Informazione

(francais / italiano)

Traffico di organi umani in Kosovo

1) Guerra umanitaria in Kosovo? Hanno espiantato organi e trafficato droga
(Alessandro Marescotti)

2) Hashim Thaci : Un chef mafieux à la tête du Kosovo
(Daniel Salvatore Schiffer)

3) Il capo del governo del Kosovo guidava il traffico di organi

4) Sulla inchiesta della UE (Procuratore Jonathan Ratel) a proposito dello stesso traffico

5) DUE DOCUMENTARI SUGLI ESPIANTI CLANDESTINI IN KOSOVO

6) FLASHBACK:
Le premier ministre kosovar accusé de trafic d'organes (lefigaro.fr / AFP 14/04/2008)


A lire aussi / altri link:

Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo
by Dick Marty, Rapporteur Mr Dick Marty, Switzerland, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe 
http://kitmantv.blogspot.com/2010/12/kosovo-pm-hashim-thachi-head-of-organ.html or
http://www.nspm.rs/dokumenti/inhuman-treatment-of-people-and-illicit-trafficking-in-human-organs-in-kosovo.html

Il ministro Bernard Kouchner nega l'esistenza del problema del traffico di organi gestito dall'UCK e irride chi gliene chiede conto:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7Y5cLMl7ZcA
Kosovo : Kouchner voit rouge, « j’ai une tête à vendre des organes, moi ? »
Trafic d'organes de l'UÇK : Bernard Kouchner est « sceptique »

« Tout le monde au Kosovo sait ce qui s’est passé. Par peur, ils se taisent »

Trafic d'organes de l'UÇK : « Le rapport ne dit rien de nouveau »

Trafic d'organes de l'UCK : un scandale mondial

Trafic d’organes : une bombe pour le Kosovo ?

Kosovo : Thaçi impliqué dans l’organisation du trafic d’organes
 
Trafic d’organes : le représentant du Conseil de l’Europe enquête au Kosovo 


=== 1 ===


La verità nascosta

Guerra umanitaria in Kosovo? Hanno espiantato organi e trafficato droga


Una guerra voluta dalla Nato e che D'Alema difese perfino in un libro titolato "Gli italiani e la guerra"

15 dicembre 2010 - Alessandro Marescotti


E così oggi sappiamo che abbiamo fatto la guerra del Kosovo per far vincere i peggiori criminali.

Lo dicevamo già da tempo, ma a darcene conferma oggi è il Consiglio d'Europa.

"I leader di etnia albanese dell’Esercito di liberazione del Kosovo (Uck) erano responsabili dei traffici di organi umani alla fine degli anni novanta. Lo afferma nel suo ultimo rapporto Dick Marty, che indaga su tali crimini per conto del Consiglio d’Europa".

E questa non è una notizia "tendenziosa" lanciata da un giornale pacifista. La troviamo oggi sul sito web del quotidiano La Stampa.

Che cosa è accaduto? "I membri indipendentisti dell’Uck rapivano serbi e altri civili per condurli in Albania, dove venivano loro espiantati gli organi che venivano poi venduti al mercato nero", continuiamo a leggere online su http://www3.lastampa.it/esteri/sezioni/articolo/lstp/380073

Ci hanno raccontato nel 1999 che andavamo a fare una guerra umanitaria per liberare il Kosovo dalla "pulizia etnica".

Ma ci siamo alleati con i trafficanti di droga dell'Uck, l'esercito indipedentista kosovaro che chiedeva a gran voce la "guerra umanitaria".

I boss della droga hanno partecipato alle trattative prima della guerra.

Ai negoziati francesi che portarono alla guerra c'era proprio Hashim Thaci, accusato si essere coinvolto anche in un traffico di armi e di droga.  E' oggi ritenuto un boss mafioso - secondo l'inchiesta del Consiglio d'Europa sul crimine organizzato che oggi campeggia su tutte le informazioni stampa (si veda http://www.tgcom.mediaset.it/mondo/articoli/articolo498267.shtml).

Tachi dette un contributo determinante alla "guerra umanitaria" e in questo momento governa il Kosovo.

Che nell'Uck ci fossero dei trafficanti di droga lo si sapeva ma lo si è taciuto perché mica potevamo dire che si faceva una guerra umanitaria con dei delinquenti incalliti.  Racconta Ennio Remondino, giornalista RAI autore del libro "La televisione va alla guerra" (ed. RAI-ERI), che fu trovata una notevole quantità di "polvere bianca" nel bagaglio di uno dei delegati kosovari dell'Uck a Rambouillet, durante le trattative svolte in Francia che decretarono il via libera alla guerra. "Non era farina o borotalco", annota Remondino nel capitolo "Borotalco" che nel libro è dedicato a questa paradossale vicenda. [Il testo al link: https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/kosova.htm#polverebianca ]

Ma era bene tacere e non indagare oltre.

Si andava verso una guerra "giusta" e nessun dubbio doveva tormentare la coscienza degli italiani.

D'Alema difese l'intervento armato perfino in un libro titotalo "Gli italiani e la guerra".

Ancora oggi sul sito web di D'Alema si legge che con quella guerra l'Italia veniva "restituita al ruolo e al prestigio internazionali che merita; i cittadini italiani hanno dimostrato, ancora una volta, quanto profonda e radicata sia in loro la vocazione alla solidarietà".

Lo si legge su http://www.massimodalema.it/pubblicazioni/kosovo.asp

E così con quella guerra si è affermato Hashim Thaci, ora capo di governo.

"Il capo del governo del Kosovo - anticipano il Guardian e la Bbc - viene indicato come il boss di un racket che ha iniziato le sue attività criminali nel corso della guerra del Kosovo proseguendole nel decennio successivo. Il rapporto, che conclude due anni di indagini e cita fra le sue fonti l'Fbi e altri servizi di intelligence, scrive che Thaci ha esercitato un "controllo violento" nell'ultimo decennio sul commercio di eroina" (cfr.http://www.tgcom.mediaset.it/mondo/articoli/articolo498267.shtm).

Secondo le testimonianze raccolte dal rapporto del Consiglio d’Europa (Ce), venivano uccisi con un colpo di arma da fuoco alla testa i prigionieri di guerra serbi e altri civili vittime del traffico di organi di cui sarebbero responsabili i leader di etnia albanese dell’Esercito di liberazione del Kosovo (Uck).

Forse sarebbe utile una nuova edizione aggiornata del libro di D'Alema sul Kosovo.


=== 2 ===

http://www.agoravox.fr/actualites/international/article/hashim-thaci-un-chef-mafieux-a-la-86042

Texte également paru, conjointement, sur deux autres sites français: à la une de "Mediapart" (lié au journal "Le Monde") et sur le blog de Daniel Salvatore Schiffer dans l'hebdomadaire du Nouvel Observateur ("NouvelOBs.com", blog "La Vérité des Masques").


par Daniel Salvatore Schiffer

jeudi 16 décembre 2010

Hashim Thaci : Un chef mafieux à la tête du Kosovo



Il n’est jamais trop tard, même s’il s’agissait là, pour ceux qui s’intéressent d’un peu plus près à la guerre en ex-Yougoslavie, d’un secret de polichinelle. Hashim Thaci, ex-commandant en chef de l’ancienne Armée de Libération du Kosovo (UCK) et actuel Premier Ministre, fraîchement réélu, de ce même pays, vient d’être très officiellement accusé, dans un rapport rédigé par le sénateur suisse Dick Marty pour le compte du très respectable Conseil de l’Europe, d’être le « parrain », certes caché mais d’autant plus redoutable, d’un réseau impliqué depuis 1999, date à laquelle s’intensifia l’offensive serbe dans cette région meurtrie des Balkans et en réponse à quoi l’OTAN mena alors sa campagne de bombardements, dans les pires trafics : d’ignobles et sanglants trafics d’armes, de drogue (héroïne et cocaïne) et d’organes, eux-mêmes prélevés, ignominie d’entre les ignominies, sur des prisonniers, civils pour la plupart, serbes. Ne manque plus en cette macabre et terrible liste, mais probablement est-ce là un oubli de la part du rédacteur de cet accablant rapport, que le trafic, peut-être plus abominable encore, d’êtres humains, dont on sait que la prostitution, y compris aux dépens de filles mineures, représente, pour la mafia albanaise, l’un des commerces les plus honteusement lucratifs.

Ces informations, Carla Del Ponte, ex-procureure du Tribunal Pénal International pour l’ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY), les avaient certes déjà révélées en 2008. Mais avec les conséquences, extrêmement néfastes pour elle, que l’on sait : très sévèrement critiquée pour sa liberté de parole, elle fut aussitôt rappelée à l’ordre, sinon carrément réprimandée, par sa hiérarchie politico administrative (le département helvétique des affaires étrangères) et son livre, publié dans une maison d’édition italienne, ne trouva guère d’écho auprès des grands éditeurs européens. Censure !

Pis : ce fut l’inénarrable docteur Bernard Kouchner en personne, alors responsable du Quai d’Orsay avant que d’y avoir fait lamentablement naufrage, qui, soucieux de préserver son ancienne image d’administrateur du Kosovo (où il fut, de juillet 1999 à janvier 2001, le Haut Représentant de l’ONU, baptisée en la circonstance « MINUK »), fit l’impossible pour démentir à tout prix, n’hésitant pas pour cela à manipuler l’opinion publique tout autant que les sphères médiatiques, les propos, pourtant déjà corroborés par d’indéniables preuves, de celle (Carla Del Ponte, précisément) dont, son désormais légendaire opportunisme ne lui faisant craindre ni la contradiction ni la vergogne, il avait cependant vanté les mérites, quelques années auparavant, lorsqu’elle fit arrêter, puis incarcérer dans la prison de La Haye, les criminels de guerre serbes (Milosevic et autre Karadzic).

Davantage (et oserais-je le dire maintenant qu’il vient, il y a quelques jours à peine, de trépasser ?) : il n’est pas jusqu’à Richard Holbrooke, le fameux artisan des très bancaux mais néanmoins bienvenus Accords de Dayton (ceux-là mêmes qui mirent fin, en 1995, à la guerre de Bosnie) et célèbre diplomate américain dont Barack Obama s’est empressé de faire tout récemment l’éloge funèbre, qui, désireux lui aussi de ne pas entacher son œuvre au Kosovo (c’est en grande partie à lui, alors envoyé spécial de Bill Clinton dans les Balkans, que l’on doit les bombardements de l’OTAN contre la Serbie), ne se démenât comme un beau diable pour faire museler l’ex-procureure du TPIY, l’empêchant ainsi de s’adonner à toute ultérieure et embarrassante fuite quant aux turpitudes de ce Hashim Thaci au sein d’un Kosovo à l’indépendance alors naissante mais constituant surtout, pour une Amérique dont le pragmatisme politique n’a trop souvent que faire des valeurs morales, une importante place géostratégique dans cette partie de l’Europe.

Car telle est bien, hélas pour notre sens éthique comme pour notre volonté démocratique, la vérité, aussi simple à avouer que difficile à admettre : c’est avec cet argent, particulièrement sale, que l’UCK a financé sa guérilla contre les Serbes. Pis : ce sont ces innommables crimes, les pires que l’(in)humanité puisse connaître - trafics d’armes, de drogue et d’organes, auxquels il conviendrait donc d’ajouter l’encore plus abjecte traite d’êtres humains, forme moderne d’esclavage - que bon nombre de gouvernements occidentaux se sont échinés à taire, sinon occulter, pendant plus de dix ans, avec la complicité de certaines chancelleries ou personnalités corrompues, pour mettre en œuvre leur efficace mais basse stratégie géopolitique.

Du reste, ces accusations portées à l’encontre de Hashim Thaci ne sont, comme je l’ai suggéré plus haut, pas neuves. En l’an 2003 déjà, après que Belgrade eut lancé contre lui un mandat d’arrêt international, via Interpol, pour trafic de drogue justement, il fut brièvement arrêté à l’aéroport de Budapest, en Hongrie, avant que le Ministère français des Affaires Etrangères, encore lui, ne le fasse libérer sur le champ, contrevenant lui-même ainsi, pour corser l’affaire, aux lois de la justice internationale. Puis il y eut 2005, année où il fut enfin ouvertement soupçonné, par le TPIY cette fois, de crimes de guerre. Et ce parallèlement à l’arrestation, par cette même institution, de trois de ses principaux lieutenants lorsqu’il était à la tête de la milice kosovare (la tristement célèbre UCK, donc). Mais ce fut alors Madeleine Albright, ancienne Secrétaire d’Etat sous Bill Clinton, qui, l’ayant toujours protégé depuis qu’elle l’imposa lors des négociations, au château de Rambouillet, sur une éventuelle partition du Kosovo entre Serbes et Albanais, empêcha que ledit dossier d’inculpation suive, normalement, son cours politico-judiciaire.

C’est dire, en effet, si la diplomatie occidentale, dont le sens de l’honneur lui fait parfois cruellement défaut, est au courant, depuis bien longtemps, des crimes et autres malversations, gravissimes s’il en est, de ce personnage, particulièrement peu recommandable et hautement infréquentable, qu’est
Hashim Thaci.

Mais il est vrai, malheureusement pour la vérité historique elle-même, qu’il n’y avait pas encore, à l’époque, WikiLeaks, ni un quelconque Julian Assange, pour oser dévoiler au grand jour, et se risquer à mettre ainsi en pleine quoique sombre lumière, les inqualifiables iniquités des puissants de ce monde !

DANIEL SALVATORE SCHIFFER*

* Philosophe, écrivain, auteur de « Requiem pour l’Europe - Zagreb, Belgrade, Sarajevo » (Ed. L’Âge d’Homme, 1993, où l’auteur relate notamment sa libération du camp de Manjaca, en Bosnie, où étaient retenus prisonniers, par les Serbes, près de 3.000 Bosno-Musulmans et quelques centaines de croates), « Les Intellos ou la dérive d’une caste - de Dreyfus à Sarajevo » (Ed. L’Âge d’Homme, 1995), « Les Ruines de l’intelligence - Les intellectuels et la guerre en ex-Yougoslavie » (Ed. Wern, 1997), « Les Déshérités ou le testament du Kosovo » (inédit, à paraître).


=== 3 ===

Accuse del consiglio d’Europa

Il capo del governo del Kosovo guidava il traffico di organi

Boss di un racket disumano avviato durante la guerra»: uccidevano i prigionieri con un colpo di pistola alla testa


MILANO - Il capo del governo del Kosovo, Hashim Thaci, sarebbe il boss di un racket che ha iniziato le sue attività criminali nel corso della guerra del Kosovo proseguendole nel decennio successivo. Secondo il rapporto stilato dalla commissione d’inchiesta del Consiglio d’Europa sul crimine organizzato il premier kosovaro sarebbe a capo di un gruppo mafioso albanese responsabile del traffico di armi, di droga e di organi umani nell’Europa dell’Est. Il rapporto, che conclude due anni di indagini e cita fra le sue fonti l’Fbi e altri servizi di intelligence, scrive che Thaci ha esercitato un «controllo violento» nell’ultimo decennio sul commercio di eroina. Uomini della sua cerchia sono accusati di aver rapito uomini e donne serbe al confine con l’Albania per ucciderli e privarli dei reni, venduti poi al mercato nero. Nel suo rapporto, lo svizzero Dick Marty - deputato elvetico all'Assemblea Parlamentare del Consiglio ed ex procuratore del Canton Ticino ora relatore per i diritti umani e le questioni giuridiche del Consiglio d'Europa - afferma che gli indipendentisti kosovari dell'Uck hanno gestito alla fine degli anni Novanta un traffico di organi ai danni di prigionieri serbi. Secondo Marty, tale traffico era controllato da una formazione dell'Uck denomonata «Gruppo di Drenica», capeggiata dall'attuale primo ministro kosovaro, Hashim Thaci. E vi sarebbero «numerosi indizi» che «gli organi venissero estratti da prigionieri di una clinica in territorio albanese, nei pressi di Fushe-Kruje (20 km a nord di Tirana)».

