Informazione
URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel (9-28-2000)
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
>"We want to be open colony and open society." G-17 coordinator VESELIN
>VUKOTIC interviewed on "The News Hour with Jim Lehrer", US Public
Television,
>July 14, 1999.
>
>How the International Monetary Fund and World Bank operate: "First, they
>force governments to do away with any social protections - subsidized food
or
>rent, free transportation, free medical care. Second, they force
businesses -
>public and private - into bankruptcy. Then these businesses are taken over
by
>a small clique of leveraged buyout speculators and other powerful foreign
>economic interests. They purchase the businesses at rock bottom prices.
This
>is called "Privatization through Liquidation" which is standard practice in
>the Balkans and Eastern Europe." (From the text below)
>
>Recently there's been a lot of interest in the economists in the Yugoslav
>group G-17. They wrote the Program adopted by the so-called "democratic"
>opposition and its Presidential candidate, Vojislav Kostunica. (For a
>discussion of that Program, see "US Arrogance & Yugoslav Elections" at
>www.emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm )
>
>The G-17 likes to give the impression it is independent and
>Yugoslav-oriented. In fact it is funded mainly through the Washington-based
>Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE). CIPE describes itself
as
>"an affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce." But in fact it is "a core
>institute" of the National Endowment for Democracy which has nothing to do,
>as far as we can tell, with Democracy. Rather, the Endowment was created in
>1983 to solve a problem of Empire. People knew that the CIA bribed
>intellectuals and leaders and set up front groups to carry out US policy:
>
>"When these covert activities surfaced (as they inevitably did), the
fallout
>was devastating." ('Washington Post', Sept. 22, 1991).
>
>This is why Congress created the National Endowment for Democracy.
>
>Allen Weinstein, who planned the Endowment, said:
>
>"A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA."
>('Washington Post', Sept. 21, 1991)
>
>The National Endowment for Democracy (a sort of CIA spin-off) controls and
>pays for the Center for International Private Enterprise which in turn
funds
>the G-17.
>
>Three of the leading members of G-17 are Washington-based staff members of
>the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. They are, Dusan Vujovic,
>Zeliko Bogetic and Branko Milanovic. In addition, G-17 coordinator
Professor
>Veselin Vukotic has worked closely with the World Bank. He was in charge of
>the World Bank "bankruptcy program" in Yugoslavia during 1989-1990, which
led
>to the devastation of the Yugoslav economy and set the stage for the
breakup
>of Yugoslavia. While on IMF/WB payrolls, they are heavily involved in
>politics in Serbia and Montenegro. Other members of the G-17 consult for
the
>World Bank and attend World Bank-organized meetings.
>
>The "democratic" opposition works with the G-17. It has endorsed the G-17
>Economic program. If it got into power, the G-17 economists would be in
>charge of remaking Yugoslavia. This is not a guess. The opposition Program
>calls for working closely with the International Monetary Fund. The Fund
>always insists that its men run the show. That is not open for negotiation.
>And the IMF's men can conveniently be found among the leading members of
G-17.
>
>On their Website, the G-17 states that their aim is to establish: "...a
>network of experts in all Serbian towns able to create and practically
>implement necessary changes in all fields of social life."
>
>This is not simply a group of economists. It is a network. The
International
>Monetary Fund and World Bank are using this network to impose their
policies
>on Yugoslavia. Meanwhile they tell everyone the fiction that G-17 is a
>home-grown alternative.
>
>G-17 Coordinator Mladjan Dinkic is right now on his way to Bulgaria to draw
>up a "Letter Of Intent" with his colleagues at the International Monetary
>Fund. This will be the first step toward enforcing IMF "economic medicine."
>"We hope they will accept it," Dinkic said to a Pacifica Radio reporter.
>
>Economic Medicine Worse than Russia and Ukraine
>
>What happens when the IMF takes over a country?
>
>One of writers, Prof. Chossudovsky, studies the International Monetary Fund
>and World Bank and what their policies do to countries. . The G-17 Economic
>Program contains the same measures they forced on Russia, the Ukraine,
>Bulgaria and Peru, and many others. The results: social and economic
>devastation.
>
>But Yugoslavia has resisted NATO's attack on its national sovereignty. So
the
>IMF will hit Yugoslavia with even harder economic medicine.
>
>Forced Bankruptcies and Mass Misery
>
>G-17 economists like to talk about "free markets" and "privatization." But
in
>fact their International Monetary Fund wrecks countries.
>
>First, they force governments to do away with any social protections -
>subsidized food or rent, free transportation, free medical care. Out the
>window.
>
>Second, they use economic manipulation and new laws to force businesses -
>public and private - into bankruptcy. Then these businesses are taken over
by
>a small clique of leveraged buyout speculators and other powerful foreign
>economic interests. They purchase the businesses at rock bottom prices.
This
>is called "Privatization through Liquidation" and it is standard practice
in
>the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
>
>A case in point: Yugoslavia, 1989
>
>The elder statesman of the G-17 is Professor Veselin Vukotic. Presently he
is
>one of the economic brains behind Montenegrin secessionism.
>
>But what was he doing before the breakup of Yugoslavia?
>
>In 1989 he was appointed Minister of Privatization under Yugoslav Premier
>Ante Markovic.
>
>Yugoslavs have bitter memories of 1989-1991. But do they "put a human face"
>on the nightmare? Perhaps people think the economic disaster resulted from
>"market mechanisms" or "incompetent government." In fact it resulted from a
>World Bank plan.
>
>People in Ante Markovic's government pulled the strings. In 1989-90,
>Professor Vukotic worked with his Cabinet colleagues and an army of Western
>lawyers and consultants. They imposed the Financial Operations Act. It was
a
>World Bank plan.
>
>Under this law, companies were carefully selected for bankruptcy or
>liquidation. They were forced to meet impossible conditions. In this way,
the
>World Bank, through the Ministry of Privatization headed by Professor
Vukotic
>orchestrated the breakup of fifty percent of Yugoslav industry. World Bank
>data confirms that under his direction more than 1100 industrial firms were
>wiped out from January 1989 to September 1990
>
>And that was only the beginning.
>
>Over 614,000 industrial workers were laid off out of 2.7 million. The areas
>hardest hit were: Serbia, including Kosovo, and Bosnia-Herzegovina and
>Macedonia. Real wages did a nose-dive. Social programs collapsed.
>Unemployment shot up.
>
>And now this same Professor Vukotic, a key man in the G-17, wants to return
>to power. When the IMF gets its jaws on a country it forces the government
to
>work under people who have already served the IMF and World Bank before.,
>People like Professor Vukotic. Vukotic could finish the job he started in
>1989 under the World Bank, a job ironically discontinued when economic
>sanctions were imposed in 1992. (Bulgaria would probably be better off
today
>if it had been hit with sanctions instead of with the International
Monetary
>Fund!)
>
>Giving Montenegrin Property to Foreign Speculators
>
>While Prof. Vukotic hopes to regain cabinet status in a "democratic"
>opposition government in Yugoslavia he has also been working closely with
the
>secessionist government of Montenegro. Montenegrin President Milo
Djukanovic,
>his former student, had put him in charge of the privatization program
which
>is auctioning off state property in Montenegro.
>
>Recently we found a US Commerce Department advertisement on the internet.
The
>title is: " Montenegro: Seeks Privatization Fund Managers."
>
>The advertisement explains that these Managers are needed in Montenegro,
>where US officials are "providing technical support" for so-called
>privatization. The managers would control "funds" that would take over
>ownership of what is now public property. The Managers could "restructure"
>these privatized companies - lay off the workers and sell the most valuable
>components. The Commerce department promises that this "should be quite
>profitable." Note how brazenly the U.S. Commerce Department celebrates
>turning Montenegrin property into foreign profit.
>
>Kosovo
>
>Professor Vukotic has also been vocal on the political and economic status
of
>Kosovo. Last June NATO marched into Kosovo, and the UCK (or Kosovo
Liberation
>Army) along with them. Wherever they went, they drove loyal Yugoslav
citizens
>from their homes, stole or destroyed their property and threatened them
with
>death. By June 26, the expulsions were at a peak.
>
>While Kosovo was devastated, Professor Vukotic said: "Kosovo should also
have
>its own currency." That's virtually the same as saying Kosovo should be a
>separate country. ('Associated Press,' June 26, 1999)
>
>The Deutschmark was adopted as legal tender and almost the entire banking
>system in Kosovo was handed over to Germanys Commerzbank A.G. And the G-17
>economists applaud
>
>The G-17 on the IMF-World Bank Payroll
>
>One of the most prominent members of the G-17 is Dr. Dusan Vujovic, a
senior
>economist at the World Bank. He acts as a link between the G-17 and
>Washington. He has been very active overseeing "reforms" in so-called
>"transition countries". In August 2000, Vujovic was put in charge of
>negotiating one of the World Bank's most deadly economic packages. It was
>imposed on the Ukraine, already devastated by earlier IMF-World Bank
reforms.
>
>What happened to the Ukraine? The Ukraine disaster started in the fall of
>1994. Prime Minister Vitali Masol signed an agreement with the
International
>Monetary Fund. In exchange for accepting "economic shock treatment" Ukraine
>got a 360 million dollar loan. That's a very small amount for a country..
>"Reforms" began in mid-October, 1994. The IMF ordered the Ukrainian
>authorities to end State controls over the currency exchange rate. This led
>to the collapse of the currency. The price of bread shot up overnight -
300%.
>Electricity- up 600%. Public transportation - up 900%.
>
>The population was forced to buy necessities based on "dollarized" prices.
>Meanwhile people were earning less than ten dollars a month. Credit was
>frozen. With electricity prices sky high and no credit, public and private
>industries were destroyed. The international speculators moved in like
sharks
>in a frenzy.
>
>Then in November 1994, World Bank negotiators were sent in to further
>"advise" the government. This time they overhauled Ukraine's agriculture.
The
>grain market was deregulated. This allowed the US to dump grain surpluses
on
>the Ukraine market. Ukraine went from being a grain exporter to begging for
>Food Aid from the European Union and the U.S. Thanks to the International
>Monetary Fund, Ukraine is now a starving political protectorate of the US
and
>Germany. And remember, Ukraine never did anything to offend the U.S.. It
>didn't rebel for 10 years, like Yugoslavia.
>
>The Case of Bulgaria
>
>Another key member of the G-17 is Dr. Zeliko Bogetic who holds a senior
>position at the International Monetary Fund. The International Monetary
Fund
>has been the doctor in many economic cures. The patient always dies. In
>1994-96, Bogetic participated on behalf of the IMF in forcing a structural
>adjustment program (SAP) on Bulgaria. All social defenses - price controls,
>subsidized food, housing and medical care - were stripped away.
>
>The program led to mass poverty and terrible suffering. By 1997, old age
>pensions (according to World Bank sources) had collapsed to two dollars a
>month. The World Bank admits that 90 percent of Bulgarians now live below
the
>poverty line but, they announce, much economic progress is being made.
>Perhaps when all the Bulgarians are dead they will announce the achievement
>of perfection.
>
>In early 2000, Bogetic was dispatched by the International Monetary Fund to
>Podgorica, Montenegro to advise the pro-secessionist government of
President
>Milo Djukanovic. Bogetic was to help set up a currency board modeled on
that
>of Bosnia under the Dayton Accord. Bogetic's advice was to stop using the
>Dinar, the Yugoslav currency. He said that under no circumstances should
>Montenegro establish a Central Bank. Now remember, the Djukanovic
government
>in Montenegro says it wants "independence" from Yugoslavia. But a Central
>Bank is the requirement for real independence. No, said Bogetic, that is
the
>"worst possible solution". So this "independence" really means "colony"!
>
>
>Bogetic would be the likely candidate for Yugoslav Central Bank Governor if
>the "democratic" opposition were to win. He'd do the same thing he's doing
in
>Montenegro. He'd establish a colonial style currency board linked to the
>Deutschmark. Then monetary policy would be controlled by the country's
>creditors. This would be a excellent for the creditors but very bad for the
>common people including local businessmen and farmers. It would make it
>impossible to finance economic reconstruction through the mobilization of
>Yugoslavia's own domestic resources. The country would be in a
straightjacket.
>
>If the "democratic opposition" came to power they have said they will
>introduce International Monetary Fund medicine. That's what they say in
their
>Program. But would this be the same medicine that the IMF have prescribed
for
>Russia, Bulgaria and Ukraine?
>
>Russia, Bulgaria and Ukraine cooperated fully with Washington. As nations,
>they never resisted being turned into colonies. Was the West merciful?
>Consider Russia. During the first year that the reforms were applied, which
>was 1992, wages collapsed by 86 percent. And in many of the countries of
the
>Balkans and Eastern Europe, economic activity has been cut in half. And
these
>are cooperative countries. As everyone knows, the U.S. is very annoyed with
>Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia has not been a good slave. It has not kissed the
hand
>of the bombers.
>
>History shows that if the International Monetary Fund gets hold of a
country
>that has been rebellious the treatment is vicious. And we are not talking
>about major rebels, like Yugoslavia. We are talking about very moderate
>rebels, like Peru.
>
>In Peru, the government of President Alan Garcia (1985-1990) refused to do
>some of what the International Monetary Fund ordered. In 1985, it decided
to
>pay international debts at a reduced rate. It instituted an economic
program
>that would help (instead of destroying) the economy.
>
>The International Monetary Fund Responds
>
>The country was immediately put on a black list by the . This disrupted
>Peru's foreign trade. It damaged the economy. It produced discontent.
>
>Enter Professor Alberto Fujimori. It was the 1990 elections. With help from
>Washington, Peru was having economic problems. Many people wanted change.
>Professor Fujimori was unknown. People felt he was "honest" and
"promising".
>He led a tiny party that had never held power. He was the winner in the
1990
>elections.
>
>Once in office, Fujimori caved in to the International Monetary Fund's
>demands. What followed was the most deadly economic "reform" in Latin
>American history. From one day to the next, the price of fuel increased by
31
>times (2,968 per cent). The price of bread increased more than twelve times
>(1,150 per cent).
>
>People could no longer afford to boil water. A cholera epidemic broke out.
>The social consequences were devastating. An agricultural worker in August
>1990 was paid $7.50 a month (US). That was enough to buy two hamburgers and
a
>drink at McDonalds. Consumer prices in Lima were higher than New York. Real
>earnings dropped by 60 per cent. By mid-1991 the standard of living had
>declined by 85 per cent compared to the levels in the 1970s.And this was
the
>just beginning of ten years of deadly reforms under Fujimori.
>
>And remember, Peru didn't really do anything. Just resisted a few
>International Monetary Fund Measures. But Yugoslavia? Yugoslavia resisted
>colonial domination by Germany during World War II and now by the U.S.A.
>
>Washington and Berlin would like nothing more than to make Yugoslavia an
>example of what happens when you resist. That is, they would like to make
it
>a "model" protectorate.
>
>Haven't the U.S. and Germany made this perfectly clear in Kosovo? A
>gangster-fascist regime with links to the drug trade has been installed.
And
>Western leaders are fully aware of the horror they have wrought in Kosovo.
UN
>Secretary General Kofi Annan received a special report about this. The
report
>was discussed by the British newspaper, The Observer':
>
>"Murder, torture and extortion: these are the extraordinary charges made
>against the UN's own Kosovo Protection Corps in a confidential United
Nations
>report written for Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
>
>"The KPC stands accused in the document, drawn up on 29 February, of
>'criminal activities - killings, ill-treatment/torture, illegal policing,
>abuse of authority, intimidation, breaches of political neutrality and
>hate-speech'. " (quoted in "How Will You Plead at your Trial, Mr. Annan?"
at
>http://emperors-clothes.com/news/howwill.htm )
>
>What would Washington do if it's G-17 employees got hold of Yugoslavia?
They
>would institute the most extreme economic "reforms". Prices would go sky
>high. Farmers would lose their land. Businesses would be bought up and
closed
>down.
>
>This kind of suffering produces ethnic tension. Washington would whip this
up
>by sending in their UCK (KLA) terrorists. Why does Washington keep the UCK
in
>power in Kosovo? Because they want to use them again. For what? They are
>incapable of fighting a real army. What are they good for?
>
>They are good for driving 350,000 unarmed civilians from their homes,
>kidnapping hundreds of people, killing hundreds or perhaps thousands. They
>can be used again in Serbia north of Kosovo - if the US gives them the nod.
>
>A Washington-controlled government would bring in NATO troops to "help keep
>order." The troops would never leave. The hunt for imaginary war criminals
>would go on, a thousand times worse than it is in the Bosnian Serb
Republic.
>Croatians, Bosnian Muslims and ethnic Albanians who fled to Serbia to
escape
>fascist persecution would be put on the list of phony war criminals. All
>loyal Yugoslavs would have to pay for their (imaginary) crimes so that
>"healing can begin."
>
>Every effort would be made to humiliate the people, to break their spirit,
>and to eliminate potential leaders of resistance.
>
>The example of post-war relations between the US and Vietnam is
informative.
>When the Vietnam War ended, the US government ordered an embargo which
>seriously hurt Vietnam, socially and economically. A few years ago,
>Washington agreed to lift the embargo following a secret agreement under
the
>Paris Club of official creditors. Vietnam agreed to pay the debts of the
>former South Vietnamese government. This was a puppet regime set up by
>Washington. It had gone into debt borrowing money from the US, money which
>was mainly used to buy weapons from the US to kill Vietnamese. And now
>Vietnam must repay Washington this odious debt.
>
>While Kostunica presents himself as a nationalist critical of NATO, he also
>wants to "normalise" Yugoslavia's relationship to the IMF and the OSCE. But
>these are "sister institutions", they work together in one big family. NATO
>is the "military arm" of Western financial interests. It does not operate
>independently but works in close consultation with Wall Street and the IMF.
>In Bosnia and Kosovo, NATO military repression is coordinated with actions
of
>the IMF and the World Bank.
>
>Under the IMF, the country would be transformed into a protectorate.
>"Economic warfare" would devastate the society. The Yugoslav people have
done
>remarkable work rebuilding what was destroyed by the NATO bombing last
year.
>But the IMF working through G-17 economists would work to liquidate
national
>industry . (We have seen a sample of this in Kosovo with the Trepca mining
>complex. It was handed over on a silver platter to the powerful "Washington
>Group", a US based construction, mining and defence contractor. The local
>employees have been discharged,)
>
>This economic assault would tend to increase ethnic tensions, providing
>opportunities for provocateurs. NATO could use the excuse of "age old
ethnic
>hatreds" to bring troops into the country. Meanwhile, as indicated in the
>G-17 Program, the IMF would order cuts in military spending. With a
weakened
>army it would be much more difficult to deal with the influx of Kosovo
>Liberation Army terrorists.
>
>Of course, the Yugoslav people could and undoubtedly would organize to
oppose
>these measures. But people should be aware that this can be the result of
>letting the International Monetary Fund get a grip on Yugoslavia.
>
>***
>
>Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa.
He
>is author of "The Globalization of Poverty, Impacts of IMF and World Bank
>Reforms," TWN, Penang and Zed Books, London, 1997. His special expertise is
>studying the consequences of the intervention by Western dominated economic
>institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank in Third World and former
>Socialist countries.
>
>Jared Israel, the editor of Emperor's Clothes, was a leader of the student
>antiwar movement in the 1960s. The Yugoslav resistance to U.S. government
>bullying inspired him to return to antiwar activity. He has written about
the
>struggle in the Balkans in newspapers around the world.
>
>To read articles by Chossudovsky or Israel go to
>http://emperors-clothes.com/artbyauth.html and click on "c" or "i"
>
>***
>
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>[Emperor's Clothes]
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
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------------------------------------------------------------
The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel (9-28-2000)
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
>"We want to be open colony and open society." G-17 coordinator VESELIN
>VUKOTIC interviewed on "The News Hour with Jim Lehrer", US Public
Television,
>July 14, 1999.
>
>How the International Monetary Fund and World Bank operate: "First, they
>force governments to do away with any social protections - subsidized food
or
>rent, free transportation, free medical care. Second, they force
businesses -
>public and private - into bankruptcy. Then these businesses are taken over
by
>a small clique of leveraged buyout speculators and other powerful foreign
>economic interests. They purchase the businesses at rock bottom prices.
This
>is called "Privatization through Liquidation" which is standard practice in
>the Balkans and Eastern Europe." (From the text below)
>
>Recently there's been a lot of interest in the economists in the Yugoslav
>group G-17. They wrote the Program adopted by the so-called "democratic"
>opposition and its Presidential candidate, Vojislav Kostunica. (For a
>discussion of that Program, see "US Arrogance & Yugoslav Elections" at
>www.emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm )
>
>The G-17 likes to give the impression it is independent and
>Yugoslav-oriented. In fact it is funded mainly through the Washington-based
>Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE). CIPE describes itself
as
>"an affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce." But in fact it is "a core
>institute" of the National Endowment for Democracy which has nothing to do,
>as far as we can tell, with Democracy. Rather, the Endowment was created in
>1983 to solve a problem of Empire. People knew that the CIA bribed
>intellectuals and leaders and set up front groups to carry out US policy:
>
>"When these covert activities surfaced (as they inevitably did), the
fallout
>was devastating." ('Washington Post', Sept. 22, 1991).
>
>This is why Congress created the National Endowment for Democracy.
>
>Allen Weinstein, who planned the Endowment, said:
>
>"A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA."
>('Washington Post', Sept. 21, 1991)
>
>The National Endowment for Democracy (a sort of CIA spin-off) controls and
>pays for the Center for International Private Enterprise which in turn
funds
>the G-17.
>
>Three of the leading members of G-17 are Washington-based staff members of
>the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. They are, Dusan Vujovic,
>Zeliko Bogetic and Branko Milanovic. In addition, G-17 coordinator
Professor
>Veselin Vukotic has worked closely with the World Bank. He was in charge of
>the World Bank "bankruptcy program" in Yugoslavia during 1989-1990, which
led
>to the devastation of the Yugoslav economy and set the stage for the
breakup
>of Yugoslavia. While on IMF/WB payrolls, they are heavily involved in
>politics in Serbia and Montenegro. Other members of the G-17 consult for
the
>World Bank and attend World Bank-organized meetings.
>
>The "democratic" opposition works with the G-17. It has endorsed the G-17
>Economic program. If it got into power, the G-17 economists would be in
>charge of remaking Yugoslavia. This is not a guess. The opposition Program
>calls for working closely with the International Monetary Fund. The Fund
>always insists that its men run the show. That is not open for negotiation.
>And the IMF's men can conveniently be found among the leading members of
G-17.
>
>On their Website, the G-17 states that their aim is to establish: "...a
>network of experts in all Serbian towns able to create and practically
>implement necessary changes in all fields of social life."
>
>This is not simply a group of economists. It is a network. The
International
>Monetary Fund and World Bank are using this network to impose their
policies
>on Yugoslavia. Meanwhile they tell everyone the fiction that G-17 is a
>home-grown alternative.
>
>G-17 Coordinator Mladjan Dinkic is right now on his way to Bulgaria to draw
>up a "Letter Of Intent" with his colleagues at the International Monetary
>Fund. This will be the first step toward enforcing IMF "economic medicine."
>"We hope they will accept it," Dinkic said to a Pacifica Radio reporter.
>
>Economic Medicine Worse than Russia and Ukraine
>
>What happens when the IMF takes over a country?
>
>One of writers, Prof. Chossudovsky, studies the International Monetary Fund
>and World Bank and what their policies do to countries. . The G-17 Economic
>Program contains the same measures they forced on Russia, the Ukraine,
>Bulgaria and Peru, and many others. The results: social and economic
>devastation.
>
>But Yugoslavia has resisted NATO's attack on its national sovereignty. So
the
>IMF will hit Yugoslavia with even harder economic medicine.
>
>Forced Bankruptcies and Mass Misery
>
>G-17 economists like to talk about "free markets" and "privatization." But
in
>fact their International Monetary Fund wrecks countries.
>
>First, they force governments to do away with any social protections -
>subsidized food or rent, free transportation, free medical care. Out the
>window.
>
>Second, they use economic manipulation and new laws to force businesses -
>public and private - into bankruptcy. Then these businesses are taken over
by
>a small clique of leveraged buyout speculators and other powerful foreign
>economic interests. They purchase the businesses at rock bottom prices.
This
>is called "Privatization through Liquidation" and it is standard practice
in
>the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
>
>A case in point: Yugoslavia, 1989
>
>The elder statesman of the G-17 is Professor Veselin Vukotic. Presently he
is
>one of the economic brains behind Montenegrin secessionism.
>
>But what was he doing before the breakup of Yugoslavia?
>
>In 1989 he was appointed Minister of Privatization under Yugoslav Premier
>Ante Markovic.
>
>Yugoslavs have bitter memories of 1989-1991. But do they "put a human face"
>on the nightmare? Perhaps people think the economic disaster resulted from
>"market mechanisms" or "incompetent government." In fact it resulted from a
>World Bank plan.
