Informazione
Data: Fri, 17 Oct 2003 14:11:07 +0200
Da: Radio Città Aperta <segreteria@...>
Oggetto: "L'onda lunga". Iniziative per i 25 anni di Radio Città
Aperta
"L'onda lunga"
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Giovedi 30 ottobre, ore 18.00
Alla Casa delle Culture, via S.Crisogono 45
Dibattito - memoria - ricostruzione storica
La meglio gioventù
Radio Città Aperta: venticinque anni di storia e trasmissioni dentro i
movimenti remando contro i poteri forti e il conformismo
Intervista collettiva degli studenti dell'Università "La Sapienza" con:
Sergio Cararo, Prince Faster, Franco Ottaviano, Fabio Giovannini,
Vincenzo Miliucci, Giovanni Russo Spena, Francesco Piccioni
Venerdi 7 novembre, ore 21.30
Ex Bocciodromo (Vecchio Mattatoio)
Via Monte Testaccio 23
Concerto con
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E poi serata con i D.J. di Radio Città Aperta
(Entrata 5 euro a sottoscrizione)
Radio Città Aperta 88,9 mhz
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Lo puoi ascoltare sugli 88,9 mhz - lo puoi leggere su
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telefonando a:
06-4393512 o inviando gli sms al 340-3605299
Da: Radio Città Aperta <segreteria@...>
Oggetto: "L'onda lunga". Iniziative per i 25 anni di Radio Città
Aperta
"L'onda lunga"
Radio Città Aperta 88,9 mhz compie venticinque anni
Giovedi 30 ottobre, ore 18.00
Alla Casa delle Culture, via S.Crisogono 45
Dibattito - memoria - ricostruzione storica
La meglio gioventù
Radio Città Aperta: venticinque anni di storia e trasmissioni dentro i
movimenti remando contro i poteri forti e il conformismo
Intervista collettiva degli studenti dell'Università "La Sapienza" con:
Sergio Cararo, Prince Faster, Franco Ottaviano, Fabio Giovannini,
Vincenzo Miliucci, Giovanni Russo Spena, Francesco Piccioni
Venerdi 7 novembre, ore 21.30
Ex Bocciodromo (Vecchio Mattatoio)
Via Monte Testaccio 23
Concerto con
Mikey Dread
E poi serata con i D.J. di Radio Città Aperta
(Entrata 5 euro a sottoscrizione)
Radio Città Aperta 88,9 mhz
Quotidiano multimediale di resistenza
Lo puoi ascoltare sugli 88,9 mhz - lo puoi leggere su
www.radiocittaperta.it
Lo puoi scrivere a: lettere@...; puoi intervenire
telefonando a:
06-4393512 o inviando gli sms al 340-3605299
http://www.balkans.eu.org/article3659.html
DELO
Slovénie : une euro-région au profit de Trieste ?
TRADUIT PAR ELENA MALINOVSKA VISNAR
Publié dans la presse : 28 septembre 2003
Mise en ligne : lundi 6 octobre 2003
Un projet d’euro-région a été lancé par l’ancien maire de Trieste et
actuel gouverneur du Frioul-Julienne, Riccardo Illy ; l’ensemble
« adriatico-alpin » comprendrait la région italienne de
Frioul-Vénétie-Julienne, la Carinthie autrichienne, une partie de la
Slovénie et l’Istrie croate. Mais au profit de qui ?
Par Boris Jez
Comment les pêcheurs de Piran, d’Umag et de la Chioggia italienne
pourraient-ils parvenir à se comprendre dans quelques années ? La
question paraît triviale, mais elle est au cœur même d’un processus
diplomatique amorcé par Bruxelles. Ces pêcheurs - qui se sont disputés,
pris aux cheveux et parfois battus pendant des siècles - pourraient
vivre à l’avenir dans une « eurorégion » commune, susceptible d’avoir
plus de force de gravitation que les États-nations eux-mêmes. Y
croyez-vous ?
Francis Fukuyama restera dans l’histoire pour y avoir prédit la fin de
celle-ci. Mais l’histoire recommence, non seulement en Afghanistan, en
Irak ou en Corée, mais également en Europe. « Même » sur le vieux
continent, il y a de nouveaux États, la configuration politique est
très dynamique, et Bruxelles et Strasbourg mettent en branle un avenir
continental - sans parfois demander conseil à quiconque. Ainsi, nous,
les sujets, sommes obligés de vivre avec une nouvelle configuration
politique - comme si nous n’avions pas suffisamment de problèmes avec
les communes, les régions, les frontières, … À peine avons-nous pu
reprendre notre souffle depuis l’indépendance que nous sommes plongés
jusqu’aux oreilles dans les questions territoriales, du Golfe de Piran
jusqu’à la dernière tentative de l’usurpation de la partie
internationale de l’Adriatique [1].
Les Croates se sont d’ailleurs fait taper sur les doigts récemment,
mais il ne faut pas crier victoire trop rapidement : l’histoire n’est
pas encore terminée. Et cette histoire comprend désormais la région
italienne de Frioul-Vénétie-Julienne, la Carinthie autrichienne, une
partie de la Slovénie et l’Istrie et Rijeka, incluant Gorski Kotar.
L’initiateur est notre bon ami l’ancien maire de Trieste et actuel
gouverneur du Frioul-Julienne, Riccardo Illy. Et je pense qu’il faut
faire confiance à ses bonnes intentions : coopération entre les ports,
corridors de circulation, infrastructure énergétique commune, etc. Il a
vraisemblablement parlé de ce projet lorsqu’il était de passage à
Ljubljana récemment. Tout comme il doit le faire dans quelques jours, à
Venise et à Vienne, et probablement à Zagreb avec Stipe Mesic.