RENI, EROINA E ARMI - Nel testo, disponibile su internet, si ricorda che del traffico di organi espiantati a prigionieri di guerra serbi fa menzione Carla Del Ponte, l'ex-procuratore del Tribunale penale internazionale per la ex-Jugoslavia, nel suo libro pubblicato in prima battuta in Italia La caccia - Io e i criminali di guerra. Un secondo e ultimo riferimento all'Italia fatto dal rapporto riguarda «analisti» del Sismi, il servizio segreto militare, e dell'intelligence tedesca, britannica, greca e della Nato che definirebbero «abitualmente» l'attuale premier kosovaro Hashim Thaci come «il più pericoloso tra i padrini della mala dell'Uck». I responsabili di questi traffici sarebbero i leader di etnia albanese dell'Esercito di liberazione del Kosovo (Uck). Secondo le testimonianze raccolte dal rapporto del Consiglio d'Europa, i prigionieri di guerra serbi e altri civili venivano uccisi con un colpo di arma da fuoco alla testa. Gli affari si facevano soprattutto con reni, venduti a cliniche private straniere. Un ruolo fondamentale avrebbe avuto in tutta la vicenda Shaip Muja, anch'egli ex comandante dell'Uck e ancora oggi stretto collaboratore politico di Thaci, responsabile delle questioni sanitarie.

LO SDEGNO DI PRISTINA - A Pristina, dove Thaci con il suo Partito democratico del Kosovo ha vinto le elezioni legislative anticipate di domenica scorsa, il governo ha smentito seccamente il contenuto del rapporto di Dick Marty. Respingendo le accuse, una nota governativa lo ha definito «senza fondamento». Si tratterebbe di «invenzioni» finalizzate a coprire «di obbrobrio l'Uck e i suoi dirigenti». In una nota pubblicata nella notte si legge: «È evidente che qualcuno vuol fare del male al primo ministro Thaci dopo che i cittadini del Kosovo gli hanno dato chiaramente la loro fiducia per continuare il programma di sviluppo del Paese». Il governo ha quindi annunciato l'intenzione di adottare «tutte le misure possibili e necessarie per rispondere alle invenzioni e alle calunnie di Dick Marty, ivi comprese misure giudiziarie e politiche». In un comunicato il premier di Pristina preannuncia «tutti i passi necessari, compreso il ricorso a mezzi legali e politici» nei confronti dell'autore della relazione, Dick Marty.

NEMICI DELL'INDIPENDENZA - «Faremo squalificare le calunnie del signor Marty», ammonisce il comunicato ufficiale, in cui si addebitano le accuse contenute nel rapporto ai «nemici dell'indipendenza» dell'ex regione serba a maggioranza albanese. «I cittadini kosovari e l'opinione pubblica internazionale nel suo complesso non credono alle diffamazioni messe in circolazione da chi si oppone all'indipendenza e alla sovranità del nostro Paese», si afferma, «e non permetteranno in alcun modo che certi demagoghi macchino la limpida lotta dell'Esercito di Liberazione del Kosovo e il sacrificio di tutti i cittadini della nostra patria». L'Esercito di Liberazione o Kla, di cui Thaci era comandante, sarebbe servito da copertura per gli affari illeciti da questi portati avanti prima, durante e dopo la guerra. Il comunicato governativo si conclude con un appello a tutti i 47 Stati membri del Consiglio d'Europa, ai quali mercoledì a Parigi verrà presentato il Rapporto, affinchè «si oppongano con forza a questo documento diffamatorio».

IL RICONOSCIMENTO - Il Pdk (Partito Democratico del Kosovo) guidato da Thaci, pur in calo di consensi, ha ottenuto il maggior numero di voti nelle elezioni anticipate di domenica scorsa nell'ex regione serba a maggioranza albanese. Per quanto difficile appaia la formazione di un nuovo esecutivo di coalizione a Pristina, l'incarico dovrebbe essere riconferito a Thaci e, una volta formata la compagine, si ripresenterà la questione dei negoziati con la Serbia, che continua a non riconoscere l'indipendenza kosovara, proclamata unilateralmente nel febbraio 2008.

LA SODDISFAZIONE DI BELGRADO - Dal canto suo, Belgrado ha espresso grande soddisfazione per il Rapporto del Consiglio d'Europa sul presunto traffico di organi umani ai danni di cittadini serbi. Tale rapporto, ha detto il viceprocuratore serbo per i crimini di guerra, Bruno Vekaric, «è una grande vittoria della Serbia nella lotta per la verità e la giustizia». «Grazie all'aiuto del presidente, Boris Tadic, e agli sforzi continui degli organi giudiziari serbi, abbiamo conseguito la vittoria e abbiamo restituito la speranza alle famiglie delle persone rapite o dei dispersi», ha aggiunto Vekaric auspicando che la pubblicazione del rapporto del Consiglio d'Europa, «estremamente positivo», consentirà l'apertura di numerose inchieste sui traffici di organi in Kosovo e Albania, dove le autorità giudiziarie hanno ignorato per anni gli appelli a far luce su tale problema.

I DUBBI DI MOSCA - In visita ufficiale a Mosca, il ministro degli esteri serbo Vuk Jeremic ha messo in dubbio che vi sia un futuro politico per Hashim Thaci. Secondo Jeremic il documento rivelerebbe «la terribile realtà» kosovara: «È un segnale che mostra come sia ormai tempo per il mondo civilizzato di smetterla di voltarle le spalle», ha detto. «Questo rapporto svela che cosa è il Kosovo, e chi è che lo guida». Dello stesso avviso di Jeremic è l'omologo russo Serghei Lavrov, il cui Paese parimenti non riconosce il Kosovo come Stato sovrano. Lavrov ha affermato di essere «molto allarmato» per quanto emerge dal rapporto Marty che, ha sottolineato, «non può restare secretato» poiché «tutti dobbiamo assicurare che gli sia data la più ampia diffusione possibile». Il capo della diplomazia russa ha quindi ribadito la posizione di Mosca, che si rifà ancora alla risoluzione adottata nel 1999 dal Consiglio di Sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite, in cui si faceva del Kosovo una sorta di area neutrale sotto l'amministrazione del Palazzo di Vetro. «Noi», ha affermato ancora Lavrov, «sosteniamo la necessità di un dialogo diretto tra le autorità di Belgrado e quelle di Pristina, soltanto nel cui ambito è possibile trovare una soluzione a lungo termine per il Kosovo, fondata su un reale compromesso accettabile reciprocamente da ambedue le parti. In tale processo», ha ammonito, «qualsiasi intervento straniero va accuratamente valutato e soppesato».

Redazione Online
15 dicembre 2010


=== 4 ===


Un procuratore dell’Unione Europea ha accusato cinque albanesi del Kosovo, un turco ed un israeliano di far parte di una rete internazionale impegnata nel traffico di organi umani.

Nel documento, il procuratore Jonathan Ratel scrive che il gruppo criminale ha gestito un traffico di persone verso il Kosovo allo scopo di “rimuovere i loro organi per poi trapiantarli in altre persone”. L’inchiesta ha accertato che, soltanto nel 2008, venti cittadini stranieri sono stati fatti entrare nel paese con false promesse. “Le vittime venivano reclutate in altri paesi e portate in Kosovo attraverso l’aeroporto di Pristina dietro la falsa promessa che avrebbero ricevuto un compenso in denaro in cambio della rimozione in un rene”. Le cifre arrivavano fino 14mila euro, mentre invece gli acquirenti dovevano sborsare tra gli 80mila e i 100mila euro. I paesi di provenienza delle vittime sarebbero Moldavia, Kazakistan, Russia e Turchia. Tutte vivevano in condizioni di estrema povertà o difficoltà economica.

Cinque albanesi del Kosovo, tra cui un ex funzionario del ministero della Sanità, sono ora accusati di traffico di esseri umani, esercizio abusivo dell’attività medica e abuso di potere. Nessuno di questi si trova in custodia cautelare, per il momento. Due stranieri – il medico turco Yusuf Sonmez e il cittadino israeliano Moshe Harel – sono ricercati dall’Interpol. Sonmez è ricercato e indagato in diverse altre nazioni, tra cui la Turchia, per traffico di esseri umani e rimozione di organi. Secondo il documento della UE uno dei cinque kosovari, il chirurgo Lutfi Dervishi, “era il leader” dell’organizzazione, insieme a Sonmez e Harel. Dervishi avrebbe organizzato una conferenza a Istanbul nel 2006, chiedendo se qualcuno dei partecipanti fosse in grado di trapiantare degli organi, e venne contattato da Sonmez sei mesi dopo.

Dervishi e Sonmez avrebbero portato avanti le operazioni in una clinica privata di Pristina gestita dal figlio di Dervishi, Arban Dervishi, anche lui accusato di far parte della banda. Harel aveva il compito di “identificare, reclutare e trasportare le vittime”, e “assicurarsi che i pagamenti fossero stati eseguiti” prima degli interventi chirurgici. Sono indagati altri due medici, Sokol Hajdini e Driton Jilta.

La clinica privata è stata chiusa nel 2008 in seguito a una prima inchiesta sulla banda, sospettando che un uomo turco avesse venduto il suo rene. Tutte le persone coinvolte e fermate si dichiararono innocenti. Poco dopo, il quotidiano di Belgrado Blic accusò Dervishi di avere a che fare con i sospetti che l’Esercito di liberazione del Kosovo fosse dietro il rapimento e l’uccisione e di civili serbi allo scopo di espiantare i loro organi. Le accuse derivavano dal contenuto del libro di Carla Dal Ponte, ex procuratore delle Nazioni Unite per crimini di guerra.


=== 5 ===


TRAFFICO D'ORGANI: IL MISTERO DELLA CASA DI BURREL

di Mario Sanna

Traffico d'organi in Albania dopo la fine della guerra del Kosovo. E' questa una delle novita' piu' clamorose contenute nel libro 'La Caccia' dell'ex procuratore del Tribunale dell'Aja contro i crimini di guerra Carla Del Ponte. La Del Ponte nel libro scrive che "da fonti giornalistiche affidabili" il suo team investigativo è venuto a sapere che circa trecento serbi del Kosovo, rapiti durante la primavera del 1999, furono trasferiti nel nord dell'Albania. Questi prigionieri all'inizio furono rinchiusi in campi in luoghi come Kukes e Tropoje.
Secondo le fonti giornalistiche, i prigionieri più giovani e vitali furono trasferiti nel carcere della cittadina di Burrel a nord di Tirana. Un gruppo di prigionieri fu incarcerato in una baracca dentro una "casa gialla" nelle campagne di Burrel, e una stanza di questa "casa gialla", come hanno descritto i giornalisti, serviva da sala operatoria in cui i chirurghi estraevano gli organi ai prigionieri. Gli organi in seguito, attraverso l'aeroporto di Rinas nei pressi di Tirana, venivano inviati alle cliniche chirurgiche all'estero dove venivano impiegati per essere impiantati ai clienti paganti. Gli esperti del tribunale dell'Aja hanno perquisito la casa sospetta di Burrel nel febbraio del 2004. Il gruppo investigativo di Rainews24 e' riuscito a raggiungere la casa oggetto dell'investigazione degli esperti del tribunale dell'Aja. L'inchiesta di Rainews24, attraverso le interviste dei protagonisti ricostruisce i passaggi salienti di questa storia. Nell'inchiesta vengono riportate anche le reazioni degli esperti serbi che hanno avviato ricerche sui loro connazionali scomparsi in Albania


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Il documentario di Cristian Elia e Nicola Sessa si intitola “La casa gialla” ed è la storia delle persone scomparse in Kosovo durante il conflitto del 1999. Un lavoro che si concentra sul dubbio, che rende se possibile ancora più dolorosa la perdita, che alcune persone scomparse siano state vittime di un traffico di organi.

“Si tratta di famiglie serbe, prima usate dalla propaganda di Belgrado, poi dimenticate e sacrificate in nome della ragion di Stato – spiega Elia, uno dei registi, 34 anni, inviato di PeaceReporter, già inviato in Medio Oriente e Balcani – Questo lavoro vuole essere una riflessione sull’assenza, sul vuoto doloroso che la scomparsa di una persona cara lascia nelle vite di chi lo ha amato. I protagonisti potrebbero essere di qualsiasi Paese del mondo che ha conosciuto il dramma delle persone scomparse”.

“Io ero già là del ’99 – prosegue il coregista – e abbiamo deciso di riprendere questa storia. Dopo tanti anni la parte di indagine era molto complicata; quello che diventava interessante era raccontare la storia delle famiglie di queste persone scomparse. È peggio della morte per loro”.

La vicenda della casa gialla, ripresa nel titolo, è l’edificio dove avvenivano gli espianti. Nell’impianto accusatorio del film viene tutto esplicitato. “Oggi ci vive una famiglia – continua Elia – che nega tutto. Sono state rilevate molte tracce di sangue nella casa, ma loro si sono sempre difesi dicendo che macellavano animali in casa. Hanno preferito dimenticare tutti questa storia perché le persone che verrebbero inquisite sono oggi nella classe dirigente del Kosovo. Chi avrebbe la responsabilità intellettuale di questo non si è mai assunto la responsabilità. Ma questa è una storia che non si può dimenticare”.


=== 6: FLASHBACK ===

Le premier ministre kosovar accusé de trafic d'organes 


S.L. (lefigaro.fr) avec AFP
14/04/2008 | Mise à jour : 15:10 | Commentaires  110


Selon l'ex-procureure du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie Carla Del Ponte, de hauts responsables albanais du Kosovo ont organisé le meurtre de centaines de prisonniers serbes, dont les organes étaient ensuite revendus. La Serbie souhaite une enquête.

Des prisonniers systématiquement dépouillés de leurs organes quitte à les tuer, leurs reins, leurs poumons revendus à l'international, c'est le scénario de film d'horreur que révèle l'ex-procureure du Tribunal pénal pour l'ex-Yougoslavie Carla Del Ponte dans un livre à paraître dans le mois.

Selon la procureure, qui a traqué durant huit ans les criminels de guerre de l'ex-Yougoslavie, environ 300 prisonniers, dont des femmes, des Serbes et d'autres ressortissants slaves, ont été transportés au courant de l'été 1999 depuis le Kosovo jusqu'en Albanie où ils étaient enfermés dans une sorte de prison.

