais pourquoi les Etats-Unis ont-ils besoin d'une telle stratégie ? La
réponse est simple. Dans leur projet d'accéder à l'indépendance
énergétique, les Etats-Unis mettent la priorité sur les ressources
pétrolières et minières de la région Caspienne (principalement
Ouzbékistan, Kazakhstan et Kirghizistan). Actuellement, celle-ci ne
fournit que 14% du total de pétrole brut mondial. Or, cette quantité
pourrait au moins être doublée grâce à une technologie plus avancée.
Si les Etats-Unis réussissent à acheminer ce pétrole jusqu'à leur
territoire par le seul intermédiaire des concessions de ces quelques
républiques ex-soviétiques, ils pourraient devenir une puissance
totalement autonome en matière d'énergie.
Les Américains tireraient de ce projet de gros bénéfices. D'abord, ils
pourraient réduire leur déficit commercial annuel de 108 milliards de
dollars, conséquence directe de l'augmentation des prix du pétrole sur
le marché mondial. Ensuite, ils diminueraient le coût de toutes leur
productions industrielles nationales, dont l'achat du pétrole
constitue une part considérable. Et enfin, ils affaibliraient la
position de l'OPEC, qui domine actuellement l'économie internationale
du pétrole brut.
Mais pourquoi le projet américain tente-t-il de promouvoir l'axe
Burgas-Vlora pour le transit du pétrole de la mer Caspienne, alors que
dans le même temps, les pays de l'Union Européenne investissent dans
l'itinéraire Constance (Roumanie)-Trieste en participant au
financement de deux pétroliers (dont un pétrolier
russo-bulgaro-grecque actuellement en construction à Alexandrie)?
Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela :
En premier lieu, les Etats-Unis veulent éviter le détroit de Bosphore,
qui ne peut être traversé que par des pétroliers dont le poids
n'excède pas 150 000 tonnes (et non par ceux de 300 000 tonnes qu'ils
utilisent). Ensuite, ils considèrent que le risque d'actions
terroristes reste non négligeable, car si les ponts construits sur le
détroit, fierté d'Istanbul, venaient à être détruits, il n'y aurait
plus aucun passage possible autant pour les pétroliers que pour les
sous-marins qui les escortent.
Enfin, la dernière raison, mais non la moindre, est le coût
relativement bas que représente la construction d'un oléoduc qui
traverserait les Etats balkaniques membres de la Corporation AMBO. Le
chemin de fer qui traverse la Bulgarie et la Macédoine est déjà prêt.
Il ne nécessite pas de frais supplémentaires pour son électrification
ou pour les transports de matériaux et d'individus. De son côté, la
partie albanaise considérée comme moins facilement aménageable est
très petite et les tarifs qui y sont en vigueur sont très faibles.
Avec le port de Vlora, l'Albanie offre de plus un avantage important :
ce port est le seul à être suffisamment profond pour accueillir les
gros porteurs américains, contrairement à ceux de Durrës ou du
Monténégro.
Toutefois, l'Albanie pourrait, elle aussi, tirer partie de cet oléoduc
qui pourrait être inauguré entre 2005 et 2010. Premièrement, le
pétrole arriverait directement des pays de la Caspienne à Tirana. Son
coût serait donc très bas, ce qui serait un atout pour l'économie
locale. Deuxièmement, l'Albanie obtiendrait probablement des
compensations pour avoir permis le transit du pétrole sur son
territoire. Enfin, cela ne ferait qu'accroître les intérêts américains
dans la région comme cela se vérifie déjà dans les républiques d'Asie
centrale. Dans ces pays de la mer Caspienne, les Etats Unis ont établi
troupes et bases militaires pour maintenir la paix et ne pas entraver
les nouvelles routes du pétrole. De telles démarches préventives
seraient une aubaine pour l'Albanie et les pays membres de l'AMBO.
Elles permettraient à cette région d'amplifier son importance
stratégique sur la scène internationale. La présence de l'OTAN et
d'autres structures de défense et de prévention serait plus marquée ce
qui minimiserait l'éventualité de nouveaux conflits. Ainsi, l'Albanie
serait plus sûre et mieux contrôlée. Cette présence internationale sur
le sol albanais serait à la fois le privilège et le prix à payer pour
la concrétisation de ce projet qui placerait le pays au c?ur des
grands axes pétroliers.
=== 6 ===
IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, No. 371, October 7, 2002
ROMANIA: PROGRESS IN THE PIPELINE
Bucharest, Belgrade and Zagreb sign up to the construction of an oil
pipeline linking the Black Sea to Western Europe.
By Marian Chiriac in Bucharest
A new oil pipeline linking Romania, Yugoslavia and Croatia could boost
the Balkan nations' battered economies by opening up lucrative trade
routes from Central Asia to Western Europe.
The three states signed an agreement on the 1,200 km long pipeline -
which is to run from Constanta in Romania to the Adriatic oil terminal
near Omisalj, Croatia - in Bucharest on September 10. The contract is
to be finalised in November, according to Serbian officials.
Work on the project could start next year and, once completed, it is
expected to reduce western dependence on Gulf exporters and Russian
pipelines.
There is also potential for the Constanta-Omisalj pipeline - which would
have a capacity of 10 million tonnes of oil per year - to be extended to
Trieste in Italy and beyond.
"The project is one of the most important of its kind in Europe and may
attract financing from the European Union and many important banks and
oil companies," Romanian industry minister Dan Popescu told IWPR.
Analysts agree the pipeline could improve economic development and
international trade in the Balkans, which is making a slow recovery from
years of ethnic conflict and corruption.
"The project's chief selling point is that it will provide access to
Balkan markets, which are now beginning their economic revival," said
Dana Armean of the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit.
Financing remains a problem, as construction is expected to cost around
one billion US dollars, even though some two-thirds of it will be made
up of existing pipelines.
The Serbian section will be the most problematic part of the scheme and
is expected to consume around 80 per cent of the construction budget.
Bucharest officials, however, are confident their section will not be
hard to finance. "The 400 km-long construction on Romanian territory
benefits from easily accessible terrain. This should result in lower
costs and may attract potential investors," said Popescu.
The United States is a key supporter of the project. Washington
officials said recently they are prepared to provide 200,000 dollars to
fund a study into pipeline routes, and to support the scheme as one of
several aimed at enhancing economic cooperation with the Balkan states.
Money is also expected from Interstate Oil and Gas Transport to Europe,
INOGATE, a ten-country project funded by the EU and aimed at developing
a pipeline network stretching from Central Asia to Europe. Balkan
countries have enjoyed limited benefits from this project to date,
despite their strategic position along the east-west corridor.
All countries along the pipeline hope that the project will inject new
life into their shattered economies. "The biggest winner will probably
be Croatia, which has two refineries in Omisalj and great potential for
access to Western Europe," Armean said, pointing out that the latter are
linked by pipeline to Yugoslavia to the south and Hungary and Austria to
the north.
The pipeline may also play a key role in building Balkan security, as
the foreign investment it's expected to attract could strengthen
stability and regional relations.
Some analysts, however, are cautious over the scheme's potential impact
on the area. "The project is probably too small, compared to the scale
of others, and it would be an exaggeration to conclude that somehow it
could lead to intense international interest in the Balkans," Armean
said.
Marian Chiriac is a Bucharest-based journalist
Balkan Crisis Report is supported by the Department for International
Development, the European Commission, the Swedish International
Development and Cooperation Agency, The Netherlands Ministry for Foreign
Affairs, and other funders. IWPR also acknowledges general support from
the Ford Foundation.
Subject: [yugoslaviainfo] Press Release: Announcing The Pavelic
Papers
Date: Wed, 16 Oct 2002 17:41:22 -0500 (CDT)
From: Predrag Tosic
To: yugoslaviainfo <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>
[ Ante Pavelic was the leader of infamous and genocidal Nazi
creation, "Independent State of Croatia" (NDH in Serbo-Croatian),
where hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Roma/Gypsies and Jews vanished
solely due to the 'guilt' of their ethnic origin and/or religious
convictions.
Today's legitimacy of Republic of Croatia as a nation-state of
Croatian people in its current borders, as well as (but perhaps to a
slightly lesser extent) that of Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina with
its today's combined Muslim-and-Croat majority, are largely due to
the radically change demographic picture of the region during the
Pavelic and Ustase reign 1941-45, achieved via massive extermination
and ethnic cleansing of Eastern Orthodox Serbs, who were a majority
in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as 30%+ strong minority in today's
Croatia (and overwhelming majority in Krajina and much of Slavonija,
historical provinces in today's Republic of Croatia. (For the record,
the entire today's Bosnia-Herzegovina was also a part of Pavelic's
Nazi state "NDH".) -- PT ]
PRESS RELEASE - FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: October 14, 2002
THE TERRORISTS THAT AMERICA EMBRACED
Announcing PavelicPapers.com - A New Website Exposing the Ustase
Movement - http://www.pavelicpapers.com
CHICAGO -- More than fifty years ago, Ante Pavelic, head of a Nazi
puppet state called the Independent State of Croatia, arrived in
Buenos Aires, Argentina. While the rest of Hitler's Nazi henchmen were
being tried for crimes against humanity in Nuremberg, Pavelic and his
cohorts in the fascist Ustase movement -- responsible for the murder
of more than 30,000 Jews, 40,000 Gypsies and an estimated 500,000
Serbs -- escaped abroad and began planning for a new reign of terror.