>
>People in Ante Markovic's government pulled the strings. In 1989-90,
>Professor Vukotic worked with his Cabinet colleagues and an army of Western
>lawyers and consultants. They imposed the Financial Operations Act. It was
a
>World Bank plan.
>
>Under this law, companies were carefully selected for bankruptcy or
>liquidation. They were forced to meet impossible conditions. In this way,
the
>World Bank, through the Ministry of Privatization headed by Professor
Vukotic
>orchestrated the breakup of fifty percent of Yugoslav industry. World Bank
>data confirms that under his direction more than 1100 industrial firms were
>wiped out from January 1989 to September 1990
>
>And that was only the beginning.
>
>Over 614,000 industrial workers were laid off out of 2.7 million. The areas
>hardest hit were: Serbia, including Kosovo, and Bosnia-Herzegovina and
>Macedonia. Real wages did a nose-dive. Social programs collapsed.
>Unemployment shot up.
>
>And now this same Professor Vukotic, a key man in the G-17, wants to return
>to power. When the IMF gets its jaws on a country it forces the government
to
>work under people who have already served the IMF and World Bank before.,
>People like Professor Vukotic. Vukotic could finish the job he started in
>1989 under the World Bank, a job ironically discontinued when economic
>sanctions were imposed in 1992. (Bulgaria would probably be better off
today
>if it had been hit with sanctions instead of with the International
Monetary
>Fund!)
>
>Giving Montenegrin Property to Foreign Speculators
>
>While Prof. Vukotic hopes to regain cabinet status in a "democratic"
>opposition government in Yugoslavia he has also been working closely with
the
>secessionist government of Montenegro. Montenegrin President Milo
Djukanovic,
>his former student, had put him in charge of the privatization program
which
>is auctioning off state property in Montenegro.
>
>Recently we found a US Commerce Department advertisement on the internet.
The
>title is: " Montenegro: Seeks Privatization Fund Managers."
>
>The advertisement explains that these Managers are needed in Montenegro,
>where US officials are "providing technical support" for so-called
>privatization. The managers would control "funds" that would take over
>ownership of what is now public property. The Managers could "restructure"
>these privatized companies - lay off the workers and sell the most valuable
>components. The Commerce department promises that this "should be quite
>profitable." Note how brazenly the U.S. Commerce Department celebrates
>turning Montenegrin property into foreign profit.
>
>Kosovo
>
>Professor Vukotic has also been vocal on the political and economic status
of
>Kosovo. Last June NATO marched into Kosovo, and the UCK (or Kosovo
Liberation
>Army) along with them. Wherever they went, they drove loyal Yugoslav
citizens
>from their homes, stole or destroyed their property and threatened them
with
>death. By June 26, the expulsions were at a peak.
>
>While Kosovo was devastated, Professor Vukotic said: "Kosovo should also
have
>its own currency." That's virtually the same as saying Kosovo should be a
>separate country. ('Associated Press,' June 26, 1999)
>
>The Deutschmark was adopted as legal tender and almost the entire banking
>system in Kosovo was handed over to Germanys Commerzbank A.G. And the G-17
>economists applaud
>
>The G-17 on the IMF-World Bank Payroll
>
>One of the most prominent members of the G-17 is Dr. Dusan Vujovic, a
senior
>economist at the World Bank. He acts as a link between the G-17 and
>Washington. He has been very active overseeing "reforms" in so-called
>"transition countries". In August 2000, Vujovic was put in charge of
>negotiating one of the World Bank's most deadly economic packages. It was
>imposed on the Ukraine, already devastated by earlier IMF-World Bank
reforms.
>
>What happened to the Ukraine? The Ukraine disaster started in the fall of
>1994. Prime Minister Vitali Masol signed an agreement with the
International
>Monetary Fund. In exchange for accepting "economic shock treatment" Ukraine
>got a 360 million dollar loan. That's a very small amount for a country..
>"Reforms" began in mid-October, 1994. The IMF ordered the Ukrainian
>authorities to end State controls over the currency exchange rate. This led
>to the collapse of the currency. The price of bread shot up overnight -
300%.
>Electricity- up 600%. Public transportation - up 900%.
>
>The population was forced to buy necessities based on "dollarized" prices.
>Meanwhile people were earning less than ten dollars a month. Credit was
>frozen. With electricity prices sky high and no credit, public and private
>industries were destroyed. The international speculators moved in like
sharks
>in a frenzy.
>
>Then in November 1994, World Bank negotiators were sent in to further
>"advise" the government. This time they overhauled Ukraine's agriculture.
The
>grain market was deregulated. This allowed the US to dump grain surpluses
on
>the Ukraine market. Ukraine went from being a grain exporter to begging for
>Food Aid from the European Union and the U.S. Thanks to the International
>Monetary Fund, Ukraine is now a starving political protectorate of the US
and
>Germany. And remember, Ukraine never did anything to offend the U.S.. It
>didn't rebel for 10 years, like Yugoslavia.
>
>The Case of Bulgaria
>
>Another key member of the G-17 is Dr. Zeliko Bogetic who holds a senior
>position at the International Monetary Fund. The International Monetary
Fund
>has been the doctor in many economic cures. The patient always dies. In
>1994-96, Bogetic participated on behalf of the IMF in forcing a structural
>adjustment program (SAP) on Bulgaria. All social defenses - price controls,
>subsidized food, housing and medical care - were stripped away.
>
>The program led to mass poverty and terrible suffering. By 1997, old age
>pensions (according to World Bank sources) had collapsed to two dollars a
>month. The World Bank admits that 90 percent of Bulgarians now live below
the
>poverty line but, they announce, much economic progress is being made.
>Perhaps when all the Bulgarians are dead they will announce the achievement
>of perfection.
>
>In early 2000, Bogetic was dispatched by the International Monetary Fund to
>Podgorica, Montenegro to advise the pro-secessionist government of
President
>Milo Djukanovic. Bogetic was to help set up a currency board modeled on
that
>of Bosnia under the Dayton Accord. Bogetic's advice was to stop using the
>Dinar, the Yugoslav currency. He said that under no circumstances should
>Montenegro establish a Central Bank. Now remember, the Djukanovic
government
>in Montenegro says it wants "independence" from Yugoslavia. But a Central
>Bank is the requirement for real independence. No, said Bogetic, that is
the
>"worst possible solution". So this "independence" really means "colony"!
>
>
>Bogetic would be the likely candidate for Yugoslav Central Bank Governor if
>the "democratic" opposition were to win. He'd do the same thing he's doing
in
>Montenegro. He'd establish a colonial style currency board linked to the
>Deutschmark. Then monetary policy would be controlled by the country's
>creditors. This would be a excellent for the creditors but very bad for the
>common people including local businessmen and farmers. It would make it
>impossible to finance economic reconstruction through the mobilization of
>Yugoslavia's own domestic resources. The country would be in a
straightjacket.
>
>If the "democratic opposition" came to power they have said they will
>introduce International Monetary Fund medicine. That's what they say in
their
>Program. But would this be the same medicine that the IMF have prescribed
for
>Russia, Bulgaria and Ukraine?
>
>Russia, Bulgaria and Ukraine cooperated fully with Washington. As nations,
>they never resisted being turned into colonies. Was the West merciful?
>Consider Russia. During the first year that the reforms were applied, which
>was 1992, wages collapsed by 86 percent. And in many of the countries of
the
>Balkans and Eastern Europe, economic activity has been cut in half. And
these
>are cooperative countries. As everyone knows, the U.S. is very annoyed with
>Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia has not been a good slave. It has not kissed the
hand
>of the bombers.
>
>History shows that if the International Monetary Fund gets hold of a
country
>that has been rebellious the treatment is vicious. And we are not talking
>about major rebels, like Yugoslavia. We are talking about very moderate
>rebels, like Peru.
>
>In Peru, the government of President Alan Garcia (1985-1990) refused to do
>some of what the International Monetary Fund ordered. In 1985, it decided
to
>pay international debts at a reduced rate. It instituted an economic
program
>that would help (instead of destroying) the economy.
>
>The International Monetary Fund Responds
>
>The country was immediately put on a black list by the . This disrupted
>Peru's foreign trade. It damaged the economy. It produced discontent.
>
>Enter Professor Alberto Fujimori. It was the 1990 elections. With help from
>Washington, Peru was having economic problems. Many people wanted change.
>Professor Fujimori was unknown. People felt he was "honest" and
"promising".
>He led a tiny party that had never held power. He was the winner in the
1990
>elections.
>
>Once in office, Fujimori caved in to the International Monetary Fund's
>demands. What followed was the most deadly economic "reform" in Latin
>American history. From one day to the next, the price of fuel increased by
31
>times (2,968 per cent). The price of bread increased more than twelve times
>(1,150 per cent).
>
>People could no longer afford to boil water. A cholera epidemic broke out.
>The social consequences were devastating. An agricultural worker in August
>1990 was paid $7.50 a month (US). That was enough to buy two hamburgers and
a
>drink at McDonalds. Consumer prices in Lima were higher than New York. Real
>earnings dropped by 60 per cent. By mid-1991 the standard of living had
>declined by 85 per cent compared to the levels in the 1970s.And this was
the
>just beginning of ten years of deadly reforms under Fujimori.
>
>And remember, Peru didn't really do anything. Just resisted a few
>International Monetary Fund Measures. But Yugoslavia? Yugoslavia resisted
>colonial domination by Germany during World War II and now by the U.S.A.
>
>Washington and Berlin would like nothing more than to make Yugoslavia an
>example of what happens when you resist. That is, they would like to make
it
>a "model" protectorate.
>
>Haven't the U.S. and Germany made this perfectly clear in Kosovo? A
>gangster-fascist regime with links to the drug trade has been installed.
And
>Western leaders are fully aware of the horror they have wrought in Kosovo.
UN
>Secretary General Kofi Annan received a special report about this. The
report
>was discussed by the British newspaper, The Observer':
>
>"Murder, torture and extortion: these are the extraordinary charges made
>against the UN's own Kosovo Protection Corps in a confidential United
Nations
>report written for Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
>
>"The KPC stands accused in the document, drawn up on 29 February, of
>'criminal activities - killings, ill-treatment/torture, illegal policing,
>abuse of authority, intimidation, breaches of political neutrality and
>hate-speech'. " (quoted in "How Will You Plead at your Trial, Mr. Annan?"
at
>http://emperors-clothes.com/news/howwill.htm )
>
>What would Washington do if it's G-17 employees got hold of Yugoslavia?
They
>would institute the most extreme economic "reforms". Prices would go sky
>high. Farmers would lose their land. Businesses would be bought up and
closed
>down.
>
>This kind of suffering produces ethnic tension. Washington would whip this
up
>by sending in their UCK (KLA) terrorists. Why does Washington keep the UCK
in
>power in Kosovo? Because they want to use them again. For what? They are
>incapable of fighting a real army. What are they good for?
>
>They are good for driving 350,000 unarmed civilians from their homes,
>kidnapping hundreds of people, killing hundreds or perhaps thousands. They
>can be used again in Serbia north of Kosovo - if the US gives them the nod.
>
>A Washington-controlled government would bring in NATO troops to "help keep
>order." The troops would never leave. The hunt for imaginary war criminals
>would go on, a thousand times worse than it is in the Bosnian Serb
Republic.
>Croatians, Bosnian Muslims and ethnic Albanians who fled to Serbia to
escape
>fascist persecution would be put on the list of phony war criminals. All
>loyal Yugoslavs would have to pay for their (imaginary) crimes so that
>"healing can begin."
>
>Every effort would be made to humiliate the people, to break their spirit,
>and to eliminate potential leaders of resistance.
>
>The example of post-war relations between the US and Vietnam is
informative.
>When the Vietnam War ended, the US government ordered an embargo which
>seriously hurt Vietnam, socially and economically. A few years ago,
>Washington agreed to lift the embargo following a secret agreement under
the
>Paris Club of official creditors. Vietnam agreed to pay the debts of the
>former South Vietnamese government. This was a puppet regime set up by
>Washington. It had gone into debt borrowing money from the US, money which
>was mainly used to buy weapons from the US to kill Vietnamese. And now
>Vietnam must repay Washington this odious debt.
>
>While Kostunica presents himself as a nationalist critical of NATO, he also
>wants to "normalise" Yugoslavia's relationship to the IMF and the OSCE. But
>these are "sister institutions", they work together in one big family. NATO
>is the "military arm" of Western financial interests. It does not operate
>independently but works in close consultation with Wall Street and the IMF.
>In Bosnia and Kosovo, NATO military repression is coordinated with actions
of
>the IMF and the World Bank.
>
>Under the IMF, the country would be transformed into a protectorate.
>"Economic warfare" would devastate the society. The Yugoslav people have
done
>remarkable work rebuilding what was destroyed by the NATO bombing last
year.
>But the IMF working through G-17 economists would work to liquidate
national
>industry . (We have seen a sample of this in Kosovo with the Trepca mining
>complex. It was handed over on a silver platter to the powerful "Washington
>Group", a US based construction, mining and defence contractor. The local
>employees have been discharged,)
>
>This economic assault would tend to increase ethnic tensions, providing
>opportunities for provocateurs. NATO could use the excuse of "age old
ethnic
>hatreds" to bring troops into the country. Meanwhile, as indicated in the
>G-17 Program, the IMF would order cuts in military spending. With a
weakened
>army it would be much more difficult to deal with the influx of Kosovo
>Liberation Army terrorists.
>
>Of course, the Yugoslav people could and undoubtedly would organize to
oppose
>these measures. But people should be aware that this can be the result of
>letting the International Monetary Fund get a grip on Yugoslavia.
>
>***
>
>Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa.
He
>is author of "The Globalization of Poverty, Impacts of IMF and World Bank
>Reforms," TWN, Penang and Zed Books, London, 1997. His special expertise is
>studying the consequences of the intervention by Western dominated economic
>institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank in Third World and former
>Socialist countries.
>
>Jared Israel, the editor of Emperor's Clothes, was a leader of the student
>antiwar movement in the 1960s. The Yugoslav resistance to U.S. government
>bullying inspired him to return to antiwar activity. He has written about
the
>struggle in the Balkans in newspapers around the world.
>
>To read articles by Chossudovsky or Israel go to
>http://emperors-clothes.com/artbyauth.html and click on "c" or "i"
>
>***
>
>If you find emperors-clothes useful, we can use your help...
>
>(The Soros Foundation doesn't fund us...)
>
>We rely on volunteer labor and donations. Our expenses include: Internet
>fees, Lexis, our Internet research tool, equipment and phone bills. We use
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>
>Every month hundreds of thousands of people read articles from Emperor's
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>
>To use our secure server to make a donation please go to
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in
>a contribution at 617 916-1705
>
>Thanks for reading and thanks for helping.
>
>www.tenc.net
>[Emperor's Clothes]
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Yugoslav 'Opposition' Negotiates Sale of Yugoslavia!
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel
* Joseph Biden (US congressman): "We, the Congress, are saying to the
people of Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their
Government, it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the
Serbian people... Should our West European allies choose to embrace a
post-Milosevic, democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia,
then I would say to them `good luck'..."
* Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Michel Chossudovsky
* Blatant U.S. intervention in Yugoslav elections protested; Group calls
for investigation (IAC)
* Are Washingtonians Helping Milosevic Survive?
by Srdja Trifkovic
---
URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/11.htm
Yugoslav 'Opposition' Negotiates Sale of Yugoslavia!
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
>People may not be aware that two prominent members of the Democratic
>Opposition of Serbia (DOS) just made a very important trip to Bulgaria.
They
>met with representatives of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
World
>Bank and the NATO governments at a so-called "donor conference." The
purpose
>was to set the stage for NATO governments to takeover Yugoslavia.
>
>The trip was announced the day after the Yugoslav elections. Mladjan
Dinkic,
>the most likely Finance Minister in an opposition government, "said that
>representatives of his G-17 Plus will travel to Bulgaria this week for a
>donor conference on Yugoslavia with representatives of the International
>Monetary Fund." (United Press International, 27 September 2000)
>
>Dinkic was accompanied by Dr. Dragoslav Avramovic, an economist in Zoran
>Djindjic's 'Alliance for Change'. These so-called "democratic opposition"
>groups have been paid huge sums by US government agencies.
>
>Dinkic told United Press International that "Dragoslav Avramovic had
drafted
>a letter of intent with a request to the IMF and World Bank. Dinkic said he
>expected that this would be followed by negotiations with creditor
countries,
>the so-called Paris Club..." These are the NATO countries.
>
>A "Letter of Intent" includes a "Memorandum on Economic and Financial
>Policies". This establishes the conditions under which all of Yugoslavia
>would be put under the control of Western donors and creditors. Only a
>Yugoslav Finance Minister, selected by Parliament, has a legal right to
draft
>a "Letter of Intent." But Dinkic and Avramovic represent only the so-called
>"democratic" opposition. In what country is it legal for opposition
elements
>to "negotiate" with enemy countries who finance their movement? This is an
>extreme act of interference by the NATO countries.
>
>What measures do the NATO countries want to impose?
>
>* End of all government price controls;
>
>* Introduction of "free markets" without any protection for farmers or
>businesses from dumping of foreign goods;
>
>* End to all social protection. No government help with medical care,
>transportation , food or heating;
>
>* A freeze on credit to businesses
>
>* Massive layoffs of workers and drastic pay cuts for workers and farmers;
>
>* Forced liquidation of important businesses and industries, public and
>private
>
>* Any future reconstruction work to correct bombing damage be entrusted to
>companies from the NATO countries. They would be paid with money Yugoslavia
>would be forced to borrow from international lenders.
>
>The result of these policies would be: food prices would go fly high;
>enterprises would be driven into bankruptcy and liquidation; foreign
capital
>would seize the entire economy.
>
>The "Letter of Intent" would require the acceptance of Washington's
political
>demands. These were just laid out in the so-called "Serbian Democratization
>Act," # HR1064. It was passed by the US House of Representatives on
September
>25, the day Dinkic announced his trip to Bulgaria. Good timing. This law
>states that for Yugoslavia to be free of sanctions, and for it to be
>"allowed" into the IMF it would have to:
>
>1) Negotiate independence (meaning secession) for Kosovo and probably
>Vojvodina
>
>2) Completely "democratize" the country. "Democratize" is a code word for
>carrying out all US government orders;
>
>3) Settle "all succession issues with the other republics". This would
>include the 50 billion (US) that the Croatian government and the
Izetbegovic
>government in Bosnia are demanding as war reparations. The money would go
>right to these countries' creditors, which are NATO governments and Western
>Banks;
>
>4) Fully cooperate "with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
>Yugoslavia, including the transfer to The Hague of all individuals in
>Yugoslavia indicted by the Tribunal." This means the Yugoslav Army would
have
>to hunt down any person the Hague tribunal said was a war criminal. Any
>leader of resistance could be put on the Hague's secret list of phony war
>criminals..
>
>All this makes perfectly clear that Mr. Kostunica's promise to work with
the
>International Monetary Fund but at the same time "safeguard Yugoslavia" is
>hollow words: they sound good but mean nothing. In agreeing to draft a
Letter
>of Intent, Kostunica's coalition has already deserted national sovereignty.
>They have sold Yugoslavia, its economy, its institutions and its people.
>
>Meanwhile, the US law, HR 1064, authorizes the US government to immediately
>transfer another $105 million to the so-called "democratic" opposition and
>the secessionist government in Montenegro. American money -- together with
>funds transferred from other sources -- will not only pay for campaign
>expenses, it will finance payoffs.
>
>Washington and NATO are openly paying key individuals in the opposition
>parties to do what they are told to do. They are on the NATO bombers'
>payroll.
>
>Further reading:
>
>'The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections' by Michel
>Chossudovsky and Jared Israel. Summarizes devestating effects of World
>Bank/IMF intervention in several countries. Discusses link between Western
>financial takeover and social-political destruction.
>http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
>
>'How the U.S. has Created a Corrupt Opposition in Serbia'
>By Jared Israel, Prof. Michel Chossudovsky, Karen Talbot, Nico Varkevisser
>and Prof. Petar Maher.
>http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/scam.htm
>
>''NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in Yugoslavia' with
comments
>by Jared Israel. "Suitcases full of cash" says the 'Times.'
>http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
>
>'Emperor's Clothes Interviews Radio B292'
>Revealing interviews by Jared Israel with two staff members at the U.S.
>"independent" radio station in Belgrade.
>http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/emperor.htm
>
>'Criticism of Emperor's Clothes on the Yugoslav Elections, with Reply'
>Prof. Robert Hayden & Jared Israel
>http://emperors-clothes.com/letters/yugoltr.htm
>
>'Will the US Get Their Money's Worth in Yugo Elections?' by George Szamuely
>at http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/szamuely/willthe.htm
>
>'U.S. Law Passed by House of Represntatives on Funding Yugo Opposition and
>Harsh Terms for Lifting Sanctions'
>http://emperors-clothes.com/news/1064.htm (If this link gives you a server
>error please try a bit later; it is being set up.)
>
>www.tenc.net
>[Emperor's Clothes]
--
AP Worldstream
September 27, 2000; Wednesday 1:59 PM Eastern Time
Croatia's president said Wednesday that the West should maintain
sanctions
against Yugoslavia until Belgrade starts cooperating with the U.N.
tribunal
in The Hague and extradites suspected war criminals.
Following are comments by Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE) on the Senate floor
on
9/26/00 re the elections in Serbia. They fully illustrate why action on
HR
1064, a bill purportedly aimed at supporting democracy in Serbia, would
be
counterproductive. Once again, this bill would help save the Clinton
policy (and possibly save Milosevic too), not help get Milosevic out of
power.
Senator Biden says that "We, the Congress, are saying to the people of
Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their
Government,
it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the Serbian people."
But
a simple reading of the balance of his comments show that that is
clearly
not the case: under HR 1064 sanctions punishing Serbia -- not Milosevic
and
his black-market gang -- will be codified and kept in place (with some
unspecified "flexibility" generously promised by Sec. Albright) until
Kostunica complies with every demand from Washington, including sending
all
indicted war criminals to The Hague. Kostunica has stated that he will
not
do so, and as a patriot is he is no less
willing to send any of his countrymen to The Hague than any real
American
would be to send any U.S. citizen, however criminal he might be, to be
tried by a United Nations court.
The fact that this bill is a weapon aimed not at Milosevic but at
Kostunica
or any other democratic successor -- and that Kostunica has been
condemned
in advance as an "ultra-nationalist" if he does not agree to become
exactly
the quisling Milosevic accuses him of being -- is betrayed by the
following
comments near the end:
" To be blunt: respect for Dayton and cooperation with The Hague
Tribunal
must be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia. I
fervently
hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav elections. If
he
does, the United States should immediately extend to him a sincere hand
of
friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending legislation. .
. .
If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his
undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then
we
must disabuse him of this notion. Should our West European allies
choose
to embrace a post-Milosevic , democratically elected, but
ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say to them `good luck; we'll
concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia on preparing democratic
and
prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO enlargement, on
continuing
to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro."
SUPPORTING DEMOCRACY IN SERBIA (Senate - September 26, 2000)
[Page: S9251] GPO's PDF
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, on another matter which relates to another
form
of human rights, I wish to speak to the legislation we are going to
bring
up tomorrow, the Serbian Democratization Act of 2000. I am an original
cosponsor of this legislation. I am told that tomorrow we are going to
get
a chance to deal with this issue.
As everyone knows, Slobodan Milosevic is on the ropes. Despite
Milosevic's
massive systematic effort to steal Sunday's Yugoslav Presidential
election,
his state election commission had to admit that the opposition candidate
Vojislav Kostunica won at least the plurality of the votes already
counted;
48.22 percent to be exact.
According to opposition poll watchers, Kostunica in all probability
actually won about 55 percent of the vote, which would have obviated the
need for a two-candidate second-round runoff with Milosevic , which now
seems likely.
It is still unclear whether the democratic opposition will go along with
this semi-rigged, desperation plan of Milosevic's to hang on by rigging
the
runoff. Even if Milosevic loses the runoff and is forced to recognize
the
results of the election, he may still attempt to hold on to the levers
of
power through his control of the federal parliament and of the Socialist
Party with its network of political cronies
and corrupt businessmen.
He may use the classic tactic of provoking a foreign crisis by trying to
unseat the democratically elected, pro-Western government in Montenegro,
a
move I warned against on this floor several months ago.
We will have to wait and see for a few days before knowing exactly how
the
situation in Yugoslavia is going to develop, but there is no doubt
whatsoever as to who the primary villain in this drama is. It was, it
is,
and it continues to be Slobodan Milosevic , one of the most despicable
men
I have personally met, and, as everyone in this Chamber knows, a man who
has been indicted by The Hague Tribunal for war crimes and is the chief
obstacle to peace and stability in the Balkans.
Therefore, it should be--and has been--a primary goal of U.S. foreign
policy to isolate Milosevic and his cronies, and to assist the Serbian
democratic opposition in toppling him.
Earlier this year, with this goal in mind, the Serbian Democratization
Act
of 2000 was drafted in a bipartisan effort. It is particularly timely
that
the Senate consider this legislation tomorrow, precisely at the moment
when the Serbian people have courageously voted against Milosevic's
tyranny
that has so thoroughly ruined their country during the last decade.