Là, «des chirurgiens prélevaient leurs organes. «Ces organes étaient ensuite envoyés depuis l'aéroport de Tirana vers des cliniques à l'étranger pour être implantés sur des patients qui payaient», écrit Carla del Ponte dans «La chasse, moi et les criminels de guerre». Et, précise-t-elle, leurs bourreaux n'hésitaient pas à aller plus loin. «Les victimes privées d'un rein étaient de nouveau enfermées dans une baraque jusqu'au moment où elles étaient tuées pour d'autres organes».


De hauts dirigeants Albanais du Kosovo impliqués


Toujours selon Carla del Ponte, «les dirigeants d'un niveau intermédiaire et élevé de l'UCK étaient au courant et étaient impliqués de manière active dans la contrebande des organes». Or, les responsables de l'organisation indépendantiste kosovare à l'été 1999 étaient Agim Ceku, premier ministre du Kosovo de mars 2006 jusqu'en janvier 2008, et Hashim Thaçi, actuel Premier ministre.

Si les informations de la procureure sont exactes, le scandale est donc énorme. Mais, comme elle l'avoue elle-même, ses sources, des «journalistes fiables» et des membres de l'ONU, ne suffisent pas à enquêter. Elle déplore d'ailleurs, les «violences contre les témoins» prêts à évoquer les crimes de l'UCK durant la guerre du Kosovo.

La Serbie annonce lundi après-midi qu'elle va demander au Tribunal pénal international (TPI) d'ouvrir «très rapidement» une enquête. A défaut, Begrade enquêtera de son propre chef.

Le livre de Carla Del Ponte a déjà fait du bruit. Notamment en Suisse, dont l'ex-procureure est ambassadrice en Argentine. Berne a interdit à Del Ponte de présenter son ouvrage en Italie, estimant qu'il était incompatible avec son statut.




Trafficking in human organs in Kosovo

1) Kosovo and the myth of liberal intervention
Far from being Tony Blair's 'good' war, the assault on Yugoslavia was as wrong as the invasion of Iraq
Neil Clark (The Guardian - December 15, 2010)

2) Dick Marty, Council of Europe, Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights: Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo 
(EXCERPT - Dic.19: *the provisional report appears to have been erased from COE's website* )

3) NEWS

4) Became Part of the West (german-foreign-policy.com/)

See also: 
KLA goes on killing rampage (The Observer, 27 Jun 1999)
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1999/jun/27/balkans2?INTCMP=SRCH
http://www.guardian.co.uk/search?q=Thaci&section=
Thaci, KLA named in human organ trade report  (B92, BBC, Tanjug, Guardian - December 14, 2010)


=== 1 ===

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/15/balkans-report-blairs-liberal-intervention

The Guardian - December 15, 2010

Kosovo and the myth of liberal intervention

Far from being Tony Blair's 'good' war, the assault on Yugoslavia was as wrong as the invasion of Iraq

Neil Clark 


'The United States of America and the Kosovo Liberation Army stand for the same human values and principles ... Fighting for the KLA is fighting for human rights and American values." So declared the neocon US senator (and current foe of WikiLeaks) Joseph Lieberman back in 1999 at the height of the US-led military intervention against Slobodan Miloševic's Yugoslavia.

It would be interesting to hear what Senator Lieberman makes of the report of the Council of Europe – Europe's premier human rights watchdog – on his favourite band of freedom fighters. The report, which cites FBI and other intelligence sources, details horrific rights abuses it claims have been carried out by the KLA, the west's allies in the war against Yugoslavia 11 years ago.

The council claims that civilians – Serbian and non-KLA-supporting Kosovan Albanians detained by the KLA in the 1999 hostilities – were shot in northern Albania and their kidneys extracted and sold on the black market. It names Hashim Thaçi, the former leader of the KLA and Kosovo's prime minister, as the boss of a "mafia-like" group engaged in criminal activity – including heroin trading – since before the 1999 war. The report is a damning indictment not only of the KLA but also of western policy. And it also gives lie to the fiction that Nato's war with Yugoslavia was, in Tony Blair's words, "a battle between good and evil; between civilisation and barbarity; between democracy and dictatorship".

It was a fiction many on the liberal left bought into. In 1999 Blair was seen not as a duplicitous warmonger in hock to the US but as an ethical leader taking a stand against ethnic cleansing. But if the west had wanted to act morally in the Balkans and to protect the people in Kosovo there were solutions other than war with the Serbs, and options other than backing the KLA – the most violent group in Kosovan politics. They could have backed genuine multi-party negotiations, or offered to lift sanctions on Belgrade if a peaceful solution to the problem of Kosovo could be found.

Instead, a virulently anti-Serb stance led the west into taking ever more extreme positions, and siding with an organisation which even Robert Gelbard, President Clinton's special envoy to Kosovo, described as "without any question, a terrorist group". In 2000 the Sunday Times revealed that, prior to the Nato bombing, US agents had been training the KLA. Shaban Shala, a KLA commander, claimed he had met British and US agents in north Albania in 1996.

It was the KLA's campaign of violence against Yugoslav state officials, Serbian and Kosovan civilians in 1998, which led to an escalation of the conflict with the government in Belgrade, with atrocities committed on both sides. We were told the outbreak of war in March 1999 with Nato was the Serbian government's fault, yet Lord Gilbert, the UK defence minister, admitted "the terms put to Miloševic at Rambouillet [the international conference preceding the war] were absolutely intolerable … it was quite deliberate".

The subsequent 78-day "humanitarian" bombardment of federal Yugoslavia massively intensified the ethnic cleansing of Kosovan Albanians by Yugoslav forces. Between 2,000 and 10,000 Kosovan Albanians were killed by these forces, with between 500 and 1,500 people killed by the Nato bombing.

But even after Russian pressure forced a Yugoslav withdrawal from Kosovo, ethnic cleansing and rights abuses in the region continued. Under the Nato occupation an estimated 200,000 ethnic Serbs, Roma and other minorities from south Kosovo, and almost the whole Serb population of Pristina, have been forced from their homes.

A report on Kosovo by Minority Rights Group International claimed: "Nowhere [in Europe] is there such a level of fear for so many minorities that they will be harassed or attacked, simply for who they are." And in October 2010, a report by Human Rights Watch stated that "Roma and related minority groups deported from western Europe to Kosovo face discrimination and severe deprivation amounting to human rights abuse". As for democratic advances, Sunday's elections in Kosovo, boycotted by the Serbian minority, have seen widespread allegations of fraud, with a turnout of 149% reported in one area.

Far from being Tony Blair's "good war", Nato's assault on Yugoslavia was in its own way as immoral as the assault on Iraq. But as the Iraq war has become discredited, so it is even more important for the supporters of "liberal interventionism" to promote the line that Kosovo was in some way a success. The Council of Europe's report on the KLA's crimes makes that position much harder to maintain. And if it plays its part in making people more sceptical about any future western "liberal interventions", it is to be warmly welcomed.


=== 2 ===


16/12/2010

Legal Affairs and Human Rights

PACE committee demands investigations into organ-trafficking and disappearances in Kosovo and Albania

Strasbourg, 16.12.2010 – The Legal Affairs Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has called for a series of international and national investigations into evidence of disappearances, organ trafficking, corruption and collusion between organised criminal groups and political circles in Kosovo* revealed this week in a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE).
According to a draft resolution unanimously approved today in Paris, based on Mr Marty’s report, the committee said there were “numerous concrete and convergent indications” confirming that Serbian and Albanian Kosovars were held prisoner in secret places of detention under Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) control in northern Albania and were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing.
The committee added: “Numerous indications seem to confirm that, during the period immediately after the end of the armed conflict […], organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic in Albanian territory, near Fushë-Kruje, to be taken abroad for transplantation”.
“The international organisations in place in Kosovo favoured a pragmatic political approach, taking the view that they needed to promote short-term stability at any price, thereby sacrificing some important principles of justice,” the parliamentarians said.
The committee called on EULEX, the EU mission in Kosovo, to persevere with its investigative work into these crimes, and on the EU and other contributing states to give the Mission the resources and political support it needed.
It also called on the Serbian and Albanian authorities, and the Kosovo administration, to fully co-operate with all investigations on the subject.
The Parliamentary Assembly is due to debate the report on Tuesday 25th January 2011 during its winter plenary session (24-28 January 2011).

*All reference to Kosovo, whether to the territory, institutions or population, in this text shall be understood in full compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 and without prejudice to the status of Kosovo.

 Video of Mr Marty's press conference (English)
http://coenews.coe.int/vod/20101216_01_e.wmv
 Video of Mr Marty's press conference (original languages)
http://coenews.coe.int/20101216/
 Draft resolution and explanatory memorandum (PDF)
 Dick Marty makes public his report

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Dic.19: *the provisional report appears to have been erased from COE's website*
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Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo (Part 1)
Rapporteur Mr Dick Marty, Switzerland, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
(Dick Marty, Council of Europe, Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights) WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2010

Report
Restricted [provisional version]
AS/Jur (2010) 46
12 December 2010
Ajdoc46 2010

(...)

3.2 KLA factionalism and the nexus with organised crime

37. For more than two years after its initial emergence in 1996, the KLA was regarded as a marginal, loosely organised insurgency, whose attacks on the Yugoslav state were held by Western observers to amount to acts of "terrorism".

38. Our sources close to the KLA, along with the testimonies of captured KLA members gathered by Serb police, confirm that the main locations at which KLA recruits congregated and trained were in northern Albania.

39. It is well established that weapons and ammunition were smuggled into parts of Kosovo, often on horseback, through clandestine, mountainous routes from northern Albania. Serb police attributed these events to criminal raids on the part of bandits who wanted to carry out terrorist acts against Serbian security forces. The Albanian Kosovars and Albanian citizens who were involved in the smuggling operations presented them as heroic acts of resistance in the face of Serb oppression.

40. The domestic strengthening of the KLA, in terms of its fighting capability as well as its credibility among the Kosovo Albanian population, seemed to play out, especially in the course of 1998, along the same trajectory as the escalating brutality of the Serb military and police clampdown.

41. Yet only in the second half of 1998, through explicit endorsements from Western powers, founded on strong lobbying from the United States, did the KLA secure its pre-eminence in international perception as the vanguard of the Kosovar Albanian liberation struggle.

42. This perceived pre-eminence was the KLA's most valuable, indispensable asset. It spurred the wealthiest donors in the Albanian Diaspora to channel significant funds to the KLA. It bestowed individual KLA representatives with an enhanced authority to speak and act on behalf of the Kosovar Albanians as a whole. And it cast the KLA's leading personalities as the most likely powerbrokers in the Kosovo that would emerge from the war.

43. Indeed, the perception of KLA pre‑eminence - largely created by the Americans - was a self-fulfilling prophecy, the bedrock upon which the KLA achieved actual ascendancy over other Kosovar Albanian constituencies with designs on power, such as Ibrahim Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and Bujar Bukoshi's "Government-in-exile".

44. According to our insider sources, the KLA fought just as hard, and devoted arguably more of its resources and political capital, to maintain its advantage over its ethnic Albanian rival factions as it did to carry out co-ordinated military actions against the Serbs.

45. At the same time it should be restated, for emphasis, that the KLA was not a single, unitary combatant faction in the manner of a conventional Army. There was no formally appointed overall leader, or "commander-in-chief", whose authority was universally recognised by the other commanders and whose orders were met with compliance among all the rank and file.

46. Rather, as the struggle over Kosovo's future governance evolved, and a full-blown conflict approached, the KLA was divided by a deep-rooted internal factionalism.

47. Important sources of division included divergent political ambitions, as well as disparate notions of the acceptable parameters of violent resistance, on the part of the KLA's most prominent personalities and leadership contenders.

48. Thus there emerged in 1998 and 1999, and particularly in the wake of the death of the KLA's celebrated peasant commander Adem Jashari[16], several different KLA "splinter groups".

49. Each of these splinter groups was led by one of the KLA's self-proclaimed founder members. Each group comprised a loyal core of recruits and supporters, often drawn from among a few closely affiliated clans or families, and / or concentrated in an identifiable geographical territory of Kosovo. Each group identified their own leader as the brightest hope to lead the KLA's fight against the Serbs, and by extension, to achieve self-determination for the Kosovar Albanian people, whilst co-operating with the other KLA commanders on the basis of expediency.

50. Evidently it is the composition and leadership of these KLA "splinter groups", along with the pre‑existing popularity of the LDK, which carried over beyond the liberation struggle and have essentially shaped the post-conflict political landscape of Kosovo[17].

51. Incumbency of the highest executive offices in Kosovo has been shared among former leading KLA commanders for the last decade, and most political campaigns have been contested on the basis of the candidates' respective contributions to the liberation struggle, as well as the extent to which they are seen as being able to promote the interests of the Kosovar Albanian people on an ongoing basis against known and unknown adversaries.

52. The various KLA "splinter groups" I refer to have been found to have developed and maintained their own intelligence structures, among other forms of self-preservation. Through whatever means available to them, and clearly on the fringes of the legal and regulatory systems, the keenest purveyors of this de facto form of continued KLA warfare have conducted surveillance of, and often sought to sabotage, the activities of their opponents and those who might jeopardise their political or business interests.[18]

53. Furthermore we found[19] that the structures of KLA units had been shaped, to a significant degree, according to the hierarchies, allegiances and codes of honour that prevail among the ethnic Albanian clans, or extended families, and which form a de facto set of laws, known as the Kanun, in the regions of Kosovo from which their commanders originated.

54. Based on analytical information we received from several international monitoring missions, corroborated by our own sources in European law enforcement agencies and among former KLA fighters, we found that the main KLA units and their respective zones of operational command corresponded in an almost perfect mirror image to the structures that controlled the various forms of organised crime in the territories in which the KLA was active.

55. Put simply, establishing which circle of KLA commanders and affiliates was in charge of a particular region where the KLA operated in Kosovo, and indeed in certain parts of the Republic of Albania, was the key to understanding who was running the bulk of the particular trafficking or smuggling activity that flourished there.

56. Most pertinent to our research, we found that a small but inestimably powerful group of KLA personalities apparently wrested control of most of the illicit criminal enterprises in which Kosovar Albanians were involved in the Republic of Albania, beginning at the latest in 1998.

57. This group of prominent KLA personalities styled itself as the "Drenica Group", evoking connections with the Drenica Valley in Kosovo[20], a traditional heartland of ethnic Albanian resistance to Serb oppression under Milosevic, and the birthplace of the KLA.

58. We found that the "Drenica Group" had as its chief - or, to use the terminology of organised crime networks, its "boss" - the renowned political operator and perhaps most internationally recognised personality of the KLA, Hashim Thaqi[21].

59. Thaqi can be seen to have spearheaded the KLA's rise to pre-eminence in the lead-up to the Rambouillet negotiations, both on the ground in Kosovo, and overseas. He also did much to foment the bitter internal factionalism that characterised the KLA throughout 1998 and 1999.

60. On the one hand, Thaqi undoubtedly owed his personal elevation to having secured political and diplomatic endorsement[22] from the United States and other Western powers, as the preferred domestic partner in their foreign policy project in Kosovo. This form of political support bestowed upon Thaqi, not least in his own mind, a sense of being "untouchable" and an unparalleled viability as Kosovo's post-war leader-in-waiting.

61. On the other hand, according to well-substantiated intelligence reports that we have examined thoroughly and corroborated through interviews in the course of our inquiry, Thaqi's "Drenica Group" built a formidable power base in the organised criminal enterprises that were flourishing in Kosovo and Albania at the time.