Today, owing to the efforts of a new generation of Nazi hunters, the
documents which tell the real story of the Ustase's miraculous
survival are finally being published on the Internet.
A new Internet website, PavelicPapers.com, has been launched to
publish and analyze a tremendous collection of declassified
intelligence documents, court decisions and other materials which
implicate the United States government as well as the Vatican in the
continued existence this deadly terrorist organization. Files from the
archives of the CIA, the FBI and the US Army are augmented with
original background material, making PavelicPapers.com the most
thorough resource on the Ustase ever created and likely to be of equal
use to scholars of the Balkans or the Holocaust as well as students
and readers who have never heard of the Ustase before.
"Without Vatican and intelligence agency intervention, there's no
question: the Ustase would have ceased to exist," says Attorney
Jonathan Levy. Levy has been instrumental in fighting bureaucratic red
tape to find out the truth about the Ustase's survival, through
multiple Freedom of Information Act requests and lawsuits against the
Army, the CIA and the Vatican Bank, which is alleged to be responsible
for the laundering of millions of dollars worth of gold looted from
Ustase victims.
The Ustase was formed by Ante Pavelic in the early 1930s in Vienna,
Austria. After Hitler's invasion of Yugoslavia in April, 1941, Pavelic
and his Ustase were placed at the head of a Nazi satellite called the
Independent State of Croatia. Within weeks, a massive bloodletting
began as Ustase fanatics descended on Serbian villages, slaughtering
the inhabitants by the most bestial means imaginable -- using knives,
clubs, axes and even chainsaws.
Concentration camps for Jews, Serbs and Gypsies run by the Ustase,
such as Jasenovac, were exceedingly brutal, shocking even hardened
German officers.
After his arrival in Argentina, Pavelic was able to rebuild the Ustase
-- now enrolled as part of an American anti-Communist crusade -- with
cells in countries as far-flung as Australia and West Germany. All
told, the Ustase have been responsible for more than a hundred
terrorist attacks since 1945, including the bombing one airliner and
hijacking two others, the murder and extortion of dozens of
Croatian-Americans and the bombing of dozens of public buildings and
monuments, including the Statue of Liberty.
PavelicPapers.com was created by Cali Ruchala, a 27 year old
publisher, as a robust clearinghouse for documentation on the Ustase.
"I was appalled by the lack of information that's out there, even in
studies of the Holocaust," he says. "This is a terrorist movement that
has lasted for more than seventy years -- longer than the PLO, Hamas,
and al-Qaeda combined." [We completely disagree about including PLO
among "terrorist movements". CNJ]
Governments and individuals have tried to keep these documents
suppressed for years, Ruchala says, and for good reason. "Their
involvement with the Ustase is a textbook case of what the
intelligence community calls 'blowback': a gang of thugs that American
intelligence recruited to fight the Soviets, but who went on to kill
other Americans instead."
PavelicPapers.com is being published without institutional support for
the time being. "My primary goal is simply to get the information out
there," Ruchala says. "We should not subject the victims of the Ustase
to the indignity of being forgotten as well."
-----
TITLE: The Pavelic Papers
SUBJECT: A clearinghouse for documents about the fascist Ustase
Movement, from 1930 to 1990
URL: http://www.pavelicpapers.com
Papers
Date: Wed, 16 Oct 2002 17:41:22 -0500 (CDT)
From: Predrag Tosic
To: yugoslaviainfo <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>
[ Ante Pavelic was the leader of infamous and genocidal Nazi
creation, "Independent State of Croatia" (NDH in Serbo-Croatian),
where hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Roma/Gypsies and Jews vanished
solely due to the 'guilt' of their ethnic origin and/or religious
convictions.
Today's legitimacy of Republic of Croatia as a nation-state of
Croatian people in its current borders, as well as (but perhaps to a
slightly lesser extent) that of Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina with
its today's combined Muslim-and-Croat majority, are largely due to
the radically change demographic picture of the region during the
Pavelic and Ustase reign 1941-45, achieved via massive extermination
and ethnic cleansing of Eastern Orthodox Serbs, who were a majority
in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as 30%+ strong minority in today's
Croatia (and overwhelming majority in Krajina and much of Slavonija,
historical provinces in today's Republic of Croatia. (For the record,
the entire today's Bosnia-Herzegovina was also a part of Pavelic's
Nazi state "NDH".) -- PT ]
PRESS RELEASE - FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: October 14, 2002
THE TERRORISTS THAT AMERICA EMBRACED
Announcing PavelicPapers.com - A New Website Exposing the Ustase
Movement - http://www.pavelicpapers.com
CHICAGO -- More than fifty years ago, Ante Pavelic, head of a Nazi
puppet state called the Independent State of Croatia, arrived in
Buenos Aires, Argentina. While the rest of Hitler's Nazi henchmen were
being tried for crimes against humanity in Nuremberg, Pavelic and his
cohorts in the fascist Ustase movement -- responsible for the murder
of more than 30,000 Jews, 40,000 Gypsies and an estimated 500,000
Serbs -- escaped abroad and began planning for a new reign of terror.
Today, owing to the efforts of a new generation of Nazi hunters, the
documents which tell the real story of the Ustase's miraculous
survival are finally being published on the Internet.
A new Internet website, PavelicPapers.com, has been launched to
publish and analyze a tremendous collection of declassified
intelligence documents, court decisions and other materials which
implicate the United States government as well as the Vatican in the
continued existence this deadly terrorist organization. Files from the
archives of the CIA, the FBI and the US Army are augmented with
original background material, making PavelicPapers.com the most
thorough resource on the Ustase ever created and likely to be of equal
use to scholars of the Balkans or the Holocaust as well as students
and readers who have never heard of the Ustase before.
"Without Vatican and intelligence agency intervention, there's no
question: the Ustase would have ceased to exist," says Attorney
Jonathan Levy. Levy has been instrumental in fighting bureaucratic red
tape to find out the truth about the Ustase's survival, through
multiple Freedom of Information Act requests and lawsuits against the
Army, the CIA and the Vatican Bank, which is alleged to be responsible
for the laundering of millions of dollars worth of gold looted from
Ustase victims.
The Ustase was formed by Ante Pavelic in the early 1930s in Vienna,
Austria. After Hitler's invasion of Yugoslavia in April, 1941, Pavelic
and his Ustase were placed at the head of a Nazi satellite called the
Independent State of Croatia. Within weeks, a massive bloodletting
began as Ustase fanatics descended on Serbian villages, slaughtering
the inhabitants by the most bestial means imaginable -- using knives,
clubs, axes and even chainsaws.
Concentration camps for Jews, Serbs and Gypsies run by the Ustase,
such as Jasenovac, were exceedingly brutal, shocking even hardened
German officers.
After his arrival in Argentina, Pavelic was able to rebuild the Ustase
-- now enrolled as part of an American anti-Communist crusade -- with
cells in countries as far-flung as Australia and West Germany. All
told, the Ustase have been responsible for more than a hundred
terrorist attacks since 1945, including the bombing one airliner and
hijacking two others, the murder and extortion of dozens of
Croatian-Americans and the bombing of dozens of public buildings and
monuments, including the Statue of Liberty.
PavelicPapers.com was created by Cali Ruchala, a 27 year old
publisher, as a robust clearinghouse for documentation on the Ustase.
"I was appalled by the lack of information that's out there, even in
studies of the Holocaust," he says. "This is a terrorist movement that
has lasted for more than seventy years -- longer than the PLO, Hamas,
and al-Qaeda combined." [We completely disagree about including PLO
among "terrorist movements". CNJ]
Governments and individuals have tried to keep these documents
suppressed for years, Ruchala says, and for good reason. "Their
involvement with the Ustase is a textbook case of what the
intelligence community calls 'blowback': a gang of thugs that American
intelligence recruited to fight the Soviets, but who went on to kill
other Americans instead."
PavelicPapers.com is being published without institutional support for
the time being. "My primary goal is simply to get the information out
there," Ruchala says. "We should not subject the victims of the Ustase
to the indignity of being forgotten as well."