Devrions-nous de prime abord nous opposer à un pareil projet ? A
première vue, non. La Slovénie milite pour la création des « ponts »
(entre les nations et les pays), donc pour des frontières ouvertes et
une coopération croissante. Pourtant, une petite dose de scepticisme ne
nuit pas : pourquoi inclure ces régions dans un conglomérat
« alpino-adriatique », présenté comme étant une « euro-région » ? Et
pourquoi pas les autres ? Les réseaux de transport sont d’une grande
signification dans cette région, mais… Pour qui ? Tout d’abord,
évidemment, pour Trieste et le Frioul-Julienne, qui se voient déjà
comme étant l’épicentre de cet euro-territoire post-féodal.
Et que veut dire « une partie de la Slovénie », dans le vocabulaire
d’Illy ? Cela s’étend jusqu’à la frontière de Rappal, donc jusqu’à
Postojna… Ainsi, l’on pourrait de nouveau boucler l’hinterland de
Trieste, et assurer le contrôle du transport jusqu’à Rijeka et surtout
en direction du « Corridor 5 », où les intérêts italiens sont criants.
Nous ne pouvons pas ne pas y penser, parce que cette « Realpolitik »
n’est pas seulement appuyée historiquement, elle est également évidente
dans les initiatives diplomatiques actuelles.
Les politiciens slovènes devraient comprendre que cette ambiance
puérile dans laquelle l’Europe baignait après la chute du Mur de Berlin
n’existe plus. Une nouvelle dynamique ébranle l’Europe, et ne se
reflète pas seulement dans les offensives françaises pour assujettir
juridiquement et constitutionnellement les petits États (comme dans la
constitution de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing) : il semble qu’une vague de
fond fouette l’Europe. La Croatie, par exemple, tente de peser de tout
son poids et use de tous les moyens pour faire figure de « puissance
régionale » : le différend sur les eaux territoriales internationales
dans l’Adriatique ne sont pas l’œuvre de quelque manœuvre
pré-électorale, il s’agit bel et bien d’une orientation stratégique à
long terme, et au détriment de la Slovénie.
Alors, quelle euro-région ? C’est n’importe quoi ! Comment les pêcheurs
de Chiogge, d’Umag et du Piran se comprendront si le premier ne veut
pas entendre de langues étrangères dans son village, si le Croate ne
veut pas entendre un mot de slovène… ? Le « multiculturalisme » existe
essentiellement chez ceux qui pensent d’abord à créer une grande
« région d’Istrie » - ils sont bien entendu à Trieste… qui ne se trouve
même pas en Istrie ! Et maintenant Illy modernise le concept pour y
intégrer Haider et les Vénitiens. Ces euro-régions sont des puzzles qui
se construisent avec le capital, alors que les gens pensent bien sûr
autrement. Malheureusement, ils ne disent rien…
Comme par hasard, le Guardian de Londres fut le premier à parler de
cette combinaison du « hinterland » du Nord de l’Adriatique, en y
identifiant la marque d’une « connexion » austro-vénitienne. En somme,
les Anglais ne donneraient pas leur bénédiction à ce projet à cause de
Haider, mais aussi et surtout à cause de leurs intérêts traditionnels
dans cette partie de l’Europe. On ne peut pas créer les euro-régions
aussi simplement, ad hoc, comme l’estiment quelques maires et hommes
politiques influents : si les régions sont importantes pour l’Europe du
futur, il faut tout d’abord se plonger dans un débat sérieux, avant que
d’y laisser entrer les instances du grand capital. Les euro-régions
esquissées à Bruxelles, sont-elles une réincarnation de la géographie
féodale ? Quelles seront leurs relations avec les États-nations ?
La politique slovène semble désorientée, même s’il existe presque un
consensus national en faveur de la non-division du territoire national
en régions. Il est facile de partager l’Allemagne en euro-régions : il
est clair à l’avance que le pays restera uni. Mais pour la Slovénie
minuscule, ceci pourrait être fatal. A ce propos : quand Illy
apprendra-t-il le slovène, et quand changera-t-il d’opinion à propos de
« l’absence » de bilinguisme à Trieste ?
On ne peut pas réduire ces contradictions au plus petit dénominateur
commun. La Slovénie est tout simplement prise dans une nouvelle
tempête, celle du « regroupement » en Europe, où elle ne se sent pas
pour le mieux, parce que les initiatives sont prises par les autres,
par la Croatie, par le Frioul, etc. Ljubljana n’a pas réussi pour le
moment à se présenter et à s’établir comme le centre potentiel d’une
région plus large, même si elle le mériterait par son statut ainsi que
par sa position géographique. Les autres veulent nous prendre par
morceaux, de la mer jusqu’à la frontière de Rappal. La Slovénie agace
ses voisins par sa situation géographique, parce qu’elle fait obstacle
aux multiples communications du Nord vers le Sud et de l’Ouest à l’Est.
Le recueil intitulé « Le morcellement de la Slovénie », édité en 2001 à
Velenje, a attiré l’attention sur ces problèmes. Le Dr. France Bucar y
dit : « Si nous considérons la situation en Europe centrale (où une
partie des petits pays affrontent de grands voisins qui, par le passé
et même aujourd’hui, revendiquent des parts de ces petits États comme
étant partie prenante de leur propre territoire national), la formation
des régions mixtes serait un feu vert à l’annexion répétée de ces pays
aux puissances impériales d’autrefois. De telles régions serviraient
aux anciennes puissances impériales de formule très élégante pour
s’approprier des territoires… »
En somme, la Slovénie s’est retrouvée dans un environnement
exceptionnellement dynamique, et elle fait trop peu pour être un acteur
actif de cet environnement : notre politique étrangère est trop peu
animée, et il semble qu’après l’entrée à l’OTAN et à l’UE, elle oublie
sa « petitesse » régionale, qui pourrait s’accentuer dans le futur de
manière significative. De toute façon, il est évident que la Slovénie
ne peut pas naviguer entre l’Europe et les États-Unis, comme le fait
Berlusconi : elle doit d’abord trouver son rôle parmi ses voisines pour
enfin faire sa place.
(Mise en forme : Étienne Dubé)
[1] Voir nos articles, Slovénie-Croatie : partie d’échecs sur
l’Adriatique et Slovénie-Croatie : la zone exclusive des désaccords.