62. In this regard, Thaqi reportedly operated with support and complicity not only from Albania's formal governance structures, including the Socialist Government in power at the time, but also from Albania's secret services, and from the formidable Albanian mafia.

63. Many KLA commanders remained on Albanian territory, some even operating out of the Albanian capital Tirana, throughout the ensuing hostilities and beyond.

64. During the period of the NATO aerial bombardment, which lasted several weeks, perhaps the principal shift in the balance of power in Kosovo occurred as a result of the influx of foreigners into the region, in both overt and implicit support of the KLA cause. Unable to gain access directly to the territory of Kosovo, most of this foreign support was channelled through Albania.

65. In tacit acknowledgement of the safe harbour afforded to them by the sympathetic Albanian authorities, but also because it was more practical and more convenient for them to continue operating on the terrain with which they were familiar, several of the KLA's key commanders allegedly established protection rackets in the areas where their own clansmen were prevalent in Albania, or where they could find common cause with established organised criminals involved in such activities as human trafficking, sale of stolen motor vehicles, and the sex trade.

66. Notably, in confidential reports spanning more than a decade, agencies dedicated to combating drug smuggling in at least five countries have named Hashim Thaqi and other members of his "Drenica Group" as having exerted violent control over the trade in heroin and other narcotics[23].

67. Similarly, intelligence analysts working for NATO, as well as those in the service of at least four independent foreign Governments, made compelling findings through their intelligence-gathering related to the immediate aftermath of the conflict in 1999.[24] Thaqi was commonly identified, and cited in secret intelligence reports, as the most dangerous of the KLA's "criminal bosses".[25]

68. Several further known members of Thaqi's "Drenica Group" have been indicated to us in the course of our research to have played vital roles as co‑conspirators in various categories of criminal activity. They include Xhavit Haliti, Kadri Veseli, Azem Syla, and Fatmir Limaj. All of these men have been investigated repeatedly in the last decade as suspects in war crimes or organised criminal enterprises, including in major cases led by prosecutors under UNMIK, the ICTY[26], and EULEX. To the present day, however, all of them have evaded effective justice.

69. Everything leads us to believe that all of these men would have been convicted of serious crimes and would by now be serving lengthy prison sentences, but for two shocking dynamics that have consolidated their impunity: first, they appear to have succeeded in eliminating, or intimidating into silence, the majority of the potential and actual witnesses against them (both enemies and erstwhile allies), using violence, threats, blackmail, and protection rackets; and second, faltering political will on the part of the international community to effectively prosecute the former leaders of the KLA. This also seems to have allowed Thaqi - and by extension the other members of the "Drenica Group" to exploit their position in order to accrue personal wealth totally out of proportion with their declared activities.

70. Thaqi and these other "Drenica Group" members are consistently named as "key players" in intelligence reports on Kosovo's mafia-like structures of organised crime.[27] I have examined these diverse, voluminous reports with consternation and a sense of moral outrage.

71. What is particularly confounding is that all of the international community in Kosovo - from the Governments of the United States and other allied Western powers, to the EU-backed justice authorities - undoubtedly possess the same, overwhelming documentation of the full extent of the Drenica Group's crimes[28], but none seems prepared to react in the face of such a situation and to hold the perpetrators to account.

72. Our first-hand sources alone have credibly implicated Haliti, Veseli, Syla and Limaj, alongside Thaqi and other members of his inner circle, in having ordered - and in some cases personally overseen - assassinations, detentions, beatings and interrogations in various parts of Kosovo and, of particular interest to our work, in the context of KLA-led operations on the territory of Albania, between 1998 and 2000.

73. Members of the "Drenica Group" are also said to have asserted control of substantial funds placed at the disposal of the KLA to support its war effort.[29] In several instances this group was allegedly able to strike deals with established international networks of organised criminals, enabling expansion and diversification into new areas of "business", and the opening of new smuggling routes into other parts of Europe.


=== 3: NEWS ===

===========================
SOURCE: Stop NATO
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato
===========================

http://en.rian.ru/world/20101130/161554707.html

Russian Information Agency Novosti - November 30, 2010

Kosovo to become NATO member within four years — acting PM
"During my term, Kosovo will become a NATO member"

SARAJEVO: Kosovo, which unilaterally proclaimed its independence from Serbia in 2008, may get NATO membership within four years, Kosovo's acting premier said.
The Kosovo government, led by Hashim Thaci, had to resign after the parliament voted in favor of a no-confidence motion introduced by the opposition. However, Thaci hopes to regain the post as a result of the early parliamentary elections slated for December 12.
"I hope that during the first 15 month of my second term [as prime minister] we would get a visa-free regime with the European Union. And, during my term, Kosovo will become a NATO member," he said in an interview with Austria's national daily, Der Standard.
He also expressed readiness to resume dialog with Belgrade to discuss efforts to locate persons who went missing during the 1998-1999 conflict with Serbia. Pristina is also willing to discuss issues of infrastructure, transport, energy, communications and fight against organized crime.
Thaci also said in the interview that Serbia and Kosovo would recognize each other's independence and get the European Union membership "as two sovereign states" as a result of the talks.
The timeframe and agenda for the dialog between Belgrade and Pristina is yet to be set, but the talks are widely expected to begin after the December 12 elections.
The UN International Court of Justice ruled on July 22 that Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia did not violate general international law. But Resolution 1244 on Serbia's territorial integrity remains in force.
A total of 69 out of 192 UN member states have recognized Kosovo, which unilaterally proclaimed independence in February 2008. Serbia, Russia, China, India and some other countries have not recognized it, saying international law was violated.
Kosovo's independence from Serbia is formally recognized by 22 out of 27 EU member states. Despite calls from the European Parliament to do so, Kosovo has not been recognized as a sovereign state by Greece, Cyprus, Slovakia, Romania and Spain.

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http://rt.com/news/crimes-shadow-kosovo-vote/

RT - December 12, 2010

Alleged crimes cast shadow over Kosovo vote

Video: http://rt.com/news/crimes-shadow-kosovo-vote

The voting in Kosovo is now over, and according to exit polls the two major parties are leading the race. 
As election fever gripped Kosovo, candidates were promising to tackle unemployment and ethnic discrimination. But the Serb minority feared their vote would do little to bring down the barriers in the Albanian-dominated self-proclaimed state. 
Polling was due to take place in early 2011, but the elections were brought forward, triggered by November’s parliamentary vote of no confidence in the governing coalition. 
Candidates from 29 parties and independent lists are running for the 120 seats in Kosovo's parliament, with the two main parties expected to dominate the vote. They are Prime Minister Hashim Thaçi’s Democratic Party of Kosovo, the PDK, and its former coalition partner, the Democratic League of Kosovo, or the LDK. 
However, the two parties are currently overwhelmed by rifts and internal fracturing. And more seriously, some members of the parties are under investigation for crimes ranging from corruption to abuse of office. 
The leader of what is traditionally seen as Kosovo’s third largest party, the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, Ramush Haradinaj, is currently awaiting a retrial by the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague. 
Critics argue that such men should not be allowed to stand as they damage the reputation and undermine the legitimacy of these elections.
At the same time, some newer parties seem to have been able to make their mark. While older parties built their campaigns around the ongoing promise of EU and NATO membership, the new ones focused on the “bread and butter” issues of corruption and unemployment. 
Kosovo has Europe’s youngest population, and unemployment runs as high as 50 percent, according to some estimates. Kosovo’s economy is one of the weakest in Europe and there is endemic corruption at all levels of public life. 
However, the main problem is that Kosovo remains deeply divided between the majority Albanian community, which makes up some 90 percent of the population, and the much smaller Serbian community. 
Although there was fear of a low turnout, it did not come true, and the elections are said to be successful. However, the majority of all those who cast their ballots are expected to be Albanians. 
Whereas Albanians feel very optimistic about an election that they have called historical, the same feelings are not shared by the Serbian minority.
The Serbs feel much more divided. Although they want to vote to bring about change, on the other hand they say they suffer daily discrimination and poor living conditions, which means they do not necessarily want to engage in Kosovo’s electoral system. 
Serbs have 10 parliamentary seats allocated to them. 
In the north of the province, Serbs were expected to heed the call from the Serbian government to boycott these elections. But those from the south might have gone to the polls. The Serbian government said it would not penalize Serbs who choose to vote, although Kosovo’s self-proclaimed independence is something that Serbia has said it will never accept. 
On the whole, recent polls have shown that people in Kosovo – especially when compared with others living around the Balkans – have suffered a drastic loss of faith in all public institutions from the judiciary to the parliament.
Serbia's Minister for Kosovo, Goran Bogdanovic, told RT that the region's Serbs had no chance of a better life because most candidates in the election are Albanians who are not sympathetic to them:
“Almost all the Albanian lists contain people who, unfortunately, were under trial or participated in criminal actions, or committed crimes in the late 90s against the Serbian community on the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. If we really want to move towards reconciliation of Serbs and Albanians, we cannot count on such people in the future.”
“In conversations with all state officials we emphasize that it’s a black hole. There is crime in the areas of money laundering and human, drugs and arms trafficking. And it’s no secret. All the international organizations working there know about it,” Goran Bogdanovic continued.
The minister also stressed that, although Belgrade will never recognize Kosovo’s independence, Serbia is ready to discuss the issues problematic for both Serbs and Albanians.
“In the current situation Albanians have received all they demanded, but on the other hand, Serbs have lost all they had. It’s absolutely unacceptable,” he concluded.
Balkan political expert Misha Gavrilovich believes that the situation in Kosovo is a misrepresentation of the word “independence.” 
“Many Kosovo Albanians will now realize that independence merely means independence from Belgrade, it does not mean what anybody would want in their position – namely, sovereignty over their own territory and the resources on that territory,” he told RT.
“Many of those resources are owned by foreign companies; they have been effectively privatized and they’re no longer in the possession of people who live in Kosovo,” he said. “And once this realization happens, many will realize that there might be even more difficult times ahead.”

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http://english.ruvr.ru/2010/12/15/36855724.html

Voice of Russia - December 14, 2010

Kosovo PM is head of arms and human organ ring - report

Kosovo’s Prime Minister Hashim Thaçi is the head of a "mafia-like" Albanian group responsible for smuggling weapons, drugs and human organs through eastern Europe, says a Council of Europe inquiry report on organized crime. 
The report obtained by London’s Guardian newspaper identifies Mr. Thaçi as "the boss" of a network that began operating criminal rackets in the run-up to the 1999 Kosovo war, and has held powerful sway over the country's government ever since. 
Members of Mr. Thaçi's inner circle are accused of secretly taking captives across the border into Albania after the war, where a few Serbs are said to have been murdered for their kidneys, which were sold on the black market.

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http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/europe/news/article_1605579.php/Kosovar-leader-says-people-lost-a-friend-in-Holbrooke

Deutsche Presse-Agentur - December 14, 2010

Kosovar leader says people lost 'a friend' in Holbrooke

Pristina: Kosovo caretaker Prime Minister Hashim Thaci on Tuesday expressed condolences to the US on the death of diplomat Richard Holbrooke, who was 'a friend' of the people of Kosovo. 
Thaci, whose Democratic Party won Sunday's snap elections, sent a telegram to President Barack Obama saying that 'For citizens of Kosovo, the death of Richard Holbrooke is a loss of a friend, of a voice that protected the interest of the Republic of Kosovo.' 
Holbrooke was a staunch supporter of Kosovo Albanians in their fight against Belgrade's rule in the late 1990s. 
The conflict in Kosovo spurred US into leading NATO in its intervention against Serbia in 1999, eventually paving the way to the secession of the province in 2008. 
Thaci's remarks came amid a so far muted response in the Balkan region to the news of Holbrooke's death. 
In Sarajevo, one reaction came from the international community's representative in Bosnia, Valentin Inzko, who credited Holbrooke for the Dayton peace accord. 
In Belgrade, Serbian state television RTS only quoted Peter Robinson, a lawyer in The Hague for former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, as saying that Karadzic felt 'sorrow and regret' over the news of Holbrooke's death. 
On trial facing genocide charges at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), Karadzic has claimed that Holbrooke in 1996 had promised him immunity from prosecution for his actions during the Bosnian war. 
Robinson said Karadzic was hoping to get Holbrooke to testify at the ICTY proceedings. 

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http://english.ruvr.ru/2010/12/15/36914740.html

Voice of Russia - December 15, 2010

PACE Recognizes Serbs' Plight

Russia’s Foreign Minister urges the West not to silence the report of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) about the crimes of the Kosovo leader Hashim Thachi. "The information about trafficking in human organs appeared long ago. And now, as I think, the investigation into the above-mentioned facts has been completed. This report must be open for everybody," Russia’s Foreign Minister stressed.
According to PACE experts, Hashim Thachi is the leader of an Albanian Mafiosi group, which is responsible for the smuggling of arms, drugs, and human organs. The materials of the conducted investigation say that in the past decade Thachi has exercised control over the sale of heroin. The closest supporters of Hashim Thachi are involved in trafficking in human organs.
The atrocities of the Albanian militants against peaceful Serb civilians were a secret for a long time. The former prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia Carla Del Ponte was among the first in 2008 to make the atrocities public. In her book, “The Hunt: Me and the War Criminals”, she said that in 1999 she received information about the kidnapping of 300 Kosovo Serbs and about their transportation to Albania. There in secret clinics vital organs were taken from them and supplied to major clinics in Western Europe.
The fact that Hashim Thachi was engaged in the criminal business is no secret at all, the German political analyst Alexander Rahr says.
"Earlier Hashim Thachi worked in the criminal sphere. Simply, during the fight for independence and during the invasion of Kosovo by NATO’s forces and the Americans many notions changed their meaning. Hashim Thachi sided with America. He became the friend and ally of former US Secretary of State Mrs. Albright. In any case, from the point of view of the former Western authorities, this was how he whitewashed himself – he turned from a bad man into a hand-shaking politician", Alexander Rahr says.
The PACE investigation has confirmed the exposures, which were mentioned by Russian diplomats more than once,
The head of the Centre for the Study of the Modern Balkan Crisis Yelena Guskova says: "This is all well known. Serbia’s government compiled over a long period dossiers on many Kosovo leaders and then filed the documents to the appropriate bodies in Europe, to the tribunal of the Hague and to the USA. However, Kosovo is a “holy cow”, which the shepherd – in this case, the USA – allows nobody to touch. Therefore, the plan which America is actively pushing forward with has not been fulfilled to the end. Meaning the plan for Kosovo independence".
The Western countries have deliberately turned a blind eye to the crimes committed by Albanian militants from the “Kosovo Liberation Army”, basing their approach on political considerations.  
They were afraid that publicity to this effect would become an insurmountable obstacle on the way to the recognition of Kosovo’s independence, which was unilaterally declared by the Albanian separatists.
For the time being, the leading NATO countries have given no comments on the PACE report. However, Pristina’s reaction was very nervous. At first, those in Pristina denied everything. And then they said that the Kosovo government and Hashim Thachi would take “all necessary measures against all those who are spreading lies and slander”. Seems to be a threat, though.