-----
TITLE: The Pavelic Papers
SUBJECT: A clearinghouse for documents about the fascist Ustase
Movement, from 1930 to 1990
URL: http://www.pavelicpapers.com
Ciao,
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /Relazione_Mandelli_III.doc
Caricato da : itajug <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Terza "Relazione Mandelli" sugli effetti dell'U238 (2002)
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/Relazione_Mandelli_III.doc
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
itajug <jugocoord@...>
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /Relazione_Mandelli_III.doc
Caricato da : itajug <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Terza "Relazione Mandelli" sugli effetti dell'U238 (2002)
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/Relazione_Mandelli_III.doc
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
itajug <jugocoord@...>
1. Terza relazione della "Commissione Mandelli" (giugno 2002)
2. UN (UNEP) testing for depleted uranium in Bosnia (AFP, ENS)
3. Uranium and plutonium are killing the residents of Serbian Sarajevo
4. Auf Deutsch: URANIUM IN REPUBLIKA SRPSKA; DEKONTAMINIERUNG BEI
BUJANOVAC
5. Uranium weapons 2001-2003 update (Dai WIlliams)
One interesting link:
US Department of State: Fact sheet on depleted uranium
> http://wwww.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/s/54F86853DF28C26DC1256C4C0043C65F
=== 1 ===
Subject: [Scienzaepace] relazione mandelli III
Date: Mon, 30 Sep 2002 16:19:09 +0200
From: luca nencini
To: scienzaepace@...
car* tutt*,
vi allego una copia della terza relazione mandelli sull'UI in
jugoslavia.
La relazione e' dello scorso giugno. La novita' piu' rilevante e' che
hanno (finalmnete) usato, come campione di controllo, anche un gruppo
di carabinieri, delle stesse classi di eta' dei militari mandati in
jugoslavia. In questo modo si vede chiaramente che l'incidenza di
linfomi di hodgkin per i militari mandati in missione e' di piu' del
quadruplo di quella attesa!
Inoltre e' stata correttamente usata una statistica poissoniana (come
del resto anche nella seconda versione) ed e' stato studiato l'effetto
di eliminare dalla statistica i militari che hanno svolto missioni di
durata inferiore a 30 giorni.
Rimangono comunque valide alcune delle critiche fatte alla prima
versione del documento mandelli: l'aver incluso nella statistica
militari che hanno svolto la missione in localita' che non sono mai
state bombardate dalla nato (come mostar) e il non aver tenuto conto
del fatto che il numero di tumori di cui la commissione e' venuta a
conoscenza e', con ogni probabilita', molto inferiore a quello reale.
Resta aperta, a mio parere, una questione di fondo, riguardo
l'epidemiologia in generale: una scienza per la quale sono necessari
due anni di studi per dimostrare faticosamente cio' che era evidente
fin dal primo giorno, e cioe' che i militari di ritorno dalla
jugoslavia si ammalavano piu' del dovuto.
ciao
luca nencini
LA RELAZIONE SI PUO' SCARICARE ALLA URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/Relazione_Mandelli_III.doc
=== 2 ===
(from Rick Rozoff)
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/du/Qbosnia-un-uranium.RsDJ_COE.html
UN testing for depleted uranium contamination in Bosnia
-Six of the sites have been identified by NATO as
having been struck by depleted uranium weapons during
air strikes against Bosnian Serbs in 1994 and 1995.
-At the request of the local authorities, the UNEP
will also examine cancer rates in Sarajevo, Banja Luka
and the eastern town of Bratunac, where many refugees
from areas hit during bombing raids now live.
Bosnia was hit by three tons of depleted uranium NATO
shells in 1994-1995, Haavisto said.
Bosnian officials said at the time that the number of
cancer cases increased after the war....
SARAJEVO, Oct 14 (AFP) - Experts from the UN
Environment Programme (UNEP) on Monday began tests for
contamination in several locations in Bosnia where
NATO forces used depleted uranium shells during the
country's 1992-1995 war.
"The UNEP's aim is to determine whether the use of
depleted uranium during the conflict in Bosnia may
pose health and environmental risks either now or in
the future," team leader Pekka Haavisto told
reporters.
Last year the UNEP concluded that depleted uranium
shells used by NATO forces in Yugoslavia had not
caused widespread contamination.
But in early 2001 many NATO and non-NATO countries
raised concern over possible link between the use of
depleted uranium ammunition in the Balkans and
increased cancer rates among soldiers who had
participated in peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and
the Serb province of Kosovo.
Over the next 10 days, the 17-member UNEP team plans
to take soil, water and vegetation samples from 12
sites across the country.
Six of the sites have been identified by NATO as
having been struck by depleted uranium weapons during
air strikes against Bosnian Serbs in 1994 and 1995.
The samples will be tested in nuclear laboratories in
Italy, Britain and Switzerland, Haavisto said, adding
that the final conclusions were expected be published
in March next year.
At the request of the local authorities, the UNEP will
also examine cancer rates in Sarajevo, Banja Luka and
the eastern town of Bratunac, where many refugees from
areas hit during bombing raids now live.
Bosnia was hit by three tons of depleted uranium NATO
shells in 1994-1995, Haavisto said.
Bosnian officials said at the time that the number of
cancer cases increased after the war, but gave no
evidence to link it with depleted uranium.
A NATO committee has said that scientific and medical
research has so far not shown any link between
depleted uranium and reported health problems.
http://ens-news.com/ens/oct2002/2002-10-15-02.asp
Environmental News Service
October 16, 2002
UN Assesses Depleted Uranium in Bosnia-Herzegovina
-"Previous studies of DU in Kosovo and Serbia
recommended that governments and civilians take
precautionary action to avoid contact with DU."
-At the request of the local authorities, the medical
sub-team, led by an expert from the World Health
Organization (WHO), will examine data on cancer rates
in the main urban centres of Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
They will also visit a local hospital in Bratunac to
meet with the local medics and with patients who may
have been exposed to DU during the conflict.
-DU has both chemical and radiological toxicity that
affects the kidneys and the lungs.
-"We learned," UNEP reports, "that still, more than
two years after the end of the conflict, particles of
DU dust can be detected from soil samples and from
sensitive bio-indicators like lichen."
-Young children playing in or near DU impact sites
could ingest the radioactive substance lingering in
contaminated soil when putting their fingers in their
mouths, WHO warns.
-"One of the most significant findings," of the
Balkans research, UNEP says, is that "future risks to
groundwater maybe posed by the gradual corrosion of DU
penetrators."
SARAJEVO, Bosnia-Herzegovina, October 15, 2002 (ENS) -
At the request of the government of
Bosnia-Herzegovina, a team of experts from the United
Nations Environment Programme is investigating 12
sites in the country that may have been targeted by
ordnance containing depleted uranium (DU) during the
Bosnian conflict in 1994 and 1995.
The 17 member team UNEP Depleted Uranium Assessment
Team began its research October 12 and will be in the
field until October 24. Their conclusions will be
presented in a report to be published in March 2003.
The assessment mission is headed by Pekka Haavisto,
the former Finnish environment minister who has led
war damage assessment teams in the Balkans, and most
recently in the Palestinian Territories.
"UNEP's aim is to determine whether the use of
depleted uranium during the conflict in Bosnia and
Herzegovina may pose health or environmental risks -
either now or in the future," said Haavisto.
"Previous studies of DU in Kosovo and Serbia
recommended that governments and civilians take
precautionary action to avoid contact with DU," he
said.
The team will take soil, water, air and vegetation
samples at six sites that have been identified by the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as having
been struck by DU weapons. They will examine six other
sites that local residents believe may have also been
targeted.
At the request of the local authorities, the medical
sub-team, led by an expert from the World Health
Organization (WHO), will examine data on cancer rates
in the main urban centres of Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
They will also visit a local hospital in Bratunac to
meet with the local medics and with patients who may
have been exposed to DU during the conflict.
The mission is being funded by the governments of
Italy and Switzerland.
The assessment team includes experts from UNEP, the
Swedish Radiation Protection Authority, Spiez
Laboratory of Switzerland, Italy's National
Environmental Protection Agency, the International
Atomic Energy Agency, the Greek Atomic Energy
Commission, the U.S. Army Center for Health Promotion
and Preventative Medicine, the Nuclear Safety
Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the
University of Bristol, UK.
The samples being collected will be analyzed in detail
for radioactivity and toxicity in the Spiez
Laboratory, in Italy's National Environmental
Protection Agency lab, and at Bristol University.
The uranium remaining after removal of the enriched
fraction contains about 99.8 percent 238U, 0.25
percent of 235U and 0.001 percent 234U by mass. This
material is referred to as depleted uranium or DU.
Due to its high density, about twice that of lead, and
other properties, DU is used in munitions designed to
penetrate armor plate and for protection of military
vehicles such as tanks.
DU is described by the World Health Organization (WHO)
in an April 2001 Fact Sheet as "weakly radioactive." A
radiation dose from it would be about 60 percent of
that from purified natural uranium with the same mass.
DU has both chemical and radiological toxicity that
affects the kidneys and the lungs.
UNEP's Balkans Task Force report giving field
measurements taken around selected impact sites in
Kosovo indicates that contamination by DU in the
environment was localized to a few tens of meters
around impact sites.