DELO
Slovénie : une euro-région au profit de Trieste ?
TRADUIT PAR ELENA MALINOVSKA VISNAR
Publié dans la presse : 28 septembre 2003
Mise en ligne : lundi 6 octobre 2003
Un projet d’euro-région a été lancé par l’ancien maire de Trieste et
actuel gouverneur du Frioul-Julienne, Riccardo Illy ; l’ensemble
« adriatico-alpin » comprendrait la région italienne de
Frioul-Vénétie-Julienne, la Carinthie autrichienne, une partie de la
Slovénie et l’Istrie croate. Mais au profit de qui ?
Par Boris Jez
Comment les pêcheurs de Piran, d’Umag et de la Chioggia italienne
pourraient-ils parvenir à se comprendre dans quelques années ? La
question paraît triviale, mais elle est au cœur même d’un processus
diplomatique amorcé par Bruxelles. Ces pêcheurs - qui se sont disputés,
pris aux cheveux et parfois battus pendant des siècles - pourraient
vivre à l’avenir dans une « eurorégion » commune, susceptible d’avoir
plus de force de gravitation que les États-nations eux-mêmes. Y
croyez-vous ?
Francis Fukuyama restera dans l’histoire pour y avoir prédit la fin de
celle-ci. Mais l’histoire recommence, non seulement en Afghanistan, en
Irak ou en Corée, mais également en Europe. « Même » sur le vieux
continent, il y a de nouveaux États, la configuration politique est
très dynamique, et Bruxelles et Strasbourg mettent en branle un avenir
continental - sans parfois demander conseil à quiconque. Ainsi, nous,
les sujets, sommes obligés de vivre avec une nouvelle configuration
politique - comme si nous n’avions pas suffisamment de problèmes avec
les communes, les régions, les frontières, … À peine avons-nous pu
reprendre notre souffle depuis l’indépendance que nous sommes plongés
jusqu’aux oreilles dans les questions territoriales, du Golfe de Piran
jusqu’à la dernière tentative de l’usurpation de la partie
internationale de l’Adriatique [1].
Les Croates se sont d’ailleurs fait taper sur les doigts récemment,
mais il ne faut pas crier victoire trop rapidement : l’histoire n’est
pas encore terminée. Et cette histoire comprend désormais la région
italienne de Frioul-Vénétie-Julienne, la Carinthie autrichienne, une
partie de la Slovénie et l’Istrie et Rijeka, incluant Gorski Kotar.
L’initiateur est notre bon ami l’ancien maire de Trieste et actuel
gouverneur du Frioul-Julienne, Riccardo Illy. Et je pense qu’il faut
faire confiance à ses bonnes intentions : coopération entre les ports,
corridors de circulation, infrastructure énergétique commune, etc. Il a
vraisemblablement parlé de ce projet lorsqu’il était de passage à
Ljubljana récemment. Tout comme il doit le faire dans quelques jours, à
Venise et à Vienne, et probablement à Zagreb avec Stipe Mesic.
Devrions-nous de prime abord nous opposer à un pareil projet ? A
première vue, non. La Slovénie milite pour la création des « ponts »
(entre les nations et les pays), donc pour des frontières ouvertes et
une coopération croissante. Pourtant, une petite dose de scepticisme ne
nuit pas : pourquoi inclure ces régions dans un conglomérat
« alpino-adriatique », présenté comme étant une « euro-région » ? Et
pourquoi pas les autres ? Les réseaux de transport sont d’une grande
signification dans cette région, mais… Pour qui ? Tout d’abord,
évidemment, pour Trieste et le Frioul-Julienne, qui se voient déjà
comme étant l’épicentre de cet euro-territoire post-féodal.
Et que veut dire « une partie de la Slovénie », dans le vocabulaire
d’Illy ? Cela s’étend jusqu’à la frontière de Rappal, donc jusqu’à
Postojna… Ainsi, l’on pourrait de nouveau boucler l’hinterland de
Trieste, et assurer le contrôle du transport jusqu’à Rijeka et surtout
en direction du « Corridor 5 », où les intérêts italiens sont criants.
Nous ne pouvons pas ne pas y penser, parce que cette « Realpolitik »
n’est pas seulement appuyée historiquement, elle est également évidente
dans les initiatives diplomatiques actuelles.
Les politiciens slovènes devraient comprendre que cette ambiance
puérile dans laquelle l’Europe baignait après la chute du Mur de Berlin
n’existe plus. Une nouvelle dynamique ébranle l’Europe, et ne se
reflète pas seulement dans les offensives françaises pour assujettir
juridiquement et constitutionnellement les petits États (comme dans la
constitution de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing) : il semble qu’une vague de
fond fouette l’Europe. La Croatie, par exemple, tente de peser de tout
son poids et use de tous les moyens pour faire figure de « puissance
régionale » : le différend sur les eaux territoriales internationales
dans l’Adriatique ne sont pas l’œuvre de quelque manœuvre
pré-électorale, il s’agit bel et bien d’une orientation stratégique à
long terme, et au détriment de la Slovénie.
Alors, quelle euro-région ? C’est n’importe quoi ! Comment les pêcheurs
de Chiogge, d’Umag et du Piran se comprendront si le premier ne veut
pas entendre de langues étrangères dans son village, si le Croate ne
veut pas entendre un mot de slovène… ? Le « multiculturalisme » existe
essentiellement chez ceux qui pensent d’abord à créer une grande
« région d’Istrie » - ils sont bien entendu à Trieste… qui ne se trouve
même pas en Istrie ! Et maintenant Illy modernise le concept pour y
intégrer Haider et les Vénitiens. Ces euro-régions sont des puzzles qui
se construisent avec le capital, alors que les gens pensent bien sûr
autrement. Malheureusement, ils ne disent rien…
Comme par hasard, le Guardian de Londres fut le premier à parler de
cette combinaison du « hinterland » du Nord de l’Adriatique, en y
identifiant la marque d’une « connexion » austro-vénitienne. En somme,
les Anglais ne donneraient pas leur bénédiction à ce projet à cause de
Haider, mais aussi et surtout à cause de leurs intérêts traditionnels
dans cette partie de l’Europe. On ne peut pas créer les euro-régions
aussi simplement, ad hoc, comme l’estiment quelques maires et hommes
politiques influents : si les régions sont importantes pour l’Europe du
futur, il faut tout d’abord se plonger dans un débat sérieux, avant que
d’y laisser entrer les instances du grand capital. Les euro-régions
esquissées à Bruxelles, sont-elles une réincarnation de la géographie
féodale ? Quelles seront leurs relations avec les États-nations ?