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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=15&nav_id=71538

Tanjug News Agency - December 15, 2010

PACE set to discuss Marty document 

BELGRADE: The Human Rights and Legal Affairs Committee with the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) will meet on Thursday in Paris for a closed session. 
The committee should adopt the report by CoE Rapporteur Dick Marty, in which the current Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci is qualified as the leader of a drug, arms and human organs trafficking group. 
After the committee meeting, the Swiss investigator is scheduled to give a press conference. 
If the report is adopted tomorrow, the PACE will discuss the document at its meeting on January 25. 
The report has been in the works since April 2008, when 17 MPs signed a request for adopting a resolution that calls on the PACE to review some of the accusations brought to light by former chief Hague prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte. 
They concerned 1999 kidnappings of Serb and other civilians from Kosovo, believed to have been taken by KLA members to northern Albania, where their vital organs were harvested. 
The issue was then taken over by the Human Rights and Legal Affairs Committee, which appointed Dick Marty as its rapporteur in June 2008. 
During the investigation, Marty visited Belgrade and Priština, and also Tirana, where he conferred with a number of officials, including prosecutors and representatives of justice ministries and ministries of foreign affairs, as well as members of international institutions such as EULEX and UNMIK. 
Marty's report refers to Hashim Thaci as the head of the criminal network which started criminal activities following the 1999 war, and has influenced the government in Priština ever since.  

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http://www.itar-tass.com/eng/level2.html?NewsID=15783010&PageNum=0

Itar-Tass - December 15, 2010 

West ignores crimes of Kosovo militants led by Thaci-PACE

LONDON:  Western powers deliberately turned a blind eye to crimes committed by ethnic Albanian guerrillas of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), including the murders of Serbs for trade in their organs. This conclusion made in a report prepared by an expert group of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), published by The Guardian on Wednesday. 
Report is the result of an independent investigation conducted by a group of experts headed by PACE member Dick Marty – a liberal Swiss politician, former chief prosecutor of the Canton of Ticino. 
Kosovo’s prime minister is the head of a “mafia-like” Albanian group responsible for smuggling weapons, drugs and human organs through eastern Europe, according to a Council of Europe inquiry report on organised crime, writes the newspaper. 
The report of the two-year inquiry, which cites FBI and other intelligence sources, has been obtained by the Guardian. It names Thaci as having over the last decade exerted “violent control” over the heroin trade. Figures from Thaci’s inner circle are also accused of taking captives across the border into Albania after the war, where a number of Serbs are said to have been murdered for their kidneys, which were sold on the black market, the British newspaper writes. 
While deploring Serb atrocities, Marty said the international community chose to ignore suspected war crimes by the KLA, “placing a premium instead on achieving some degree of short-term stability.” He concludes that during the Kosovo war and for almost a year after, Thaci and four other members of the Drenica group named in the report carried out “assassinations, detentions, beatings and interrogations.” This same hardline KLA faction has held considerable power in Kosovo's government over the last decade, with the support of western powers keen to ensure stability in the fledgling state. 
Marty is critical of the western powers which have provided a supervisory role in Kosovo’s emergence as a state, for failing to hold senior figures, including Thaci, to account. His report criticises “faltering political will on the part of the international community to effectively prosecute the former leaders of the KLA,” writes The Guardian. 
According to a preliminary draft resolution of the Assembly on Marty’s report, the PACE was extremely concerned to learn of the revelations of the former Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), who alleged that serious crimes had been committed during the conflict in Kosovo, including trafficking in human organs, crimes which had gone unpunished hitherto and had not been the subject of any serious investigation. In addition, according to the former Prosecutor, these acts had been committed by members of the “Kosovo Liberation Army” (KLA) militia against Serbian nationals who had remained in Kosovo at the end of the armed conflict and been taken prisoner. 
According to the information gathered by the Assembly and to the criminal investigations now under way, numerous concrete and convergent indications confirm that some Serbians and some Albanian Kosovars were held prisoner in secret places of detention under KLA control in northern Albania and were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing, it says. 
Numerous indications seem to confirm that, during the period immediately after the end of the armed conflict, before international forces had really been able to take control of the region and re-establish a semblance of law and order, organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic in Albanian territory, near Fushe-Kruje, to be taken abroad for transplantation. 
This criminal activity, which developed with the benefit of the chaos prevailing in the region, at the initiative of certain KLA militia leaders linked to organised crime, has continued, albeit in other forms, until today, as demonstrated by an investigation being carried out by the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) relating to the Medicus clinic in Pristina. Although some concrete evidence of such trafficking already existed at the beginning of the decade, the international authorities in charge of the region did not consider it necessary to conduct a detailed examination of these circumstances, or did so incompletely and superficially. 

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http://english.ruvr.ru/2010/12/16/37024591.html

Voice of Russia - December 16, 2010

Kosovo PM implicated in organ-trafficking – PACE report 

The territory of Albania was used by Kosovo militants for the traffic of organs of Serb prisoners, a PACE spokesman Dick Marty told a Paris news conference on Thursday. 
The topic is currently on the table of a PACE panel, of which Marty is the chairman. 
He warned Kosovo authorities from whitewashing those behind organ-trafficking, including Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci. 
Marty pointed the finger at some major international organizations, which he said played down outrageous facts of organ-trafficking in Kosovo. 
He said that a PACE report to this effect will see the light of day in the near future. 

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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=16&nav_id=71564

B92/Tanjug News Agency - December 16, 2010

Marty: Everyone knew about shocking crimes 

PARIS: Council of Europe (CoE) Rapporteur Dick Marty addressed reporters today as his draft report on human organ trafficking was adopted. 
The Swiss, known for his exposure of illegal CIA-run prisons in Europe, put together a damning report on allegations that Serb and other civilians in Kosovo were kidnapped in the wake of the 1999 war, and taken to Albania where their organs were removed and sold in the black market. 
The document names current Kosovo Albanian PM Hashim Thaci, formerly one of the leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), as being responsible for these, and other serious crimes. 
As the CoE Legal Affairs and Human Rights Committee met today in Paris to adopt the report and draft acresolution that is expected to be debated in late January, Marty spoke to journalists during a news conference. 
He stressed that he was "particularly shocked" to find out during his two-year investigation that a large number of people, and organizations, knew about the crimes but "did not wish to talk about it". 
Marty noted that his report "said nothing new", and that "everybody knew about the crimes of the KLA". 
What is new, the Swiss explained, "is that someone has said it, and put it in writing". 
Marty told reporters that his task was to determine the facts related to a book written by former Chief Hague Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte - who first publicly mentioned the organ trafficking allegations in early 2008 - and that his job was "very delicate", because many people chose not to talk to him or his associates. 
"The report simply determines that disturbing things have happened, that there is serious evidence that indicates the crimes did happen, that the crimes were committed by KLA members, and that to this day, these crimes have not been punished," Marty said. 
The CoE rapporteur added that "these crimes have never been the subject of a serious investigation." 
"Another revelation is that they include the territory of Albania. In that absolutely chaotic period in 1999 and 2000, that is, after the end of (NATO) bombardment and establishment of UNMIK, the KLA exercised power in the entire territory (of Kosovo), and that is when the crimes were committed. People were kidnapped, deported to Albania. You are aware that EULEX has opened an investigation related to secret prisons, Kukesh in northern Albania is mentioned there." 
Marty went on to say that some parts of his report document "open ties between organized crime and politics, including representatives of the government", and that he was "not guided by rumors, but described the crimes based on many testimonies, documents and objective findings". 
"Finally, we arrived at the conclusion that these events were known to many intelligence services from many countries. This was known to the police, to a large number of people, who would privately say, 'yes, I am aware of that', but who, for the sake of political opportunism, would decide to remain silent," he continued. 
"What has shocked me is that most facts in this report were known to a large number of organizations, and yet that there was silence about it until this day. I believe that a future of a country cannot be built without truth, without insisting on truth and memory. There will never be peace between various communities if the principle of 'not wanting to know' continues," Marty warned. 

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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=16&nav_id=71563

Tanjug News Agency - December 16, 2010

Prosecutor: More evidence than in Marty report 

BELGRADE: Serbian War Crimes Prosecutor Vladimir Vukčević says his office's organ trafficking investigation collected "far more evidence".
He was comparing the effort of the prosecution with that of Council of Europe (CoE) Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Dick Marty. 
The human organs trade concerns the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who are believed to have kidnapped Serb and other civilians in the province in 1999. 
Vukčević refused to provide the names of the suspects, pointing out that results would be made known after the investigation was complete. 
“I want to avoid bidding on a number of medical workers and people involved in the committing of the crimes under investigation. Therefore, I will not name anyone, especially since there is already a lot of speculation about this in the media,” Vukčević said at a press conference in Belgrade. 
The conference, held in the Special War Crimes Court building, was related to Dick Marty's report in which Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci was mentioned as one of the people responsible for body parts harvesting in Kosovo after the armed conflict there. 
Vukčević stressed further progress in the investigation would not be possible without EULEX and the CoE cooperating, adding that it would not matter who raised charges against the people responsible for the crimes. 
“The question who would stand the trial - we or EULEX or the Albanians - is less important - ours is to prove the atrocities were really committed, it is only important that the perpetrators be brought to justice,” Vukčević underlined.  

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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=16&nav_id=71547

B92/Tanjug News Agency - December 16, 2010

Committee adopts Kosovo organ trafficking report 

PARIS: Council of Europe (CoE) Rapporteur Dick Marty today in Paris officially presented his report on human organ trafficking in Kosovo and northern Albania.
The draft report, detailing locations where members of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) took kidnapped civilians to have their vital organs removed and later sold, was adopted by the Legal Affairs and Human Rights Committee.
In it, Kosovo Albanian Premier and former KLA leader Hashim Thaci has been named as the ringleader of a group that was involved in organ, drugs and arms trafficking. 
Reports from Paris today said that the decision came despite "some attempts" to postpone it. 
The Marty report confirms information obtained by the Serbian War Crimes prosecution that some 500 Serbs were kidnapped in Kosovo, to be killed in prison camps in Albania, where their organs were removed. 
Deputy Prosecutor Bruno Vekarić says that the document will be a reason for justice systems in the region to "mobilize", while Serbian President Boris Tadić says the accusations from the report should be "checked". 
After the closed-door debate of the committee in Paris today, a decision will be made whether to send a draft resolution to the CoE Parliamentary Committee (PACE). 
Serbian representatives expect this to happen during the day. Amendments to the draft can then be submitted, while the debate on the resolution could take place on January 25. 
CoE resolutions have "high moral value", but are not legally binding. 
Nataša Vučković, a member of the Serbian delegation, said today the resolution will be on the assembly agenda in January and all members of the assembly can propose amendments to it. 
The resolution, if adopted by the assembly, would be the first international legal document to describe the Kosovo Liberation Army as a terrorist organization involved in organ trafficking. 
"The Serbian delegation commended Marty's courage in raising this issue and answering a whole series of questions that had been shrouded in silence and secrecy for a many years," Vučković noted. 
Serbia's representatives stressed that it was necessary to find out the truth, for the victims, missing persons and their families, as well as to facilitate reconciliation and establish trust and peace in the region.  

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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=16&nav_id=71552

Beta News Agency - December 16, 2010

Closing arguments in KLA war crimes case 

BELGRADE: The War Crimes Chamber of the Higher Court in Belgrade will today hear closing arguments in the trial of the Gnjilane Group of the so-called KLA.
A total of 17 ethnic Albanians have been charged with torture and vicious murder of Serb and other civilians in the town of Gnjilane, eastern Kosovo, in 1999.
The judges will set the date for the reading of the verdicts, after the defense and the prosecution give their closing statements today. 
Those undergoing trial in Belgrade were arrested in Preševo in late 2008, and include Aguš Memiši, Faton Hajdari, Ahmet Hasani, Nazif Hasani, Samet Hajdari, Ferat Hajdari, Kamber Sahiti, Selimon Sadiku and Burim Fazliju. 
Eight more members of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) have been indicted, and they are Fazlija Ajdari, Redžep Aliji, Šaćir Šaćiri, Šefket Musliji, Sadik Aliji, Idriz Aliji, Šemsija Nuhiju and Ramadan Halimi. 
However, they remain fugitives from justice, and their trial has been separated from the current one. 
The defendants are standing trial for committing cruel murder of at least 80 civilians - Serbs, other non-Albanians, and some Albanians, while torturing 153 others, who were later released. 
The prosecution believes that some of the group's victims died in their homes and in the streets, but most were taken to a basement of a boarding school in Gnjilane, where they were tortured and mutilated to death. 
In order to cover up the crimes, the victims' bodies were butchered, placed in bags, and dumped into garbage, or into nearby Lake Livočko.  

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http://www.itar-tass.com/eng/level2.html?NewsID=15790648&PageNum=0

Itar-Tass - December 17, 2010

Russia regards Kosovo elections as illegal

MOSCOW: Moscow regards the parliamentary elections in Kosovo as illegal, Alexei Sazonov, deputy director of the information and press department of the Russian Foreign Ministry, told journalists here on Friday. 
“We do not regard as legal the elections to the Kosovo Assembly, held on December 12, 2010, because they were organised by the authorities of the self-proclaimed republic,” Sazonov explained. 
According to Sazonov, “the success achieved at the elections by the extremely radical political parties of Kosovo Albanians evokes concern. The observers registered a number of serious violations during the elections.” 
“The international organisations avoided the certification of the elections, in which the Serbs living in Kosovo played too small a role,” he said. 
Aside from it, machinations with the lists of electors, the use of forged ballot papers and the casting of ballots several times by the same persons were also registered.

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http://www.novinite.com/view_news.php?id=123257
 
Sofia News Agency - December 17, 2010
 
Council of Europe Adopts Kosovo Organ Trafficking Report

The human rights committee of the Council of Europe adopted Thursday a resolution requesting investigation of the traffic of drugs, weapons and human organs carried out by organizations in Kosovo under the heading of Hashim Thaci.
Council of Europe Secretary-General Thorbjørn Jagland has called the information in the report "very serious and concerning" and has requested that the allegations not be left unanswered.
Thaci, a former Kosovar PM, who just won snap elections over the weekend, was a combat leader of the controversial KLA that fought with Serbian authorities for independence with heavy backing from Western countries, especially the USA.
Now the Council of Europe report, drafted by Swiss deputy Dick Marty, and passed by a large 2/3 majority, argues that Thaci and other Kosovar leaders organized the traffic not only of weapons and narcotic, but also of human organs, sometimes harevested from involuntary donors.
“Numerous indications seem to confirm that, during the period immediately after the end of the armed conflict, organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic in Albanian territory, near Fushë-Kruje, to be taken abroad for transplantation," reads the report.
There has been substantial evidence that Serbians - and some Albanian Kosovars - had been secretly imprisoned by the KLA in northern Albania "and were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing," the report says.
In Kosovo, the government of Thaci dismissed the report as fabrications designed to smear its leaders.