"We learned," UNEP reports, "that still, more than two
years after the end of the conflict, particles of DU
dust can be detected from soil samples and from
sensitive bio-indicators like lichen."
The "extremely low" levels were only detectable
through lab analysis, but UNEP confirmed that
"contamination at the targeted sites is widespread,
though no significant level of radioactivity can be
measured."
But the task force found that levels of DU may be
significantly raised over background levels in close
proximity to DU contaminating events.
Over the days and years following such an event, WHO
warns, the contamination will become dispersed into
the wider natural environment. "People living or
working in affected areas can inhale dusts and can
consume contaminated food and drinking water."
"Levels of contamination in food and drinking water
could rise in affected areas after some years and
should be monitored where it is considered that there
is a reasonable possibility of significant quantities
of DU entering the ground water or food chain," the
agency says.
Young children playing in or near DU impact sites
could ingest the radioactive substance lingering in
contaminated soil when putting their fingers in their
mouths, WHO warns.
There is a possibility of lung tissue damage leading
to a risk of lung cancer if a high enough radiation
dose results from insoluble DU compounds remaining in
the lungs for many years, says WHO. "No reproductive
or developmental effects have been reported in humans,
but studies are limited."
The UNEP Balkans assessment team used modern air
sampling techniques and detected airborne DU particles
at two sites, indicating for the first time, that the
radioactive substance could remain in the air for
months, and possibly for years.
"One of the most significant findings," of the Balkans
research, UNEP says, is that "future risks to
groundwater maybe posed by the gradual corrosion of DU
penetrators." The magnitude of this risk is unknown,
and UNEP recommended continued monitoring.
In April 2001, WHO published a monograph entitled
"Depleted Uranium: Sources, Exposures and Health
Effects" which reviews the best available scientific
literature on uranium and depleted uranium.
UNEP's post-conflict depleted uranium reports are
online at:
http://postconflict.unep.ch/publications.htm#du
=== 3 ===
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/70522
Patriot, Banja Luka, Republika Srpska
July 22, 2002
Uranium and plutonium are killing the residents of Serbian Sarajevo
According to information uncovered by Patriot 1,226 patients with
malignant tumors were registered in this hospital from 1995 to 2001; 370
of them have died. "Also released during the explosion of the alloy used
to manufacture such ammunition, like from Pandora's box, were various
other toxic substances, including free plutonium particles. We know that
plutonium is used to manufacture the atomic bomb. It is a catastrophic
agent, a exceptionally carcinogenic radiation source which causes
immediate malignant growth if introduced into the organism in any form,"
said Dr. Guzina
By Zoran Zuza
A few years ago when British scientist Roger Coghill, who headed
comprehensive research on the effects of using depleted uranium
ammunition, made the frightening prognosis that about 10,000 persons in
the Balkans would die from malignant tumors, few people took him
seriously. Also dismissed as part of a "conspiracy theory" against NATO
was research conducted by Italian scientists after several dozen
soldiers from countries serving in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo died of
leukemia or other malignant illnesses. "Just inhaling once at the moment
of explosion is enough for DU to enter the body. Danger also exists in a
contaminated environment from contaminated food and water but this
process is slower. The first symptoms manifest themselves in one to five
years," warned Massimo Giani (sp?), a hematologist from the National
Cancer Institute in Milano. Sick military minds which continue to
produce DU ammunition today and give orders for its use long ago
declared these humanitarian scientists to be lunatics standing in the
way of earning millions of dollars and subjugating small peoples.
Frightening proof
Where is the proof for the claims of these two scientists? It can be
found in Bratunac, where the Serb population originally from the
Sarajevo suburb of Hadzici, a proving ground for the excesses of NATO
bombers in 1995, continues to die from malignant illnesses; and in the
medical center in Kasindol, where a tremendous increase has been noted
in the annual number of cases of malignant illness, as well as the
number of deaths. Almost all of the patients are from parts of Serbian
Sarajevo which were bombed with DU ammunition seven or eight years ago.
Patriot uncovered information at Kasindol Hospital amounting to
irrefutable proof of the existence of what became known as "Balkan
syndrome" two years ago. According to this information 1,226 patients
with malignant tumors were registered in this hospital from 1995 to
2001; 370 of them have died. Entire families from Serbian Sarajevo with
no previous family history of cancer are receiving treatment today as a
result of the effects of DU. After reviewing the percentages by which
malignant illnesses have increased each year, including this one, the
situation becomes even more alarming. In comparison with 1995 the number
of instances of malignant tumors of lymphatic and blood producing
tissues increased by 27.7 percent; tumors of the skin, connecting and
soft tissues increased by 50 percent; tumors of the urogenital organs
increased by 58.5 percent; tumors of the respiratory organs increased by
64.9 percent, and tumors of the digestive organs increased by a
remarkable 109.6 percent.
Professor Dr. Trifko Guzina, surgeon and pre-war director of the
urological clinic in Sarajevo, a man who has operated on over 25,000
people from this region before the war, could offer no other explanation
for the increase in malignant illnesses except the effects of DU and
other toxic materials released after the explosion of DU ammunition. "I
have been a surgeon my whole life. Before the war I followed morbidity
and mortality rates rfrom all kinds of illnesses in this region.
However, I have never seen or recorded such strange pathology. After the
appearanceof multiple malignant tumors in the same patient in two or
three independent organs which were not the result of metastasis of one
malignant tumor, it became clear to me that the causal agent must be an
external factor. The patients who were suffering from multiple,
independent malignant tumors lived in immediate proximity to the bombing
sites or were in these areas at the time the bombings occurred," said
Dr. Guzina in a statement for Patriot.
He said that experts at Kasindol Hospital who compared statistics on the
number of patients concluded that 1995 was the first year in which a
drastic growth in the number of malignant illnesses in this region
became apparent. "The first to become ill and die were those who were
most directly exposed to the effects of DU, that is, those who were
bombed and those who inhaled air concentrated with toxic particles after
an explosion. A large number of the deceased, especially young people,
were not registered in this hospital. Some of them died in Bratunac,
where former residents of Hadzici have been decimated; others in areas
where Sarajevo Serbs fled after the signing of the Dayton Agreement;
still others in hospitals in Serbia," said Dr. Guzina.
DU in food chain and water
Explaining why, in his opinion, there is such an increase in the
percentage of malignant tumors of the digestive organs, Dr. Guzina
warned of the frightening fact that DU has entered the food chain and
the water chain. "Two years ago at a press conference in this hospital I
warned that we can expect an increase in the number of illnesses of the
digestive and urogenital tracts. It is well known that DU is a heavy
metal which falls to earth; rainfall permits it to enter the soil and
contaminate underground waters. This has also been confirmed by the
Atomic Commission in Vienna which determined after analyzing the
underground waters in this region that there is a increased
concentration of DU. Now the time has come when the effects of this
poison in the water and food chain have set in and that is why we see
the high indices of malignant tumors of digestive organs," said Dr.
Guzina.
He is convinced that, in addition to DU, enormous danger to the lives
and health of the population of this entire region, including the
residents of Sarajevo, is posed by plutonium, which was also released
during the explosion of DU ammunition.
"Toxic effects on the human organism first appear as a result of the
dust from the explosion in the air. These particles, depending on the
wind, spread like an umbrella to a zone of some 40 to 50 kilometers.
Moreover, DU is never pure. Also released during the explosion of the
alloy used to manufacture such ammunition, like from Pandora's box, were
various other toxic substances, including free plutonium particles. We
know that plutonium is used to manufacture the atomic bomb. It is a
catastrophic agent, a exceptionally carcinogenic radiation source which
causes immediate malignant growth if introduced into the organism in any
form," said Dr. Guzina.
Criminal logic
He says that it is extremely difficult to take preventative action
against the spread of malignant illnesses in cases such as this one,
where they are caused by an external factor whose effects are
practically unlimited in duration. "I would recommend that all water
lines in this region be immediately equipped with filters which block
heavy metals. In addition to this, we also need a mass spectometar for
diagnosis and confirmation of illness in the initial phases. Most of the
population of this region should undergo testing, especially those who
lived close to the bombing sites. Unfortunately, BH does not have a
medical institution with a mass spectometer nor is there a specialized
clinic which would carry out this type of work. The device itself is
very expensive. It costs as much as 300,000 German marks," said Dr.
Guzina.
In response to the reporter's comment that this instrument should be
donated by those who sowed DU throughout this region, Dr. Guzina said
that in his experience military logic was incompatible with common
sense. "I gave several lectures on the results of the effects of DU in
this region in Brussels, which is also the home of NATO headquarters. We
even took a patient with us on whom we had operated for multiple
malignant tumors. They acted as if they knew nothing about it but
typically their own soldiers do not drink the local water. The
impression I got, however, was that they did not care about their own
soldiers, let alone about the local population. They view this type of
ammunition only as an ideal means of destruction, which is a catastrophe
for humanity. If people have any grain of conscience, this type of
ammunition must not be used ever again," concluded Dr. Guzina in a
statement for our paper.