La politique slovène semble désorientée, même s’il existe presque un
consensus national en faveur de la non-division du territoire national
en régions. Il est facile de partager l’Allemagne en euro-régions : il
est clair à l’avance que le pays restera uni. Mais pour la Slovénie
minuscule, ceci pourrait être fatal. A ce propos : quand Illy
apprendra-t-il le slovène, et quand changera-t-il d’opinion à propos de
« l’absence » de bilinguisme à Trieste ?
On ne peut pas réduire ces contradictions au plus petit dénominateur
commun. La Slovénie est tout simplement prise dans une nouvelle
tempête, celle du « regroupement » en Europe, où elle ne se sent pas
pour le mieux, parce que les initiatives sont prises par les autres,
par la Croatie, par le Frioul, etc. Ljubljana n’a pas réussi pour le
moment à se présenter et à s’établir comme le centre potentiel d’une
région plus large, même si elle le mériterait par son statut ainsi que
par sa position géographique. Les autres veulent nous prendre par
morceaux, de la mer jusqu’à la frontière de Rappal. La Slovénie agace
ses voisins par sa situation géographique, parce qu’elle fait obstacle
aux multiples communications du Nord vers le Sud et de l’Ouest à l’Est.
Le recueil intitulé « Le morcellement de la Slovénie », édité en 2001 à
Velenje, a attiré l’attention sur ces problèmes. Le Dr. France Bucar y
dit : « Si nous considérons la situation en Europe centrale (où une
partie des petits pays affrontent de grands voisins qui, par le passé
et même aujourd’hui, revendiquent des parts de ces petits États comme
étant partie prenante de leur propre territoire national), la formation
des régions mixtes serait un feu vert à l’annexion répétée de ces pays
aux puissances impériales d’autrefois. De telles régions serviraient
aux anciennes puissances impériales de formule très élégante pour
s’approprier des territoires… »
En somme, la Slovénie s’est retrouvée dans un environnement
exceptionnellement dynamique, et elle fait trop peu pour être un acteur
actif de cet environnement : notre politique étrangère est trop peu
animée, et il semble qu’après l’entrée à l’OTAN et à l’UE, elle oublie
sa « petitesse » régionale, qui pourrait s’accentuer dans le futur de
manière significative. De toute façon, il est évident que la Slovénie
ne peut pas naviguer entre l’Europe et les États-Unis, comme le fait
Berlusconi : elle doit d’abord trouver son rôle parmi ses voisines pour
enfin faire sa place.
(Mise en forme : Étienne Dubé)
[1] Voir nos articles, Slovénie-Croatie : partie d’échecs sur
l’Adriatique et Slovénie-Croatie : la zone exclusive des désaccords.
History of misinformation tarnishes Clark's military record
--- LINKS:
CHECK THE GENERAL'S SENSES
http://www.webheaven.co.yu/nato/general.htm
Wesley Clark farà domani il contrario di ciò che ha fatto ieri?
in english:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2822
en francais:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2811
in italiano:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2825
Wesley Clark, un “nuovo patriota” verso la Casa Bianca
http://www.clorofilla.it/articolo.asp?articolo=3316
Wesley Clark for President? A Ticket to Armageddon
(by TV Weber)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/weber/007.shtml
NY Sun: Clark's Misinformation Problem
(by Thomas Lipscomb)
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/996650/posts
--- MORE FROM OUR PREVIOUS MAILINGS:
Wesley Clark War Crimes amply documented
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2822
War Criminal Wesley Clark for President?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2795
===
Chicago Sun-Times - Other views
http://www.suntimes.com/output/otherviews/cst-edt-clark06.html
History of misinformation tarnishes Clark's military record
October 6, 2003
BY THOMAS H. LIPSCOMB
The latest entry in the Democratic presidential candidate lineup has
rocketed to become the top candidate within two weeks of his
announcement. Wesley Clark is a retired general and a Rhodes scholar,
and he served as NATO commander during the Kosovo War as well as a CNN
commentator during the Iraq war this spring. His words of July 11 sound
like the kind of straight talk that could reassure Americans
increasingly uncertain about the direction of the war in Iraq: "When I
was in the military," he said, "I took an oath to uphold the
Constitution. There is nothing in the Constitution that says you can
mislead people."
But in one astonishing statement three days before Clark announced his
candidacy, Clark's former boss, Gen. H. Hugh Shelton, raised the most
serious questions about Clark's military record, which is, of course,
all he really has to run on. Shelton, who was chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff on 9/11, said: "I've known Wes a long time. I will tell
you the reason he came out of Europe early had to do with integrity and
character, issues that are very near and dear to my heart."
According to military historian Thomas Fleming, "This is the most
critical statement by one senior military officer on the record on the
conduct of another in the history of the United States armed forces."
Shelton is not alone in his opinion. Clark is widely disliked in the
Army. Many commentators wondered at the time why Clark "came out of
Europe early." It was unheard of for Clark or any NATO commander to be
relieved months before his tour was up and quickly retired. Now Shelton
has revealed that the reason Clark was relieved involved issues of
"integrity and character." Within the military code there could be no
more damning statement.
There are clues to Shelton's indictment from Clark's Kosovo campaign.
The war began after a chorus of charges that the Serbians were
unleashing genocidal holocaust upon Kosovars, Albanians and other
largely Muslim minorities. And the NATO commander's headquarters
rapidly became an echo of the "five o'clock follies" of press
misinformation at Army headquarters in Saigon two decades earlier.