I would like to review the main provisions of the legislation we will be
voting on tomorrow and then propose alternative strategies for our
relations with Serbia, depending upon the outcome of the elections.
The act supports the democratic opposition by authorizing $50 million
for
fiscal year 2001 to promote democracy and civil society in Serbia and
$55
million to assist the Government of Montenegro in its ongoing political
and economic reform efforts. It also authorizes increasing Voice of
America and Radio Free Europe broadcasting to Yugoslavia in both the
Serbo-Croatian and Albanian languages.
Second, the act prescribes assistance to the victims of Serbian
oppression
by authorizing the President of the United States to use authorities in
the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to provide humanitarian assistance to
individuals living in Kosovo for relief, rehabilitation, and
reconstruction, and to refugees and persons displaced by the conflict.
Third, the act we will vote on tomorrow codifies the so-called `outer
wall'
of sanctions by multilateral organizations, including the international
financial institutions.
I talked about this with Senator Voinovich of Ohio, and we agreed that
we
have to give the President more flexibility in this area.
Fourth, it authorizes other measures against Yugoslavia, including
blocking
Yugoslavia's assets in the United States; prohibits the issuance of
visas
and admission into the United States of any alien who holds a position
in
the senior leadership of the Government of Yugoslavia of Slobodan
Milosevic
or the
Government of Serbia and to members of their families; and prohibits
strategic exports to Yugoslavia, on private loans and investments and on
military-to-military cooperation.
The act also grants exceptions on export restrictions for humanitarian
assistance to Kosovo and on visa prohibitions to senior officials of the
Government of Montenegro, unless that Government changes its current
policy
of respect forinternational norms.
The act contains a national interest waiver for the President. The
President may also waive the act's provision if he certifies that
`significant progress has been made in Yugoslavia in establishing a
government based upon democratic principles and the rule of law, and
that
respects internationally recognized human rights.'
Clearly, if the democratic opposition triumphs in the current elections,
the chances will increase dramatically that the President will exercise
this waiver option.
We, the Congress, are saying to the people of Serbia that they are our
friends, not our enemies. It is their Government, it is Slobodan
Milosevic
that is the problem, not the Serbian people.
Today in the Committee on Foreign Relations, we discussed at length with
Madeleine Albright what we should be doing about Serbia. I have
discussed
it as well with Senator Voinovich.
I see the Senator from Iowa is on the floor. He may be here for other
reasons, but I know his keen interest in Serbia, the Serbian people, and
the need for us to render assistance if they, in fact, move in the
direction of democracy.
The act calls for Serbia to cooperate with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
It also contains two important Sense of the Congress provisions. The
first
is that the President should condemn the harassment, threats, and
intimidation against any ethnic group in Yugoslavia, but in particular
against such persecution of the ethnic Hungarian minority in the Serbian
province of Vojvodina.
The second voices support for a fair and equitable disposition of the
ownership and use of the former Yugoslavia's diplomatic and consular
properties in the United States.
Finally, in a move to facilitate the transition to democracy in the
Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, Congress authorizes the President to furnish
assistance to Yugoslavia if he determines and certifies to the
appropriate
congressional committees that a post-Milosevic Government of Yugoslavia
is
`committed to democratic principles and the rule of law, and that
respects
internationally recognized human rights.'
Mr. President, the Serbia Democratization Act offers the President ample
flexibility in dealing with Serbia. If Milosevic should succeed in
frustrating the will of the Serbian people by stealing this election,
the
act will give the President of the United States a complete kit of
peaceful
tools to continue to try to undermine his oppressive regime.
If, on the other hand, the democratic opposition led by Mr. Kostunica
manages to make its electoral victory stick, then the final provision of
the act becomes the operative one in which we open up the spigot of
increased assistance to a democratic Serbia. Obviously, this would be
the
preferred option.
Unfortunately, however, foreign policy is rarely so black and white. The
apparent winner of the election, Mr. Kostunica, is vastly preferable to
Milosevic, but this may be a case of damning by faint praise. As many of
my
colleagues have heard me say on other occasions, I met Milosevic in
Belgrade during the Bosnian war and called him a war criminal to his
face.
Not only is he a war criminal, but he is thoroughly corrupt and
anti-democratic.
Mr. Kostunica, by all accounts, is honest and democratic, a dissident in
Communist times and a man with a reputation for probity. He seems,
however,
to represent a democratic, honest variant of a rather extreme Serbian
nationalism.
His language describing NATO's Operation Allied Force has been strident.
Like Milosevic --and most other Serbian politicians--he calls for the
return of Kosovo to Belgrade's rule. But I am prepared to have an open
mind
on what he said. I can understand why, in running for President, being
labeled by Mr. Milosevic as the `dupe of the West' and `a puppet of the
United States,' he would feel the need to openly condemn the United
States.
I also do not have a problem with the fact that he may have used tough
language with regard to Kosovo. There is a difference between words and
his
actions. So I will have great problems with him if, in fact, he tries to
again suppress the Kosovars, who, if he comes to power will probably
increase their agitation for independence.
Moreover, Kostunica has repeatedly said that if he is elected he would
refuse to hand over The Hague those Serbs indicted by the International
War
Crimes Tribunal.
To a large extent Kostunica's criticism of Milosevic's policies toward
non-Serbs in the old Yugoslavia--Slovenes, Croats, Bosniaks, and
Kosovars--is that those policies resulted in four failed wars. There is
no
indication, for example, that Kostunica would cut off Belgrade's support
for the radical Bosnian Serbs who on a daily basis are trying to
undermine
the Dayton Agreement.
Of course, as I have indicated earlier, Kostunica's policies must be
seen
in the context of an electoral campaign. Nonetheless, they do reflect
what
the traffic will bear. In other words, they reflect his view of
contemporary Serbian society.
During the Bosnian war and after it, I often stated publicly that in my
opinion Croatian President Franjo Tudjman was cut from the same cloth as
Milosevic --an aggressive, anti-democratic leader. The only reason I
advocated helping to rebuild his army was because, unlike Serbia,
Croatia
did not represent a major threat to the region. In fact, in the summer
of
1995 the reorganized Croatian Army provided the
Bosnian Army and the Bosnian Croat militia the support necessary to rout
the Bosnian Serbs and bring all parties to the negotiating table.
Since Tudjman's death, Croatia has proven that beneath the surface of
Tudjman's authoritarianism a genuine, Western-style democratic body
politic
survived. The newly elected government of President Stipe Mesic and
Prime
Minister Ivica Racan has utilized this mandate not only to enact
domestic
democratic reforms, but also to cut off support for the radical
Herzegovina
Croats who have done everything in their power to undo Dayton. The
government has also taken the much less popular step of handing over to
The
Hague Tribunal several high-ranking Croats who were indicted for alleged
war crimes.
The United States has a great deal invested in a democratic, multiethnic
Bosnia, and if Serbia and the rest of the world is lucky enough to be
rid
of Slobodan Milosevic , we should not give him an ex post facto victory
by
applying a looser standard of behavior on his successor than we have to
Tudjman's successors in Croatia. To be blunt: respect for Dayton and
cooperation with The Hague Tribunal must
be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia.
I fervently hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav
elections. If he does, the United States should immediately extend to
him a
sincere hand of friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending
legislation.
We should make clear to him that if he chooses to cooperate with us, a
`win-win' situation would result, with tangible benefits for the
long-suffering and isolated Serbian people who, we should never forget,
were this country's allies in two world wars during the twentieth
century.
If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his
undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then
we
must disabuse him of this notion.
Should our West European allies choose to embrace a post-Milosevic ,
democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say
to
them `good luck; we'll concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia
on
preparing democratic and prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO
enlargement, on continuing to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on
supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro.'
Mr. President, the long-frozen, icy situation in Serbia appears finally
to
be breaking up. I genuinely hope that Serbia is on the verge of
democracy.
I urge my colleagues to support the Serbia Democratization Act of 2000
in
order to enable ourgovernment peacefully to deal with any eventuality in
that country.
---
Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Professor Michel Chossudovsky (9-27-2000)
Washington is preparing for the run-off election in Yugoslavia. More
money is scheduled to be wired to opposition groups to their bank
accounts
in Budapest with fresh and "clean" dollar bills to be transported in
suitcases across the border. And this time it's big bucks: 500 million
US
dollars...
Perfect timing. On the day after the Presidential election, the US
House
of Representatives approved a bill:
"authorizing financial aid for opposition groups in Serbia. The
bill
authorizes $500
million to help finance democratic forces in Serbia and
Montenegro,
including $ 50 million
to fund the activities of pro-democracy and dissident groups.".
('Los Angeles Times,' September 26, 2000).
In an ironic twist, while the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS)
receives big bucks from the
bombers, it has committed itself in its electoral platform to adopting
"new laws" on the financing of
political parties. These laws are to be:
"in accordance with the generally accepted standards of democratic
societies.
Republican parliaments will be advised to adjust their legislation
according
to these principles."
(Election manifesto of "Democratic Opposition of Serbia", 5
September
2000).
With opposition political parties on the enemy's payroll, the Western
media has casually accused the
Yugoslav authorities of electoral fraud. In any other country,
receiving
cash from a foreign government would lead to the immediate indictment of
the political parties concerned. Their bank
accounts would be frozen. This has not happened yet in Yugoslavia.
Yet the media accuses the Yugoslav government of mistreating the
"democratic" opposition. In the
US, taking money from an unfriendly foreign power, especially a hostile
one, to finance campaign
expenses would quite understandably be considered "un-American". But in
Belgrade opposition forces say that they are patriotic. For them it is
not
"un-Yugoslav" to accept 500 million dollars from the bombers of their
country...
Michel Chossudovsky
---
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, #206
New York, NY 10011
212-633-6646
212-633-2889 fax
iacenter@...
www.iacenter.org
International Action Center statement--
September 28, 2000; For immediate release:
Blatant U.S. intervention in Yugoslav elections protested; Group calls
for
investigation
In response to the emergency situation in Yugoslavia caused by the open
and extensive intervention in that nation’s election process by the U.S.
and
West European governments, the International Action Center is calling
for
the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry to investigate U.S.
manipulation of elections and other interference in the internal affairs
of
sovereign countries.
This intervention has taken the form of military pressure, with NATO
naval
maneuvers in the Adriatic and Mediterranean Seas and threats of resumed
bombings, economic pressure that a 9-year-long embargo would be relieved
only if the vote went against President Slobodan Milosevic, and direct
financing of organizations and parties that oppose the Milosevic-lead
coalition.
The IAC, founded in 1992 by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark
and
other anti-war activists, has played a leading role in the anti-war
struggle in
the United States and in the fight to end sanctions against Iraq,
Yugoslavia,
Cuba and other countries.
In calling for the creation of the Commission of Inquiry Ramsey Clark
drew
attention to past U.S. manipulations of elections, giving the examples
of
Nicaragua, where the popular Sandinista government was voted out in 1990
and where Washington injected $54 million into that poor country. He
also
spoke of countries where the U.S. overrode the electoral process and
organized violent coups to put in their own person, as with Mobutu in
Zaire
(now Congo), or in Chile, Haiti and Iran.
“In all cases where the U.S. put ‘its man’ in office,” said Clark, “the
people
wound up worse off than before. Think of what Mobutu did to the Congo,
what Pinochet did to Chile, and that under the U.S.-backed governments
after
the Sandinistas in Nicaragua that country was reduced to one of the
poorest
on the earth. After the election in each country, U.S. money stopped
coming
in.”
The U.S. never kept its promises of aid to develop Nicaragua. Currently
Taiwanese bankers and industrialists are the major exploiters of
low-paid
Nicaraguan labor in the “free-trade zones,” where conditions of work in
the
sweatshops are about the worst in the world. The money Washington put
into the country was not a promise of things to come but an investment
expected to earn a quick return.
“We need,” said Clark, “to expose the way the U.S. government takes
advantage of elections to put in a regime of their choice, and how this
has
always been harmful to the people of that country.”
The U.S. government has boasted that it injected $77 million into
Yugoslavia
to build up the opposition to President Slobodan Milosevic and his
governing coalition. Another $105 million has been authorized on
September
26th by the U.S. House of Representatives for similar use.
“To put this amount in perspective,” said IAC co-director Sara
Flounders,
“The U.S. has voted more money to subvert an election in little
Yugoslavia
than the total funds both major U.S. Presidential candidates have
raised. This
year Al Gore has reported $47 million in contributions and George W.
Bush
$87 million. And that’s for a rich country with almost 300 million
people.
“This money goes a long way in Yugoslavia—a much poorer country with
only 11 million people. It’s as if some foreign country recently a U.S.
enemy
put tens of billions of dollars behind a candidate in the U.S. And this
is only
hard money. What about the millions of dollars in soft money from the
Soros
Foundation and the NGOs?”
“You can only imagine,” continued Flounders, “the hysteria it would
arouse
if that happened here. Those taking the money would be labeled as
traitors,
refused the right to run and probably charged with crimes.”
Flounders said the Commission of Inquiry was calling on others who have
the detailed information to show just what methods were used to
influence
the Yugoslav elections as well as other elections in the past. Others
may
want to illustrate how the U.S. government tried to buy elections in
their
countries. She also suggested that organizations in the other NATO
countries might want to investigate what the governments there have done
to manipulate the Yugoslav elections.
“The Yugoslav people heroically faced NATO bombing for 78 days last
year,” she said. “Now they are facing an equally heavy barrage of
high-tech
propaganda beamed in from the most powerful lie machine the human race
ever saw. We plan to reveal the insides of that machine and expose its
dangers to the world.”
For more information, call 212-633-6646 or look at the IAC web site at
www.iacenter.org.
---
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/NewsST092800.htm
CHRONICLES ONLINE, Thursday, September 28, 2000
Are Washingtonians Helping Milosevic Survive?
by Srdja Trifkovic
Facts never speak for themselves, but people do.Those who still
doubt that there are powerful forces in Washington that are scared stiff
of Milosevics defeat are well advised to read some comments made by
Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE) on the Senate floor on Tuesday, September 26,
regarding the elections in Serbia.
Senator Biden was speaking in support of HR 1064.This bill is
ostensibly aimed at supporting democracy in Serbia, but in terms of its
assumptions and practical consequences it could be called Saving
Slobos Skin. Biden opened by saying that Slobodan Milosevic is the
problem, not the Serbian people, but then he explained that under HR
1064 the array of sanctions punishing Serbia -- not Milosevic and his
cronies --will be re-codified and kept in place until Vojislav
Kostunica (or any other successor to Milosevic) complies with every
demand from Washington, including the delivery of all indicted war
criminals to The Hague tribunal. Dr. Kostunica has repeatedly stated
that this he will not do.Even if this tribunal wasnt a purely
political construct devoid of legal basis -- which it is -- Kostunica
would be right to loath sending any of his countrymen to The Hague, just
as any real American should shudder at the thought of sending any U.S.
citizen, however culpable, to be tried by a United Nations court.
Throwing the challenge of HR 1064 at Kostunica and doing so at the
very moment when he is locked in a life-and-death struggle with
Milosevic is either utterly insane, or deeply devious.Bad, or mad,
or both, Biden is very much in charge of Senate foreign relations, and
the context of his remarks makes it evident that this bill enjoys full
Administration support. It is not promoting democracy in Serbia but
preventing it.To Milosevics infinite delight Biden has condemned
Kostunica in advance as an ultra-nationalist if he does not agree to
become exactly the kind of NATO-friendly quisling the Belgrade regime
accuses him of being.The spirit and true intent of the bill is fully
betrayed by the following comments at the end of Bidens address:
To be blunt: respect for Dayton and cooperation with The Hague
Tribunal must be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia.I
fervently hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav
elections.If he does, the United States should immediately extend to him
a
sincere hand of friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending
legislation.If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and
thinks
that his undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable
him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then
we
must disabuse him of this notion.
In summary, to lay prostrate merits a friendly hand.The refusal to
submit is aggressive nationalism. Plus ca change: in June 1992 I
attended a meeting in Washington with then-assistant to the National
Security Advisor for European affairs, Jenone Walker.Referring to the
sanctions against Serbia -- in the context of Milosevics offer to
resign if they were lifted -- she stated that (quite apart from
Milosevic) they would stay in force until all current and potential
sources of conflict in the former Yugoslavia were removed, agreements
signed and sealed, and respected by the Serbs to the satisfaction of the
U.S. government.Eight years later HR 1064 proves that, on some issues
at least, there IS remarkable continuity and consistency in Washington.
But back to Biden. His concluding remarks had a threatening air: Should
our West European allies choose to embrace a post-Milosevic,
democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say
to them good luck; well concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia
on preparing democratic and prosperous Slovenia for the next round of
NATO enlargement, on continuing to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo,
and on supporting the democratic governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and
Montenegro.
This is the kind of challenge Americas European partners may well
accept this time.Some are keen to lift all sanctions against Serbia
regardless of who prevails in Belgrade.Theyve had enough of this kind
of neoimperial arrogance French planes are landing in Baghdad these
days - and they could easily turn the policy towards Belgrade after
Milosevic into a litmus test of their ability to say no to
Washington.The writing has been on the wall ever since the EU foreign
ministers had announced that all sanctions against Serbia would be
unconditionally lifted if Milosevic were to fall, and the country itself
welcomed with open arms into Europe, and helped financially.
This prospect is anathema to Joseph Biden and his like-minded friends
and colleagues in Washington.They dont want a democratic Serbia
reintegrated into the community of European nations, but a
Gauleiter-ruled colony in which any attempt to assert ones dignity, let
alone pride in ones identity, would be equated with aggressive
ultra-nationalism.That much has become clear in their attempt to
sabotage Milosevics opponents while he is struggling for survival.As
a UPI report noted last Monday, from Washingtons point of view a
Kostunica victory would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad
settlement to Yugoslav issues on Washingtons terms.Those terms
entail acceptance of the loss of sovereignty (The Hague) and loss of
territory (Kosovo), plus whatever else is ordered from Washington.Last
Monday night Kostunica replied when he said that Yugoslavia must not
become anybodys protectorate.In the eyes of Biden & Co. this merely
confirms that he is an ultra-nationalist, which proves that we need HR
1064 enacted before Milosevic falls.
As Serbias true democrats struggle against that misshapen despot whose
strongest trump card is to accuse them of being pro-NATO traitors, a
concerted attempt is under way in Washington to impose humiliating
conditions on them that no democratically elected leaders of any nation
could ever accept.The participants in that endeavor know not what is
shame.The rest of us do, living as we do in the eighth year of the
Clinton-Gore presidency.
P.S.: From our We Told You So department:
It hardly needs stating that Americas support to the democratic
opposition in Belgrade has nothing to do with the alleged democratic
credentials of the specific parties, and everything to do with the
degree of its leaders professed readiness to act in accordance with the
diktat from Washington.[They need to be] submissive to the West,
a-national to the point of self-hatred, brazenly materialistic,
antitraditionalist and secular.With such an opposition, it is
unsurprising that the popular discontent with Milosevic could not have
been channeled into a victory for his enemies.Even thoroughly moderate
patriots with impeccable democratic credentials such as Dr. Kostunica
were simply not kosher enough for the U.S. State Department.
(Slobodan Milosevic, Our S.O.B. Chronicles, June 1997)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel
* Joseph Biden (US congressman): "We, the Congress, are saying to the
people of Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their
Government, it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the
Serbian people... Should our West European allies choose to embrace a
post-Milosevic, democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia,
then I would say to them `good luck'..."
* Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Michel Chossudovsky
* Blatant U.S. intervention in Yugoslav elections protested; Group calls
for investigation (IAC)
* Are Washingtonians Helping Milosevic Survive?
by Srdja Trifkovic
---
URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/11.htm
Yugoslav 'Opposition' Negotiates Sale of Yugoslavia!
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
>People may not be aware that two prominent members of the Democratic
>Opposition of Serbia (DOS) just made a very important trip to Bulgaria.
They
>met with representatives of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
World
>Bank and the NATO governments at a so-called "donor conference." The
purpose
>was to set the stage for NATO governments to takeover Yugoslavia.
>
>The trip was announced the day after the Yugoslav elections. Mladjan
Dinkic,
>the most likely Finance Minister in an opposition government, "said that
>representatives of his G-17 Plus will travel to Bulgaria this week for a
>donor conference on Yugoslavia with representatives of the International
>Monetary Fund." (United Press International, 27 September 2000)
>
>Dinkic was accompanied by Dr. Dragoslav Avramovic, an economist in Zoran
>Djindjic's 'Alliance for Change'. These so-called "democratic opposition"
>groups have been paid huge sums by US government agencies.
>
>Dinkic told United Press International that "Dragoslav Avramovic had
drafted
>a letter of intent with a request to the IMF and World Bank. Dinkic said he
>expected that this would be followed by negotiations with creditor
countries,
>the so-called Paris Club..." These are the NATO countries.
>
>A "Letter of Intent" includes a "Memorandum on Economic and Financial
>Policies". This establishes the conditions under which all of Yugoslavia
>would be put under the control of Western donors and creditors. Only a
>Yugoslav Finance Minister, selected by Parliament, has a legal right to
draft
>a "Letter of Intent." But Dinkic and Avramovic represent only the so-called
>"democratic" opposition. In what country is it legal for opposition
elements
>to "negotiate" with enemy countries who finance their movement? This is an
>extreme act of interference by the NATO countries.
>
>What measures do the NATO countries want to impose?
>
>* End of all government price controls;
>
>* Introduction of "free markets" without any protection for farmers or
>businesses from dumping of foreign goods;
>
>* End to all social protection. No government help with medical care,
>transportation , food or heating;
>
>* A freeze on credit to businesses
>
>* Massive layoffs of workers and drastic pay cuts for workers and farmers;
>
>* Forced liquidation of important businesses and industries, public and
>private
>
>* Any future reconstruction work to correct bombing damage be entrusted to
>companies from the NATO countries. They would be paid with money Yugoslavia
>would be forced to borrow from international lenders.
>
>The result of these policies would be: food prices would go fly high;
>enterprises would be driven into bankruptcy and liquidation; foreign
capital
>would seize the entire economy.
>
>The "Letter of Intent" would require the acceptance of Washington's
political
>demands. These were just laid out in the so-called "Serbian Democratization
>Act," # HR1064. It was passed by the US House of Representatives on
September
>25, the day Dinkic announced his trip to Bulgaria. Good timing. This law
>states that for Yugoslavia to be free of sanctions, and for it to be
>"allowed" into the IMF it would have to:
>
>1) Negotiate independence (meaning secession) for Kosovo and probably
>Vojvodina
>
>2) Completely "democratize" the country. "Democratize" is a code word for
>carrying out all US government orders;
>
>3) Settle "all succession issues with the other republics". This would
>include the 50 billion (US) that the Croatian government and the
Izetbegovic
>government in Bosnia are demanding as war reparations. The money would go
>right to these countries' creditors, which are NATO governments and Western
>Banks;
>
>4) Fully cooperate "with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
>Yugoslavia, including the transfer to The Hague of all individuals in
>Yugoslavia indicted by the Tribunal." This means the Yugoslav Army would
have
>to hunt down any person the Hague tribunal said was a war criminal. Any
>leader of resistance could be put on the Hague's secret list of phony war
>criminals..
>
>All this makes perfectly clear that Mr. Kostunica's promise to work with
the
>International Monetary Fund but at the same time "safeguard Yugoslavia" is
>hollow words: they sound good but mean nothing. In agreeing to draft a
Letter
>of Intent, Kostunica's coalition has already deserted national sovereignty.
>They have sold Yugoslavia, its economy, its institutions and its people.
>
>Meanwhile, the US law, HR 1064, authorizes the US government to immediately
>transfer another $105 million to the so-called "democratic" opposition and
>the secessionist government in Montenegro. American money -- together with
>funds transferred from other sources -- will not only pay for campaign
>expenses, it will finance payoffs.
>
>Washington and NATO are openly paying key individuals in the opposition
>parties to do what they are told to do. They are on the NATO bombers'
>payroll.
>
>Further reading:
>
>'The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections' by Michel
>Chossudovsky and Jared Israel. Summarizes devestating effects of World
>Bank/IMF intervention in several countries. Discusses link between Western
>financial takeover and social-political destruction.
>http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
>
>'How the U.S. has Created a Corrupt Opposition in Serbia'
>By Jared Israel, Prof. Michel Chossudovsky, Karen Talbot, Nico Varkevisser
>and Prof. Petar Maher.
>http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/scam.htm
>
>''NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in Yugoslavia' with
comments
>by Jared Israel. "Suitcases full of cash" says the 'Times.'
>http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
>
>'Emperor's Clothes Interviews Radio B292'
>Revealing interviews by Jared Israel with two staff members at the U.S.
>"independent" radio station in Belgrade.