Independently of the criminal logic of NATO officers and their political
bosses and sporadic but failing attempts to prove the harmfulness of the
use of DU ammunition and ban its use, the people of Serbian Sarajevo are
dying.
Leukemia
From 1996 to 2000 18 deaths were recorded in Kasindol Hospital as a
result of acute leukemia. Among the deceased were a four year-old boy, a
15 year-old girl, a 16 year-old boy and a 23 year-old young man. As of
the end of last year a total of 85 patients in Serbian Sarajevo were
suffering from malignant tumors of the lymphatic and blood producing
tissues.
Weeping like willows
"After the lectures in Brussels, they asked me why the Albanians in
Kosovo were not suffering from the same illnesses. I said to wait two to
three years and we would see. And now the Albanians in Kosovo are
weeping like willows because of the high instance of cancer deaths in
Kosovo. Foreign soldiers are also becoming ill and there are some
Yankees among them, despite the fact that they put their military base
in the eastern part of Kosovo, where they conducted the fewest campaigns
using DU ammunition. They hide these cases because the soldiers'
families could potentially sue the state and recover enormous damages,"
said Dr. Guzina. He asked the rhetorical question to whom the residents
of Serbian Sarajevo and this entire region should complain and who they
can sue. "Long ago I said that Sarajevo itself would not be spared
because it gets its water supply from this region. I told my colleagues
this but they did not believe what those of us in Kasindol were telling
them. Now they believe us."
Hiding the effects
Zeljko Samardzic, a forest ranger from the Sarajevo area, survived both
the NATO bombing and operations for three tumors. A carcinoma from his
lower intestine was removed in December 1999. In April 2000 a malignant
tumor the size of a tangerine was also removed from his superior kidney
gland. In May 2000 the fingers of his left hand became deformed. The
skin from them began to peel and the fingernails fell off. The
physicians diagnosed gangrene and performed an amputation of the fingers
of his left hand. Samardzic, who attended the conference on victims of
"Balkan syndrome" in Brussels together with physicians of Kasindol
Hospital, claims that NATO soldiers suffering from cancer and family
members of deceased soldiers have told him that they enjoy full benefits
and revenues only while they remain silent. "If a family member files a
claim for damages or a complaint about what happened to a NATO soldier,
the family loses all rights," said Samardzic.
Italy lost 17 soldiers
On Wednesday, July 3 Antonio Milano (23), a soldier who had returned
four months earlier from a NATO mission in the Balkans, died in Italy
from a malignant tumor. Milano is the 17th member of the Italian NATO
contingent on Balkan missions to die of cancer or, as the officials of
that country say, "due to unexplained circumstances". The Italian
government, namely, continues to rely on surveys by a scientific
commission demonstrating that malignant illnesses among soldiers
returning from missions in the Balkans are not connected with the use of
DU ammunition. Non-government organizations in that country, however,
believe that it is urgently necessary to conduct another survey on the
pathological illnesses of soldiers who served in the Balkans.
Translated by S. Lazovic (October 9, 2002)
=== 4 ===
+++URANIUM IN REPUBLIKA SRPSKA
BANJA LUKA. Sieben Jahre nachdem die NATO die Serben in Republika
Srpska mit abgereicherten Uranium bombardiert hat, hat eine UN-
Mission damit begonnen die Folgen für die Menschen und die Natur zu
untersuchen. 17 Wissenschaftler sollen bis März 2003 eine grobe
Einschätzung der entstandenen Schäden feststellen.
Um die spezifische Masse der Projektile zu erhöhen benutzt die US-
amerikanische Armee Munition mit einem Kern aus abgereichertem
Uranium. Durch die erhöhte spezifische Masse erhöhen sich die
kinetische Energie und damit die Durchschlagskraft. Probleme
entstehen erst nach dem Einschlag, wenn sich die Projektile zum Teil
zersplittern. Dabei entsteht ein feiner radioaktiver Staub der sich
in der Natur ablagert. Über die Luft, Nahrung und Trinkwasser
gelingt der feine radioaktive Staub in die Menschen und lagert sich
im Körper ab. Schwermetalle wie Uranium kann der Körper nicht
ausscheiden. So werden die Menschen und ihre Nachkommen für mehrere
Generation den Folgen der NATO-Bomben ausgesetzt. STIMME KOSOVOS /
TANJUG+++
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli. 15/10/2002
+++ DEKONTAMINIERUNG BEI BUJANOVAC
BUJANOVAC. Die jugoslawische Armee und Fachkräfte des Instituts
"Vinca" führten heute die Dekontaminierung des Dorfes Bratoselce
bei Bujanovac fort.
Laut Meldung des Pressezentrums in Bujanovac wurden bisher 69 mit
Uran angereicherte Projektile, welche aus der NATO-Aggression auf die
BR Jugoslawien stammen, gefunden und aus der Erde gehoben.
TANJUG +++
Balkan-Telegramm, 11.Oktober 2002 - http://www.amselfeld.com
=== 5 ===
Subject: [S&P] (Fwd) Uranium weapons 2001-2003 update
Date: Wed, 16 Oct 2002 00:10:01 +0100
From: "francesco iannuzzelli"
Organization: peacelink
To: scienzaepace@...
Carissim*
vi segnalo l'ultimo lavoro di Dai WIlliams, ricercatore indipendente
inglese, che ha trovato la conferma della possibile presenza di
uranio impoverito nelle bombe "intelligenti" e nei Tomahawk, cercando
nel posto piu' semplice dove si potesse trovare (come non averci
pensato prima), ovvero nell'ufficio brevetti statunitense.
Per i dettagli vi rimando al suo sito
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u23.htm#USpatreport
ciao
francesco
------- Forwarded message follows -------
New web pages and PDF files are now available regarding Hazards of
Uranium weapons for the proposed war in Iraq, discovery of US patents
for Uranium warheads in guided weapons and (EFP) cluster bombs and
their implications for Uranium hazards in Afghanistan.
Summary (with links to the other new pages and files):
Hazards of Uranium weapons in the proposed war on Iraq (Summary) 24
September 2002
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u23.htm
Full Report (HTML)
Hazards of Uranium weapons in the proposed war on Iraq (Full Report)
24 September 2002
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u231.htm
Full Report (PDF)
Hazards of Uranium weapons in the proposed war on Iraq (Full Report)
24 September 2002
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/pdfs/Uhaziraq1.pdf
==
The latest update (13 October) is a new Appendix 2 to the Iraq
Summary:
US Patents confirm Uranium warheads (13 October 2002)
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u23.htm#USpatreport
and PDF report:
United States Patent Office references to conventional guided weapons
with suspected
Uranium components at:
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/pdfs/USpats.pdf
==
The US Patent information includes Patent 6,389,977 (application
1997) for a Shrouded Aerial Bomb - the specification for upgrading
the 2000 lb BLU-109/B warhead to contain the AUP-116 dense metal
penetrator.
This invention describes the design of the BLU-116 warhead used with
various guidance systems in the following guided bombs: GBU-15, 24,
27 and 31 plus the rocket boosted AGM-130. The patent plainly
defines 2 versions - one with Tungsten and the other with Depleted
Uranium explosive penetrators.
This Patent is consistent with the USAF Mission plan 1997 for
upgraded hard target guided weapons (see pages 15-20 of Depleted
Uranium weapons 2001-2002 available in PDF version at
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/du2012.htm )
The US Patents identified indicate definate Uranium warhead options
for 6 of the weapon systems suspected in my recent analyses. They
also specifically include depleted uranium as an optional material in
several other weapons systems. The large Bunker Buster weapons (GBU-
28, 37 and Big BLU) also use the same advanced penetrator warhead
technology, though without the "shroud" (outer casing) in the BLU-109
upgrade patent. By implication these are equally likely to have
Uranium warhead options. A denial from UK Government in November
2001 (Du weapons report above, pages 52-53) that Depleted Uranium is
unsuitable for hard target guided weapons is clearly obsolete.
The upgraded GBU-24 and related guided bombs were tested extensively
in the Balkans War. Hundreds have been used in Afghanistan. Another
patent defines the new Tomahawk penetrator warhead. These patents
radically alter the assumptions made by UNEP that the only Uranium
contamination in the Balkans came from A10 shells. They also
invalidate assumptions in medical reports about hazards of depleted
uranium that only assumed contamination risks from small penetrators
as used in the 1991 Gulf War (30 mm - 100mm and 0.275 - 5.0 kg.). I
have updated the web page about the hazards of Uranium weapons in
Afghanistan accordingly at: http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/du2012.htm
I would be grateful if you could bring these issues to the attention
of military and political decision makers
currently involved in the proposed war on Iraq.
They also indicate the need for increased vigiliance for Uranium
contamination and health consequences
for medical practioners and researchers responsible for the health of
troops and civilians who have been deployed in Bosnia, Kosovo,
Serbia, Montenegro and Afghanistan.