Here are a few examples: There were supposed to be 100,000 prisoners
detained by the Serbs in a soccer stadium in Pristina. An Agence France
Presse reporter dropped by the stadium a few days later and admired its
green grass and empty seats with the single caretaker on the site.
NATO headquarters passed along Albanian allegations that Serbian
victims were being incinerated at a Trpca mine smelter. But when
interviewed by reporter Ben Works, NATO officers admitted they had
monitored the site during the entire war and the smelter had never been
fired up.
Even the NATO bomb-damage assessment team Clark sent in after the truce
found that instead of the several hundred Serbian tanks Clark had
claimed were destroyed by his air war, there were only 12 and about as
many personnel carriers. As for atrocities, according to Works, Clark's
team found "no credible indications of large scale atrocities or any
other pattern of smaller scale crimes against humanity."
If Clark was singularly unsuccessful in his high-altitude air war on
the Serb forces, which he had predicted would bring victory in a few
days, it caused a lot of civilian casualties. Besides blowing up the
Chinese Embassy, some civilian convoys, a lot of radio and TV
facilities, and an amazing number of chicken coops, one incident stands
out. A train loaded with civilians was crossing a bridge near Grdelica
when it was attacked by NATO F-15s. A dozen were killed and many
wounded. In briefing the press Clark termed it "unfortunate." Clark ran
gun camera photo footage. "You can see if you are focusing on your job
as a pilot how suddenly that train appeared." NATO was claiming their
target was the bridge and the train was moving so fast they couldn't
reinstruct the missile in time to avoid the train.
Looking at the film the train does appear to suddenly jump into the
frame. There was only one problem: According to the Ottawa Citizen's
Scott Taylor, the film had been doctored. The F-15s had made two passes
and hit the bridge the first time, knocking out the train's electrical
power. On the second pass, they hit the train. The two segments were
spliced together so it looked like the stationary train was moving.
This is not the only time Clark suffered from the failure of monitoring
cameras. Cameras also failed at the tragic bombing at the village of
Korisa which killed 87 Albanian civilians, and at the final assault on
the Koresh compound at Waco. Eighty six civilians were killed in the
assault, in which 17 armored vehicles and personnel as well from the
First Cavalry Division at Ft. Hood commanded by Clark participated.
Mistakes happen. Subordinates send up bad or intentionally skewed
information. The fog of war makes any headquarters press communications
difficult at best. But if Shelton and Defense Secretary Bill Cohen were
receiving reports as misleading as the ones furnished to the press by
Clark's headquarters it couldn't have made their task any easier.
Clark is the leading Democratic candidate for president. He is also the
only candidate who is registered with several agencies, including the
Defense Department, as a paid lobbyist. To avoid a possible conflict of
interest, did he tell CNN he was a registered Defense lobbyist when he
signed on as their on-air military commentator? According to CNN
spokesman Mark Furman, "We did not know." When CNN fired him, Clark
blamed the influence of President Bush, which CNN denied.
Perhaps for Wesley Clark, like Bill Clinton, another brilliant Rhodes
Scholar Arkansan who served as Clark's commander in chief, it may
depend on what the word "mislead" means.
Thomas H. Lipscomb is chairman of the Center for the Digital Future in
New York.
--- LINKS:
CHECK THE GENERAL'S SENSES
http://www.webheaven.co.yu/nato/general.htm
Wesley Clark farà domani il contrario di ciò che ha fatto ieri?
in english:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2822
en francais:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2811
in italiano:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2825
Wesley Clark, un “nuovo patriota” verso la Casa Bianca
http://www.clorofilla.it/articolo.asp?articolo=3316
Wesley Clark for President? A Ticket to Armageddon
(by TV Weber)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/weber/007.shtml
NY Sun: Clark's Misinformation Problem
(by Thomas Lipscomb)
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/996650/posts
--- MORE FROM OUR PREVIOUS MAILINGS:
Wesley Clark War Crimes amply documented
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2822
War Criminal Wesley Clark for President?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2795
===
Chicago Sun-Times - Other views
http://www.suntimes.com/output/otherviews/cst-edt-clark06.html
History of misinformation tarnishes Clark's military record
October 6, 2003
BY THOMAS H. LIPSCOMB
The latest entry in the Democratic presidential candidate lineup has
rocketed to become the top candidate within two weeks of his
announcement. Wesley Clark is a retired general and a Rhodes scholar,
and he served as NATO commander during the Kosovo War as well as a CNN
commentator during the Iraq war this spring. His words of July 11 sound
like the kind of straight talk that could reassure Americans
increasingly uncertain about the direction of the war in Iraq: "When I
was in the military," he said, "I took an oath to uphold the
Constitution. There is nothing in the Constitution that says you can
mislead people."
But in one astonishing statement three days before Clark announced his
candidacy, Clark's former boss, Gen. H. Hugh Shelton, raised the most
serious questions about Clark's military record, which is, of course,
all he really has to run on. Shelton, who was chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff on 9/11, said: "I've known Wes a long time. I will tell
you the reason he came out of Europe early had to do with integrity and
character, issues that are very near and dear to my heart."
According to military historian Thomas Fleming, "This is the most
critical statement by one senior military officer on the record on the
conduct of another in the history of the United States armed forces."
Shelton is not alone in his opinion. Clark is widely disliked in the
Army. Many commentators wondered at the time why Clark "came out of
Europe early." It was unheard of for Clark or any NATO commander to be
relieved months before his tour was up and quickly retired. Now Shelton
has revealed that the reason Clark was relieved involved issues of
"integrity and character." Within the military code there could be no
more damning statement.
There are clues to Shelton's indictment from Clark's Kosovo campaign.
The war began after a chorus of charges that the Serbians were
unleashing genocidal holocaust upon Kosovars, Albanians and other
largely Muslim minorities. And the NATO commander's headquarters
rapidly became an echo of the "five o'clock follies" of press
misinformation at Army headquarters in Saigon two decades earlier.