>http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/emperor.htm
>
>'Criticism of Emperor's Clothes on the Yugoslav Elections, with Reply'
>Prof. Robert Hayden & Jared Israel
>http://emperors-clothes.com/letters/yugoltr.htm
>
>'Will the US Get Their Money's Worth in Yugo Elections?' by George Szamuely
>at http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/szamuely/willthe.htm
>
>'U.S. Law Passed by House of Represntatives on Funding Yugo Opposition and
>Harsh Terms for Lifting Sanctions'
>http://emperors-clothes.com/news/1064.htm (If this link gives you a server
>error please try a bit later; it is being set up.)
>
>www.tenc.net
>[Emperor's Clothes]
--
AP Worldstream
September 27, 2000; Wednesday 1:59 PM Eastern Time
Croatia's president said Wednesday that the West should maintain
sanctions
against Yugoslavia until Belgrade starts cooperating with the U.N.
tribunal
in The Hague and extradites suspected war criminals.
Following are comments by Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE) on the Senate floor
on
9/26/00 re the elections in Serbia. They fully illustrate why action on
HR
1064, a bill purportedly aimed at supporting democracy in Serbia, would
be
counterproductive. Once again, this bill would help save the Clinton
policy (and possibly save Milosevic too), not help get Milosevic out of
power.
Senator Biden says that "We, the Congress, are saying to the people of
Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their
Government,
it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the Serbian people."
But
a simple reading of the balance of his comments show that that is
clearly
not the case: under HR 1064 sanctions punishing Serbia -- not Milosevic
and
his black-market gang -- will be codified and kept in place (with some
unspecified "flexibility" generously promised by Sec. Albright) until
Kostunica complies with every demand from Washington, including sending
all
indicted war criminals to The Hague. Kostunica has stated that he will
not
do so, and as a patriot is he is no less
willing to send any of his countrymen to The Hague than any real
American
would be to send any U.S. citizen, however criminal he might be, to be
tried by a United Nations court.
The fact that this bill is a weapon aimed not at Milosevic but at
Kostunica
or any other democratic successor -- and that Kostunica has been
condemned
in advance as an "ultra-nationalist" if he does not agree to become
exactly
the quisling Milosevic accuses him of being -- is betrayed by the
following
comments near the end:
" To be blunt: respect for Dayton and cooperation with The Hague
Tribunal
must be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia. I
fervently
hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav elections. If
he
does, the United States should immediately extend to him a sincere hand
of
friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending legislation. .
. .
If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his
undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then
we
must disabuse him of this notion. Should our West European allies
choose
to embrace a post-Milosevic , democratically elected, but
ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say to them `good luck; we'll
concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia on preparing democratic
and
prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO enlargement, on
continuing
to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro."
SUPPORTING DEMOCRACY IN SERBIA (Senate - September 26, 2000)
[Page: S9251] GPO's PDF
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, on another matter which relates to another
form
of human rights, I wish to speak to the legislation we are going to
bring
up tomorrow, the Serbian Democratization Act of 2000. I am an original
cosponsor of this legislation. I am told that tomorrow we are going to
get
a chance to deal with this issue.
As everyone knows, Slobodan Milosevic is on the ropes. Despite
Milosevic's
massive systematic effort to steal Sunday's Yugoslav Presidential
election,
his state election commission had to admit that the opposition candidate
Vojislav Kostunica won at least the plurality of the votes already
counted;
48.22 percent to be exact.
According to opposition poll watchers, Kostunica in all probability
actually won about 55 percent of the vote, which would have obviated the
need for a two-candidate second-round runoff with Milosevic , which now
seems likely.
It is still unclear whether the democratic opposition will go along with
this semi-rigged, desperation plan of Milosevic's to hang on by rigging
the
runoff. Even if Milosevic loses the runoff and is forced to recognize
the
results of the election, he may still attempt to hold on to the levers
of
power through his control of the federal parliament and of the Socialist
Party with its network of political cronies
and corrupt businessmen.
He may use the classic tactic of provoking a foreign crisis by trying to
unseat the democratically elected, pro-Western government in Montenegro,
a
move I warned against on this floor several months ago.
We will have to wait and see for a few days before knowing exactly how
the
situation in Yugoslavia is going to develop, but there is no doubt
whatsoever as to who the primary villain in this drama is. It was, it
is,
and it continues to be Slobodan Milosevic , one of the most despicable
men
I have personally met, and, as everyone in this Chamber knows, a man who
has been indicted by The Hague Tribunal for war crimes and is the chief
obstacle to peace and stability in the Balkans.
Therefore, it should be--and has been--a primary goal of U.S. foreign
policy to isolate Milosevic and his cronies, and to assist the Serbian
democratic opposition in toppling him.
Earlier this year, with this goal in mind, the Serbian Democratization
Act
of 2000 was drafted in a bipartisan effort. It is particularly timely
that
the Senate consider this legislation tomorrow, precisely at the moment
when the Serbian people have courageously voted against Milosevic's
tyranny
that has so thoroughly ruined their country during the last decade.
I would like to review the main provisions of the legislation we will be
voting on tomorrow and then propose alternative strategies for our
relations with Serbia, depending upon the outcome of the elections.
The act supports the democratic opposition by authorizing $50 million
for
fiscal year 2001 to promote democracy and civil society in Serbia and
$55
million to assist the Government of Montenegro in its ongoing political
and economic reform efforts. It also authorizes increasing Voice of
America and Radio Free Europe broadcasting to Yugoslavia in both the
Serbo-Croatian and Albanian languages.
Second, the act prescribes assistance to the victims of Serbian
oppression
by authorizing the President of the United States to use authorities in
the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to provide humanitarian assistance to
individuals living in Kosovo for relief, rehabilitation, and
reconstruction, and to refugees and persons displaced by the conflict.
Third, the act we will vote on tomorrow codifies the so-called `outer
wall'
of sanctions by multilateral organizations, including the international
financial institutions.
I talked about this with Senator Voinovich of Ohio, and we agreed that
we
have to give the President more flexibility in this area.
Fourth, it authorizes other measures against Yugoslavia, including
blocking
Yugoslavia's assets in the United States; prohibits the issuance of
visas
and admission into the United States of any alien who holds a position
in
the senior leadership of the Government of Yugoslavia of Slobodan
Milosevic
or the
Government of Serbia and to members of their families; and prohibits
strategic exports to Yugoslavia, on private loans and investments and on
military-to-military cooperation.
The act also grants exceptions on export restrictions for humanitarian
assistance to Kosovo and on visa prohibitions to senior officials of the
Government of Montenegro, unless that Government changes its current
policy
of respect forinternational norms.
The act contains a national interest waiver for the President. The
President may also waive the act's provision if he certifies that
`significant progress has been made in Yugoslavia in establishing a
government based upon democratic principles and the rule of law, and
that
respects internationally recognized human rights.'
Clearly, if the democratic opposition triumphs in the current elections,
the chances will increase dramatically that the President will exercise
this waiver option.
We, the Congress, are saying to the people of Serbia that they are our
friends, not our enemies. It is their Government, it is Slobodan
Milosevic
that is the problem, not the Serbian people.
Today in the Committee on Foreign Relations, we discussed at length with
Madeleine Albright what we should be doing about Serbia. I have
discussed
it as well with Senator Voinovich.
I see the Senator from Iowa is on the floor. He may be here for other
reasons, but I know his keen interest in Serbia, the Serbian people, and
the need for us to render assistance if they, in fact, move in the
direction of democracy.
The act calls for Serbia to cooperate with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
It also contains two important Sense of the Congress provisions. The
first
is that the President should condemn the harassment, threats, and
intimidation against any ethnic group in Yugoslavia, but in particular
against such persecution of the ethnic Hungarian minority in the Serbian
province of Vojvodina.
The second voices support for a fair and equitable disposition of the
ownership and use of the former Yugoslavia's diplomatic and consular
properties in the United States.
Finally, in a move to facilitate the transition to democracy in the
Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, Congress authorizes the President to furnish
assistance to Yugoslavia if he determines and certifies to the
appropriate
congressional committees that a post-Milosevic Government of Yugoslavia
is
`committed to democratic principles and the rule of law, and that
respects
internationally recognized human rights.'
Mr. President, the Serbia Democratization Act offers the President ample
flexibility in dealing with Serbia. If Milosevic should succeed in
frustrating the will of the Serbian people by stealing this election,
the
act will give the President of the United States a complete kit of
peaceful
tools to continue to try to undermine his oppressive regime.
If, on the other hand, the democratic opposition led by Mr. Kostunica
manages to make its electoral victory stick, then the final provision of
the act becomes the operative one in which we open up the spigot of
increased assistance to a democratic Serbia. Obviously, this would be
the
preferred option.
Unfortunately, however, foreign policy is rarely so black and white. The
apparent winner of the election, Mr. Kostunica, is vastly preferable to
Milosevic, but this may be a case of damning by faint praise. As many of
my
colleagues have heard me say on other occasions, I met Milosevic in
Belgrade during the Bosnian war and called him a war criminal to his
face.
Not only is he a war criminal, but he is thoroughly corrupt and
anti-democratic.
Mr. Kostunica, by all accounts, is honest and democratic, a dissident in
Communist times and a man with a reputation for probity. He seems,
however,
to represent a democratic, honest variant of a rather extreme Serbian
nationalism.
His language describing NATO's Operation Allied Force has been strident.
Like Milosevic --and most other Serbian politicians--he calls for the
return of Kosovo to Belgrade's rule. But I am prepared to have an open
mind
on what he said. I can understand why, in running for President, being
labeled by Mr. Milosevic as the `dupe of the West' and `a puppet of the
United States,' he would feel the need to openly condemn the United
States.
I also do not have a problem with the fact that he may have used tough
language with regard to Kosovo. There is a difference between words and
his
actions. So I will have great problems with him if, in fact, he tries to
again suppress the Kosovars, who, if he comes to power will probably
increase their agitation for independence.
Moreover, Kostunica has repeatedly said that if he is elected he would
refuse to hand over The Hague those Serbs indicted by the International
War
Crimes Tribunal.
To a large extent Kostunica's criticism of Milosevic's policies toward
non-Serbs in the old Yugoslavia--Slovenes, Croats, Bosniaks, and
Kosovars--is that those policies resulted in four failed wars. There is
no
indication, for example, that Kostunica would cut off Belgrade's support
for the radical Bosnian Serbs who on a daily basis are trying to
undermine
the Dayton Agreement.
Of course, as I have indicated earlier, Kostunica's policies must be
seen
in the context of an electoral campaign. Nonetheless, they do reflect
what
the traffic will bear. In other words, they reflect his view of
contemporary Serbian society.
During the Bosnian war and after it, I often stated publicly that in my
opinion Croatian President Franjo Tudjman was cut from the same cloth as
Milosevic --an aggressive, anti-democratic leader. The only reason I
advocated helping to rebuild his army was because, unlike Serbia,
Croatia
did not represent a major threat to the region. In fact, in the summer
of
1995 the reorganized Croatian Army provided the
Bosnian Army and the Bosnian Croat militia the support necessary to rout
the Bosnian Serbs and bring all parties to the negotiating table.
Since Tudjman's death, Croatia has proven that beneath the surface of
Tudjman's authoritarianism a genuine, Western-style democratic body
politic
survived. The newly elected government of President Stipe Mesic and
Prime
Minister Ivica Racan has utilized this mandate not only to enact
domestic
democratic reforms, but also to cut off support for the radical
Herzegovina
Croats who have done everything in their power to undo Dayton. The
government has also taken the much less popular step of handing over to
The
Hague Tribunal several high-ranking Croats who were indicted for alleged
war crimes.
The United States has a great deal invested in a democratic, multiethnic
Bosnia, and if Serbia and the rest of the world is lucky enough to be
rid
of Slobodan Milosevic , we should not give him an ex post facto victory
by
applying a looser standard of behavior on his successor than we have to
Tudjman's successors in Croatia. To be blunt: respect for Dayton and
cooperation with The Hague Tribunal must
be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia.
I fervently hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav
elections. If he does, the United States should immediately extend to
him a
sincere hand of friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending
legislation.
We should make clear to him that if he chooses to cooperate with us, a
`win-win' situation would result, with tangible benefits for the
long-suffering and isolated Serbian people who, we should never forget,
were this country's allies in two world wars during the twentieth
century.
If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his
undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then
we
must disabuse him of this notion.
Should our West European allies choose to embrace a post-Milosevic ,
democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say
to
them `good luck; we'll concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia
on
preparing democratic and prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO
enlargement, on continuing to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on
supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro.'
Mr. President, the long-frozen, icy situation in Serbia appears finally
to
be breaking up. I genuinely hope that Serbia is on the verge of
democracy.
I urge my colleagues to support the Serbia Democratization Act of 2000
in
order to enable ourgovernment peacefully to deal with any eventuality in
that country.
---
Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Professor Michel Chossudovsky (9-27-2000)
Washington is preparing for the run-off election in Yugoslavia. More
money is scheduled to be wired to opposition groups to their bank
accounts
in Budapest with fresh and "clean" dollar bills to be transported in
suitcases across the border. And this time it's big bucks: 500 million
US
dollars...
Perfect timing. On the day after the Presidential election, the US
House
of Representatives approved a bill:
"authorizing financial aid for opposition groups in Serbia. The
bill
authorizes $500
million to help finance democratic forces in Serbia and
Montenegro,
including $ 50 million
to fund the activities of pro-democracy and dissident groups.".
('Los Angeles Times,' September 26, 2000).
In an ironic twist, while the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS)
receives big bucks from the
bombers, it has committed itself in its electoral platform to adopting
"new laws" on the financing of
political parties. These laws are to be:
"in accordance with the generally accepted standards of democratic
societies.
Republican parliaments will be advised to adjust their legislation
according
to these principles."
(Election manifesto of "Democratic Opposition of Serbia", 5
September
2000).
With opposition political parties on the enemy's payroll, the Western
media has casually accused the
Yugoslav authorities of electoral fraud. In any other country,
receiving
cash from a foreign government would lead to the immediate indictment of
the political parties concerned. Their bank
accounts would be frozen. This has not happened yet in Yugoslavia.
Yet the media accuses the Yugoslav government of mistreating the
"democratic" opposition. In the
US, taking money from an unfriendly foreign power, especially a hostile
one, to finance campaign
expenses would quite understandably be considered "un-American". But in
Belgrade opposition forces say that they are patriotic. For them it is
not
"un-Yugoslav" to accept 500 million dollars from the bombers of their
country...
Michel Chossudovsky
---
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, #206
New York, NY 10011
212-633-6646
212-633-2889 fax
iacenter@...
www.iacenter.org
International Action Center statement--
September 28, 2000; For immediate release:
Blatant U.S. intervention in Yugoslav elections protested; Group calls
for
investigation
In response to the emergency situation in Yugoslavia caused by the open
and extensive intervention in that nation’s election process by the U.S.
and
West European governments, the International Action Center is calling
for
the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry to investigate U.S.
manipulation of elections and other interference in the internal affairs
of
sovereign countries.
This intervention has taken the form of military pressure, with NATO
naval
maneuvers in the Adriatic and Mediterranean Seas and threats of resumed
bombings, economic pressure that a 9-year-long embargo would be relieved
only if the vote went against President Slobodan Milosevic, and direct
financing of organizations and parties that oppose the Milosevic-lead
coalition.
The IAC, founded in 1992 by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark
and
other anti-war activists, has played a leading role in the anti-war
struggle in
the United States and in the fight to end sanctions against Iraq,
Yugoslavia,
Cuba and other countries.
In calling for the creation of the Commission of Inquiry Ramsey Clark
drew
attention to past U.S. manipulations of elections, giving the examples
of
Nicaragua, where the popular Sandinista government was voted out in 1990
and where Washington injected $54 million into that poor country. He
also
spoke of countries where the U.S. overrode the electoral process and
organized violent coups to put in their own person, as with Mobutu in
Zaire
(now Congo), or in Chile, Haiti and Iran.
“In all cases where the U.S. put ‘its man’ in office,” said Clark, “the
people
wound up worse off than before. Think of what Mobutu did to the Congo,
what Pinochet did to Chile, and that under the U.S.-backed governments
after
the Sandinistas in Nicaragua that country was reduced to one of the
poorest
on the earth. After the election in each country, U.S. money stopped
coming
in.”
The U.S. never kept its promises of aid to develop Nicaragua. Currently
Taiwanese bankers and industrialists are the major exploiters of
low-paid
Nicaraguan labor in the “free-trade zones,” where conditions of work in
the
sweatshops are about the worst in the world. The money Washington put
into the country was not a promise of things to come but an investment
expected to earn a quick return.
“We need,” said Clark, “to expose the way the U.S. government takes
advantage of elections to put in a regime of their choice, and how this
has
always been harmful to the people of that country.”
The U.S. government has boasted that it injected $77 million into
Yugoslavia
to build up the opposition to President Slobodan Milosevic and his
governing coalition. Another $105 million has been authorized on
September
26th by the U.S. House of Representatives for similar use.
“To put this amount in perspective,” said IAC co-director Sara
Flounders,
“The U.S. has voted more money to subvert an election in little
Yugoslavia
than the total funds both major U.S. Presidential candidates have
raised. This
year Al Gore has reported $47 million in contributions and George W.
Bush
$87 million. And that’s for a rich country with almost 300 million
people.
“This money goes a long way in Yugoslavia—a much poorer country with
only 11 million people. It’s as if some foreign country recently a U.S.
enemy
put tens of billions of dollars behind a candidate in the U.S. And this
is only
hard money. What about the millions of dollars in soft money from the
Soros
Foundation and the NGOs?”
“You can only imagine,” continued Flounders, “the hysteria it would
arouse
if that happened here. Those taking the money would be labeled as
traitors,
refused the right to run and probably charged with crimes.”
Flounders said the Commission of Inquiry was calling on others who have
the detailed information to show just what methods were used to
influence
the Yugoslav elections as well as other elections in the past. Others
may
want to illustrate how the U.S. government tried to buy elections in
their
countries. She also suggested that organizations in the other NATO
countries might want to investigate what the governments there have done
to manipulate the Yugoslav elections.
“The Yugoslav people heroically faced NATO bombing for 78 days last
year,” she said. “Now they are facing an equally heavy barrage of
high-tech
propaganda beamed in from the most powerful lie machine the human race
ever saw. We plan to reveal the insides of that machine and expose its
dangers to the world.”
For more information, call 212-633-6646 or look at the IAC web site at
www.iacenter.org.
---
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/NewsST092800.htm
CHRONICLES ONLINE, Thursday, September 28, 2000
Are Washingtonians Helping Milosevic Survive?
by Srdja Trifkovic
Facts never speak for themselves, but people do.Those who still
doubt that there are powerful forces in Washington that are scared stiff
of Milosevics defeat are well advised to read some comments made by
Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE) on the Senate floor on Tuesday, September 26,
regarding the elections in Serbia.
Senator Biden was speaking in support of HR 1064.This bill is
ostensibly aimed at supporting democracy in Serbia, but in terms of its
assumptions and practical consequences it could be called Saving
Slobos Skin. Biden opened by saying that Slobodan Milosevic is the
problem, not the Serbian people, but then he explained that under HR
1064 the array of sanctions punishing Serbia -- not Milosevic and his
cronies --will be re-codified and kept in place until Vojislav
Kostunica (or any other successor to Milosevic) complies with every
demand from Washington, including the delivery of all indicted war
criminals to The Hague tribunal. Dr. Kostunica has repeatedly stated
that this he will not do.Even if this tribunal wasnt a purely
political construct devoid of legal basis -- which it is -- Kostunica
would be right to loath sending any of his countrymen to The Hague, just
as any real American should shudder at the thought of sending any U.S.
citizen, however culpable, to be tried by a United Nations court.
Throwing the challenge of HR 1064 at Kostunica and doing so at the
very moment when he is locked in a life-and-death struggle with
Milosevic is either utterly insane, or deeply devious.Bad, or mad,
or both, Biden is very much in charge of Senate foreign relations, and
the context of his remarks makes it evident that this bill enjoys full
Administration support. It is not promoting democracy in Serbia but
preventing it.To Milosevics infinite delight Biden has condemned
Kostunica in advance as an ultra-nationalist if he does not agree to
become exactly the kind of NATO-friendly quisling the Belgrade regime
accuses him of being.The spirit and true intent of the bill is fully
betrayed by the following comments at the end of Bidens address:
To be blunt: respect for Dayton and cooperation with The Hague
Tribunal must be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia.I
fervently hope that Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav
elections.If he does, the United States should immediately extend to him
a
sincere hand of friendship, with the assistance outlined in the pending
legislation.If, on the other hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and
thinks
that his undeniable and praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable
him to
pursue an aggressive Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then
we
must disabuse him of this notion.
In summary, to lay prostrate merits a friendly hand.The refusal to
submit is aggressive nationalism. Plus ca change: in June 1992 I
attended a meeting in Washington with then-assistant to the National
Security Advisor for European affairs, Jenone Walker.Referring to the
sanctions against Serbia -- in the context of Milosevics offer to
resign if they were lifted -- she stated that (quite apart from
Milosevic) they would stay in force until all current and potential
sources of conflict in the former Yugoslavia were removed, agreements
signed and sealed, and respected by the Serbs to the satisfaction of the
U.S. government.Eight years later HR 1064 proves that, on some issues
at least, there IS remarkable continuity and consistency in Washington.
But back to Biden. His concluding remarks had a threatening air: Should
our West European allies choose to embrace a post-Milosevic,
democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say
to them good luck; well concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia
on preparing democratic and prosperous Slovenia for the next round of
NATO enlargement, on continuing to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo,
and on supporting the democratic governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and
Montenegro.
This is the kind of challenge Americas European partners may well
accept this time.Some are keen to lift all sanctions against Serbia
regardless of who prevails in Belgrade.Theyve had enough of this kind
of neoimperial arrogance French planes are landing in Baghdad these
days - and they could easily turn the policy towards Belgrade after
Milosevic into a litmus test of their ability to say no to
Washington.The writing has been on the wall ever since the EU foreign
ministers had announced that all sanctions against Serbia would be
unconditionally lifted if Milosevic were to fall, and the country itself
welcomed with open arms into Europe, and helped financially.
This prospect is anathema to Joseph Biden and his like-minded friends
and colleagues in Washington.They dont want a democratic Serbia
reintegrated into the community of European nations, but a
Gauleiter-ruled colony in which any attempt to assert ones dignity, let
alone pride in ones identity, would be equated with aggressive
ultra-nationalism.That much has become clear in their attempt to
sabotage Milosevics opponents while he is struggling for survival.As
a UPI report noted last Monday, from Washingtons point of view a
Kostunica victory would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad
settlement to Yugoslav issues on Washingtons terms.Those terms
entail acceptance of the loss of sovereignty (The Hague) and loss of
territory (Kosovo), plus whatever else is ordered from Washington.Last
Monday night Kostunica replied when he said that Yugoslavia must not
become anybodys protectorate.In the eyes of Biden & Co. this merely
confirms that he is an ultra-nationalist, which proves that we need HR
1064 enacted before Milosevic falls.
As Serbias true democrats struggle against that misshapen despot whose
strongest trump card is to accuse them of being pro-NATO traitors, a
concerted attempt is under way in Washington to impose humiliating
conditions on them that no democratically elected leaders of any nation
could ever accept.The participants in that endeavor know not what is
shame.The rest of us do, living as we do in the eighth year of the
Clinton-Gore presidency.
P.S.: From our We Told You So department:
It hardly needs stating that Americas support to the democratic
opposition in Belgrade has nothing to do with the alleged democratic
credentials of the specific parties, and everything to do with the
degree of its leaders professed readiness to act in accordance with the
diktat from Washington.[They need to be] submissive to the West,
a-national to the point of self-hatred, brazenly materialistic,
antitraditionalist and secular.With such an opposition, it is
unsurprising that the popular discontent with Milosevic could not have
been channeled into a victory for his enemies.Even thoroughly moderate
patriots with impeccable democratic credentials such as Dr. Kostunica
were simply not kosher enough for the U.S. State Department.
(Slobodan Milosevic, Our S.O.B. Chronicles, June 1997)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
"Vogliamo essere una colonia aperta [sic] ed una societa' aperta"
Queste le parole di VESELIN VUKOTIC, coordinatore del gruppo di
economisti "G-17" del blocco di opposizione serbo DOS - ai quali si
richiama Kostunica nel suo programma elettorale - intervistato da "The
News Hour with Jim Lehrer", US Public Television, il 14 luglio 1999.
Il 31 agosto successivo Vukotic, che e' anche responsabile governativo
per le privatizzazioni in Montenegro, dichiara a Guido Ruotolo sul
"Manifesto" che le imprese montenegrine non verranno "svendute" al
capitale straniero bensi', piu' semplicemente, "regalate" perche'
altrimenti non sarebbero appetibili.
---
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/489
REACTIONS TO THE CONGRESS ACT HR 1064
* Yugoslav 'Opposition' Negotiates Sale of Yugoslavia!