Dai Williams, independent researcher, UK
eosuk@...
------- End of forwarded message -------
2. UN (UNEP) testing for depleted uranium in Bosnia (AFP, ENS)
3. Uranium and plutonium are killing the residents of Serbian Sarajevo
4. Auf Deutsch: URANIUM IN REPUBLIKA SRPSKA; DEKONTAMINIERUNG BEI
BUJANOVAC
5. Uranium weapons 2001-2003 update (Dai WIlliams)
One interesting link:
US Department of State: Fact sheet on depleted uranium
> http://wwww.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/s/54F86853DF28C26DC1256C4C0043C65F
=== 1 ===
Subject: [Scienzaepace] relazione mandelli III
Date: Mon, 30 Sep 2002 16:19:09 +0200
From: luca nencini
To: scienzaepace@...
car* tutt*,
vi allego una copia della terza relazione mandelli sull'UI in
jugoslavia.
La relazione e' dello scorso giugno. La novita' piu' rilevante e' che
hanno (finalmnete) usato, come campione di controllo, anche un gruppo
di carabinieri, delle stesse classi di eta' dei militari mandati in
jugoslavia. In questo modo si vede chiaramente che l'incidenza di
linfomi di hodgkin per i militari mandati in missione e' di piu' del
quadruplo di quella attesa!
Inoltre e' stata correttamente usata una statistica poissoniana (come
del resto anche nella seconda versione) ed e' stato studiato l'effetto
di eliminare dalla statistica i militari che hanno svolto missioni di
durata inferiore a 30 giorni.
Rimangono comunque valide alcune delle critiche fatte alla prima
versione del documento mandelli: l'aver incluso nella statistica
militari che hanno svolto la missione in localita' che non sono mai
state bombardate dalla nato (come mostar) e il non aver tenuto conto
del fatto che il numero di tumori di cui la commissione e' venuta a
conoscenza e', con ogni probabilita', molto inferiore a quello reale.
Resta aperta, a mio parere, una questione di fondo, riguardo
l'epidemiologia in generale: una scienza per la quale sono necessari
due anni di studi per dimostrare faticosamente cio' che era evidente
fin dal primo giorno, e cioe' che i militari di ritorno dalla
jugoslavia si ammalavano piu' del dovuto.
ciao
luca nencini
LA RELAZIONE SI PUO' SCARICARE ALLA URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/Relazione_Mandelli_III.doc
=== 2 ===
(from Rick Rozoff)
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/du/Qbosnia-un-uranium.RsDJ_COE.html
UN testing for depleted uranium contamination in Bosnia
-Six of the sites have been identified by NATO as
having been struck by depleted uranium weapons during
air strikes against Bosnian Serbs in 1994 and 1995.
-At the request of the local authorities, the UNEP
will also examine cancer rates in Sarajevo, Banja Luka
and the eastern town of Bratunac, where many refugees
from areas hit during bombing raids now live.
Bosnia was hit by three tons of depleted uranium NATO
shells in 1994-1995, Haavisto said.
Bosnian officials said at the time that the number of
cancer cases increased after the war....
SARAJEVO, Oct 14 (AFP) - Experts from the UN
Environment Programme (UNEP) on Monday began tests for
contamination in several locations in Bosnia where
NATO forces used depleted uranium shells during the
country's 1992-1995 war.
"The UNEP's aim is to determine whether the use of
depleted uranium during the conflict in Bosnia may
pose health and environmental risks either now or in
the future," team leader Pekka Haavisto told
reporters.
Last year the UNEP concluded that depleted uranium
shells used by NATO forces in Yugoslavia had not
caused widespread contamination.
But in early 2001 many NATO and non-NATO countries
raised concern over possible link between the use of
depleted uranium ammunition in the Balkans and
increased cancer rates among soldiers who had
participated in peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and
the Serb province of Kosovo.
Over the next 10 days, the 17-member UNEP team plans
to take soil, water and vegetation samples from 12
sites across the country.
Six of the sites have been identified by NATO as
having been struck by depleted uranium weapons during
air strikes against Bosnian Serbs in 1994 and 1995.
The samples will be tested in nuclear laboratories in
Italy, Britain and Switzerland, Haavisto said, adding
that the final conclusions were expected be published
in March next year.
At the request of the local authorities, the UNEP will
also examine cancer rates in Sarajevo, Banja Luka and
the eastern town of Bratunac, where many refugees from
areas hit during bombing raids now live.
Bosnia was hit by three tons of depleted uranium NATO
shells in 1994-1995, Haavisto said.
Bosnian officials said at the time that the number of
cancer cases increased after the war, but gave no
evidence to link it with depleted uranium.
A NATO committee has said that scientific and medical
research has so far not shown any link between
depleted uranium and reported health problems.
http://ens-news.com/ens/oct2002/2002-10-15-02.asp
Environmental News Service
October 16, 2002
UN Assesses Depleted Uranium in Bosnia-Herzegovina
-"Previous studies of DU in Kosovo and Serbia
recommended that governments and civilians take
precautionary action to avoid contact with DU."
-At the request of the local authorities, the medical
sub-team, led by an expert from the World Health
Organization (WHO), will examine data on cancer rates
in the main urban centres of Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
They will also visit a local hospital in Bratunac to
meet with the local medics and with patients who may
have been exposed to DU during the conflict.
-DU has both chemical and radiological toxicity that
affects the kidneys and the lungs.
-"We learned," UNEP reports, "that still, more than
two years after the end of the conflict, particles of
DU dust can be detected from soil samples and from
sensitive bio-indicators like lichen."
-Young children playing in or near DU impact sites
could ingest the radioactive substance lingering in
contaminated soil when putting their fingers in their
mouths, WHO warns.
-"One of the most significant findings," of the
Balkans research, UNEP says, is that "future risks to
groundwater maybe posed by the gradual corrosion of DU
penetrators."
SARAJEVO, Bosnia-Herzegovina, October 15, 2002 (ENS) -
At the request of the government of
Bosnia-Herzegovina, a team of experts from the United
Nations Environment Programme is investigating 12
sites in the country that may have been targeted by
ordnance containing depleted uranium (DU) during the
Bosnian conflict in 1994 and 1995.
The 17 member team UNEP Depleted Uranium Assessment
Team began its research October 12 and will be in the
field until October 24. Their conclusions will be
presented in a report to be published in March 2003.
The assessment mission is headed by Pekka Haavisto,
the former Finnish environment minister who has led
war damage assessment teams in the Balkans, and most
recently in the Palestinian Territories.
"UNEP's aim is to determine whether the use of
depleted uranium during the conflict in Bosnia and
Herzegovina may pose health or environmental risks -
either now or in the future," said Haavisto.
"Previous studies of DU in Kosovo and Serbia
recommended that governments and civilians take
precautionary action to avoid contact with DU," he
said.
The team will take soil, water, air and vegetation
samples at six sites that have been identified by the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as having
been struck by DU weapons. They will examine six other
sites that local residents believe may have also been
targeted.
At the request of the local authorities, the medical
sub-team, led by an expert from the World Health
Organization (WHO), will examine data on cancer rates
in the main urban centres of Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
They will also visit a local hospital in Bratunac to
meet with the local medics and with patients who may
have been exposed to DU during the conflict.
The mission is being funded by the governments of
Italy and Switzerland.
The assessment team includes experts from UNEP, the
Swedish Radiation Protection Authority, Spiez
Laboratory of Switzerland, Italy's National
Environmental Protection Agency, the International
Atomic Energy Agency, the Greek Atomic Energy
Commission, the U.S. Army Center for Health Promotion
and Preventative Medicine, the Nuclear Safety
Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the
University of Bristol, UK.
The samples being collected will be analyzed in detail
for radioactivity and toxicity in the Spiez
Laboratory, in Italy's National Environmental
Protection Agency lab, and at Bristol University.
The uranium remaining after removal of the enriched
fraction contains about 99.8 percent 238U, 0.25
percent of 235U and 0.001 percent 234U by mass. This
material is referred to as depleted uranium or DU.
Due to its high density, about twice that of lead, and
other properties, DU is used in munitions designed to
penetrate armor plate and for protection of military
vehicles such as tanks.
DU is described by the World Health Organization (WHO)
in an April 2001 Fact Sheet as "weakly radioactive." A
radiation dose from it would be about 60 percent of
that from purified natural uranium with the same mass.
DU has both chemical and radiological toxicity that
affects the kidneys and the lungs.
UNEP's Balkans Task Force report giving field
measurements taken around selected impact sites in
Kosovo indicates that contamination by DU in the
environment was localized to a few tens of meters
around impact sites.
"We learned," UNEP reports, "that still, more than two
years after the end of the conflict, particles of DU
dust can be detected from soil samples and from
sensitive bio-indicators like lichen."