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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=17&nav_id=71582

Tanjug News Agency - December 17, 2010

Media see "Kosovo, state of horror" 

LONDON: World media have given a lot of attention to adoption of CoE investigator Dick Marty’s report on human organ trade in Kosovo. 
In it, Kosovo Albanian Prime Minister Hashim Thaci was named as the leader of a criminal group that used to kidnap people, remove their organs and sell them. 
Commenting on the report which was adopted by the the CoE Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights yesterday, London's Times newspaper wrote that Kosovo was “a horror state”. 
The London-based daily dedicated one of its editorials entitled “The state of horror” to Kosovo, pointing out that the Kosovo PM was accused of heroin and human organ trafficking. 
The Daily Mail points out that both Blair and the Clinton administration tended to ignore atrocities committed by Hashim Thaci’s so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), and describes Thaci as "a monster". 
"Of the 2,000 people killed on both sides in the year before the U.S.-British bombing began, a significant minority were Serbs," according to the newspaper. 
But it notes that a UN report later said that 90 Serb villages in Kosovo had been ethnically cleansed in the months leading up to March 1999. 
In Moscow, Russian daily Kommersant quoted Head of the Russian delegation to PACE Leonid Slutsky who said that “Marty always carefully checks the information and uncompromisingly defends his position, even when it comes to the most serious issues” and that Russia would take a stand on Marty’s report after his visit to Moscow next w

(Message over 64 KB, truncated)

(english / deutsch / srpskohrvatski.
Petizione internazionale per il rilascio di Dragoljub Milanovic, capro espiatorio del bombardamento della RTS a Belgrado.

In merito a questa strage commessa dalla NATO nell'aprile 1999 si veda anche nel Rapporto di Amnesty International:
nonché la pubblicazione "SEDÌCI PERSONE. Le parole negate del bombardamento della TV di Belgrado"
di Corrado Veneziano - in DVD con il libro: “Se dici guerra umanitaria", a cura di Corrado Veneziano e Domenico Gallo, Besa ed., 2005)


Freedom for Milanovic! Freiheit für Milanovic! Sloboda za Milanovica!


--- english ---

After visiting former RTS-head Dragoljub Milanovic in prison in the Serbian town of Pozarevac, Dr. Patrick Barriot and author Peter Handke initiated the following appeal:

http://www.free-slobo.de/petmilan/petit-en.pdf

PUBLIC PETITION 

Freedom for Dragoljub Milanović!

To the President of the Republic of Serbia To the Prime Minister of the Republic of Serbia To International and Serbian authorities concerned To human rights organizations

At 2.06 a.m., in the night between April 22nd and 23rd 1999, NATO planes fired a heavily loaded missile at the building of Radio-Television Serbia located at 1, Aberdareva street. The explosion killed 16 RTS workers and caused enormous damage.
Even though this was clearly the case of a war crime against the civilian population, even though it is well known, bearing in mind the NATO command system, who ordered this attack, and even though it can be easily learned who were the ones committing this crime, not one of them was held accountable for this monstrous act. Criminal proceedings launched in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia against the NATO leaders, among other things also with regard to this crime, were terminated, the International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia in the Hague found that there were no grounds for actions against the responsible persons with the NATO, and the European Court of Human Rights found it had no jurisdiction to deal with breaching of the RTS workersí right to life.
The only person ever convicted for this crime is the then head of the institution that was the target of these air strikes, the RTS General Manager Dragoljub Milanović, a man who by some odd chance escaped the fate of sixteen of his employees. Thus to this heinous crime another crime was added, and shamelessness soared to its peak. In 2002 Dragoljub Milanović was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for a criminal offence "grave offence against public safety" under Article 194, paras. 1 and 2 of the then applicable Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia. Such criminal offence, as was defined in the Criminal Code, could not have applied to Dragoljub Milanović even if the factual statements made against him had been true, which they were not. In these shameless proceedings, the key evidence for the assumed guilt of Dragoljub Milanović was the alleged "Order 37" issued by the Government, represented as state and military secret that Milanović allegedly refused to activate and move the employees to a reserve operation spot in Košutnjak, on the outskirts of Belgrade. However, such an order was not presented during the trial as a document, signed, stamped, registered and filed, but it seems that the text of that "order" was printed from some computer, bearing no signature or stamp, the text for which it not known who wrote it, when and to what purpose. According to the ìtestimonyî of Slobodan Perišić, the then RTS assistant general manager, who, back in early April 1998, had been assigned by Milanović all the powers related to defence and protection, along with the authority to sign documents, the original copy of that notorious order was burnt on October 5, 2000, along with his bag. Anyone with the slightest knowledge of administration matters is fully aware that not a single document, even if not of such importance, is never made just in one copy, but that the signed and stamped original copies of such a document would have to be kept also in the files of the authority proposing the adoption thereof, the authority adopting it, and the organisation it referred to. The last place where such a document, and at that its only original copy, could have been allowed to sit, a year and a half after the adoption, was Slobodan Perišićís bag.
Therefore, the court sentenced Dragoljub Milanović to ten years imprisonment based on the piece of paper, printed probably from some computer, a paper that was not signed, stamped or filed! But even so, that piece of paper, the so-called "Order 37", contains point 6, granting the General Manager the right to approve its cancellation, in other words, the right not to execute this order.
In addition to all this it should be taken into account that the Radio-Television of Serbia building is a civilian structure, that international humanitarian law prohibits military attacks against such type of facilities, that such attacks are a war crime, and that no one can be blamed for not foreseeing that somebody else will commit an illegal act, especially an act of such gravity such as a war crime. Otherwise the responsibility for oneís unlawful conduct transfers to the one who assumed and believed that law is to be upheld, which results in a negation of law. In Dragoljub Milanović's case an inversion just like that was performed, which undermines the very essence of law and justice.
Furthermore, both before and after the beginning of NATO air strikes, the RTS building in Aberdareva was the venue for rendering technical services to numerous journalist teams from various countries, including the NATO member states, which meant that they used to spend considerable amounts of time in that location. It even so happened that the then minister for mass media in the Republic of Serbia Government, Aleksandar Vučić, was invited to make a live appearance on a famous TV show "Larry King Live" at the US TV station CNN (unlike the "Order 37", this is supported by clear material evidence, a telegram sent to Vučić by CNN). The minister's mother, Angelina Vučić, RTS journalist, was in the building in Aberdareva at the time of the strike, and by chance survived it, unlike her colleagues. Even Dragoljub Milanović himself, from the very beginning of bombing campaign, was in the building in Aberdareva every day, working until the small hours of the night. In the night of the hit, Milanović left the building a dozen or so minutes before the attack. Therefore it is obvious that no one, including Dragoljub Milanović, thought that NATO could in such a manner make such a drastic breach of humanitarian law, and with a highly destructive missile target the RTS building, clearly a civilian facility in the very centre of Belgrade, where a large group of civilians were present at the time.
The courts involved in actions against Dragoljub Milanović ignored all these clear-cut facts, admitting an invalid, actually a non-existent piece of evidence, and by wrongly applying law, i.e. a Criminal Code article applicable to completely different situations, issued the condemning judgement.
A particularly alarming fact is that even the parents and family members of some of the killed RTS workers became victims to cunning manipulation, and in grief and despair over the loss of their loved ones accepted the claim that their deaths were the fault of the RTS manager and Serbian Government, and not the ones ordering the missiles to be fired at the building in Aberdareva and the ones executing that order. Dragoljub Milanović started serving his prison sentence on April 1, 2003. Since the conditions for his conditional release from imprisonment have been met, in line with Article 46 of the applicable Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia, Dragoljub Milanović applied to the court asking for parole. To this very day no answer was given with regard to this application. (note: Shortly after the draft of this petition, on 27th of September 2010, the Higher Court in Belgrade denied the request for premature release!)

On account of all that was said above, we hereby request the following:
We are asking for justice for Dragoljub Milanović! We demand his immediate release from prison!
We are asking that those who ordered and executed the crime committed on April 23, 1999 by bombing the Radio-Television of Serbia building in Belgrade be held accountable! Only then will justice be served for victims of that crime!
We are asking for the withdrawal of the monstrous message sent to all the criminals in the world by trying and convicting Dragoljub Milanović: kill freely, and your crimes will be attributed to the ones who are the very victims of your crimes!

September 2010

Signed
Dr. Patrick Barriot, Colonel (CR), toxicologist, Faculty of Medicine, Montpellier, France
Peter Handke, Chaville, Frankreich
...

To sign, go to:   http://www.free-slobo.de/


--- deutsch ---

Nachdem sie den ehemaligen RTS-Chef Dragoljub Milanovic im Gefängnis in der serbsichen Stadt Pozarevac besuchten, initiierten Dr. Patrick Barriot und Autor Peter Handke den folgenden Aufruf:

http://www.free-slobo.de/petmilan/petit-de.pdf

AUFRUF

Freiheit für Dragoljub Milanović!

An den Präsidenten der Republik Serbien
An den Premierminister der Republik Serbien
An zuständige internationale und serbische Körperschaften und Behörden
An Menschenrechtsorganisationen

In der Nacht vom 22. auf den 23. April 1999 feuerten um 2.06 Uhr NATO-Bomber ein schweres Geschoss auf das in der Aberdareva-Straße Nr. 1 gelegene Gebäude von Radio-Televisija Srbija (RTS) ab. Durch die Explosion wurden 16 RTS-Mitarbeiter getötet und enorme Schäden verursacht.
Obwohl dies eindeutig ein Kriegsverbrechen gegen Zivilisten darstellte und obwohl - in Anbetracht der bekannten NATO-Kommandostukturen - klar ist, wer die Befehlshaber sind, und sehr leicht feststellbar ist, wer dieses Verbrechen begangen hat, wurde nicht ein einziger von ihnen für diese monströse Tat zur Verantwortung gezogen. Juristische Verfahren gegen die NATO-Führung, die in der Republik Jugoslawien eingeleitet wurden, sind eingestellt worden, der Internationale Gerichtshof für das ehemalige Jugoslawien in Den Haag sah gar keinen Grund, gegen die Verantwortlichen innerhalb der NATO vorzugehen und der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte erklärte sich für nicht zuständig, juristische Schritte gegen diesen Verstoß gegen das Recht der RTS-Mitarbeiter auf Leben einzuleiten.
Die einzige Person, die jemals für dieses Verbrechen verurteilt wurde, ist der damalige Chef der Institution, die Ziel dieser Luftschläge war, nämlich der Generaldirektor von RTS, Dragoljub Milanović, der nur durch Zufall dem Schicksal seiner 16 Mitarbeiter entging. Damit wurde diesem verabscheuungswürdigen Verbrechen ein weiteres hinzugefügt und der Gipfel der Schamlosigkeit erreicht.
2002 wurde Dragoljub Milanović wegen "des schweren Angriffs auf die öffentliche Sicherheit" nach Artikel 194, §§ 1 und 2 des damals gültigen Strafgesetzes der Republik Serbien zu 10 Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. So wie dieses Verbrechen im Strafgesetzbuch formuliert war, war es auf Milanović gar nicht anwendbar.
Bei dieser schändlichen Verhandlung wurde als Hauptbeweis für seine Schuld der von der Regierung erlassene und als Staats- und Militärgeheimnis präsentierte "Befehl 37" herangezogen, die Mitarbeiter in eine Ersatzsendeeinrichtung nach Košutnjak außerhalb von Belgrad zu versetzen, dem sich Milanović angeblich widersetzte.
Während der Verhandlung wurde allerdings dieser Befehl nicht als unterschriebenes, mit Stempel versehenes, registriertes und protokolliertes Dokument vorgelegt, sondern nur der Wortlaut dieses "Befehls", ohne Unterschrift und Stempel, wahrscheinlich von irgendeinem Computer kopiert, ein Text von den man nicht weiß, wer ihn wann und zu welchem Zweck verfasst hatte.
Nach der "Aussage" von Slobodan Perišić, dem damaligen Assistenten des RTSGeneraldirektors, der schon am 10. April 1998 von Milanović mit allen die Verteidigung und Sicherheit betreffenden Vollmachten, inklusive der Berechtigung, Dokumente abzuzeichnen, ausgestattet worden war, wurde das Original dieses famosen Befehls am 5. Oktober 2000 samt seiner Aktentasche verbrannt. Wer auch nur annähernde Kenntnis von Verwaltungsvorgängen hat, weiß, dass kein einziges Dokument, sei es noch so unbedeutend, nur in einem einzigen Exemplar angefertigt wird, sondern dass eine unterschriebene und gestempelte Kopie des Dokuments bei der ausstellenden Behörde sowie der betroffenen Organisation aufbewahrt werden müssten. Der allerletzte Ort, an dem sich ein solches Dokument und seine Originalkopie eineinhalb Jahre nach seiner Ausstellung hätte befinden dürfen, ist Slobodan Perišićís Aktentasche.
So verurteilte das Gericht Dragoljub Milanović zu zehn Jahren Gefängnis aufgrund eines Papiers, das höchst wahrscheinlich von irgendeinem Computer kopiert worden war, das weder unterzeichnet, noch gestempelt, noch archiviert war!
Der sogenannte "Befehl 37" räumt sogar unter Punkt 6 dem Generaldirektor das Recht ein, die Außerkraftsetzung des Befehls zu erlauben, bzw. den Befehl nicht auszuführen.
Darüber hinaus muss berücksichtigt werden, dass RTS eine zivile Einrichtung ist, und dass das internationale humanitäre Völkerrecht militärische Angriffe auf derartige Einrichtungen verbietet und als Kriegsverbrechen einstuft. Niemand kann dafür verantwortlich gemacht werden, nicht vorhergesehen zu haben, dass jemand eine illegale Handlung vornimmt, besonders eine so schwerwiegende wie ein Kriegsverbrechen. Sonst überträgt man die Verantwortung für gesetzeswidriges Handeln auf denjenigen, der vorausgesetzt und geglaubt hat, dass das Gesetz befolgt wird, was auf eine Negation des Gesetzes hinausläuft. In Dragoljub Milanovićs Fall wurde eine solche Umkehrung vorgenommen, und somit die ureigenste Bedeutung von Recht und Gesetz unterminiert.
Desweiteren war sowohl vor als auch nach dem Beginn der NATO-Luftangriffe das RTS-Gebäude in Aberdareva Technikstützpunkt für zahlreiche Journalistenteams aus verschiedenen Ländern, inklusive NATO-Mitgliedsstaaten, die sich dort oft für längere Zeit aufhielten. Mehr noch - US-amerikanische Sender CNN hatte den damaligen Informationsminister der Republik Serbien, Aleksandar Vučić, in dieser Nacht um 3.00 Uhr, (Ankunft im RTS-Gebäude eine halbe Stunder früher,) zu einer Liveschaltung in die berühmte Fernsehshow "Larry King Live" eingeladen. (Im Gegensatz zum "Befehl 37" ist dies durch eindeutiges Beweismaterial in Form eines Telegramms von CNN an Vučić belegt). Die Mutter des Ministers, Angelina Vučić, eine RTS-Journalistin, befand sich zur Zeit des Angriffs auch in dem Gebäude in Aberdareva und überlebte nur durch Zufall. Auch Dragoljub Milanović selbst hielt sich seit Beginn der Bombardierungen täglich in dem Gebäude auf und arbeitete dort jeweils bis spät in die Nacht. In der Nacht des Anschlags verließ Milanović den Sender etwa 10 Minuten vor dem Angriff. Insofern hat niemand, auch nicht Dragoljub Milanović, sich vorstellen können, dass die NATO auf so drastische Weise gegen die
Menschenrechte verstoßen würde und das RTS-Gebäude, eine eindeutig zivile Einrichtung im Zentrum von Belgrad, in dem sich zur Zeit des Angriffs viele Zivilisten befanden, direkt mit einer hochgradig zerstörerischen Bombe beschießen würde.
Die mit der Anklage gegen Dragoljub Milanović befassten Gerichte ignorierten alle diese eindeutigen Tatsachen, ließen ein ungültiges und in Wahrheit nicht existentes Beweismittel zu und wandten fälschlich einen Artikel des Strafgesetzbuches an, der sich auf eine völlig andere Situation bezieht, um so zu einer Verurteilung zu kommen. 
Besonders alarmierend ist die Tatsache, dass sogar Eltern und Verwandte einiger der getöteten RTS-Mitarbeiter Opfer perfider Manipulationen wurden und in ihrer Trauer und Verzweiflung über den erlittenen Verlust die Behauptung akzeptierten, dass der RTS-Generaldirektor und die Staatsspitze Serbiens schuld am Tod ihrer Angehörigen waren, und nicht diejenigen, die den Beschuss des Gebäudes in Aberdareva befohlen oder durchgeführt hatten.
Dragoljub Milanović trat am 1. April 2003 seine zehnjährige Gefängnisstrafe an. Da er die Bedingungen für eine bedingte Haftentlassung gemäß Artikel 46 des
serbischen Strafgesetzbuches erfüllt, hat er bei Gericht seine Begnadigung beantragt.
Bis heute hat er darauf keine Antwort erhalten. (Nachtrag: Kurz nachdem dieser Aufruf verfasst wurde, hat das Höhere Gericht in Belgrad am 27. September 2010 Milanovićs Gesuch nach frühzeitiger Haftentlassung zurückgewiesen!)