Here are a few examples: There were supposed to be 100,000 prisoners
detained by the Serbs in a soccer stadium in Pristina. An Agence France
Presse reporter dropped by the stadium a few days later and admired its
green grass and empty seats with the single caretaker on the site.
NATO headquarters passed along Albanian allegations that Serbian
victims were being incinerated at a Trpca mine smelter. But when
interviewed by reporter Ben Works, NATO officers admitted they had
monitored the site during the entire war and the smelter had never been
fired up.
Even the NATO bomb-damage assessment team Clark sent in after the truce
found that instead of the several hundred Serbian tanks Clark had
claimed were destroyed by his air war, there were only 12 and about as
many personnel carriers. As for atrocities, according to Works, Clark's
team found "no credible indications of large scale atrocities or any
other pattern of smaller scale crimes against humanity."
If Clark was singularly unsuccessful in his high-altitude air war on
the Serb forces, which he had predicted would bring victory in a few
days, it caused a lot of civilian casualties. Besides blowing up the
Chinese Embassy, some civilian convoys, a lot of radio and TV
facilities, and an amazing number of chicken coops, one incident stands
out. A train loaded with civilians was crossing a bridge near Grdelica
when it was attacked by NATO F-15s. A dozen were killed and many
wounded. In briefing the press Clark termed it "unfortunate." Clark ran
gun camera photo footage. "You can see if you are focusing on your job
as a pilot how suddenly that train appeared." NATO was claiming their
target was the bridge and the train was moving so fast they couldn't
reinstruct the missile in time to avoid the train.
Looking at the film the train does appear to suddenly jump into the
frame. There was only one problem: According to the Ottawa Citizen's
Scott Taylor, the film had been doctored. The F-15s had made two passes
and hit the bridge the first time, knocking out the train's electrical
power. On the second pass, they hit the train. The two segments were
spliced together so it looked like the stationary train was moving.
This is not the only time Clark suffered from the failure of monitoring
cameras. Cameras also failed at the tragic bombing at the village of
Korisa which killed 87 Albanian civilians, and at the final assault on
the Koresh compound at Waco. Eighty six civilians were killed in the
assault, in which 17 armored vehicles and personnel as well from the
First Cavalry Division at Ft. Hood commanded by Clark participated.
Mistakes happen. Subordinates send up bad or intentionally skewed
information. The fog of war makes any headquarters press communications
difficult at best. But if Shelton and Defense Secretary Bill Cohen were
receiving reports as misleading as the ones furnished to the press by
Clark's headquarters it couldn't have made their task any easier.
Clark is the leading Democratic candidate for president. He is also the
only candidate who is registered with several agencies, including the
Defense Department, as a paid lobbyist. To avoid a possible conflict of
interest, did he tell CNN he was a registered Defense lobbyist when he
signed on as their on-air military commentator? According to CNN
spokesman Mark Furman, "We did not know." When CNN fired him, Clark
blamed the influence of President Bush, which CNN denied.
Perhaps for Wesley Clark, like Bill Clinton, another brilliant Rhodes
Scholar Arkansan who served as Clark's commander in chief, it may
depend on what the word "mislead" means.
Thomas H. Lipscomb is chairman of the Center for the Digital Future in
New York.
Varvarin 30/5/1999 (italiano / english)
=== ITALIANO ===
Il Manifesto 16-10-03
NATO
Primo processo per i raid del 1999
Si è aperto ieri a Bonn il processo per il risarcimento delle vittime
di Varvarin, piccolo villaggio della Serbia, bombardato dalla Nato
nella guerra «umanitaria» del 1999. 35 serbo-montenegrini, parenti
delle vittime e feriti sopravvissuti al raid, hanno fatto causa al
governo federale tedesco - «uno dei governi della Nato qualsiasi» ha
sostenuto la difesa, e la magistratura tedesca ha accettato
l'interpretazione - richiedendo in totale 3,5 milioni di euro di
risarcimento. Nel bombardamento di un ponte a Varvarin, a fine maggio
1999, dieci persone rimasero uccise, 17 riportarono ferite gravi e
altre 30 rimasero ferite lievemente. E' la prima causa del genere
contro un paese membro dell'Alleanza atlantica. Il governo tedesco
aveva finora sostenuto che tali questioni dovevano essere affrontate a
livello bilaterale fra stati, la parte civile ha argomentato invece che
il raid Nato era in aperta violazione del diritto internazionale perché
il ponte non era un obiettivo militare - furono centinaia gli obiettivi
civili colpiti (effetti collaterali), 1.500 le vittime civili. Gli
aerei Nato colpirono in due attacchi consecutivi il ponte d'acciaio
sulla Morava. La maggior parte delle vittime furono abitanti di
Varvarin accorsi per soccorrere i feriti del primo raid. La Nato ha
chiesto alla nuova leadership filoatlantica di Belgrado che, se vuole
diventare partner, deve ritirare la denucnia per crimini di guerra
contro i leader della Nato presentata dall'ex presidente Kostunica.
(ringraziamo Luca per la segnalazione)
---
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/serbiamontenegro/serbiamontenegro.shtml
KOSOVO: PROCESSO A STATO TEDESCO PER STRAGE SERBI IN 1999
(ANSA) - BERLINO, 15 OTT - A quattro anni dai raid aerei della Nato
sulla Serbia durante la crisi del Kosovo, si e' aperto oggi a Bonn un
processo intentato contro lo stato tedesco da un gruppo di cittadini
serbi, che chiedono alla Germania un risarcimento per le vittime di un
bombardamento aereo della Nato sulla localita' serba di Varvarin.
A intentare causa contro la Germania - i cui aerei presero parte alle
incursioni in Serbia - sono stati 35 cittadini della
Serbia-Montenegro, parenti delle dieci vittime di Varvarin, o essi
stessi rimasti feriti nel bombardamento Nato del 30 maggio 1999.