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel
(original: http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/11.htm )
* Joseph Biden (US congressman): "We, the Congress, are saying to the
people of Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their
Government, it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the
Serbian people... Should our West European allies choose to embrace a
post-Milosevic, democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia,
then I would say to them `good luck'..."
* Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Michel Chossudovsky
* Blatant U.S. intervention in Yugoslav elections protested; Group calls
for investigation (IAC)
* Are Washingtonians Helping Milosevic Survive?
by Srdja Trifkovic
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/487
H. R. 1064: AN ACT To authorize a coordinated program to promote the
development of democracy in Serbia and Montenegro.
> http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/488
The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel (9-28-2000)
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/461
Who Are the G-17?
By Michel Chossudovsky
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/217
IL PROGRAMMA "SEED", RADIO B92 ed il GRUPPO G17
---
CHINA: ELECTIONS IN YUGOSLAVIA ARE NOT OVER YET
PEKING, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - The elections in Yugoslavia have not been
completed yet and it is not known at this time who the president will
be,
Chinese Foreign Ministry representative Sun Yuxi said on Thursday.
Pointing out the results announced by the Yugoslav federal Electoral
Commission, Sun told a regular press conference that these elections are
exclusively an internal affair of Yugoslavia and underscored that China
respects the choice of the Yugoslav people. He said he hoped Yugoslavia
would preserve its political stability and achieve economic and social
growth. Sun expressed hope that Chinese-Yugoslav relations would
continue
to grow and pointed out that China and Yugoslavia have maintained, and
will
continue to maintain, economic and trade cooperation on the grounds of
equality and mutual benefits, cooperation which is in the interests and
beneficial to the peoples of both countries. China has repeatedly
announced
over the past few days that foreign interference in the internal affairs
of
a country, or in the electoral and post-election process in Yugoslavia,
is
unacceptable.
WEST DOES NOT CARE FOR SERBIAN PEOPLE
BEIJING, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - Chinese media carried on Thursday a Yugoslav
Electioral Commission statement that incumbent President Slobodan
Milosevic
and the opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica must undergo a second
round
of elections on Oct 8 as neither won a majority in the first.
Chinese Worker's Daily said in a commentary on the Yugoslav elections
that
the West does not care for free and fair elections in Yugoslavia or for
the
future of Serbian people, but only for its own interests, as
demonstrated
by its economic, political and even military pressures against
Yugoslavia.
The daily warns that this is gross interference in the internal affairs
of
Yugoslavia, adding that the chief aim of the West is to use pressure to
overthrow the current government in Belgrade.
Illustrating the media and other forms of pressure, the daily said that
the western media announced immediately after polling stations closed
Sunday evening that "President Slobodan Milosevic lost the elections".
Pointing to other means of gross interference of the West, the daily
stressed "threats and promises" of the West as regards economy, quoting
some western officials who said that the sanctions against Yugoslavia
would
be strenghtened if the election results were not in conformity to their
will. Media in Beijing stressed that Russia urged the West against
destabilizing Yugoslavia, quoting Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov's
statement that the Yugoslav people have full freedom to express their
will
without internal or external pressure.
---
Church's Appeal (STATEMENT TEXT)
Church's appeal to
Kostunica
The church's Bishop Justin congratulated Mr Kostunica
The text of the Serbian Orthodox Church's
statement to opposition candidate Vojislav
Kostunica calling on him to assume the
duties of Yugoslav president.
Dear Dr Vojislav Kostunica, elected president
of Yugoslavia,
In a sign of joy that the presidential,
parliamentary and local elections in our
homeland, on 24 September 2000, transpired
peacefully and with dignity, the Holy Synod of
the Serbian Orthodox Church calls on Dr
Vojislav Kostunica and his fellow elected
citizens to assume the administration of the
state, its parliament and municipalities in an
equally peaceful and dignified manner.
With dignity and on the
basis of the results
received, which are
proof of the trust of
the people to which
they belong.
With dignity and
responsibility in the
absolute sense of the
word, because we
know that this nation,
which has suffered
frequently, has always
thought about its freedom.
Therefore, today, when to all intents and
purposes it has achieved the freedom it has
wished for, those it has elected must not,
through their behaviour, allow the tears of
sorrow to flow down a single face.
Only in that case will the Lord of the Sky and
the Earth in the Holy Trinity - the Father, the
Son and the Holy Spirit - bless the start of
your daily work and answer the prayers of the
Orthodox Church of Saint Sava, with the
Patriarch at its head.
Chairman, Holy Synod AEM and Serbian
Patriarch, Pavle.
---
ELECTION SUPERVISING BOARD: YUGOSLAV POLLING WAS IN LINE WITH
LAW
BELGRADE, September 29 (Tanjug) September 24 Yugoslav
presidential and parliamentary elections and local polls in its republic
of
Serbia were peaceful and dignified, with full application of the
election
laws and generally accepted international standards, according to the
Yugoslav Election Supervising Board on Friday.
In view of the official election results and the presidential
runoff called for Oct. 8, the Board appealed to the presidential
candidates
and the parties that nominated them to exercise their rights in the
election process in line with the law.
It also invited all participants in the election process to
carry
out their electoral activities in accordance with the law and the
existing
regulations.
In this way, they would allow the presidential polls to be
concluded in a climate of tolerance and in conformity with the universal
democratic principles, the Board said. It added it would continue
to
monitor electoral activities and the behaviour of the participants in
the
election process.
INSTEAD OF 10,677 POLLING STATIONS, 10,309 OPENED
BELGRADE, September 30 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Statistics Institute
Director and Federal Election Commission member Milovan Zivkovic stated
on
Friday that the commission had correctly announced that on voters' rolls
before the elections were registered 7,861,421 voters at 10,677 polling
stations, but that the commission, because on election day in Kosovo and
Metohija were not opened 368 polling stations, with 611,590 registered
voters, announced that 7,249,831 was the total number of registered
voters.
Because in Kosovo and Metohija those polling stations were not
opened, from the point of view of statistics, election material could
not
be processed from 100 percent of polling stations, but from 96.55
percent,
Zivkovic said in a statement to Tanjug.
Since those polling stations were not opened, that means that
611,590 voters registered at those places fictitiously represent part of
the 7,861,421 voters, registered before the elections, Zivkovic said.
"That is why we have decided to announced that 7,249,831 voters
represents the complete number of voters registered from opened polling
stations, from which voting material has arrived and was processed,"
Zivkovic said.
The difference that has appeared, he said, represents the
number
of voters registered at polling stations that were not opened, Zivkovic
said, "which cannot influence total results."
"Simply, the commission has concluded that those voters were
unable to vote, because the polling stations where they are registered
had
not been opened, so that the number of 7,861,421 voters was no longer
relevant for total results," Zivkovic said.
YUGOSLAV ARMY REMAINS LOYAL TO PRINCIPLE OF DEPOLITIZATION
BELGRADE, September 30 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Army spokesman, Col.
Svetozar Radisic condemned on Friday the attempts of political parties
to
drag the Yugoslav Army into party disputes and said that the Yugoslav
Army
will remain consistent in observing the principle of depolitization.
In a written statement, Radisic says that in connection with
the
elections for president and for Yugoslav parliament, held on September
24,
at party rallies members of the Yugoslav Army are invited to declare
their
party affiliation and "representatives of some parties aggressively
demand
from officers to individually express themselves about election results
and
about the work of the federal election commission."
"Commands, units and institutions are not operationally linked
with parties, as they are not an element of the political system, and
that
is why there will be no meetings with party representatives in army
commands and headquarters or contacts with party representatives" the
statement said.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Queste le parole di VESELIN VUKOTIC, coordinatore del gruppo di
economisti "G-17" del blocco di opposizione serbo DOS - ai quali si
richiama Kostunica nel suo programma elettorale - intervistato da "The
News Hour with Jim Lehrer", US Public Television, il 14 luglio 1999.
Il 31 agosto successivo Vukotic, che e' anche responsabile governativo
per le privatizzazioni in Montenegro, dichiara a Guido Ruotolo sul
"Manifesto" che le imprese montenegrine non verranno "svendute" al
capitale straniero bensi', piu' semplicemente, "regalate" perche'
altrimenti non sarebbero appetibili.
---
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/489
REACTIONS TO THE CONGRESS ACT HR 1064
* Yugoslav 'Opposition' Negotiates Sale of Yugoslavia!
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel
(original: http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/11.htm )
* Joseph Biden (US congressman): "We, the Congress, are saying to the
people of Serbia that they are our friends, not our enemies. It is their
Government, it is Slobodan Milosevic that is the problem, not the
Serbian people... Should our West European allies choose to embrace a
post-Milosevic, democratically elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia,
then I would say to them `good luck'..."
* Washington Votes to Finance Yugoslav Runoff Election
by Michel Chossudovsky
* Blatant U.S. intervention in Yugoslav elections protested; Group calls
for investigation (IAC)
* Are Washingtonians Helping Milosevic Survive?
by Srdja Trifkovic
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/487
H. R. 1064: AN ACT To authorize a coordinated program to promote the
development of democracy in Serbia and Montenegro.
> http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/488
The International Monetary Fund And The Yugoslav Elections
by Michel Chossudovsky and Jared Israel (9-28-2000)
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/461
Who Are the G-17?
By Michel Chossudovsky
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/217
IL PROGRAMMA "SEED", RADIO B92 ed il GRUPPO G17
---
CHINA: ELECTIONS IN YUGOSLAVIA ARE NOT OVER YET
PEKING, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - The elections in Yugoslavia have not been
completed yet and it is not known at this time who the president will
be,
Chinese Foreign Ministry representative Sun Yuxi said on Thursday.
Pointing out the results announced by the Yugoslav federal Electoral
Commission, Sun told a regular press conference that these elections are
exclusively an internal affair of Yugoslavia and underscored that China
respects the choice of the Yugoslav people. He said he hoped Yugoslavia
would preserve its political stability and achieve economic and social
growth. Sun expressed hope that Chinese-Yugoslav relations would
continue
to grow and pointed out that China and Yugoslavia have maintained, and
will
continue to maintain, economic and trade cooperation on the grounds of
equality and mutual benefits, cooperation which is in the interests and
beneficial to the peoples of both countries. China has repeatedly
announced
over the past few days that foreign interference in the internal affairs
of
a country, or in the electoral and post-election process in Yugoslavia,
is
unacceptable.
WEST DOES NOT CARE FOR SERBIAN PEOPLE
BEIJING, Sept 28 (Tanjug) - Chinese media carried on Thursday a Yugoslav
Electioral Commission statement that incumbent President Slobodan
Milosevic
and the opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica must undergo a second
round
of elections on Oct 8 as neither won a majority in the first.
Chinese Worker's Daily said in a commentary on the Yugoslav elections
that
the West does not care for free and fair elections in Yugoslavia or for
the
future of Serbian people, but only for its own interests, as
demonstrated
by its economic, political and even military pressures against
Yugoslavia.
The daily warns that this is gross interference in the internal affairs
of
Yugoslavia, adding that the chief aim of the West is to use pressure to
overthrow the current government in Belgrade.
Illustrating the media and other forms of pressure, the daily said that
the western media announced immediately after polling stations closed
Sunday evening that "President Slobodan Milosevic lost the elections".
Pointing to other means of gross interference of the West, the daily
stressed "threats and promises" of the West as regards economy, quoting
some western officials who said that the sanctions against Yugoslavia
would
be strenghtened if the election results were not in conformity to their
will. Media in Beijing stressed that Russia urged the West against
destabilizing Yugoslavia, quoting Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov's
statement that the Yugoslav people have full freedom to express their
will
without internal or external pressure.
---
Church's Appeal (STATEMENT TEXT)
Church's appeal to
Kostunica
The church's Bishop Justin congratulated Mr Kostunica
The text of the Serbian Orthodox Church's
statement to opposition candidate Vojislav
Kostunica calling on him to assume the
duties of Yugoslav president.
Dear Dr Vojislav Kostunica, elected president
of Yugoslavia,
In a sign of joy that the presidential,
parliamentary and local elections in our
homeland, on 24 September 2000, transpired
peacefully and with dignity, the Holy Synod of
the Serbian Orthodox Church calls on Dr
Vojislav Kostunica and his fellow elected
citizens to assume the administration of the
state, its parliament and municipalities in an
equally peaceful and dignified manner.
With dignity and on the
basis of the results
received, which are
proof of the trust of
the people to which
they belong.
With dignity and
responsibility in the
absolute sense of the
word, because we
know that this nation,
which has suffered
frequently, has always
thought about its freedom.
Therefore, today, when to all intents and
purposes it has achieved the freedom it has
wished for, those it has elected must not,
through their behaviour, allow the tears of
sorrow to flow down a single face.
Only in that case will the Lord of the Sky and
the Earth in the Holy Trinity - the Father, the
Son and the Holy Spirit - bless the start of
your daily work and answer the prayers of the
Orthodox Church of Saint Sava, with the
Patriarch at its head.
Chairman, Holy Synod AEM and Serbian
Patriarch, Pavle.
---
ELECTION SUPERVISING BOARD: YUGOSLAV POLLING WAS IN LINE WITH
LAW
BELGRADE, September 29 (Tanjug) September 24 Yugoslav
presidential and parliamentary elections and local polls in its republic
of
Serbia were peaceful and dignified, with full application of the
election
laws and generally accepted international standards, according to the
Yugoslav Election Supervising Board on Friday.
In view of the official election results and the presidential
runoff called for Oct. 8, the Board appealed to the presidential
candidates
and the parties that nominated them to exercise their rights in the
election process in line with the law.
It also invited all participants in the election process to
carry
out their electoral activities in accordance with the law and the
existing
regulations.
In this way, they would allow the presidential polls to be
concluded in a climate of tolerance and in conformity with the universal
democratic principles, the Board said. It added it would continue
to
monitor electoral activities and the behaviour of the participants in
the
election process.
INSTEAD OF 10,677 POLLING STATIONS, 10,309 OPENED
BELGRADE, September 30 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Statistics Institute
Director and Federal Election Commission member Milovan Zivkovic stated
on
Friday that the commission had correctly announced that on voters' rolls
before the elections were registered 7,861,421 voters at 10,677 polling
stations, but that the commission, because on election day in Kosovo and
Metohija were not opened 368 polling stations, with 611,590 registered
voters, announced that 7,249,831 was the total number of registered
voters.
Because in Kosovo and Metohija those polling stations were not
opened, from the point of view of statistics, election material could
not
be processed from 100 percent of polling stations, but from 96.55
percent,
Zivkovic said in a statement to Tanjug.
Since those polling stations were not opened, that means that
611,590 voters registered at those places fictitiously represent part of
the 7,861,421 voters, registered before the elections, Zivkovic said.
"That is why we have decided to announced that 7,249,831 voters
represents the complete number of voters registered from opened polling
stations, from which voting material has arrived and was processed,"
Zivkovic said.
The difference that has appeared, he said, represents the
number
of voters registered at polling stations that were not opened, Zivkovic
said, "which cannot influence total results."
"Simply, the commission has concluded that those voters were
unable to vote, because the polling stations where they are registered
had
not been opened, so that the number of 7,861,421 voters was no longer
relevant for total results," Zivkovic said.
YUGOSLAV ARMY REMAINS LOYAL TO PRINCIPLE OF DEPOLITIZATION
BELGRADE, September 30 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Army spokesman, Col.
Svetozar Radisic condemned on Friday the attempts of political parties
to
drag the Yugoslav Army into party disputes and said that the Yugoslav
Army
will remain consistent in observing the principle of depolitization.
In a written statement, Radisic says that in connection with
the
elections for president and for Yugoslav parliament, held on September
24,
at party rallies members of the Yugoslav Army are invited to declare
their
party affiliation and "representatives of some parties aggressively
demand
from officers to individually express themselves about election results
and
about the work of the federal election commission."
"Commands, units and institutions are not operationally linked
with parties, as they are not an element of the political system, and
that
is why there will be no meetings with party representatives in army
commands and headquarters or contacts with party representatives" the
statement said.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
COTANTA ERA LA MATERIA GRIGIA QUANTO IL FOLTO CRINE
Venerdi' 29 settembre, ore 20.20 circa, a "Zapping", RadioUno:
Sandro Curzi, sulla Jugoslavia:
"...tutta quella gente in piazza, quella e' democrazia. Be', poi certo,
li' c'e' la dittatura...".
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Venerdi' 29 settembre, ore 20.20 circa, a "Zapping", RadioUno:
Sandro Curzi, sulla Jugoslavia:
"...tutta quella gente in piazza, quella e' democrazia. Be', poi certo,
li' c'e' la dittatura...".
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
DEMOCRAZIA O DITTATURA?
Subject: Re: Ciliegina numero 206
Date: Sat, 30 Sep 2000 12:12:35 +0200
From: "sorgiorgio"
To: <alessandro.curzi@...>, "crj"
Caro Compagno Direttore Alessandro Curzi,
hai torto! In Jugoslavia, purtroppo, c'è la democrazia. Quando c'era la
Dittatura, la Dittatura del Proletariato,
le cose andavano molto meglio.
Vedi la Russia adesso c'è la democrazia e sono con le pezze al culo.
Cordiali saluti
----- Original Message -----
From: "Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia" <crj@...>
To: "crj" <crj@...>
Sent: Saturday, September 30, 2000 10:22 AM
Subject: Ciliegina numero 206
> COTANTA ERA LA MATERIA GRIGIA QUANTO IL FOLTO CRINE
>
>
> Venerdi' 29 settembre, ore 20.20 circa, a "Zapping", RadioUno:
>
> Sandro Curzi, sulla Jugoslavia:
>
> "...tutta quella gente in piazza, quella e' democrazia. Be', poi certo,
> li' c'e' la dittatura...".
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Subject: Re: Ciliegina numero 206
Date: Sat, 30 Sep 2000 12:12:35 +0200
From: "sorgiorgio"
To: <alessandro.curzi@...>, "crj"
Caro Compagno Direttore Alessandro Curzi,
hai torto! In Jugoslavia, purtroppo, c'è la democrazia. Quando c'era la
Dittatura, la Dittatura del Proletariato,
le cose andavano molto meglio.
Vedi la Russia adesso c'è la democrazia e sono con le pezze al culo.
Cordiali saluti
----- Original Message -----
From: "Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia" <crj@...>
To: "crj" <crj@...>
Sent: Saturday, September 30, 2000 10:22 AM
Subject: Ciliegina numero 206
> COTANTA ERA LA MATERIA GRIGIA QUANTO IL FOLTO CRINE
>
>
> Venerdi' 29 settembre, ore 20.20 circa, a "Zapping", RadioUno:
>
> Sandro Curzi, sulla Jugoslavia:
>
> "...tutta quella gente in piazza, quella e' democrazia. Be', poi certo,
> li' c'e' la dittatura...".
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
1990-1991
Il 5 novembre 1990 Il Congresso degli USA, "grazie" all'impegno del
senatore Bob Dole, approva la legge 101/513, che sancisce la
dissoluzione della Jugoslavia attraverso il finanziamento diretto di
tutte le nuove formazioni "democratiche" (nazionaliste e secessioniste;
cfr. Sarah Flounders su "NATO in the Balkans"). A fine mese un rapporto
della CIA "profetizza" che la Jugoslavia ha solamente pochi mesi di
vita... la notizia viene diffusa dalle agenzie di stampa occidentali e
viene pubblicata il 29 novembre, giorno della Festa Nazionale della RFSJ
(si celebra la fondazione della Repubblica avvenuta a Jajce, in Bosnia,
nel 1943; cfr. http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/tempo90.gif e
http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/stampa90.jpg).
* "LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..." Il discorso
pronunciato dall'ex-ambasciatore statunitense in Jugoslavia, John D.
Scanlan, il 22 luglio 1990.
* "QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?" L'editoriale del New
York Times del 31 ottobre 1990, nel quale viene commentata la legge
101/513 del Senato USA che blocca tutti i rapporti economici con la RFS
di Jugoslavia ed impone di considerare separatamente le repubbliche
federate in base al grado di "democraticita'" riconosciuto dal
Dipartimento di Stato degli USA.
* "LA STRATEGIA DEI CROATI E' CHIARA: STANNO BOMBARDANDO IL MONDO DI
INFORMAZIONI..." Un articolo di Petar Makara sull'inizio della campagna
di disinformazione strategica ai danni del pubblico mondiale, mirata a
consentire la secessione della Slovenia e della Croazia.
(materiali distribuiti dalla mailing list STOPNATO -
http://stopnato.listbot.com/cgi-bin/subscriber?Act=view_archive&list_id=stopnato
)
---
"LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..."
Banquet Address by U.S. Ambassador to Yugoslavia,
John D. Scanlan July 22, 1990
Tonight, I would like to address the problem of the bad public image
that Yugoslavia in general,
and Serbia in particular, now tends to receive in the American Media.
The typical story on
Yugoslavia these days tends to have a theme that I would characterize
as: good Slovene--bad
Serb--poor Albanian. The most egregious recent example of this is the
story on Yugoslavia
which appeared in the August issue of National Geographic. The author
of the article takes at
face value, and quotes, anti-Serb comments of Albanians, Slovenes,
Macedonians, and Croatians,
most of whom are not particularly authoritative but represent
man-on-the-street opinions. He
does
not balance these by comments of Serbs except in one instance where he
quotes the angry
reaction of an Old Serbian friend of his about seccesionist sentiments
the author heard in
Slovenia. The author clearly seems toidentify much more comfortably
with Slovenes, Croatians,
Macedonians, and Albanians than with Serbs. About the only nod to
Serbian history is the
author's appreciation of the emotions Kosovo stirs in Serbs because of
the battle of Kosovo Polje
in 1389 and the subsequent centuries of occupaton of Serbia by the
Turks.
The sad part about this particular article is that the author
obviously knows something about
Yugoslavia but not enough to put events into proper perspective, and,
given the large and
influential role of the National Geographic, he is misleading literally
millions of Americans.
American ignorance of Yugoslavian history, culture, and geography is
by and large broad and
general. And why not, it is a very complicated story. Most Americans
do not know that Slovenes,
Croatians, Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians are all Slavic peoples
with similiar languages.
Most Americans do not know that there are almost as many Albanians
living in Yugoslavia as in
Albania and that 90 percent of the Albanians in Yugoslavia are Moslems
who are able to practice
their religion freely in Yugoslavia, but not in Albania. Most Americans
do not know that the
Albanians in Yugoslavia enjoy the same civil and human rights as all
other Yugoslavs and have
infinitely more freedom in Yugoslavia than the Albanians in Albania, the
last Stalinist state
in Europe. Most Americans do not know that Albanian is a legal language
in the Kosovo and that
all Albanian children in the Kosovo attend Albanian language schools all
the way through
university, and Pristina is one of the largest universities in Europe in
terms of numbers of
students. Most Americans do not know that the largest and most modern
library and repository of
Albanian literature and culture is in Yugoslavia, in the city of
Pristina, not in Albania, and that that
library is one of the largest and finest libraries in Yugoslavia. Most
Americans do not know that
Serbia is the only republic of Yugoslavia that had two autonomous
regions carved out of it by the
Yugoslav constitution of 1974, when there was just as much justification
for carving out of Croatia
an Autonomous Region of Lika to recognize the more than half million
Serbs living there or an
Autonomous Region of Istria to recognize the large Italian minority
living there. I could go on
endlessly about what most Americans
do not know, but should know, before they make judgemental statements
about relations between
the ethnic groups that make up Yugoslavia.
I do not mean to suggest that there have not been human rights
abuses in Yugoslavia. There
have been many well documented cases of human rights abuses of Yugoslavs
by one ethnic group
by Yugoslavs of another ethnic groups or, more commonly, by Yugoslav
officials, and since we
have made human rights a strong and conscious element of our foreign
policy, we should not
hesitate to condemn human rights violation whenever and wherever we find
them. But we should
be totally objective in doing so and, in a powder ked of ethnic
divisiveness such as Yugoslavia
represent today, we should be extremely cautious to avoid the appearance
of tilting for or against
any ethnic group, particularly when emotions are as high as they are
today in Kosovo. As a
government, I think we have done so and I wish at this point to read to
you the official statement
of the Department of State issued on June 29, 1990.
"We are deeply concerned about rising tensions in the province of
Kosovo, in the Yugoslav
Republic of Serbia. Rooted in a long history, the conflict between
ethnic groups living in the area
threatens the well-being of all the people of Kosovo, Serbia, and
Yugoslavia.
"We believe this conflict can only be resolved through peaceful,
democratic dialogue and
respect for the dignity and human rights of alll citzens of the
province. It cannot be solved by
violence, intimidation, or the threat or use of force by any party. We
call upon the people and the
government of Serbia to respect and protect the rights of all Albanians
living in the Republic of
Serbia, especially Kosovo. By the same token, we call upon the Albanian
population in Kosovo to
respect and protect the rights of all resident Serbs and Montenegrins
and others.