Unter Berücksichtigung des vorher Angeführten fordern wir folgendes:
Wir fordern Gerechtigkeit für Dragoljub Milanović! Wir verlangen seine sofortige Freilassung aus dem Gefängnis!
Wir fordern, dass die Befehlshaber und die Vollstrecker des Verbrechens, das am 23. April 1999 durch die Bombardierung des serbischen Radio-Televisionsgebäudes in Belgrad verübt wurde, zur Verantwortung gezogen werden! Nur so kann auch den Opfern dieses Verbrechens Gerechtigkeit widerfahren!
Wir fordern, dass die schamlose Botschaft zurück genommen wird, die durch die Anklage und Verurteilung von Dragoljub Milanović an alle Kriminellen in der Welt ergeht: nehmt euch die Freiheit zu töten, und eure Verbrechen werden den Opfern zugeschrieben!

September 2010

Unterzeichner
Dr. Patrick Barriot, Colonel (CR), toxicologist, Faculty of Medicine, Montpellier, France
Peter Handke, Chaville, Frankreich
...

Um zu unterzeichnen, gehen Sie zu:     http://www.free-slobo.de/

---


junge Welt (Berlin), 23.04.2010

»Die Mörder sind ungeschoren davongekommen«

Eines der NATO-Opfer wurde verurteilt: Exchef des Belgrader Senders RTS seit acht Jahren im Knast. Gespräch mit Ljiljana Milanovic

Interview: Cathrin Schütz

Ljiljana Milanovic war Redakteurin des Belgrader Senders Radio Television Serbien (RTS), den ihr Mann Dragoljub Milanovic als Direktor leitete. Vor genau elf Jahren, am 23. April 1999 wurde das RTS-Gebäude von der NATO bombardiert, wobei 16 Menschen ums Leben kamen.
Seit fast acht Jahren sitzt Ihr Ehemann im Gefängnis. Er wurde verurteilt, weil er es angeblich versäumt habe, vor dem Bombenangriff der NATO die Mitarbeiter zu evakuieren. Warum wird ihm angelastet, den Tod von 16 Menschen verschuldet zu haben?

Dragoljub ist die einzige Person, die jemals wegen des Aggressionskrieges der NATO gegen Jugoslawien vor Gericht gestellt und verurteilt worden ist. Die wirklichen Täter wollen sich so ihrer Verantwortung entziehen -schließlich hat die NATO mit diesem Angriff ein Kriegsverbrechen begangen. Das Opfer wurde verurteilt, die Mörder kommen ungeschoren davon. 

Ihr Mann wurde beschuldigt, er habe eine amtliche Anweisung mißachtet, die Mitarbeiter zu evakuieren ...

Er wurde aufgrund eines Entwurfs verurteilt, den irgend jemand irgendwo ausgedruckt hat - vor Gericht wurde das Papier als »Order 37« präsentiert. Dieser Entwurf trägt weder Stempel noch Siegel, der Verfasser wurde nie identifiziert. Ein Zeuge behauptete in dem Verfahren, das Original sei am 5. Oktober 2000 verbrannt worden, als der vom Westen gesteuerte Mob das RTS-Gebäude in Brand setzte und meinen Mann dabei halbtot schlug.

Nicht einmal in der Sicherungsdatei, in der alle »geheim« eingestuften Dokumente als Kopien gespeichert wurden, ist eine Version des Originals zu finden. Angeblich ist es bei der erwähnten Brandstiftung mit der Tasche des damaligen Sicherheitsbeauftragten von RTS, Slobodan Perisic, in Flammen aufgegangen. Mein Mann hatte ihm schon 1998 die Verantwortung für die Sicherheit übertragen. 

Auf Basis eines solchen Nicht-Dokuments wurde Ihr Mann also für zehn Jahre eingesperrt?

So ist es - aber das Papier verlangte ja nicht einmal die Evakuierung! Im Text heißt es, es liege im Ermessen des Direktors, ob und wann er die Arbeit in ein anderes Gebäude verlegt.

Hintergrund für diese Absurditäten ist der »demokratische Wandel« in Serbien, also der am 5. Oktober 2000 vom Westen inszenierte Staatsstreich. Danach wurde die Anklage Serbiens gegen verantwortliche NATO-Politiker zurückgezogen - statt dessen kam der RTS-Chef vor Gericht. Der Prozeß war eine Propaganda-Show: Der Anklageteil war öffentlich, der Verteidigungsteil wurde geheimgehalten. Als der Oberste Gerichtshof das Urteil bestätigte, behauptete er wahrheitswidrig, die Öffentlichkeit sei von der Verteidigung gar nicht ausgeschlossen gewesen.

Richtig ist allerdings, daß ich mich damals gezwungen sah, die Geheimhaltung zu durchbrechen, indem ich Journalisten Kopien von Dragoljubs Verteidigungsrede aushändigte. Daraufhin wurde ich selbst verurteilt -wegen Verrats von Staatsgeheimnissen. Ein kafkaesker Prozeß! 

Wurde Ihr Mann stellvertretend für die Milosevic-Regierung verurteilt, die sich von den NATO-Staaten nichts vorschreiben lassen wollte?

Natürlich, er war immerhin Direktor einer staatlichen Rundfunk- und Fernsehanstalt in der Zeit von Milosevic, als sich das Land gegen den NATO-Angriff verteidigte. Wir haben damals Bilder der durch Bomben getöteten und verwundeten Zivilisten in alle Welt gesendet. Die NATO hat diese Opfer damals zynisch als »Kollateralschaden« abgetan - wozu dann nur nicht die 16 getöteten RTS-Kollegen gerechnet wurden. 

Aus Anlaß des zehnten Jahrestages des NATO-Angriffs hat 2009 erstmals eine internationale Delegation Ihren Mann im Gefängnis besucht - dabei waren der Schriftsteller Peter Handke und die Anwältin Tiphaine Dickson. Hatte die Visite Folgen?

Der Besuch hat Dragoljub sehr viel bedeutet. Wir beide hatten das Gefühl, nicht allein zu stehen. Seine Haftbedingungen wurden indes nicht besser. Er kann zweimal im Monat für ein, zwei Stunden Besuch von Familienangehörigen erhalten. Ausgang wird ihm im Gegensatz zu mehrfachen Mördern seit Jahren verweigert. Es gibt aber auch einen Hoffnungsschimmer: Die irische Aktivistin June Kelly hat es vermocht, die irische Sektion von Amnesty International (AI) nach dem Solidaritätsbesuch für diesen Fall zu interessieren. Nun wurde die AI-Zentrale in London beauftragt, den Fall zu untersuchen.


--- srpskohrvatski ---

Слобода за Драгољуба Милановића!

Председнику Републике Србије Председнику Владе Републике Србије Надлежним властима у Србији и иностранству Организацијама за заштиту људских права

У ноћи између 22. и 23. априла 1999. године, у 2 сата и 6 минута иза поноћи, авиони НАТО-а испалили су разорну ракету на зграду Радио-телевизије Србије у Абардаревој улици број 1 у Београду. Од те експлозије погинуло је 16 радника РТС и нанета је огромна материјална штета.
Иако је јасно да се ради о ратном злочину против цивилног становништва, иако се зна, имајући у виду командни систем НАТО, ко су били наредбодавци и иако је утврдиво ко су били непосредни извршиоци тог злочина, нико од њих није одговарао за овај монструозни чин. Кривични поступци који су покренути у СР Југославији против челника НАТО, између осталог и због овог злочина, обустављени су, Тужилаштво Међународног суда за бившу Југославију у Хагу нашло је да нема места покретању поступка против одговорних лица из НАТО, а Европски суд за људска права се огласио ненадлежним за бављење кршењем права на живот радника РТС.
Једина особа која је осуђена због овог злочина је тадашњи први човек установе која је била мета ових ваздушних удара, генерални директор РТС Драгољуб Милановић, човек који је пуким случајем избегао судбину поменутих шеснаесторо својих запослених. Тиме је ужасни злочин допуњен новим злочином, а бесрамље достигло свој врхунац. Драгољуб Милановић је 2002. године првноснажно осуђен на 10 година затвора за кривично дело "Тешко дело против опште сигурности" из члана 194. став 1. и 2. тада важећег Кривичног закона Републике Србије. То кривично дело, онако како је одређено у Кривичном закону, не би могло да буде примењено на Драгана Милановића чак и да су тачне чињеничне тврдње које су му стављене на терет, а оне нису тачне. Као кључни доказ о наводној кривици Драгољуба Милановића у овом срамном поступку употребљена је наводна Владина "наредба 37", представљена као државна и војна тајна, коју је Милановић наводно одбио да активира и пресели раднике на резервно место рада у Кошутњаку. Међутим, таква наредба није презентирана у поступку као документ, потписан, оверен, заведен и архивиран, већ је изгледа из некаквог компјутера извучен текст те "наредбе", без потписа и печата, текст за који се не зна ко га је, када и у коју сврху писао. Оргинал те фамозне наредбе је према Ñсведочењуì Слободана Перишића, на кога је, као помоћника директора РТС, Милановић пренео сва овлашћења из домена одбране и заштите са правом потписа још 10. априла 1998. године, изгорела је 5. октобра 2000. године заједно са његовом торбом. Свако ко ма и мало познаје функционисање администрације зна добро да се ниједан документ, чак и малог значаја, не сачињава само у једном примерку, већ да би потписани и оверени оригинални примерци те врсте документа свакако морали да постоје и у архивама органа који је предложио његово усвајање, органа који га је усвојио и организације на коју се односи. Последње место на коме би такав документ, и то његов једини оригинарни примерак, смео да се налази, и то годину и по дана након усвајања, је торба Слободана Пперишића.
Суд је дакле Драгољуба Милановића осудио на 10 година затвора на основу папира, који је највероватније извучен из накаквог компјутера, који је непотписан, неоверен и који није архивиран! Али чак и у том папиру, тој тзв. Ñнаредби 37ì, постоји тачка 6 која даје право генералном директору да одобри њено обустављање, тј. да се наредба не изврши.
Треба при свему овоме имати у виду да је зграда Радио Телевизије Србије цивилни објекат, да међународно хуманитарно право забрањује војне нападе на такву врсту објеката, да такви напади представљају ратни злочин и да се никоме не може ставити на терет то што није предвидео да ће неко други да изврши неки противправан акт, посебно акт у рангу ратног злочина. У противном, одговорност за нечије противправно понашање се преноси на онога ко је полазио од претпоставке и веровао да се право поштује, а то онда постаје негација права. У случају Драгољуба Милановића, управо је извршена таква инверзија, којом се удара у саму суштину права и правде.
Иначе, у згради РТС у Абардаревој 1, и пре и након почетка ваздушних напада НАТО, техничке услуге су користиле и значајно време у том објекту проводиле бројне новинарске екипе из различитих земаља, укључујући и државе чланице НАТО. Чак је и тадашњи министар информисања у Влади Републике Србије Александар Вучић имао позив да се те ноћи, 23. априла 1999. године у 3 сата (уз долазак ради припрема око пола сата раније), из зграде РТС у Абардаревој 1 укључи уживо у познату емисију "Larry King Live" на америчкој телевизијској станици CNN (о томе, за разлику од Ñнаредбе 37ì, постоји јасан материјални доказ, телеграм који је CNN упутио Вучићу). Министрова мајка, Ангелина Вучић, новинар РТС, у моменту бомбардовања била је у згради у Абардаревој 1 и тек пуким случајем није настрадала заједно са својим колегама. И сам Драгољуб Милановић је од почетка бомбардовања свакодневно, до касних ноћних сати, боравио у згради у Абардаревој 1. У ноћи када је зграда погођена, Миалновић је из ње изашао коју десетину минута пре напада. Дакле јасно је да нико, укључујући и Драгољуба Милановића, није претпостављао да би НАТО могао тако драстично да прекрши хуманитарно право и да директно, ракетом огромне разорне моћи, гађа зграду РТС, без икакве сумње цивилни објекат у центру Београда, у коме се налазила већа група цивилних лица.
Све ове чињенице судови који су поступали у поступку против Драгољуба Милановића су пренебрегли, искористили су невалидни, заправо непостојећи доказ и неправилном применом права, тј. члана Кривичног закона који се односи на сасвим друге ситуације, дошли до осуђујуће пресуде.
Посебно је застрашујућа чињеница да су чак и родитељи и чланови породица неких од страдалих радника РТС постали жртве перфидне манипулације, те су у стању бола и очаја због губитка најближих, прихватили тврдњу да су за њихову смрт криви директор РТС и државни врх Србије, а не они који су наредили испаљивање пројектила на зграду у Абардаревој 1 и они који су то наређење извршили.
На издржавање затворске казне, Драгољуб Милановић је ступио 1. априла 2003. године.
Како су се стекли услови за његов условни отпуст предвиђени чланом 46 важећег Кривичног законика Републике Србије, Драгољуб Милановић се обратио суду тражећи условно отпуштање са издржавања казне. Суд се до дана данашњег није огласио у вези са овим захтевом. (Напомена: Ускоро после писања ове петиције, 27. септембра 2010, Виши суд у Београду је одбацио молбу за условни отпуст!)