Dagli originari 3,5 milioni di Euro, la richiesta di risarcimento e'
scesa a circa un milione. I rappresentanti dello stato tedesco
hanno respinto oggi in tribunale la richiesta dei serbi, e una
sentenza sulla disputa e' stata annunciata per il 10 dicembre.
(ANSA). QN 15/10/2003 20:28
GERMANIA: KOSOVO, STATO CHIAMATO IN CAUSA PER ATTACCHI NATO
(ANSA) - BERLINO, 14 OTT - Si apre domani a Bonn il processo per il
risarcimento delle vittime di Varvarin, un piccolo villaggio della
Serbia, bombardato dalla Nato durante la campagna del Kosovo del
1999. 35 serbo-montenegrini, parenti delle vittime e feriti
sopravvissuti al raid, hanno fatto causa al governo federale tedesco,
richiedendo in totale 3,5 milioni di euro di risarcimento. In
seguito al bombardamento di un ponte nei pressi del villaggio di
Varvarin, alla fine del maggio 1999, dieci persone rimasero uccise, 17
riportarono ferite gravi e altre 30 rimasero ferite in maniera piu'
lieve. Per la prima volta dei cittadini intentano una causa del
genere contro uno stato. Mentre il governo tedesco ha finora sostenuto
che tali questioni devono essere affrontate a livello bilaterale fra
gli stati, la parte civile argomenta invece che il raid della Nato era
in aperta violazione del diritto internazionale perche' il ponte non
era un obiettivo militare. Gli aerei Nato colpirono in due attacchi
consecutivi il ponte d'acciaio sul fiume Morava, in Serbia. La maggior
parte delle vittime furono soprattutto abitanti di Varvarin accorsi
per soccorrere i feriti del primo raid. (ANSA).
COR*QN 14/10/2003 19:45
=== ENGLISH ===
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cq/Qgermany-nato-serbia.R0sc_DOF.html
Agence France-Presse - October 14, 2003
Serbian families seek payout from Germany over 1999
NATO bombing
BERLIN, Oct 15 (AFP) - A German court begins hearing a
landmark case Wednesday into whether the government
here should compensate the relatives of civilians
killed when NATO aircraft bombed the Serbian town of
Varvarin in 1999.
The suit, lodged by 35 citizens from former
Yugoslavia, is thought to be the first of its kind to
go before a European tribunal, and could serve as a
test case for other people seeking damages from NATO's
19 members.
The case will be heard in a civil court in the western
city of Bonn, with the relatives seeking total damages
of about 3.5 million euros (4.1 million dollars).
Ten civilians were killed and 17 badly wounded on May
30, 1999, when NATO planes launched missiles at a
bridge in Varvarin, during the alliance's campaign to
end Belgrade's crackdown on ethnic Albanians in
Kosovo.
Three people, including a 15-year-old girl, were
killed and five wounded when the planes initially
struck.
Seven died and 12 others were hurt, many of them
people who had come to help the victims hit earlier,
when the aircraft attacked again minutes later.
The bridge was close to the town's market, which was
crowded early on the Sunday afternoon of the
airstrike, and was hit during good weather.
NATO said it was a "designated" and "legitimate
target" but an inquiry found that the bridge was only
capable of supporting a maximum 12-tonne load, making
it too small to shift much military equipment.
Varvarin lies some 180 kilometres (110 miles)
southeast of Belgrade, which was bombed by NATO, and
200 kilometres from Kosovo, the province where former
president Slobodan Milosevic had ordered his troops to
end an ethnic Albanian uprising.
No Serbian military infrastructure was thought to be
near the town, which lies in a largely agricultural
area.
A lawyer for the relatives, Ulrich Dost, claims
Germany knew of and approved the attack.
He said it was a deliberate act meant to hit civilians
and that despite the fact the German military was not
involved, Germany as a NATO member must take
responsibility for the deaths and violations of human
rights.
Dost said the victims could sue based on a 1977
protocol added to the Geneva Convention which calls on
signatories to distinguish between civilians and the
military and "direct their operations only against
military objectives. "
According to former Yugoslav president Vojislav
Kostunica, 1,500 Serb civilians, 81 of them children,
died in NATO's two-and-a-half-month campaign to force
an end to Belgrade's repression in Kosovo.
===
Related links / Altri articoli:
A summary of NATO destructions, with many photos:
http://www.sramota.com/nato/
March 24, 1999: NATO's Humanitarian Trigger
(by Diana Johnstone):
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/Kosovo/Kosovo-controversies16.html
Wesley Clark War Crimes amply documented:
NATO's War of Aggression against Yugoslavia
(by Michel Chossudovsky):
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO309C.html
Les deux volumes du livre blanc des
crimes de l’OTAN en Yougoslavie 1999:
http://otan99.chiffonrouge.org
=== ITALIANO ===
Il Manifesto 16-10-03
NATO
Primo processo per i raid del 1999
Si è aperto ieri a Bonn il processo per il risarcimento delle vittime
di Varvarin, piccolo villaggio della Serbia, bombardato dalla Nato
nella guerra «umanitaria» del 1999. 35 serbo-montenegrini, parenti
delle vittime e feriti sopravvissuti al raid, hanno fatto causa al
governo federale tedesco - «uno dei governi della Nato qualsiasi» ha
sostenuto la difesa, e la magistratura tedesca ha accettato
l'interpretazione - richiedendo in totale 3,5 milioni di euro di
risarcimento. Nel bombardamento di un ponte a Varvarin, a fine maggio
1999, dieci persone rimasero uccise, 17 riportarono ferite gravi e
altre 30 rimasero ferite lievemente. E' la prima causa del genere
contro un paese membro dell'Alleanza atlantica. Il governo tedesco
aveva finora sostenuto che tali questioni dovevano essere affrontate a
livello bilaterale fra stati, la parte civile ha argomentato invece che
il raid Nato era in aperta violazione del diritto internazionale perché
il ponte non era un obiettivo militare - furono centinaia gli obiettivi
civili colpiti (effetti collaterali), 1.500 le vittime civili. Gli
aerei Nato colpirono in due attacchi consecutivi il ponte d'acciaio
sulla Morava. La maggior parte delle vittime furono abitanti di
Varvarin accorsi per soccorrere i feriti del primo raid. La Nato ha
chiesto alla nuova leadership filoatlantica di Belgrado che, se vuole
diventare partner, deve ritirare la denucnia per crimini di guerra
contro i leader della Nato presentata dall'ex presidente Kostunica.