"It is for the people of Yugoslavia alone to decide under what
constitutional arrangements they
wish to live. The United States continues to support the unity,
independence, and territorial
integrity of Yugoslavia. We hope that the people of Yugoslavia, of all
national and ethnic groups,
will live together on the basis of mutual respect, democratic pluralism,
and the principles
enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act and CSCE process. It is incumbent
on the ethnic majority of
each republic and province to guarantee the security and fundamental
human right of all national
and ethnic minorities living within the territory.
"Since World War II Yugoslavia has, on the whole, provided a
commendable example of
national, cultural, and ethnic harmony in a multinational state. We
hope Yugoslavia can continue
this proud tradition."
If the position of our government is clear, balanced, and objective,
then why is the media
coverage of events in Yugoslavia seemingly so prejudiced in favor of
some and against others? I
would have to say that I believe Yugoslavia in general, and Serbia in
particular, have not been
particularly adept in public relations. That is one reason. I think
another reason is that we have
forgotten that Yugoslavia has been independent of the Soviet Union
since 1948 and has pursued
its own national brand of communisim, and that it is, in fact, very
different from the former
Warsaw Pact client states of the Soviet Union who now have liberated
themselves to one degree
or another. Yugoslavia liberated itself from the Soviet Union but not
from communism under much
more difficult
circumstances in 1948. And we were wise enough to come to Yugoslavia's
aid quickly and
substantially, seeing it as in our own national interest to promote
fissures in the Soviet bloc.
Yugoslavia is now handicapped by the fact that its communist party,
having successfully
portrayed itself at home and abroad as indigenous and independent from
more than 40 years,
enjoys more credibility and domestic support than the Soviet installed
and directed East European
parties. The latter all crumbled rapidly during 1989, while the
Yugoslav party, which has its own
firmly
entrenched domestic base, has displayed more staying power. This
prompts many foreign
observers to conclude, incorrectly in my view, that Yugoslavia is less
interested in political and
economic reform than the Warsaw Pact European countries. This is, of
course, not at all true. In
a sense, Yugoslavia invented perestroika and glasnost and since Tito's
death in 1980 has been
seeking in fits and starts to reform its political and economic systems.
The process has moved
more slowly than we would have hoped, to the extent that most Americans
are prepared to believe
that Yugoslavia has not yet liberated itself as Warsaw Pact countries
have. Indeed, I have been
asked by people who should have know better, "When is Yugoslavia going
to follow the pattern of
Hungary, Poland, and other East European countries?
The only truly objective detailed and insightful account of the
current situation in Yugoslavia
which I have read recently was a series of two articles in the New York
Review of Books written
by Michael Scammell, who is a professor of Russian Literature at Cornell
University. Scammell
does a brilliant job of presenting the nationalistic and political
ferment together with detailed
historical background republic by republic, from north to south. He
points out that since the end of
World War II, Serbs were the leaders in democratic thought and movements
until the last two or
three years when the Slovenes moved to the fore, followed belatedly by
the Croatians. Scammel's
view is that while the democratic opposition remained just as strong in
Serbia as in Slovenia, the
dispute over Kosovo permitted the Serbian communist party to seize the
initiative by directing
nationalistic sentiments against the Albanians. The Serbian dissidents
were thus upstaged and
outflanked by Milosevic, who exploited the issue in order to strengthen
the party at the expense of
the opposition. But Scammell goes on to quote Yugoslavia's most famous
longstanding dissident
Milovan Djilas as having told Scammell that he too first approved of
Milosevic because he
Milosevic had smashed the old Titoist myths of brotherhood and unity
that were holding
Yugoslavia back. He had liberated the consciousness of the Serbian
people and was quite right to
make Kosovo
and Vodvodina subservient to Belgrade, even though it meant sending in
troops. Scammell than
quotes Kosta Cavoski as having told him that Milosevic is righting a
national wrong. Cavoski said
that communists everywhere, and especially Yugoslavian communists, have
exploited national
questions for their own ends and have crushed national interests. The
Serbs suffered under this
policy more than other people in Yugoslavia. While Djilas and Cavoski
told Scammell that they
believed Milosevic's style is authoritarian and his tactics unduly
rough, they did not consider him
to be a neo-Stanlinist or neo-fascist. Djilas said no arrests of
dissenters are being made in
Serbia itself, and although Milosevic controls 90 percent of the press,
the press is more outspoken
than it was. The intellectual atmosphere in Serbia is freer than it has
ever been. Philosophers,
sociologists, and writers are freer now than they were even before the
war.
The objective, extremely well-informed observer, Scammell, is
optimistic that Yugoslavia will
survive. As he puts it, "It seems inevitable that the federal basis of
Yugoslavia will be
reexamined and renegotiated in some form or other." I will cast my lot
with Scammell. I
personally believe that recentralization is out of the question. But I
am confident that a more
viable form of federation or confederation will be worked out for the
simple reason that at the end
of the day, Yugoslav leaders north and south will recognize that going
it alone is not a very good
option for any of them economically or politically. The complexities of
sorting out the ethnic
mixtures, dividing up
the commom property, and the prospect of facing the world as individual,
much smaller political
entities will chill secessionsist fervor when the decision time comes.
Scammell's article is by far the more profound and his predictions
for the future is based on
solid scholarship, but unfortunately, the New York Review of Books has a
very small readership
compared to the National Geographic. And our daily press and the
television sound bytes also
tend to report and exaggerate bad news from Yugoslavia.
On the economic front there is a lot of good news, but our daily
press by and large ignores it.
Yugoslavia is the only East European country that is currently
significantly reducing its foreign
debt. The debt had been reduced from $20 billion four years ago to $16
billion now, with the
expectation of another 2-3 billion reduction by the end of the year.
Inflation has been stopped and
reduced from a rate of almost 2000 percent last December to 31percent
this year to date and is
currently at a stable rate of 0 percent. Foreign currency reserves are
sharply up to a level of
approximately $7 billion. And the process of market oriented
privatiztion is proceeding far more
rapidly in Yugoslavia than in other East European countries. There has
been a very positive
development of new
democratic, independent labor unions throughout the country. And so
on. But you don't read
about these events in the daily press.
While we surely have every right to criticize the lack of media
objectivity with regard to
Yugoslavia, and the Serbs, I personally think we must also recognize
that the burning issue for the
future of Yugoslavia and Serbia is a viable solution to the Kosovo
problem. I don't pretend to have
any special wisdom on the subject. But I don't think the 1974
constitution was the answer. And I
think the citizens of the northern republics of Yugoslavia should
acknowledge that in the
mid-1980's they ignored the anguished pleas of thousands of Serbs and
Montengrins in the
Kosovo for attention to their concerns about their personal well-being
and security. And Iam
convinced that there must be an open and genuine dialogue in and about
the Kososo between
Serbs and Albanians in order for a viable solution to be found.
I have visited the Kosovo on many occasions, as early as 1955 as as
recently ast late 1988. I
have met repeatedly with Albanian and Serbian leaders there, including
several who are currently
actively engaged, and I believe that with the proper encouragement and
support from every corner
of Yugoslavia and from Yugoslavia's foreign friends, a solution can be
found. But this process
will never get off the ground if one party to the dispute is repeatedly,
incorrectly, and unfairly held
to be solely at fault. The modern Kosovo problem as been created by all
Yugoslavs. Let them join
together, with malice towards none and charity toward all, to solve the
problem. It is in their
common interest, and in ours, that they do so.
-
Editor's Note: The reader should keep in mind that this address was
delivered four years prior to
the publication of this book.
[John D. Scanlan served as US Ambassador to Yugoslavia in the late
1980s]
---
"QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?"
New York Times editorial Oct. 31, 1990.
"How many countries will there be in Europe after 1992? Seven,
according
to the bitter gibe circulating in Croatia: the European Community and
the six
republics that now make up Yugoslavia. Things could turn out that way
if
Slobodan Milosevic and his Communist cohorts in Serbia continue to hold
back
constitutional and *economic change* and stir up ethnic tension.
Ever since Slovenia and Croation elected non-communist governments
and
moved to *free the economy*, Mr. Milosevic has accused them of trying to
break up Yugoslavia. Slovenia and Croatia deny any separatist intent
but
want to turn Yugoslavia into a loosened confederation of sovereign
republics.
That would weaken the power of the Serbs ...
Yugoslavia's best hope lies in moving forward into Europe. But if
Belgrade resorts to force [to preserve the union] the door to Europe
will
slam shut. That's a firm message for the European community to send
now.
Washington can underscore this warning with one of its own: Any more
violence means no more aid.
... But it would be rash to cut off U.S, aid now, as Senator Alfonse
D'Amato has proposed. That would exacerbate Yugoslavia's economic
distress
-- and national passions. Voting down Mr. D'Amato's measure still
leaves
Yugoslavia on notice that aid is in jeopardy unless democratic change is
allowed to proceed in peace.
---
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/makara/fromthe2.htm
From the forthcoming Emperor's Clothes book, "Ten years of lies that
fooled the
world" -
Lying about Slovenian Secession , 1991
by Petar Makara (9-10-00)
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
In June, 1991 Slovenia announced it had seceded from Yugoslavia and
proceeded to seize
Yugoslav customs stations. The Western media then broadcast news of a
barbaric attack by
vicious Yugoslav troops, beaten back by brave Slovenians. But those
stories were pure fiction.
There was no such attack. Total casualties in this war were: 3 dead
Slovenian irregulars and 33
Yugoslav soldiers, executed after they surrendered. The Yugoslav troops
in Slovenia had not been
issued live ammunition, and this was public knowledge at the time.
Only one mainstream Western source admitted the stories were lies. That
was the 'European' in
its July 19-21, 1991. Note the date: barely one month after Slovenia
declared their intention to
secede, thus starting the first Yugoslav war of secession. The title of
the story was: "Lies win
Balkan war of words." It was written by Simon Freeman. Emperor's Clothes
has a photo copy of
the original. This is fortunate, for the article cannot be found on the
Internet using either the Lexis
or Google search engines.
The article is worth reading carefully because it at once exposes how
lies were used early on to
demonize the Serbs and at the same time implicitly supports some of the
propaganda it is
exposing.
The article has this subtitle:
"Yugoslavia has rediscovered the old adage that truth is the first
casualty of war.
Simon Freeman reports from Zagreb [Croatia] and Ljubljana
[Slovenia] where the
protagonists are involved in a fierce fight to capture the
attention of the world's
media."
It begins by talking about the Croat government's understanding of the
value of propaganda:.
[Quote] "The Croats' strategy today is clear. They are bombarding
the world with
information, which is usually so petty that it seems that it must
be true. But this is
an illusion; it is impossible to check most of these reports
precisely because the
clashes were so minor that, even if they happened, they left no
mark. And, in
between the recital of these so-called facts, the Croats toss
quite incredible
allegations; this week's favourite is to claim, straight-faced,
that the Serbs have
hired assassins from the Romanian Securitate.
[Quote continued] "Zagreb has launched this propaganda blitz after
carefully
analysing how the Slovenians managed to outmanoeuvre Belgrade in
the fight for
international sympathy. The Croats realised that the decisive
engagements, which
virtually guaranteed Slovenia's independence, took place in the
pages of the
foreign media and, even more important, in the news bulletins of
the major
television networks." [End quote.]
In fact, the Croatian leaders 'realised' nothing at all, nor did the
Slovenes 'outmaneuver' Belgrade.
The secession of these countries was planned and coordinated by the US
and German elites,
working through various agencies, including the CIA and BND. They
trained their proxy forces in
Croatia and Slovenia and then opened the pages of the mass media which
they controlled to
accept their proxies' propaganda.
How much maneuvering is required to win a media war when the Slovenes
and the mass media are
controlled by the same forces?
The Western conquerors divided the job of getting out misinformation.
The proxies in Slovenia and
Croatia were to craft lies, as best they could. The Western media was to
bring the lies to market.
The article goes on to say that "the Serbs" (meaning, the Yugoslav
Federation) are learning the
lesson that you have to use the Western media but that they are slow
students:
[Quote] "They have a leader, Slobodan Milosevic, whose brand of
stubborn
nationalism and hardline marxism is a public relations disaster.''
[End quote]
Note the propaganda hidden in this sentence. In the early stages of the
breakup of Yugoslavia, the
West tarred the Serbs with being "the last Communists on Planet Earth."
This particular
propaganda slogan was launched by the Croatian Catholic Church.
Then the article talks about the "cleverness" of the Slovene
propagandists:
[Quote] "The Slovenes cleverly portrayed themselves as
clean-limbed, tanned
churchgoers who only wanted to live peacefully and democratically
in their Alpine
idyll of mountains, lakes and meadows
[Quote] "The Serbs, on the other hand, the Slovenes suggested [and
the West
readily published], were ruthless communists. They were dirty,
unshaven brutes
who dropped cluster bombs on innocent civilians. They came from
the east, which
had always sought to inflict its intolerance, religious fanaticism
and alphabet of
squiggly lines on Europe.
[Quote] "These were grotesque caricatures, of course, but, thanks
to the brilliant
propaganda campaign in Ljubljana [capital of Slovenia], they have
taken hold of the
public imagination in the West, turning a complex struggle into a
straightforward
battle between the forces of light (Slovenes and Croats) and
darkness (Serbs).
The nerve-centre of this propaganda operation was an underground
conference
complex deep below the streets of Ljubljana. Here, a few dozen
officials from the
Slovenian Ministry of Information, backed up by young,
multilingual patriot
volunteers, worked tirelessly to service more than 1,000
journalists.
[Quote] "Inside this bunker the information flowed fast and
efficiently in an
atmosphere oddly similar to that found in a press centre at an
Olympic Games; the
results - tanks hit, shots fired, prisoners taken - were given
every hour. The
Slovenes needed a bloody, dramatic conflict to ensure the world
did not loose
interest. So they showered the media with details of battles that
had often never
taken place.
[Quote] Sometimes the Slovenes would enliven the day with
revelations which
were either ficticous or irrelevant...
[Quote] "...It was possible to report the war without ever
venturing above the
ground. Indeed, since it required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks, many journalists opted [or were ordered?]
to remain
underground. But, for those who did venture into the sunlight, the
bunker war often
seemed a fantacy. For example, the world heard of a major battle
at Jezersko, a
small border post an the frontier with Austria. This greatly
surprised the Slovene
militiamen at Jezersko, who told me a few days later that the army
had fired a few
shots, taken the post and then, faced with Slovene reinforcement,
retreated
happily down the mountain. No one was hurt" [End quote]
Olympic Games indeed. The author counts on Olympian ignorance among his
readers. Some
thoughts on this excerpt:
1) He is telling us that Slovenes, for the first time in the
history of warfare, have
discovered that it is good to present themselves positively and
the enemy negatively. This
is astonishing. Even Hitler tried to present himself positively -
thus he launched World
War II by staging an incident which made it appear that Polish
border guards had attacked
Germany. And Hitler said he was fighting unshaven, dirty
communists also.
2) WHY did Western reporters sit in secessionists bunker and
present only the
secessionist side of the story when in fact the media of the
Federal Government of
Yugoslavia was also issuing daily news reports, and accurate ones
(i.e. that the stories
about fighting were lies). Why didn't Western reporters go out and
investigate to see who
was telling the truth? Why did these reporters happen to take the
side of secessionists
who described themselves in terms painfully similar to those used
by WWII Nazis? Why
did they refuse to give fair hearing to the news of a recognized,
sovereign country, one of
the founders of the United Nations, a country which had been on
friendly terms with the
West for many years?
3) Since when do Western reporters sit in a bunker while reporting
on a war? Haven't they
gone out and reported far tougher situations? The war in Slovenia
was feeble. The end
count of casualties was 3 dead Slovenian irregulars and 33
executed Yugoslav Federal
Army soldiers who had no ammunition (!) and surrendered. A total
of 36 people dead.
Some war! The casualty level of a bus accident. What happened to
so called Western
"investigative journalism" ?
4) The article says: "It required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks [in Slovenia]" Baloney. Go and try to find
Slovenia on the map.
Hard isn't it? A country smaller than Connecticut. I guess these
journalists, with their true
"interest" in events, would be get lost in their Slovenian hotel.
With all those great and
terrible roadblocks and savage obstacles they wouldn't find a
bathroom.
5) Did ONLY the Slovenes have "young multilingual patriot
volunteers" ready to spread
their view of events? See how the image of clean-limbed young
Slovenes is presented
even here, where it is supposedly debunked! Are Serbs never
multilingual? Are they never
beautiful?
The author then presents his moral, which appears in the pages of the
'European' in large type:
[Quote] "Exaggerations will do nothing to heal the divisions which
are ripping the
country apart." [End quote]
Upside down and backwards, because in fact it is precisely the
exaggerations put forth by the
Western media which were the instrument for allowing Western involvement
in Yugoslavia -
justifying economic and military support for the secessionists,
sanctions against multiethnic
Yugoslavia, expulsions of Serbs, moderate Muslims and others who wanted
to hold it together, the
reintroduction of huge numbers of expatriate Croatian Ustashe fascists,
the disarming of
Yugoslav loyalists through introduction of UN troops, and the bombing of
loyalist forces, in Bosnia
and later Serbia and Montenegro.
Savagery was introduced from the West. Without the West, the Slovenian
and Croatian fascists
would never have had a chance in Yugoslavia.
-
Further reading....
1) "Germany and the US in the Balkans- a Careful Coincidence of National
Policies?" by T.W.
Carr at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/carr/carr.html
2) "What Does NATO Want in Yugoslavia?" by Sean Gervasi at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/gervasi/why.htm
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(The Soros Foundation does NOT fund Emperors Clothes.)
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www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Il 5 novembre 1990 Il Congresso degli USA, "grazie" all'impegno del
senatore Bob Dole, approva la legge 101/513, che sancisce la
dissoluzione della Jugoslavia attraverso il finanziamento diretto di
tutte le nuove formazioni "democratiche" (nazionaliste e secessioniste;
cfr. Sarah Flounders su "NATO in the Balkans"). A fine mese un rapporto
della CIA "profetizza" che la Jugoslavia ha solamente pochi mesi di
vita... la notizia viene diffusa dalle agenzie di stampa occidentali e
viene pubblicata il 29 novembre, giorno della Festa Nazionale della RFSJ
(si celebra la fondazione della Repubblica avvenuta a Jajce, in Bosnia,
nel 1943; cfr. http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/tempo90.gif e
http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/stampa90.jpg).
* "LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..." Il discorso
pronunciato dall'ex-ambasciatore statunitense in Jugoslavia, John D.
Scanlan, il 22 luglio 1990.
* "QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?" L'editoriale del New
York Times del 31 ottobre 1990, nel quale viene commentata la legge
101/513 del Senato USA che blocca tutti i rapporti economici con la RFS
di Jugoslavia ed impone di considerare separatamente le repubbliche
federate in base al grado di "democraticita'" riconosciuto dal
Dipartimento di Stato degli USA.
* "LA STRATEGIA DEI CROATI E' CHIARA: STANNO BOMBARDANDO IL MONDO DI
INFORMAZIONI..." Un articolo di Petar Makara sull'inizio della campagna
di disinformazione strategica ai danni del pubblico mondiale, mirata a
consentire la secessione della Slovenia e della Croazia.
(materiali distribuiti dalla mailing list STOPNATO -
http://stopnato.listbot.com/cgi-bin/subscriber?Act=view_archive&list_id=stopnato
)
---
"LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..."
Banquet Address by U.S. Ambassador to Yugoslavia,
John D. Scanlan July 22, 1990
Tonight, I would like to address the problem of the bad public image
that Yugoslavia in general,
and Serbia in particular, now tends to receive in the American Media.
The typical story on
Yugoslavia these days tends to have a theme that I would characterize
as: good Slovene--bad
Serb--poor Albanian. The most egregious recent example of this is the
story on Yugoslavia
which appeared in the August issue of National Geographic. The author
of the article takes at
face value, and quotes, anti-Serb comments of Albanians, Slovenes,
Macedonians, and Croatians,
most of whom are not particularly authoritative but represent
man-on-the-street opinions. He
does
not balance these by comments of Serbs except in one instance where he
quotes the angry
reaction of an Old Serbian friend of his about seccesionist sentiments
the author heard in
Slovenia. The author clearly seems toidentify much more comfortably
with Slovenes, Croatians,
Macedonians, and Albanians than with Serbs. About the only nod to
Serbian history is the
author's appreciation of the emotions Kosovo stirs in Serbs because of
the battle of Kosovo Polje
in 1389 and the subsequent centuries of occupaton of Serbia by the
Turks.
The sad part about this particular article is that the author
obviously knows something about
Yugoslavia but not enough to put events into proper perspective, and,
given the large and
influential role of the National Geographic, he is misleading literally
millions of Americans.
American ignorance of Yugoslavian history, culture, and geography is
by and large broad and
general. And why not, it is a very complicated story. Most Americans
do not know that Slovenes,
Croatians, Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians are all Slavic peoples
with similiar languages.
Most Americans do not know that there are almost as many Albanians
living in Yugoslavia as in
Albania and that 90 percent of the Albanians in Yugoslavia are Moslems
who are able to practice
their religion freely in Yugoslavia, but not in Albania. Most Americans
do not know that the
Albanians in Yugoslavia enjoy the same civil and human rights as all
other Yugoslavs and have
infinitely more freedom in Yugoslavia than the Albanians in Albania, the
last Stalinist state
in Europe. Most Americans do not know that Albanian is a legal language
in the Kosovo and that
all Albanian children in the Kosovo attend Albanian language schools all
the way through
university, and Pristina is one of the largest universities in Europe in
terms of numbers of
students. Most Americans do not know that the largest and most modern
library and repository of
Albanian literature and culture is in Yugoslavia, in the city of
Pristina, not in Albania, and that that
library is one of the largest and finest libraries in Yugoslavia. Most
Americans do not know that
Serbia is the only republic of Yugoslavia that had two autonomous
regions carved out of it by the
Yugoslav constitution of 1974, when there was just as much justification
for carving out of Croatia
an Autonomous Region of Lika to recognize the more than half million
Serbs living there or an
Autonomous Region of Istria to recognize the large Italian minority
living there. I could go on
endlessly about what most Americans
do not know, but should know, before they make judgemental statements
about relations between
the ethnic groups that make up Yugoslavia.
I do not mean to suggest that there have not been human rights
abuses in Yugoslavia. There
have been many well documented cases of human rights abuses of Yugoslavs
by one ethnic group
by Yugoslavs of another ethnic groups or, more commonly, by Yugoslav
officials, and since we
have made human rights a strong and conscious element of our foreign
policy, we should not
hesitate to condemn human rights violation whenever and wherever we find
them. But we should
be totally objective in doing so and, in a powder ked of ethnic
divisiveness such as Yugoslavia
represent today, we should be extremely cautious to avoid the appearance
of tilting for or against
any ethnic group, particularly when emotions are as high as they are
today in Kosovo. As a
government, I think we have done so and I wish at this point to read to
you the official statement
of the Department of State issued on June 29, 1990.
"We are deeply concerned about rising tensions in the province of
Kosovo, in the Yugoslav
Republic of Serbia. Rooted in a long history, the conflict between
ethnic groups living in the area
threatens the well-being of all the people of Kosovo, Serbia, and
Yugoslavia.
"We believe this conflict can only be resolved through peaceful,
democratic dialogue and
respect for the dignity and human rights of alll citzens of the
province. It cannot be solved by
violence, intimidation, or the threat or use of force by any party. We
call upon the people and the
government of Serbia to respect and protect the rights of all Albanians
living in the Republic of
Serbia, especially Kosovo. By the same token, we call upon the Albanian
population in Kosovo to
respect and protect the rights of all resident Serbs and Montenegrins
and others.
"It is for the people of Yugoslavia alone to decide under what
constitutional arrangements they
wish to live. The United States continues to support the unity,
independence, and territorial
integrity of Yugoslavia. We hope that the people of Yugoslavia, of all
national and ethnic groups,
will live together on the basis of mutual respect, democratic pluralism,
and the principles
enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act and CSCE process. It is incumbent
on the ethnic majority of
each republic and province to guarantee the security and fundamental
human right of all national
and ethnic minorities living within the territory.
"Since World War II Yugoslavia has, on the whole, provided a
commendable example of
national, cultural, and ethnic harmony in a multinational state. We
hope Yugoslavia can continue
this proud tradition."
If the position of our government is clear, balanced, and objective,
then why is the media
coverage of events in Yugoslavia seemingly so prejudiced in favor of
some and against others? I
would have to say that I believe Yugoslavia in general, and Serbia in
particular, have not been
particularly adept in public relations. That is one reason. I think
another reason is that we have
forgotten that Yugoslavia has been independent of the Soviet Union
since 1948 and has pursued
its own national brand of communisim, and that it is, in fact, very
different from the former
Warsaw Pact client states of the Soviet Union who now have liberated
themselves to one degree
or another. Yugoslavia liberated itself from the Soviet Union but not
from communism under much
more difficult
circumstances in 1948. And we were wise enough to come to Yugoslavia's
aid quickly and
substantially, seeing it as in our own national interest to promote
fissures in the Soviet bloc.