The "extremely low" levels were only detectable
through lab analysis, but UNEP confirmed that
"contamination at the targeted sites is widespread,
though no significant level of radioactivity can be
measured."
But the task force found that levels of DU may be
significantly raised over background levels in close
proximity to DU contaminating events.
Over the days and years following such an event, WHO
warns, the contamination will become dispersed into
the wider natural environment. "People living or
working in affected areas can inhale dusts and can
consume contaminated food and drinking water."
"Levels of contamination in food and drinking water
could rise in affected areas after some years and
should be monitored where it is considered that there
is a reasonable possibility of significant quantities
of DU entering the ground water or food chain," the
agency says.
Young children playing in or near DU impact sites
could ingest the radioactive substance lingering in
contaminated soil when putting their fingers in their
mouths, WHO warns.
There is a possibility of lung tissue damage leading
to a risk of lung cancer if a high enough radiation
dose results from insoluble DU compounds remaining in
the lungs for many years, says WHO. "No reproductive
or developmental effects have been reported in humans,
but studies are limited."
The UNEP Balkans assessment team used modern air
sampling techniques and detected airborne DU particles
at two sites, indicating for the first time, that the
radioactive substance could remain in the air for
months, and possibly for years.
"One of the most significant findings," of the Balkans
research, UNEP says, is that "future risks to
groundwater maybe posed by the gradual corrosion of DU
penetrators." The magnitude of this risk is unknown,
and UNEP recommended continued monitoring.
In April 2001, WHO published a monograph entitled
"Depleted Uranium: Sources, Exposures and Health
Effects" which reviews the best available scientific
literature on uranium and depleted uranium.
UNEP's post-conflict depleted uranium reports are
online at:
http://postconflict.unep.ch/publications.htm#du
=== 3 ===
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/70522
Patriot, Banja Luka, Republika Srpska
July 22, 2002
Uranium and plutonium are killing the residents of Serbian Sarajevo
According to information uncovered by Patriot 1,226 patients with
malignant tumors were registered in this hospital from 1995 to 2001; 370
of them have died. "Also released during the explosion of the alloy used
to manufacture such ammunition, like from Pandora's box, were various
other toxic substances, including free plutonium particles. We know that
plutonium is used to manufacture the atomic bomb. It is a catastrophic
agent, a exceptionally carcinogenic radiation source which causes
immediate malignant growth if introduced into the organism in any form,"
said Dr. Guzina
By Zoran Zuza
A few years ago when British scientist Roger Coghill, who headed
comprehensive research on the effects of using depleted uranium
ammunition, made the frightening prognosis that about 10,000 persons in
the Balkans would die from malignant tumors, few people took him
seriously. Also dismissed as part of a "conspiracy theory" against NATO
was research conducted by Italian scientists after several dozen
soldiers from countries serving in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo died of
leukemia or other malignant illnesses. "Just inhaling once at the moment
of explosion is enough for DU to enter the body. Danger also exists in a
contaminated environment from contaminated food and water but this
process is slower. The first symptoms manifest themselves in one to five
years," warned Massimo Giani (sp?), a hematologist from the National
Cancer Institute in Milano. Sick military minds which continue to
produce DU ammunition today and give orders for its use long ago
declared these humanitarian scientists to be lunatics standing in the
way of earning millions of dollars and subjugating small peoples.
Frightening proof
Where is the proof for the claims of these two scientists? It can be
found in Bratunac, where the Serb population originally from the
Sarajevo suburb of Hadzici, a proving ground for the excesses of NATO
bombers in 1995, continues to die from malignant illnesses; and in the
medical center in Kasindol, where a tremendous increase has been noted
in the annual number of cases of malignant illness, as well as the
number of deaths. Almost all of the patients are from parts of Serbian
Sarajevo which were bombed with DU ammunition seven or eight years ago.
Patriot uncovered information at Kasindol Hospital amounting to
irrefutable proof of the existence of what became known as "Balkan
syndrome" two years ago. According to this information 1,226 patients
with malignant tumors were registered in this hospital from 1995 to
2001; 370 of them have died. Entire families from Serbian Sarajevo with
no previous family history of cancer are receiving treatment today as a
result of the effects of DU. After reviewing the percentages by which
malignant illnesses have increased each year, including this one, the
situation becomes even more alarming. In comparison with 1995 the number
of instances of malignant tumors of lymphatic and blood producing
tissues increased by 27.7 percent; tumors of the skin, connecting and
soft tissues increased by 50 percent; tumors of the urogenital organs
increased by 58.5 percent; tumors of the respiratory organs increased by
64.9 percent, and tumors of the digestive organs increased by a
remarkable 109.6 percent.
Professor Dr. Trifko Guzina, surgeon and pre-war director of the
urological clinic in Sarajevo, a man who has operated on over 25,000
people from this region before the war, could offer no other explanation
for the increase in malignant illnesses except the effects of DU and
other toxic materials released after the explosion of DU ammunition. "I
have been a surgeon my whole life. Before the war I followed morbidity
and mortality rates rfrom all kinds of illnesses in this region.
However, I have never seen or recorded such strange pathology. After the
appearanceof multiple malignant tumors in the same patient in two or
three independent organs which were not the result of metastasis of one
malignant tumor, it became clear to me that the causal agent must be an
external factor. The patients who were suffering from multiple,
independent malignant tumors lived in immediate proximity to the bombing
sites or were in these areas at the time the bombings occurred," said
Dr. Guzina in a statement for Patriot.
He said that experts at Kasindol Hospital who compared statistics on the
number of patients concluded that 1995 was the first year in which a
drastic growth in the number of malignant illnesses in this region
became apparent. "The first to become ill and die were those who were
most directly exposed to the effects of DU, that is, those who were
bombed and those who inhaled air concentrated with toxic particles after
an explosion. A large number of the deceased, especially young people,
were not registered in this hospital. Some of them died in Bratunac,
where former residents of Hadzici have been decimated; others in areas
where Sarajevo Serbs fled after the signing of the Dayton Agreement;
still others in hospitals in Serbia," said Dr. Guzina.
DU in food chain and water
Explaining why, in his opinion, there is such an increase in the
percentage of malignant tumors of the digestive organs, Dr. Guzina
warned of the frightening fact that DU has entered the food chain and
the water chain. "Two years ago at a press conference in this hospital I
warned that we can expect an increase in the number of illnesses of the
digestive and urogenital tracts. It is well known that DU is a heavy
metal which falls to earth; rainfall permits it to enter the soil and
contaminate underground waters. This has also been confirmed by the
Atomic Commission in Vienna which determined after analyzing the
underground waters in this region that there is a increased
concentration of DU. Now the time has come when the effects of this
poison in the water and food chain have set in and that is why we see
the high indices of malignant tumors of digestive organs," said Dr.
Guzina.
He is convinced that, in addition to DU, enormous danger to the lives
and health of the population of this entire region, including the
residents of Sarajevo, is posed by plutonium, which was also released
during the explosion of DU ammunition.
"Toxic effects on the human organism first appear as a result of the
dust from the explosion in the air. These particles, depending on the
wind, spread like an umbrella to a zone of some 40 to 50 kilometers.
Moreover, DU is never pure. Also released during the explosion of the
alloy used to manufacture such ammunition, like from Pandora's box, were
various other toxic substances, including free plutonium particles. We
know that plutonium is used to manufacture the atomic bomb. It is a
catastrophic agent, a exceptionally carcinogenic radiation source which
causes immediate malignant growth if introduced into the organism in any
form," said Dr. Guzina.
Criminal logic
He says that it is extremely difficult to take preventative action
against the spread of malignant illnesses in cases such as this one,
where they are caused by an external factor whose effects are
practically unlimited in duration. "I would recommend that all water
lines in this region be immediately equipped with filters which block
heavy metals. In addition to this, we also need a mass spectometar for
diagnosis and confirmation of illness in the initial phases. Most of the
population of this region should undergo testing, especially those who
lived close to the bombing sites. Unfortunately, BH does not have a
medical institution with a mass spectometer nor is there a specialized
clinic which would carry out this type of work. The device itself is
very expensive. It costs as much as 300,000 German marks," said Dr.
Guzina.
In response to the reporter's comment that this instrument should be
donated by those who sowed DU throughout this region, Dr. Guzina said
that in his experience military logic was incompatible with common
sense. "I gave several lectures on the results of the effects of DU in
this region in Brussels, which is also the home of NATO headquarters. We
even took a patient with us on whom we had operated for multiple
malignant tumors. They acted as if they knew nothing about it but
typically their own soldiers do not drink the local water. The
impression I got, however, was that they did not care about their own
soldiers, let alone about the local population. They view this type of
ammunition only as an ideal means of destruction, which is a catastrophe
for humanity. If people have any grain of conscience, this type of
ammunition must not be used ever again," concluded Dr. Guzina in a
statement for our paper.