(ringraziamo Luca per la segnalazione)
---
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/serbiamontenegro/serbiamontenegro.shtml
KOSOVO: PROCESSO A STATO TEDESCO PER STRAGE SERBI IN 1999
(ANSA) - BERLINO, 15 OTT - A quattro anni dai raid aerei della Nato
sulla Serbia durante la crisi del Kosovo, si e' aperto oggi a Bonn un
processo intentato contro lo stato tedesco da un gruppo di cittadini
serbi, che chiedono alla Germania un risarcimento per le vittime di un
bombardamento aereo della Nato sulla localita' serba di Varvarin.
A intentare causa contro la Germania - i cui aerei presero parte alle
incursioni in Serbia - sono stati 35 cittadini della
Serbia-Montenegro, parenti delle dieci vittime di Varvarin, o essi
stessi rimasti feriti nel bombardamento Nato del 30 maggio 1999.
Dagli originari 3,5 milioni di Euro, la richiesta di risarcimento e'
scesa a circa un milione. I rappresentanti dello stato tedesco
hanno respinto oggi in tribunale la richiesta dei serbi, e una
sentenza sulla disputa e' stata annunciata per il 10 dicembre.
(ANSA). QN 15/10/2003 20:28
GERMANIA: KOSOVO, STATO CHIAMATO IN CAUSA PER ATTACCHI NATO
(ANSA) - BERLINO, 14 OTT - Si apre domani a Bonn il processo per il
risarcimento delle vittime di Varvarin, un piccolo villaggio della
Serbia, bombardato dalla Nato durante la campagna del Kosovo del
1999. 35 serbo-montenegrini, parenti delle vittime e feriti
sopravvissuti al raid, hanno fatto causa al governo federale tedesco,
richiedendo in totale 3,5 milioni di euro di risarcimento. In
seguito al bombardamento di un ponte nei pressi del villaggio di
Varvarin, alla fine del maggio 1999, dieci persone rimasero uccise, 17
riportarono ferite gravi e altre 30 rimasero ferite in maniera piu'
lieve. Per la prima volta dei cittadini intentano una causa del
genere contro uno stato. Mentre il governo tedesco ha finora sostenuto
che tali questioni devono essere affrontate a livello bilaterale fra
gli stati, la parte civile argomenta invece che il raid della Nato era
in aperta violazione del diritto internazionale perche' il ponte non
era un obiettivo militare. Gli aerei Nato colpirono in due attacchi
consecutivi il ponte d'acciaio sul fiume Morava, in Serbia. La maggior
parte delle vittime furono soprattutto abitanti di Varvarin accorsi
per soccorrere i feriti del primo raid. (ANSA).
COR*QN 14/10/2003 19:45
=== ENGLISH ===
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cq/Qgermany-nato-serbia.R0sc_DOF.html
Agence France-Presse - October 14, 2003
Serbian families seek payout from Germany over 1999
NATO bombing
BERLIN, Oct 15 (AFP) - A German court begins hearing a
landmark case Wednesday into whether the government
here should compensate the relatives of civilians
killed when NATO aircraft bombed the Serbian town of
Varvarin in 1999.
The suit, lodged by 35 citizens from former
Yugoslavia, is thought to be the first of its kind to
go before a European tribunal, and could serve as a
test case for other people seeking damages from NATO's
19 members.
The case will be heard in a civil court in the western
city of Bonn, with the relatives seeking total damages
of about 3.5 million euros (4.1 million dollars).
Ten civilians were killed and 17 badly wounded on May
30, 1999, when NATO planes launched missiles at a
bridge in Varvarin, during the alliance's campaign to
end Belgrade's crackdown on ethnic Albanians in
Kosovo.
Three people, including a 15-year-old girl, were
killed and five wounded when the planes initially
struck.
Seven died and 12 others were hurt, many of them
people who had come to help the victims hit earlier,
when the aircraft attacked again minutes later.
The bridge was close to the town's market, which was
crowded early on the Sunday afternoon of the
airstrike, and was hit during good weather.
NATO said it was a "designated" and "legitimate
target" but an inquiry found that the bridge was only
capable of supporting a maximum 12-tonne load, making
it too small to shift much military equipment.
Varvarin lies some 180 kilometres (110 miles)
southeast of Belgrade, which was bombed by NATO, and
200 kilometres from Kosovo, the province where former
president Slobodan Milosevic had ordered his troops to
end an ethnic Albanian uprising.
No Serbian military infrastructure was thought to be
near the town, which lies in a largely agricultural
area.
A lawyer for the relatives, Ulrich Dost, claims
Germany knew of and approved the attack.
He said it was a deliberate act meant to hit civilians
and that despite the fact the German military was not
involved, Germany as a NATO member must take
responsibility for the deaths and violations of human
rights.
Dost said the victims could sue based on a 1977
protocol added to the Geneva Convention which calls on
signatories to distinguish between civilians and the
military and "direct their operations only against
military objectives. "
According to former Yugoslav president Vojislav
Kostunica, 1,500 Serb civilians, 81 of them children,
died in NATO's two-and-a-half-month campaign to force
an end to Belgrade's repression in Kosovo.
===
Related links / Altri articoli:
A summary of NATO destructions, with many photos:
http://www.sramota.com/nato/
March 24, 1999: NATO's Humanitarian Trigger
(by Diana Johnstone):
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/Kosovo/Kosovo-controversies16.html
Wesley Clark War Crimes amply documented:
NATO's War of Aggression against Yugoslavia
(by Michel Chossudovsky):
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO309C.html
Les deux volumes du livre blanc des
crimes de l’OTAN en Yougoslavie 1999:
http://otan99.chiffonrouge.org