Због свега наведеног, упућујемо следећи захтев: 
ТРАЖИМО ПРАВДУ ЗА ДРАГОЉУБА МИЛАНОВИЋА! МАКАР И ЗАКАСНЕЛУ ПРАВДУ! НА ПРВОМ МЕСТУ ТРАЖИМО ДА ОН ОДМАХ БУДЕ ПУШТЕН ИЗ ЗАТВОРА! ТРАЖИМО ДА ЗА ЗЛОЧИН КОЈИ ЈЕ ИЗВРШЕН 23. АПРИЛА 1999. ГОДИНЕ БОМБАРДОВАЊЕМ ЗГРАДЕ РАДИО ТЕЛЕВИЗИЈЕ СРБИЈЕ У АБАРДАРЕВОЈ 1 У БЕОГРАДУ ОДГОВАРАЈУ НАРЕДБОДАВЦИ И ИЗВРШИОЦИ ТОГ БОМБАРДОВАЊА! ЈЕДИНО ТАКО ЋЕ ПРАВДА БИТИ ЗАДОВОЉЕНА И ПРЕМА ЖРТВАМА ТОГ ЗЛОЧИНА! ТРАЖИМО ДА СЕ ПОВУЧЕ БЕСРАМНА ПОРУКА КОЈУ СУ СУЂЕЊЕ ДРАГОЉУБУ МИЛАНОВИЋУ И ОСУДА КОЈА МУ ЈЕ ИЗРЕЧЕНА УПУТИЛИ СВИМ ЗЛОЧИНЦИМА НА СВЕТУ: СЛОБОДНО УБИЈАЈТЕ, А ВАШИ ЗЛОЧИНИ БИЋЕ ПРИПИСАНИ ОНИМА КОЈИ СУ И САМИ ЖРТВЕ ТИХ ЗЛОЧИНА!

Септембар 2010. 

Потписници:
Др Патрик Барио, пуковник, токсиколог, Медицински факултет, Монпеље, Француска
Петер Хандке, Шовил, Француска
...

Za potpise idite na: http://www.free-slobo.de/




Nobel per la guerra e per l'opportunismo

1) Nobel per la guerra:
Il bellicismo nel Premio Nobel della Pace

2) Nobel per l'opportunismo:
La Serbia e il Nobel

Sulla questione del discreditatissimo "premio Nobel per la pace", assegnato quest'anno all'attivista per la disgregazione della Cina Liu Xiaobo, si veda anche:


=== 1 ===


Il bellicismo nel Premio Nobel della Pace

di Manuel E. Yepe*

su www.argenpress.info del 17/12/2010


Traduzione di l'Ernesto online

*Manuel E. Yepe, giornalista cubano specializzato in temi di politica internazionale, scrive sulle più autorevoli testate di tutto il mondo

Il Comitato del Premio Nobel per la Pace dal 2009 sta mettendo in pratica l'agenda strategica militarista del suo presidente, il norvegese Thorbjoem Jagland. e le sue dichiarazioni più recenti.

E' ciò che sostiene in un articolo diffuso dall'organizzazione pacifista Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space il giapponese Yoichi Shimatsu, specialista in tema di energie rinnovabili, che abitualmente scrive su pubblicazioni riguardanti questioni europee e che è stato editore del settimanale giapponese Japan Times Weekly di Tokyo e giornalista della catena Bon Ocean di Pechino.

Thorbjoem Jagland è stato primo ministro, ministro degli esteri, presidente del Storting (parlamento norvegese) ed è attualmente presidente del Consiglio d'Europa, un organismo che ha sostenuto l'Unione Europea e la NATO durante la Guerra Fredda. E' un veterano del Partito Laburista Norvegese che, secondo Shimatsu, ha assunto una posizione simile a quella del britannico Tony Blair come promotore dell'integrazione dell'Unione Europea nella stretta alleanza con Washington, per assicurare una forte leadership occidentale negli eventi internazionali.

Ha fatto parte del Comitato permanente della difesa ed è stato insigne partecipante alle conferenze parlamentari della NATO, e in questa organizzazione promotrice di guerre si è identificato sempre nel corso della sua carriera politica.

Sebbene la Norvegia sia un paese relativamente piccolo, svolge un ruolo militare significativo, data la sua posizione strategica, vicino a quella che è stata la Flotta Sovietica dell'Artico (oggi Flotta del Mare del Nord), a Murmansk, nella penisola di Kola.

Shimatsu ricorda che in Norvegia tutti gli uomini sono soldati e possiedono un fucile, e che la frontiera della Norvegia con la Russia nel Mare di Barents ha costituito la linea del fronte durante la Guerra Fredda.

Attualmente, la Norvegia svolge un ruolo rilevante nelle contraddizioni che si manifestano tra i paesi tecnologicamente avanzati e quelli del terzo mondo, perché ha truppe di terra in Afghanistan, navi che custodiscono le coste della Somalia contro la pirateria nella regione, partecipa alla corsa spaziale del Pentagono come parte dei sistemi missilistici anti-balistici, e possiede la tecnologia anti-sottomarini più avanzata del mondo.

La Norvegia possiede una quantità di soldati nella NATO proporzionalmente maggiore di qualsiasi altro dei 28 Stati membri. Jagland è portavoce degli strateghi della NATO, e in tale funzione, reclama l'ampliamento dell'alleanza occidentale per evitare il risorgere delle potenzialità militari della Russia e della Cina e l'avvicinamento ad esse del Brasile e dell'India poiché ritiene che le sfide dell'Occidente siano cambiate dopo il collasso dell'URSS, poiché ora il nuovo nemico potenziale è la coalizione economica che è nota come BRIC, di cui fanno parte, Brasile, Russia, India e Cina.

Shimatsu riferisce che, in una conferenza di parlamentari europei che ha avuto luogo lo scorso anno, l'attuale presidente del Comitato del Premio Nobel per la Pace ha sostenuto con crudezza: “Quando non siamo capaci di fermare una tirannia, la guerra comincia. E' per questo che la NATO è indispensabile. La NATO è l'unica organizzazione militare multilaterale che si radichi nel diritto internazionale. E' un'organizzazione che le Nazioni Unite possono usare, quando è necessario, per fermare una tirannia, come abbiamo fatto nei Balcani.”

Jagland si riferiva naturalmente alla campagna di bombardamenti, invasione, occupazione, alla fine dell'ultimo decennio del XX secolo, contro la ormai scomparsa Repubblica Federativa di Jugoslavia.

Per riassumere il suo pensiero, Jagland ha detto qualcosa di totalmente incompatibile con il suo incarico alla testa del Comitato del Premio Nobel per la Pace: “Se in qualsiasi parte del mondo i tiranni non possono essere rovesciati con mezzi pacifici, la guerra è inevitabile e la NATO avvierà questa guerra.”

Da far rabbrividire come queste sono state le sue parole all'annuncio dell'assegnazione del Premio Nobel per la Pace al cinese Liu Xiaobo: “Noi abbiamo il dovere di parlare quando altri non lo possono fare. Dobbiamo avere il diritto di criticare la Cina per far avanzare le forze che vogliono che la Cina sia più democratica.”

Yoichi Shimatsu segnala che l'espressione “far avanzare” sulla bocca di Jagland gli ricorda gli eufemismi nei testi giapponesi che parlavano di “avanzate” delle truppe giapponesi nel territorio di altri paesi dell'Asia continentale. Così si maschera una mentalità militarista.

Secondo quanto sostiene lo scrittore giapponese, selezionando i suoi premiati più recenti, Barack Obama e Liu Xiaobo, il Comitato del Premio Nobel della Pace ha inteso proporre un'agenda strategica che coincide con il pensiero politico di Thorbjoem Jagland., suo presidente dal 2009, conosciuto dai suoi avversari in Norvegia come “il nostro George Bush”.



=== 2 ===


La Serbia e il Nobel


14 dicembre 2010 


All’inizio le autorità di Belgrado avevano annunciato che la Serbia non avrebbe inviato un suo rappresentante alla cerimonia del premio Nobel assegnata al dissidente cinese Liu Xiaobo, che sta scontando una pena a 11 anni nella prigione di Jinzhou, per “istigazione alla sovversione” e per aver promosso il manifesto ‘Carta’08, il documento favorevole alla democrazia firmato da 2000 cinesi. E che la decisione era stata presa da Vuk Jeremić, il ministro degli Esteri, senza alcuna consultazione con il presidente Boris Tadić che a sua volta dichiarava di non voler rilasciare nessun commento ufficiale visto che la sua opinione personale non coincide con la decisione di Jeremić.
Successivamente era anche stato sottolineato che i diritti umani sono una priorità della Serbia che spera di far parte dell’Unione europea, ma che la tutela dei rapporti con la Cina fosse ancora più importante.
Alla fine, dopo le dure critiche dell’Unione europea e la “incomprensione” di un gesto simile da parte di un paese che è candidato ad entrare nell’Ue, la Serbia ha fatto marcia indietro e ha inviato alla cerimonia l’ombudsman Saša Janković. Così, ancora una volta, si è venuta a creare una situazione in cui la Serbia si è presentata come un paese indeciso e diviso, fortemente influenzato dagli interessi economici e dagli alleati storici da una parte, ma anche dalla Unione europea dall’altra. Un paese che fa un passo avanti e due indietro. E che non sa da che parte stare.

Diritti umani sì, ma la Cina è più importante


Sin dallo scorso 8 ottobre il governo di Pechino, dopo aver definito la scelta operata dal Comitato per il Nobel un’“oscenità” nonché un’interferenza negli affari giuridici cinesi, aveva messo in atto pressioni politiche e ricatti economici a livello mondiale per far sì che in tanti disertassero la cerimonia.
Inizialmente i paesi che non avrebbero dovuto partecipare alla consegna erano 19, tutti “amici” della Cina e legati ad essa da interessi economici, tra i quali anche la Serbia. Il ministro degli Affari esteri serbi, Vuk Jeremić, aveva dichiarato che non ci sarebbe stato nessuno alla cerimonia perché anche se la Serbia presta un’attenzione  particolare alla difesa dei diritti umani, i suoi rapporti con la Cina rappresentano uno dei primi interessi nazionali della politica estera di Belgrado .
“La Serbia presta grande attenzione al rispetto e alla difesa dei diritti umani che sono uno dei requisiti per l’integrazione del paese nell’Unione Europea, tuttavia i rapporti con la Cina sono troppo importanti e tutte le decisioni prese dalle autorità statali sono legate agli interessi nazionali del paese. La Cina è anche uno dei quattro pilastri della nostra politica estera, insieme a Russia, Usa e Unione europea”, aveva dichiarato il ministro serbo.
Questa sua decisione aveva diviso sia l’opinione pubblica sia i partiti politici in Serbia. Jelko Kacin,rapporteur  del Parlamento europeo per la Serbia ha dichiarato che il paese si dimostra ancora una volta troppo “servile” verso la Cina e che un candidato per l’Unione europea non si può permettere un comportamento simile, manifestando a tal punto il proprio servilismo.


Critiche al comportamento della Serbia


Čedomir Jovanović, leader del partito serbo LDP, aveva interpretato la decisione di Jeremić come una vergogna per il paese.“Russia e Cina sono due potenze che il mondo accetta così come sono, ma non accetteranno mai una piccola Serbia grazie a questo comportamento ed anche la Cina non ci apprezzerà di più per questo gesto”, sottolineava Jovanović. Critiche alla decisione di Belgrado di disertare la cerimonia sono venute anche dal Comitato dei giuristi per i diritti umani (Yucom), secondo il quale la Serbia, intendendo di boicottare la cerimonia, mostra di essere ancora lontana da una posizione di autentico rispetto dei diritti umani e dei valori caratteristici delle società europee moderne e democratiche. [SIC]
Laszlo Varga, Presidente della Commissione per l’integrazione europea dell’Assemblea nazionale serba, aveva definito la decisione della Serbia come catastrofica, aggiungendo che se la Serbia mira a far parte della comunità europea non dovrebbe mettersi al fianco dei paesi che in nessun modo rispondono ai criteri di paesi democratici. “E’ un messaggio estremamente negativo” aveva sottolineato Varga, ribadendo che “in Serbia non è ancora maturata l’idea che l’Ue non è solo un’unione economica ma soprattutto un’unione di valori”. 
Štefan Füle, Commissario europeo per l’allargamento e la politica europea di vicinato, si era dimostrato preoccupato e deluso per la decisione della Serbia perché tutti i paesi dell’Unione europea avrebbero partecipato alla cerimonia. Invece il capo della delegazione per i Balcani del Parlamento europeo, Eduard Kukan riteneva che il boicottaggio del premio Nobel, come anche l’ultimo rapporto sulla “non collaborazione” della Serbia con il tribunale dell’Aja, sono solo delle informazioni negative che arrivano a Bruxelles. Con una nota Bruxelles, infatti, aveva ricordato a Belgrado che democrazia e diritti umani sono valori fondanti del Vecchio continente, da tutelare ovunque nel mondo.
“In Europa ci sono dei valori. Chi non li rispetta, non può farne parte”, forse è proprio questa dura posizione di Bruxelles nei confronti dei paesi che avrebbero boicottato la cerimonia, che alla fine ha spinto Serbia a mandare il suo rappresentante. Il primo ministro Mirko Cvetković aveva deciso l’invio dell’ombudsman dopo essere stato a Bruxelles per incontrare alti esponenti dell’Ue. “Spero che la Cina capirà che sono stato alla cerimonia non per portare un messaggio politico ma perché i diritti umani e la democrazia sono importanti per la Serbia”, ha dichiarato Saša Janković.

Addio Jeremić?


Il settimanale “Vreme”  scrive che Belgrado ancora una volta si è dimostrata poco seria e soggetta alle pressioni di tutti: da una parte Bruxelles per quanto riguarda la risoluzione sul Kosovo davanti all’Assemblea generale delle Nazioni Unite, e dall’altra la Cina, quando c’è qualcosa che non piace a Pechino. E poi, aggiunge il settimanale belgradese, “E’ poco serio che la Serbia prima non voglia partecipare alla cerimonia ma alla fine accetti, con l’ombudsman Saša Janković che era lì come emissario personale del premier Mirko Cvetković e non in qualità di rappresentante ufficiale dello Stato. Così si crea l’immagine di un paese che ancora una volta non sa cosa vuole.”
Il 18 dicembre in Serbia ci saranno le elezioni nel Partito democratico (Ds). Il leader democratico e  presidente, Boris Tadić, ha ripetuto tante volte di non essere soddisfatto del lavoro di alcuni ministeri e che è urgente ridimensionare il governo. Le ultime notizie che arrivano da Belgrado confermano l’intenzione di Boris Tadić di sostituire Jeremić per “aver preso decisioni importanti per il paese senza prima consultarlo”.
“Si parla di una mia sostituzione da quando sono diventato ministro. Io sto solo facendo il mio lavoro e penso siano dannose queste speculazioni perché inviamo un segnale negativo al mondo e il messaggio è ancora una volta quello della mancanza d’unità sugli obiettivi e le priorità della politica estera della Serbia”, ha dichiarato Jeremić.
Si riscaldano così i vecchi stereotipi sulla Serbia come un paese che non ha abbastanza coscienza quando si tratta di diritti umani. E che vorrebbe far parte dell’Europa ma non è ancora pronta fino in fondo ad accettare i valori della comunità europea. [SIC]

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Commenti

nemmeno gli stereotipi hanno lo stesso valore...

Martedì, 14 Dicembre 2010 15:45:02
Jasmina

Perdonami Sanja, quali valori europei? Quelli che arestano Assange ma poi vorebbero insegnare la Cina e Russia i diritti umani? Non è che anche tu hai uno stereotipo sui valori europei?