Independently of the criminal logic of NATO officers and their political
bosses and sporadic but failing attempts to prove the harmfulness of the
use of DU ammunition and ban its use, the people of Serbian Sarajevo are
dying.
Leukemia
From 1996 to 2000 18 deaths were recorded in Kasindol Hospital as a
result of acute leukemia. Among the deceased were a four year-old boy, a
15 year-old girl, a 16 year-old boy and a 23 year-old young man. As of
the end of last year a total of 85 patients in Serbian Sarajevo were
suffering from malignant tumors of the lymphatic and blood producing
tissues.
Weeping like willows
"After the lectures in Brussels, they asked me why the Albanians in
Kosovo were not suffering from the same illnesses. I said to wait two to
three years and we would see. And now the Albanians in Kosovo are
weeping like willows because of the high instance of cancer deaths in
Kosovo. Foreign soldiers are also becoming ill and there are some
Yankees among them, despite the fact that they put their military base
in the eastern part of Kosovo, where they conducted the fewest campaigns
using DU ammunition. They hide these cases because the soldiers'
families could potentially sue the state and recover enormous damages,"
said Dr. Guzina. He asked the rhetorical question to whom the residents
of Serbian Sarajevo and this entire region should complain and who they
can sue. "Long ago I said that Sarajevo itself would not be spared
because it gets its water supply from this region. I told my colleagues
this but they did not believe what those of us in Kasindol were telling
them. Now they believe us."
Hiding the effects
Zeljko Samardzic, a forest ranger from the Sarajevo area, survived both
the NATO bombing and operations for three tumors. A carcinoma from his
lower intestine was removed in December 1999. In April 2000 a malignant
tumor the size of a tangerine was also removed from his superior kidney
gland. In May 2000 the fingers of his left hand became deformed. The
skin from them began to peel and the fingernails fell off. The
physicians diagnosed gangrene and performed an amputation of the fingers
of his left hand. Samardzic, who attended the conference on victims of
"Balkan syndrome" in Brussels together with physicians of Kasindol
Hospital, claims that NATO soldiers suffering from cancer and family
members of deceased soldiers have told him that they enjoy full benefits
and revenues only while they remain silent. "If a family member files a
claim for damages or a complaint about what happened to a NATO soldier,
the family loses all rights," said Samardzic.
Italy lost 17 soldiers
On Wednesday, July 3 Antonio Milano (23), a soldier who had returned
four months earlier from a NATO mission in the Balkans, died in Italy
from a malignant tumor. Milano is the 17th member of the Italian NATO
contingent on Balkan missions to die of cancer or, as the officials of
that country say, "due to unexplained circumstances". The Italian
government, namely, continues to rely on surveys by a scientific
commission demonstrating that malignant illnesses among soldiers
returning from missions in the Balkans are not connected with the use of
DU ammunition. Non-government organizations in that country, however,
believe that it is urgently necessary to conduct another survey on the
pathological illnesses of soldiers who served in the Balkans.
Translated by S. Lazovic (October 9, 2002)
=== 4 ===
+++URANIUM IN REPUBLIKA SRPSKA
BANJA LUKA. Sieben Jahre nachdem die NATO die Serben in Republika
Srpska mit abgereicherten Uranium bombardiert hat, hat eine UN-
Mission damit begonnen die Folgen für die Menschen und die Natur zu
untersuchen. 17 Wissenschaftler sollen bis März 2003 eine grobe
Einschätzung der entstandenen Schäden feststellen.
Um die spezifische Masse der Projektile zu erhöhen benutzt die US-
amerikanische Armee Munition mit einem Kern aus abgereichertem
Uranium. Durch die erhöhte spezifische Masse erhöhen sich die
kinetische Energie und damit die Durchschlagskraft. Probleme
entstehen erst nach dem Einschlag, wenn sich die Projektile zum Teil
zersplittern. Dabei entsteht ein feiner radioaktiver Staub der sich
in der Natur ablagert. Über die Luft, Nahrung und Trinkwasser
gelingt der feine radioaktive Staub in die Menschen und lagert sich
im Körper ab. Schwermetalle wie Uranium kann der Körper nicht
ausscheiden. So werden die Menschen und ihre Nachkommen für mehrere
Generation den Folgen der NATO-Bomben ausgesetzt. STIMME KOSOVOS /
TANJUG+++
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli. 15/10/2002
+++ DEKONTAMINIERUNG BEI BUJANOVAC
BUJANOVAC. Die jugoslawische Armee und Fachkräfte des Instituts
"Vinca" führten heute die Dekontaminierung des Dorfes Bratoselce
bei Bujanovac fort.
Laut Meldung des Pressezentrums in Bujanovac wurden bisher 69 mit
Uran angereicherte Projektile, welche aus der NATO-Aggression auf die
BR Jugoslawien stammen, gefunden und aus der Erde gehoben.
TANJUG +++
Balkan-Telegramm, 11.Oktober 2002 - http://www.amselfeld.com
=== 5 ===
Subject: [S&P] (Fwd) Uranium weapons 2001-2003 update
Date: Wed, 16 Oct 2002 00:10:01 +0100
From: "francesco iannuzzelli"
Organization: peacelink
To: scienzaepace@...
Carissim*
vi segnalo l'ultimo lavoro di Dai WIlliams, ricercatore indipendente
inglese, che ha trovato la conferma della possibile presenza di
uranio impoverito nelle bombe "intelligenti" e nei Tomahawk, cercando
nel posto piu' semplice dove si potesse trovare (come non averci
pensato prima), ovvero nell'ufficio brevetti statunitense.
Per i dettagli vi rimando al suo sito
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u23.htm#USpatreport
ciao
francesco
------- Forwarded message follows -------
New web pages and PDF files are now available regarding Hazards of
Uranium weapons for the proposed war in Iraq, discovery of US patents
for Uranium warheads in guided weapons and (EFP) cluster bombs and
their implications for Uranium hazards in Afghanistan.
Summary (with links to the other new pages and files):
Hazards of Uranium weapons in the proposed war on Iraq (Summary) 24
September 2002
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u23.htm
Full Report (HTML)
Hazards of Uranium weapons in the proposed war on Iraq (Full Report)
24 September 2002
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u231.htm
Full Report (PDF)
Hazards of Uranium weapons in the proposed war on Iraq (Full Report)
24 September 2002
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/pdfs/Uhaziraq1.pdf
==
The latest update (13 October) is a new Appendix 2 to the Iraq
Summary:
US Patents confirm Uranium warheads (13 October 2002)
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/u23.htm#USpatreport
and PDF report:
United States Patent Office references to conventional guided weapons
with suspected
Uranium components at:
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/pdfs/USpats.pdf
==
The US Patent information includes Patent 6,389,977 (application
1997) for a Shrouded Aerial Bomb - the specification for upgrading
the 2000 lb BLU-109/B warhead to contain the AUP-116 dense metal
penetrator.
This invention describes the design of the BLU-116 warhead used with
various guidance systems in the following guided bombs: GBU-15, 24,
27 and 31 plus the rocket boosted AGM-130. The patent plainly
defines 2 versions - one with Tungsten and the other with Depleted
Uranium explosive penetrators.
This Patent is consistent with the USAF Mission plan 1997 for
upgraded hard target guided weapons (see pages 15-20 of Depleted
Uranium weapons 2001-2002 available in PDF version at
http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/du2012.htm )
The US Patents identified indicate definate Uranium warhead options
for 6 of the weapon systems suspected in my recent analyses. They
also specifically include depleted uranium as an optional material in
several other weapons systems. The large Bunker Buster weapons (GBU-
28, 37 and Big BLU) also use the same advanced penetrator warhead
technology, though without the "shroud" (outer casing) in the BLU-109
upgrade patent. By implication these are equally likely to have
Uranium warhead options. A denial from UK Government in November
2001 (Du weapons report above, pages 52-53) that Depleted Uranium is
unsuitable for hard target guided weapons is clearly obsolete.
The upgraded GBU-24 and related guided bombs were tested extensively
in the Balkans War. Hundreds have been used in Afghanistan. Another
patent defines the new Tomahawk penetrator warhead. These patents
radically alter the assumptions made by UNEP that the only Uranium
contamination in the Balkans came from A10 shells. They also
invalidate assumptions in medical reports about hazards of depleted
uranium that only assumed contamination risks from small penetrators
as used in the 1991 Gulf War (30 mm - 100mm and 0.275 - 5.0 kg.). I
have updated the web page about the hazards of Uranium weapons in
Afghanistan accordingly at: http://www.eoslifework.co.uk/du2012.htm
I would be grateful if you could bring these issues to the attention
of military and political decision makers
currently involved in the proposed war on Iraq.
They also indicate the need for increased vigiliance for Uranium
contamination and health consequences
for medical practioners and researchers responsible for the health of
troops and civilians who have been deployed in Bosnia, Kosovo,
Serbia, Montenegro and Afghanistan.
Dai Williams, independent researcher, UK
eosuk@...
------- End of forwarded message -------
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