Yugoslavia is now handicapped by the fact that its communist party,
having successfully
portrayed itself at home and abroad as indigenous and independent from
more than 40 years,
enjoys more credibility and domestic support than the Soviet installed
and directed East European
parties. The latter all crumbled rapidly during 1989, while the
Yugoslav party, which has its own
firmly
entrenched domestic base, has displayed more staying power. This
prompts many foreign
observers to conclude, incorrectly in my view, that Yugoslavia is less
interested in political and
economic reform than the Warsaw Pact European countries. This is, of
course, not at all true. In
a sense, Yugoslavia invented perestroika and glasnost and since Tito's
death in 1980 has been
seeking in fits and starts to reform its political and economic systems.
The process has moved
more slowly than we would have hoped, to the extent that most Americans
are prepared to believe
that Yugoslavia has not yet liberated itself as Warsaw Pact countries
have. Indeed, I have been
asked by people who should have know better, "When is Yugoslavia going
to follow the pattern of
Hungary, Poland, and other East European countries?
The only truly objective detailed and insightful account of the
current situation in Yugoslavia
which I have read recently was a series of two articles in the New York
Review of Books written
by Michael Scammell, who is a professor of Russian Literature at Cornell
University. Scammell
does a brilliant job of presenting the nationalistic and political
ferment together with detailed
historical background republic by republic, from north to south. He
points out that since the end of
World War II, Serbs were the leaders in democratic thought and movements
until the last two or
three years when the Slovenes moved to the fore, followed belatedly by
the Croatians. Scammel's
view is that while the democratic opposition remained just as strong in
Serbia as in Slovenia, the
dispute over Kosovo permitted the Serbian communist party to seize the
initiative by directing
nationalistic sentiments against the Albanians. The Serbian dissidents
were thus upstaged and
outflanked by Milosevic, who exploited the issue in order to strengthen
the party at the expense of
the opposition. But Scammell goes on to quote Yugoslavia's most famous
longstanding dissident
Milovan Djilas as having told Scammell that he too first approved of
Milosevic because he
Milosevic had smashed the old Titoist myths of brotherhood and unity
that were holding
Yugoslavia back. He had liberated the consciousness of the Serbian
people and was quite right to
make Kosovo
and Vodvodina subservient to Belgrade, even though it meant sending in
troops. Scammell than
quotes Kosta Cavoski as having told him that Milosevic is righting a
national wrong. Cavoski said
that communists everywhere, and especially Yugoslavian communists, have
exploited national
questions for their own ends and have crushed national interests. The
Serbs suffered under this
policy more than other people in Yugoslavia. While Djilas and Cavoski
told Scammell that they
believed Milosevic's style is authoritarian and his tactics unduly
rough, they did not consider him
to be a neo-Stanlinist or neo-fascist. Djilas said no arrests of
dissenters are being made in
Serbia itself, and although Milosevic controls 90 percent of the press,
the press is more outspoken
than it was. The intellectual atmosphere in Serbia is freer than it has
ever been. Philosophers,
sociologists, and writers are freer now than they were even before the
war.
The objective, extremely well-informed observer, Scammell, is
optimistic that Yugoslavia will
survive. As he puts it, "It seems inevitable that the federal basis of
Yugoslavia will be
reexamined and renegotiated in some form or other." I will cast my lot
with Scammell. I
personally believe that recentralization is out of the question. But I
am confident that a more
viable form of federation or confederation will be worked out for the
simple reason that at the end
of the day, Yugoslav leaders north and south will recognize that going
it alone is not a very good
option for any of them economically or politically. The complexities of
sorting out the ethnic
mixtures, dividing up
the commom property, and the prospect of facing the world as individual,
much smaller political
entities will chill secessionsist fervor when the decision time comes.
Scammell's article is by far the more profound and his predictions
for the future is based on
solid scholarship, but unfortunately, the New York Review of Books has a
very small readership
compared to the National Geographic. And our daily press and the
television sound bytes also
tend to report and exaggerate bad news from Yugoslavia.
On the economic front there is a lot of good news, but our daily
press by and large ignores it.
Yugoslavia is the only East European country that is currently
significantly reducing its foreign
debt. The debt had been reduced from $20 billion four years ago to $16
billion now, with the
expectation of another 2-3 billion reduction by the end of the year.
Inflation has been stopped and
reduced from a rate of almost 2000 percent last December to 31percent
this year to date and is
currently at a stable rate of 0 percent. Foreign currency reserves are
sharply up to a level of
approximately $7 billion. And the process of market oriented
privatiztion is proceeding far more
rapidly in Yugoslavia than in other East European countries. There has
been a very positive
development of new
democratic, independent labor unions throughout the country. And so
on. But you don't read
about these events in the daily press.
While we surely have every right to criticize the lack of media
objectivity with regard to
Yugoslavia, and the Serbs, I personally think we must also recognize
that the burning issue for the
future of Yugoslavia and Serbia is a viable solution to the Kosovo
problem. I don't pretend to have
any special wisdom on the subject. But I don't think the 1974
constitution was the answer. And I
think the citizens of the northern republics of Yugoslavia should
acknowledge that in the
mid-1980's they ignored the anguished pleas of thousands of Serbs and
Montengrins in the
Kosovo for attention to their concerns about their personal well-being
and security. And Iam
convinced that there must be an open and genuine dialogue in and about
the Kososo between
Serbs and Albanians in order for a viable solution to be found.
I have visited the Kosovo on many occasions, as early as 1955 as as
recently ast late 1988. I
have met repeatedly with Albanian and Serbian leaders there, including
several who are currently
actively engaged, and I believe that with the proper encouragement and
support from every corner
of Yugoslavia and from Yugoslavia's foreign friends, a solution can be
found. But this process
will never get off the ground if one party to the dispute is repeatedly,
incorrectly, and unfairly held
to be solely at fault. The modern Kosovo problem as been created by all
Yugoslavs. Let them join
together, with malice towards none and charity toward all, to solve the
problem. It is in their
common interest, and in ours, that they do so.
-
Editor's Note: The reader should keep in mind that this address was
delivered four years prior to
the publication of this book.
[John D. Scanlan served as US Ambassador to Yugoslavia in the late
1980s]
---
"QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?"
New York Times editorial Oct. 31, 1990.
"How many countries will there be in Europe after 1992? Seven,
according
to the bitter gibe circulating in Croatia: the European Community and
the six
republics that now make up Yugoslavia. Things could turn out that way
if
Slobodan Milosevic and his Communist cohorts in Serbia continue to hold
back
constitutional and *economic change* and stir up ethnic tension.
Ever since Slovenia and Croation elected non-communist governments
and
moved to *free the economy*, Mr. Milosevic has accused them of trying to
break up Yugoslavia. Slovenia and Croatia deny any separatist intent
but
want to turn Yugoslavia into a loosened confederation of sovereign
republics.
That would weaken the power of the Serbs ...
Yugoslavia's best hope lies in moving forward into Europe. But if
Belgrade resorts to force [to preserve the union] the door to Europe
will
slam shut. That's a firm message for the European community to send
now.
Washington can underscore this warning with one of its own: Any more
violence means no more aid.
... But it would be rash to cut off U.S, aid now, as Senator Alfonse
D'Amato has proposed. That would exacerbate Yugoslavia's economic
distress
-- and national passions. Voting down Mr. D'Amato's measure still
leaves
Yugoslavia on notice that aid is in jeopardy unless democratic change is
allowed to proceed in peace.
---
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/makara/fromthe2.htm
From the forthcoming Emperor's Clothes book, "Ten years of lies that
fooled the
world" -
Lying about Slovenian Secession , 1991
by Petar Makara (9-10-00)
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
In June, 1991 Slovenia announced it had seceded from Yugoslavia and
proceeded to seize
Yugoslav customs stations. The Western media then broadcast news of a
barbaric attack by
vicious Yugoslav troops, beaten back by brave Slovenians. But those
stories were pure fiction.
There was no such attack. Total casualties in this war were: 3 dead
Slovenian irregulars and 33
Yugoslav soldiers, executed after they surrendered. The Yugoslav troops
in Slovenia had not been
issued live ammunition, and this was public knowledge at the time.
Only one mainstream Western source admitted the stories were lies. That
was the 'European' in
its July 19-21, 1991. Note the date: barely one month after Slovenia
declared their intention to
secede, thus starting the first Yugoslav war of secession. The title of
the story was: "Lies win
Balkan war of words." It was written by Simon Freeman. Emperor's Clothes
has a photo copy of
the original. This is fortunate, for the article cannot be found on the
Internet using either the Lexis
or Google search engines.
The article is worth reading carefully because it at once exposes how
lies were used early on to
demonize the Serbs and at the same time implicitly supports some of the
propaganda it is
exposing.
The article has this subtitle:
"Yugoslavia has rediscovered the old adage that truth is the first
casualty of war.
Simon Freeman reports from Zagreb [Croatia] and Ljubljana
[Slovenia] where the
protagonists are involved in a fierce fight to capture the
attention of the world's
media."
It begins by talking about the Croat government's understanding of the
value of propaganda:.
[Quote] "The Croats' strategy today is clear. They are bombarding
the world with
information, which is usually so petty that it seems that it must
be true. But this is
an illusion; it is impossible to check most of these reports
precisely because the
clashes were so minor that, even if they happened, they left no
mark. And, in
between the recital of these so-called facts, the Croats toss
quite incredible
allegations; this week's favourite is to claim, straight-faced,
that the Serbs have
hired assassins from the Romanian Securitate.
[Quote continued] "Zagreb has launched this propaganda blitz after
carefully
analysing how the Slovenians managed to outmanoeuvre Belgrade in
the fight for
international sympathy. The Croats realised that the decisive
engagements, which
virtually guaranteed Slovenia's independence, took place in the
pages of the
foreign media and, even more important, in the news bulletins of
the major
television networks." [End quote.]
In fact, the Croatian leaders 'realised' nothing at all, nor did the
Slovenes 'outmaneuver' Belgrade.
The secession of these countries was planned and coordinated by the US
and German elites,
working through various agencies, including the CIA and BND. They
trained their proxy forces in
Croatia and Slovenia and then opened the pages of the mass media which
they controlled to
accept their proxies' propaganda.
How much maneuvering is required to win a media war when the Slovenes
and the mass media are
controlled by the same forces?
The Western conquerors divided the job of getting out misinformation.
The proxies in Slovenia and
Croatia were to craft lies, as best they could. The Western media was to
bring the lies to market.
The article goes on to say that "the Serbs" (meaning, the Yugoslav
Federation) are learning the
lesson that you have to use the Western media but that they are slow
students:
[Quote] "They have a leader, Slobodan Milosevic, whose brand of
stubborn
nationalism and hardline marxism is a public relations disaster.''
[End quote]
Note the propaganda hidden in this sentence. In the early stages of the
breakup of Yugoslavia, the
West tarred the Serbs with being "the last Communists on Planet Earth."
This particular
propaganda slogan was launched by the Croatian Catholic Church.
Then the article talks about the "cleverness" of the Slovene
propagandists:
[Quote] "The Slovenes cleverly portrayed themselves as
clean-limbed, tanned
churchgoers who only wanted to live peacefully and democratically
in their Alpine
idyll of mountains, lakes and meadows
[Quote] "The Serbs, on the other hand, the Slovenes suggested [and
the West
readily published], were ruthless communists. They were dirty,
unshaven brutes
who dropped cluster bombs on innocent civilians. They came from
the east, which
had always sought to inflict its intolerance, religious fanaticism
and alphabet of
squiggly lines on Europe.
[Quote] "These were grotesque caricatures, of course, but, thanks
to the brilliant
propaganda campaign in Ljubljana [capital of Slovenia], they have
taken hold of the
public imagination in the West, turning a complex struggle into a
straightforward
battle between the forces of light (Slovenes and Croats) and
darkness (Serbs).
The nerve-centre of this propaganda operation was an underground
conference
complex deep below the streets of Ljubljana. Here, a few dozen
officials from the
Slovenian Ministry of Information, backed up by young,
multilingual patriot
volunteers, worked tirelessly to service more than 1,000
journalists.
[Quote] "Inside this bunker the information flowed fast and
efficiently in an
atmosphere oddly similar to that found in a press centre at an
Olympic Games; the
results - tanks hit, shots fired, prisoners taken - were given
every hour. The
Slovenes needed a bloody, dramatic conflict to ensure the world
did not loose
interest. So they showered the media with details of battles that
had often never
taken place.
[Quote] Sometimes the Slovenes would enliven the day with
revelations which
were either ficticous or irrelevant...
[Quote] "...It was possible to report the war without ever
venturing above the
ground. Indeed, since it required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks, many journalists opted [or were ordered?]
to remain
underground. But, for those who did venture into the sunlight, the
bunker war often
seemed a fantacy. For example, the world heard of a major battle
at Jezersko, a
small border post an the frontier with Austria. This greatly
surprised the Slovene
militiamen at Jezersko, who told me a few days later that the army
had fired a few
shots, taken the post and then, faced with Slovene reinforcement,
retreated
happily down the mountain. No one was hurt" [End quote]
Olympic Games indeed. The author counts on Olympian ignorance among his
readers. Some
thoughts on this excerpt:
1) He is telling us that Slovenes, for the first time in the
history of warfare, have
discovered that it is good to present themselves positively and
the enemy negatively. This
is astonishing. Even Hitler tried to present himself positively -
thus he launched World
War II by staging an incident which made it appear that Polish
border guards had attacked
Germany. And Hitler said he was fighting unshaven, dirty
communists also.
2) WHY did Western reporters sit in secessionists bunker and
present only the
secessionist side of the story when in fact the media of the
Federal Government of
Yugoslavia was also issuing daily news reports, and accurate ones
(i.e. that the stories
about fighting were lies). Why didn't Western reporters go out and
investigate to see who
was telling the truth? Why did these reporters happen to take the
side of secessionists
who described themselves in terms painfully similar to those used
by WWII Nazis? Why
did they refuse to give fair hearing to the news of a recognized,
sovereign country, one of
the founders of the United Nations, a country which had been on
friendly terms with the
West for many years?
3) Since when do Western reporters sit in a bunker while reporting
on a war? Haven't they
gone out and reported far tougher situations? The war in Slovenia
was feeble. The end
count of casualties was 3 dead Slovenian irregulars and 33
executed Yugoslav Federal
Army soldiers who had no ammunition (!) and surrendered. A total
of 36 people dead.
Some war! The casualty level of a bus accident. What happened to
so called Western
"investigative journalism" ?
4) The article says: "It required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks [in Slovenia]" Baloney. Go and try to find
Slovenia on the map.
Hard isn't it? A country smaller than Connecticut. I guess these
journalists, with their true
"interest" in events, would be get lost in their Slovenian hotel.
With all those great and
terrible roadblocks and savage obstacles they wouldn't find a
bathroom.
5) Did ONLY the Slovenes have "young multilingual patriot
volunteers" ready to spread
their view of events? See how the image of clean-limbed young
Slovenes is presented
even here, where it is supposedly debunked! Are Serbs never
multilingual? Are they never
beautiful?
The author then presents his moral, which appears in the pages of the
'European' in large type:
[Quote] "Exaggerations will do nothing to heal the divisions which
are ripping the
country apart." [End quote]
Upside down and backwards, because in fact it is precisely the
exaggerations put forth by the
Western media which were the instrument for allowing Western involvement
in Yugoslavia -
justifying economic and military support for the secessionists,
sanctions against multiethnic
Yugoslavia, expulsions of Serbs, moderate Muslims and others who wanted
to hold it together, the
reintroduction of huge numbers of expatriate Croatian Ustashe fascists,
the disarming of
Yugoslav loyalists through introduction of UN troops, and the bombing of
loyalist forces, in Bosnia
and later Serbia and Montenegro.
Savagery was introduced from the West. Without the West, the Slovenian
and Croatian fascists
would never have had a chance in Yugoslavia.
-
Further reading....
1) "Germany and the US in the Balkans- a Careful Coincidence of National
Policies?" by T.W.
Carr at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/carr/carr.html
2) "What Does NATO Want in Yugoslavia?" by Sean Gervasi at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/gervasi/why.htm
If you find emperors-clothes useful, we can use your help...
(The Soros Foundation does NOT fund Emperors Clothes.)
We rely on volunteer labor and donations. Our expenses include: Internet
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Thanks for reading and for helping!
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
"IL NEMICO INTERNO GODE DI MOLTI APPOGGI ALL'ESTERNO"
Nel luglio 1971, intervenendo al Comitato Esecutivo della Lega dei
Comunisti della Croazia, il maresciallo Josip Broz Tito espresse la sua
preccupazione in merito al risorgente nazionalismo croato, incarnato nel
movimento zagrebino della "Matica Hrvatska":
<<...Col pretesto dell'"interesse nazionale" tutto cio' va a finire
nella controrivoluzione... In certi villaggi i serbi, diventati nervosi,
si armano... Volete tornare forse al 1941?... Sapete che altri verranno
[dall'estero], se qui si produce il disordine? Io preferisco riportare
l'ordine con il nostro esercito piuttosto che permettere ad altri di
farlo; altrimenti, quando non ci saro' piu', il paese esplodera'. Il
nemico interno gode di molti appoggi all'esterno. Le grandi potenze
utilizzeranno tutti gli elementi utili, comunisti o meno...>>
(citato su: Josip Krulic, "Storia della Jugoslavia dal 1945 ai nostri
giorni", Bompiani/RCS, Milano 1997, pagina 90)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Nel luglio 1971, intervenendo al Comitato Esecutivo della Lega dei
Comunisti della Croazia, il maresciallo Josip Broz Tito espresse la sua
preccupazione in merito al risorgente nazionalismo croato, incarnato nel
movimento zagrebino della "Matica Hrvatska":
<<...Col pretesto dell'"interesse nazionale" tutto cio' va a finire
nella controrivoluzione... In certi villaggi i serbi, diventati nervosi,
si armano... Volete tornare forse al 1941?... Sapete che altri verranno
[dall'estero], se qui si produce il disordine? Io preferisco riportare
l'ordine con il nostro esercito piuttosto che permettere ad altri di
farlo; altrimenti, quando non ci saro' piu', il paese esplodera'. Il
nemico interno gode di molti appoggi all'esterno. Le grandi potenze
utilizzeranno tutti gli elementi utili, comunisti o meno...>>
(citato su: Josip Krulic, "Storia della Jugoslavia dal 1945 ai nostri
giorni", Bompiani/RCS, Milano 1997, pagina 90)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
-----Ursprüngliche Nachricht-----
Von: Elmar Schmaehling <elmar_schmaehling@...>
An: adn <aktuelles@...>
Datum: Donnerstag, 28. September 2000 09:48
Betreff: Fw: YU-Wahlen
Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,
ich schicke Ihnen die Erklärung der deutschen Wahlbeobachter bei den
Jugoslawienwahlen noch einmal als doc-Datei.
Zusätzlich füge ich eine weitere Erklärung der internationalen
Beobachterkommission und einen Bericht über die Wahldurchführung in
Montenegro von Klaus Hartmann bei.
Auch die Vorlage des nun amtlichen Endergebnisses durch den
Bundeswahlausschuss ändert nichts an den Aussagen unserer Erklärung und
der Notwendigkeit beider Seiten, die Unterschiede beim Ergebnis der
Präsidentschaftskandidaten durch Offenlegen der Auswertungsunterlagen
gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit aufzuklären.
Mit freundlichen Grüßen
Elmar Schmähling
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Erklaerung der Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland
Demokratische und faire Bedingungen im Land selbst, massive
Manipulations- und Erpressungsversuche von aussen - Fazit der deutschen
Beobachter der Wahlen am 24. September 2000 in Jugoslawien
Entgegen der von Medien und Politikern im Westen verbreiteten
Informationen, dass die jugoslawischen Wahlen unter Ausschluss
unabhaengiger internationaler Beobachter stattgefunden haetten, haben
tatsaechlich 210 Wahlbeobachter aus 54 Laendern, unter ihnen 52
Abgeordnete, den Wahlverlauf verfolgt.
Als Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland, eingeladen vom Jugoslawischen
Bundesparlament, sind wir ueberrascht, dass unsere Arbeit in der
deutschen Oeffentlichkeit nicht wahrgemommen wird, und erst recht diese
Chance zur Information aus erster Hand nicht genutzt wird.
Wir hoffen sehr, dass dies nicht seine Ursache darin hat, dass manche
interessierten Seiten schon vor Oeffnung der Wahllokale am 24. September
2000 "wissen" wollten, dass die Wahlen gefaelscht wuerden, und
"Ergebnisse" der Wahlen bereits verkuendeten, bevor die Stimmen
ausgezaehlt waren.
Wir hatten als Wahlbeobachter jede Moeglichkeit, uns frei zu bewegen,
Ueberpruefungen vor Ort vorzunehmen, die Bedingungen und den Ablauf der
Wahlen in allen Phasen zu kontrollieren. Mehrere hundert Wahllokale
wurden von den Beobachtern unangemeldet besucht. Daher stellen wir fest,
dass unsere Beobachtungen mit unseren eigenen Augen und mit eigenem
kritischen Verstand vorgenommen wurden, und dass wir daher den Wert
unserer Beobachtungen und Festellungen anders einschaetzen als jene
diversen Stellungnahmen von Politikern, die mit Informationen aus
dritter Hand in der Regel ihre vorgefasste Meinung bestaetigt sehen
wollen.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission der Wahlen am 24. September 2000
hat in einer gemeinsamen Erklaerung festgestellt, dass die Wahlen
demokratisch und fair verlaufen sind, und die Standards von
demokratischen Wahlen in anderen Laendern voll erfuellt haben. Dieser
Feststellung wie der Gesamtstellungnahme der Internationalen Kommission
schliesst sich die deutsche Beobachtergruppe voll inhaltlich an. Sie
unterstreicht dabei besonders die Kritik hinsichtlich des skandaloesen,
umfassenden Drucks (bis zur Existenzbedrohung), mit denen die Waehler in
Montenegro durch die Djukanovic-Regierung von der Ausuebung ihres
Wahlrechts abgehalten werden sollten. Dies ist mit dem Grundsatz fairer
und freier, demokratischer und rechtsstaatlich einwandfreier Wahlen
nicht in Einklang zu bringen.
Wir unterstuetzen ebenso und aus den gleichen Gruenden die Kritik an der
massiven auslaendischen Einmischung in den Wahlkampf, sei es in Form
einer 77-Millionen-US-Dollarspende an bestimmte kandidierende
Gruppierungen, sei es durch "Wahlversprechen" der EU, man werde bei ein
bestimmtes Waehlervotum durch Aufhebung von Sanktionen honorieren. Von
jedem freien, ziviliserten und demokratischen Land wuerden derartige
Versuche der politischen Einmischung und Erpressung energisch
zurueckgewiesen, und wir befuerchten, dass solche Parteinahme vor den
Wahlen die Bereitschaft beeintraechtigen koennte, den Ablauf und die
Ergebnisse der Wahlen unvoreingenommen und objektiv zur Kenntnis zu
nehmen und das Recht zur selbstaendigen Entscheidung der Bevoelkerung
ueber die eigene Zukunft zu akzeptieren.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission insgesamt hat sich ebenso wie
wir deutschen Beobachter jede Muehe gemacht, moegliche Fehler,
Unkorrektheiten oder Faelschungsbemuehungen zu identifizieren. Wir
konnten keine diesbezueglichen Feststellungen treffen. In Einzelfaellen
war der Sichtschutz zur Sicherstellung der geheimen Stimmabgabe
mangelhaft, was dann sofort nach unserer Intervention korrigiert wurde.
In Einzelfaellen waren Wahlwillige nicht in den Waehlerlisten
verzeichnet, entsprechend den Problemen in Deutschland, wenn
Wahlberechtigte ihre Eintragung in der Waehlerliste nicht vorher
pruefen. Gehaeuft traten solche Probleme der fehlenden Verzeichnung in
den Waehlerlisten bei jenen auf, die seit Uebernahme der Verwaltung
durch UNMIK/KFOR aus Kosovo und Metohija gewaltsam vertrieben wurden.
Hier gabe es offenkundig Abstimmungsprobleme mit den Listen des Roten
Kreuzes, in denen offenbar nicht alle Vertriebenen erfasst sind.
Grundsaetzlich ist aber festzuhalten, dass - von diesen Einwaenden
abgesehen – die Wahlen in Uebereinstimmung mit den gesetzlichen
Vorschriften stattfanden, diese Vorschriften internationalen
rechtsstaatlichen Masstaeben entsprechen, und die Durchfuehrung der
Wahlen korrekt und professionell erfolgte. Wir konnten uns davon
ueberzeugen, dass es in Jugoslawien gelungen ist, trotz widriger
Umstaende - durch acht Jahre Wirtschaftssanktionen und den
voelkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg der NATO 1999 – die allgemeinen
Bedingungen fuer demokratische Wahlen zu schaffen, ebenso fuer die
Taetigkeit und das Zusammenwirken unterschiedlicher politischer Kraefte.
Die Rechtmaessigkeit und Legitimitaet der Wahlen steht somit ausser
Frage.
Zum Wahlablauf konnten wir konkret feststellen:
Die Wahlurnen in den Wahllokalen wurden bei Oeffnung der Wahllokale
versiegelt, nachdem durch den ersten Waehler festgestellt und mit
Unterschrift bestaetigt wurde, dass sie leer waren. Die Stimmzettel
wurden in abgezaehlter Stueckzahl in versiegelten Paketen unmittelbar
vor der Wahl ausgeliefert, ihr Empfang war zu quittieren, die nicht
verbrauchten Stimmzettel mussten nach Abschluss der Stimmabgabe
gezaehlt, die Zahl quittiert und als versiegeltes Paket zurueckgegeben
werden.
In allen Wahlkomitees waren Vertreter der an der Wahl teilnehmenden
Parteien / Gruppierungen, einschliesslich der Oppositionsparteien,
beteiligt. Die Auszaehlung der Stimmen erfolgte gemeinsam. Ueber die
Gueltigkeit zweifelhafter Stimmzettel wurde abgestimmt. Das Protokoll
mit dem Wahlergebnis wurde von allen Mitgliedern zu unterzeichnet.
Von diesem Protokoll wurden sechs Exemplare angefertigt. Das erste
Exemplar ging mit allen Wahlunterlagen an das Wahlkomitee des jeweiligen
Wahlkreises. Das zweite wurde an der Eingangstuer des Wahllokals
ausgehaengt. Die vier verbleibenden Exemplare wurden unmittelbar an die
Vertreter der vier Parteien / Gruppierungen ausgehaendigt, deren
Kandidaten die meisten Stimmen auf sich vereinigen konnten. Alle
uebrigen Parteien / Gruppierungen hatten Anspruch auf Aushaendigung
einer Protokoll-Kopie innerhalb von 12 Stunden.
Eine nochmalige Stimmzaehlung auf oertlicher oder Wahlkreisebene findet
nicht statt. Es gilt ausschliesslich das original im Wahllokal
festgestellte und von allen unterzeichnete Ergebnis, eine nachtraegliche
Veraenderung dieser urspruenglichen Zahlen ist somit ausgeschlossen.
Die Wahlergebnisse auf Bundeseben werden auf Basis saemtlicher Prokolle
aus den Wahllokalen von der Bundeswahlkommission in den Rechner
eingegeben. Die eingegeben Zahlen koennen eingesehen und von den
Parteivertretern, die auch einen Platz in der Bundeswahlkommission
haben, mit den Zahlen der in ihrer Hand befindlichen Einzelprotokollen
verglichen werden.
Vorsorglich hat die deutsche Beobachtergruppe stichprobenartig
Ergebnisse aus Wahllokalen notiert und mit den Eingaben im zentralen
Rechner der Bundeswahlkommission verglichen – mit dem Ergebnis, dass die
Eingaben korrekt erfolgt sind.
Aufgrund dieses festgestellten Verfahrens sind die in westlichen Medien
behaupteten "gestohlene Stimmen" oder Wahlfaelschungen technisch
praktisch nicht durchfuehrbar. Dies hat der Wahlkampfmanager der DOS,
Zoran Djindjic, auf Befragen ausdruecklich bestaetigt.
Wiederholt wurde nach der Wahl von verschiedenen Seiten das "lange
Schweigen" der Wahlkommission kritisiert, waehrend die verschiedenen
Parteien sich staendig mit neuen Siegesmeldungen zu uebertreffen
versuchten, wobei sie sich jeweils nur auf jenen Teil der von ihnen
selektiv ausgewaehlten Wahlprotokolle stuetzten.
Das Zusammenfuehren der einzelnen Wahlergebnisse in der Rechenzentrale
der Bundeswahlkommission als Grundlage offizieller Ergebnisse erklaert,
fuer die Wahlbeobachter nachvollziehbar, den beanspruchten Zeitbedarf.
Die Wahlkommission ist gesetzlich verpflichtet, das amtliche Endergebnis
binnen 72 Stunden nach Schliessung der Wahllokale bekanntzugeben. Eine
staendige Bekanntgabe nicht repraesentativer Zwischenergebnisse wuerde
nur der Tendenz zur subjektiven Interpretation im Sinne vorweggenommener
Endergebnisse Vorschub leisten. Die an die Fristen zur Bekanntgabe des
Wahlergebnisses geknuepften Spekulationen und Unterstellungen einer
Faelschungsmoeglichkeit sind unhaltbar.
Die Wahlbeobachter kritisieren, dass bestimmte Politiker der EU und der
USA ihre Missachtung der demokratischen Willensbildung der Bevoelkerung
dadurch ausgedrueckt haben, Wahlsieger zu ernennen, ohne Wahlverfahren
und die tatsaechlichen Wahlergebnisse zu kennen. Diese Einmischung ist
umso verwerflicher, als sie mit der Androhung von Sanktionen verbunden
isrt..
Die Wahlbeobachter geben ihrer Ueberzeugung Ausdruck, dass Frieden,
Stabilitaet und Partnerschaft zwischen allen Staaten nur auf der
Grundlage der Respektierung gleicher Rechte, der Souveraenitaet und
Gleichheit gedeihen koennen.
Belgrad, 26. September 2000 - Fuer die deutsche Beobachtergruppe:
gez. Klaus Hartmann, Preaesident der Weltunion der der Freidenker
Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Richter, Vors. d. Gesellschaft zum Schutz
Buergerrechte und Menschenwuerde
Ralph Hartmann, Botschafter a.D.
Elmar Schmaehling, ehem. Flottillenadmiral
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Als Wahlbeobachter unterwegs in Montenegro
Die "demokratischen" Wahlen im Djukanovic-Land
Von Klaus Hartmann
Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
machen. Die Beobachter kamen u.a. aus Bulgarien, Makedonien, Moldawien,
Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
NATO-Laendern wie Kanada, Grossbritannien und Deutschland.
Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen, fuhr die
Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
Die erste Station war die Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Kueste, und
hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar ueberdacht, aber letztlich fand
die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt – das Hotel hatte auf Weisung "von
oben" die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
der 7. Waehler von 315 seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons war auf den Tischen
ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an Wahlkabinen
gemahnte. Drei verschiedene Stimmzettel gab es – fuer die
Praesidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zu den beiden Kammern des
Bundesparlaments (die Buergerkammer wird nach Bevoelkerungsstaerke
besetzt, die Laenderkammer mit je 20 Vertretern Serbiens und 20
Montenegros - diese Regelung wurde anderslautender Westpropaganda zum
Trotz bei der juengsten Verfassungsaenderung nicht angetastet).
Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern verschiedener Parteien, die
Partei des montenegrinischen Praesidenten Djukanovic war mit zwei
offiziellen "Beobachtern" praesent. Deren "Beobachtermission" war von
besonderer Art. Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichteten ueber einen
ungeheuren Druck auf die Bevoelkerung waehrend der letzten 10 Tage,
nicht zur Wahl zu gehen, es habe persoenliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit
dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes oder der sozialen Unterstuetzung gegeben.
Dass dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
achttaegigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Freidenker-Gruppe eine Woche zuvor
in Montenegro bestaetigen. In vielen Gespraechen wurde berichtet, dass
eine staatlich organisierte massive Einschuechterungs-Kampagne begonnen
habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit Existenzgefaehrdung bedrohe.
Es wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt, wo u. a. ein Direktor eines
holzverarbeitenden Betriebes seinen Beschaeftigten ankuendigte, wer am
Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht mehr zur Arbeit zu
erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden des Landes seinem
Lehrerkollegium bekannt.
So hatten die Beobachter aus der Djukanovic-Partei eine fuer alle
Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe – jene, die trotz der Drohungen von
ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu melden und die angekuendigten
Schikanen Realitaet werden zu lassen.
Doch die "demokratische, westlich orientierte" Regierung des
NATO-Freundes Djukanovic beliess es nicht bei solchen "Beobachtern".
Kaum war unsere Beobachter-Gruppe erschienen, verliessen zwei finstere
Gestalten ihren in der Naehe geparkten Pkw, um sich mit verschraenkten
Armen rund 30 Meter vom Wahllokal aufzubauen, und zu bedeuten: Auch die
Geheimpolizei Dukanovic’ laesst diese demokratischen Wahlen und die
Waehler nicht allein.
Beim naechsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr
13 von 665 Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheim der
Jugoslawischen Flussschiffahrt, da die frueheren Wahlstellen (in der
Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden.
Auch hier wurde ueber Drohungen gegen die Waehler und potentielle
Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet, am Wahltag selbst gab es noch
keine Stoerungen. Auch hier Mitglieder verschiedener Parteien im
Komitee, und eine Besonderheit – eine Vertreterin des
DOS-Wahlbuendnisses, der "Demokratischen Opposition" Serbiens, die unter
dem Patronat von Madeleine Albright den Praesidentschaftskandidaten
Kostunica hervorbrachte – die einzige nicht kompromittierte Figur der
notorisch zerstrittenen wie NATO-hoerigen "Opposition". Doch die
Beobachterin "der DOS" war in Wirklichkeit eine Vertreterin der
Djukanovic-Partei, es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die
Wahlen boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten. Das warfen die Mitglieder des
Wahlkomitees ihr vor – und sie gab es schliesslich zu, bekraeftigte aber
zugleich ihre Unterstuetzung fuer Kostunica. Eine Unterstuetzung, die
freilich recht platonisch bleiben musste, da sie, aus dem 15 km
entfernten Petrovac stammend, ihrem angeblichen Favoriten gar nicht mit
der eigenen Stimme dienen konnte.
Beim anschliessenden Fruehstueck der Beobachter auf der Terasse des zu
Wahlzwecken verweigerten Hotels Mocren in Budva traf ich meinen Freund
Mischa wieder, den ich telefonisch ueber mein Kommen informiert hatte,
und von dem wir uns gerade eine Woche zuvor in seinem Haus verabschiedet
hatten. Ich sprach ueber das bisher Gesehene, und er meinte mit
resignierendem Kopfschuetteln, es sei eine Schande, was die Mafia-Bande
um Djukanovic Montenegro antue, das schoene Land werde der NATO und dem
Internationalen Verbrechen ausgeliefert, gleichzeitig soll das Volk von
seinen serbischen Bruedern und seinen historischen Wurzeln abgeschnitten
werden.
Ich fragte Mischa ueber einige Nachrichten, die in der Vorwoche von BBC
aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der jugoslawischen
Armee habe eine montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen – BBC nahm das
als einen Beweis fuer die "von Milosevic geplante Provokation zwecks
militaerischem Eingreifen". Mischa klaerte darueber auf, dass die
Schiesserei sich zwischen Maennern in Zivilkleidung ereignet hat,
zumindest der "Soldat" sei schon lange nicht mehr in der Armee. Man
nehme an, es handle sich um eine innermafioese Auseinandersetzung –
zumindest seien alle "politischen" Motive frei erfunden.
Doch BBC meldete auch, zur Bekraeftigung, massive Bewegung von Truppen
und Fahrzeugen der jugoslawischen Armee auf den Strassen Montenegros in
der Woche vor der Wahl. "Auch davon ist kein Wort wahr", meinte Mischa
empoert, "hier ist alles exakt genauso normal und ruhig wie Ihr es in
den Tagen vorher selbst erlebt habt". Nach dieser neuen Lektion in
Sachen "freier Medien im Westen" besuchten wir ein drittes Wahllokal in
einem Wohnviertel Budvars. Zum Abschied hatte uns Mischa versichert,
obwohl Djukanovic in seiner Funktion als Praesident (!) im Fernsehen
erklaert habe, kein anstaendiger, ehrenhafter Mensch, der fuer
Montenegro sei, duerfe zur Wahl gehen, sei es fuer ihn
selbstverstaendlich, trotz aller Einschuechterungen zur Wahl zu gehen –
"alles andere waere eine Schande".
Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mussten wir kurz
davor abbiegen – in den Schachklub, in Nebenraeumen von
"Montenegrotourist". Wieder beengte Verhaeltnisse, improvisierter
Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee, und wieder
eine "Beobachterin", die offiziell fuer Kostunica wachte, tatsaechlich
aber fuer Djukanovic die Waehlerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die
ihre Kraefte sichtlich ueberforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal
bildete sich eine grosse Waehler-"Schlange", was ein Wahlboykotteur
naturgemaess nicht sonderlich liebt. Deshalb sah sie "die Gefahr, bei
dieser Menge den Ueberblick zu verlieren und es zu Wahlfaelschungen
kommen koenne." Um 10.20 Uhr hatten in diesem Lokal rund 400 von 3.900
Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben, und ca. 50 warteten auf die Moeglichkeit
zur Stimmabgabe.
Auch im benachbarten Gebaeude der Stadtverwaltung war eine grosse
Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
sich zwei Exemplare der Djukanovic-Polizei in gruen-braunen
Kampfanzuegen postiert, die den Eingang des Wahllokals nicht aus den
Augen liessen. Als ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf diese
Gestalten aufmerksam machte, eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus
der Menge vor dem Wahllokal vor das Fenster der beiden, und sie machten
umgehend neuen Beobachtern in Zivil Platz. Den zurueckkehrenden
schwarzen Mann fragten wir nach seiner Funktion, worauf er meinte, er
sei Waehler, er warte nur auf seine Frau, die noch im Wahllokal sei. Als
wir uns etwas entfernt hatten, lief er unentwegt zwischen Wahllokal,
Stadtverwaltung und einer Gaststaette hin und her, sprach unablaessig
mit anderen "unauffaellig Herumlungernden", waehrend "seine Frau"
verschwunden blieb – die womoeglich als besonders schwerer Fall von
Wahlfaelschung hoechstselbst in die Wahlurne gefallen war.
Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: "Wenn Ihr mich hier nicht waehlen
lasst, fahre ich nach Serbien!", rief eine erboste Frau, die als
NATO/UCK-Vertriebene aus Kosovo und Metohija in Budva Zuflucht fand.
"Irgendwie" sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen
den Listen des Roten Kreuzes und den Waehlerlisten gekommen. Von den in
Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo-Vertriebenen sollen nur ca. 500 auf den
Waehlerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer in der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt
Podgorica, der naechsten Station unserer "Observer-Mission" - dort
sollen von 20.000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1.000 den Weg in die
Waehlerlisten gefunden haben. Eine bei der bekannten
Pro-Milosevic-Stimmung unter den Kosovo-Serben umso unverstaendlichere
"Organisationsleistung" – die waehrend des Wahltages wohl nicht mehr
geheilt werden konnte.
Zum Abschied aus Budva rief uns noch ein Waehler zu: "Berichtet, dass
dies hier keine freien Wahlen sind! Seit Wochen werden wir
eingeschuechtert und bedroht fuer den Fall, dass wir zur Wahl gehen. Im
Volk herrscht Angst, wir haben hier eine Terror-Verwaltung. Wir wollen
aber nicht von Serbien getrennt werden, wir wollen nicht in einer
Kolonie leben!"
Bei unserem Aufenthalt in Montenegro Mitte September hatte uns bereits
ein Freund, der in der Tourismus-Branche arbeitet, auf die merkwuerdige
Lage hingewiesen, dass nicht nur Rundfunk, Fernsehen und Zeitungen von
Djukanovic angewiesen worden seien, nicht ueber Wahlvorbereitungen und
Wahlkampf zu berichten – sogar bezahlte Zeitungsanzeigen, Werbespots und
offizielle Plakatierung wuerden verweigert. Bei der Fahrt von der Kueste
ueber die alte Residenzstadt Cetinje nach Podgorica sahen wir dafuer in
grosser Zahl Werbetafeln (ohne erkennbaren"Absender") mit der Parole:
"Ich weigere mich, zu waehlen. Zum Wohle von Montenegro und Serbien."
Das ist jenes Wohl, das aus der Hand der NATO kommen soll.
In Podgorica die Pressekonferenz des Landeswahlkomitees – im engen
Kolleg einer privaten Gaststaette (die grossen staatlichen Hotels hatten
ebenfalls keinen Raum fuer Wahlaktivitaeten). Information: Bis 11 Uhr
haetten rund 15% der Wahlberechtigten in Montenegro ihre Stimme
abgegeben – trotz massiver Drohungen und Behinderungen.
In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein aehnliches Bild
wie gehabt. Mitglieder der Sozialistischen Volkspartei von Momir
Bulatovic, der Serbischen Radikalen Partei von Vojislav Seselj, der
Serbischen Volkspartei und vereinzelt auch Mitglieder verschiedener
kommunistischer Parteien bildeten das Wahlkomitee, ergaenzt um ein bis
zwei Beobachter - vorgeblich der "Demokratischen Opposition" Kostunicas,
real Spione Djukanovic’. Im ersten Wahllokal hatten um 14.30 Uhr 15% von
983 Waehlern gewaehlt, im zweiten um 14.45 Uhr 20% von 809 Waehlern.
Beide Wahllokale waren in Tourismusbueros der Bundesrepublik
untergebracht.
Im dritten Wahllokal Podgoricas (Nr.61), in einem Freizeitclub der
Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eroeffnung des Lokals seien
rund um den Eingang des Lokals mehrere Polizei-Kameras im Straeuchern
installiert gewesen, um alle Waehler "festzuhalten". Nach Intervention
des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80 Meter
entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten (Kennzeichen PG 12 – 87)
sowie weitere "dickere" Fahrzeuge in der Naehe mit unablaessigen
Mobiltelefonieren.
Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich fuer die
relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein duerfte: Die
Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
erklaert! Die Beschaeftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
oeffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der groesseren staatlichen
Betriebe hatten schlicht keine Zeit fuer den Gang zum Wahllokal – wenn
sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten. Wetten, dass
ueber dieses "kleine" Detail kein Sterbenswoertchen verloren wird, wenn
die "freien westlichen Medien" triumphierend ueber den Erfolg des
Djukanovic-Boykotts berichten?
Letzte Station unserer Rundfahrt war die Stadt Kolasin im Norden
Montenegros, gelegen in jenen Bergen, die namensgebend fuer die kleine
Republik sind. Hier stellt die Sozialistische Volkspartei, die mit der
Sozialistischen Partei Serbiens verbunden ist, die lokale Regierung, und
deshalb konnte hier auch in oeffentlichen Gebaeuden gewaehlt werden. Im
ersten Wahllokal, in der Gemeindebuecherei, hatten um 17.20 40% von 720
Waehlern gewaehlt. Auch hier ein gemischtes Komitee, und ein
Djukanovic-Vertrauter. Der war sichtlich verbluefft ueber unsere Frage
nach seiner Partei, sodass ihm (unter Protest der Komitee-Mitglieder)
ein Parteifreund zurief: "Sag, dass Du Vertreter der Demokratischen
Opposition bist, sag es!" Wir haetten es aber auch so schon gewusst.
Die letzten beiden Wahllokale, die wir in Kolasin besuchten, lagen im
Buergerhaus und verzeichneten gegen 17.30 Uhr eine Wahlbeteiligung von
etwa 50%. Ein Komiteevorsitzender sagte uns, einige Arbeiter und Rentner
haetten die Drohungen der Republiksregierung wohl ernst genommen und
seien nicht erschienen, weil sie um ihre Loehne und Renten fuerchteten.
Er sei aber sicher, dass es sich um leere Drohungen handele, denn auch
der Praesident sei doch an Verfassung und Gesetz gebunden, besonders ein
Demokrat wie Milo Djukanovic. Bevor wir allzu fassungslos werden
konnten, machte uns das schallende Gelaechter der Komiteemitglieder
klar, dass ihr Vorsitzender zu scherzen beliebt. Nur der "oppositionelle
Demokrat" laechelte saeuerlich.
Da war sein Kollege im Nachbarwahllokal von anderer Statur: der
ueberschlug sich foermlich dabei, uns zu versichern, wie wunderbar die
Zusammenarbeit sei, wie gut und kontrolliert die gesamte Wahlhandlung
ablaeuft, technisch einwandfrei demokratisch voellig korrekt -
Faelschungen seien ausgeschlossen, dafuer verbuerge er sich, und bei
Bedarf koennten wir auch seinen Namen angeben.
Trotz dieser aufmunternden Worte zogen wir vor der Rueckreise nach
Belgrad das Fazit, dass diese Wahlen beim besten Willen nicht frei,
geheim und gleich genannt werden koennen. Die Wahlen, wohlgemerkt im
"westlichen Montenegro", nicht jene im "Reich des boesen Slobo". Eine
Situation der systematischen Einschuechterung und Angst stoert die neuen
Weltordner nicht die Bohne, wenn sie sich eine neue Kolonie untertan
machen wollen. Allerdings muss die jugoslawische Regierung die Frage
beantworten, ob eine allen demokratischen Normen Hohn sprechende
Wahlbehinderung auf einem Teil ihres Territoriums hingenommen werden
kann.
Klaus Hartmann
ist Praesident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in dieser Funktion
vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter eingeladen
PS- In den Nachrichten verschiedener Fernseh- und Rundfunkstationen
wurde am Abend des 25.09.2000 aus Montenegro von einer Entlassungswelle
in Betrieben und verwaltungen berichtet.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Press release
Belgrade, September 26, 2000
"A free and fair election", international observers say.
The 210 international observers from 54 countries who have come to
Yugoslavia to monitor the elections have among them current and former
parliamentarians, representatives from political parties and
organizations, as well as scholars, journalists and activists. They have
been able to view the electoral activities from rallies to the actual
voting on September 24 and many have taken the opportunity meet with the
leaders of various political parties and the different presidential
campaigns.
The observers feel strongly that they have had free, unobstructed access
to the relevant activities and particularly to the voting on the 24 when
observers visited polling stations in different parts of Yugoslavia,
including Montenegro and Kosovo.
In Montenegro, the ca 20 foreign observers witnessed an overall
atmosphere of intimidation of the voters, originating from the
government of Mr. Djukanovic which is boycotting the elections.
Everywhere there were huge billboards telling people not to vote. These
had the appearances of threats: "Don’t vote or else..." Some of those
who did vote, told the observers that they felt voting was risky for
them and could lead to the loss of jobs and other forms of harassment,
as the polling stations were watched by the police and cameras not
belonging to the media were pointed at the citizens coming to vote. In
one poll Serbian refugees from Kosovo told the observers that hundreds
of them had been left off the voters’ lists, although they had the
necessary documentation to be able to vote. (This situation was brought
to the attention of the Montenegrin Electoral Commission and a more
detailed report will be forwarded to the Federal Electoral Commission of
Yugoslavia.)
The observers note that the voting process overall was orderly and
smooth although it involved three separate ballots with multiple
choices. The voting process, in the opinion of many, was equal or
superior to the ones in their own countries.
The observers feel strongly that the so-called "international community"
has been abusive of Yugoslavia and democratic principles, in declaring
weeks ahead that the election will be "rigged" and heaping constant
abuse at the authorities in Yugoslavia who are trying to carry out a
complicated, multi-level election in stressful conditions. This abuse
has continued after the election, with leaders of Western countries
declaring only a few hours after the election that Mr. Kustunica has
won, as if they would have had privileged access to the voting results!
This leads us to wonder whether if Mr. Kustunica in fact comes first,
whether his election will also be considered fraudulent, because, after
all, "everybody knows" that the election was rigged.
The observers believe that there has been undue interference in the
Yugoslavian election by the Western powers, in particular by the United
States, which has seen fit to interfere to the tune of $77(US) million
to various opposition movements and organizations, including the
"independent" media. This is a shameful - and no doubt illegal –
intrusion into the affairs of a sovereign nation. Also the attempts by
the European Union to bribe Yugoslavian voters to vote in a certain way
in order to be "rewarded" with the lifting of sanctions and other
goodies, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
The observers leave Yugoslavia with a hightened respect for the
integrity of the political process in the country. From what we have
seen and heard, we believe that the results will truly reflect the will
and the wishes of the people of Yugoslavia. –30-
This statement has been endorsed by:
NAME COUNTRY
... ...
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
>Liebe Leute,
>
>zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien dokumentiere ich folgende Texte:
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>Anlage 1
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 2
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 3
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>Anlage 4
>
>WIRD JUGOSLAWIEN DIE NATO STOPPEN?
>Von Klaus von Raussendorff
>Mitteilungen der Kommunistischen Plattform der PDS Oktober/2000
>Anlage 5
>
>Mit internationalistischen Grüßen
>
>Klaus v. Raussendorff
>
>---------------------------------------------------------
>Anti-Imperialistische Korrespondenz (AIK)
>Redaktion: Klaus von Raussendorff
>Postfach 210172, 53156 Bonn
>Tel.&Fax: 0228 – 34.68.50
>Email: raussendorff@...
>
>Anti-Imperialistische Online-Korrespondenz
>Webmaster: Dieter Vogel
>http://home.t-online.de/home/aik-web/
>Email: aik-web@...
>
>Wer die AIK nicht empfangen möchte,
>schicke bitte eine Mail mit dem Betreff
>"unsubscribe" an raussendorff@...
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------
>
>Anlage 1
>
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Wer hat gewonnen, hast Du Ergebnisse«, war die am Montag morgen die in
>Belgrad wohl am häufigsten gestellte Frage. Die Antwort blieb man
>schuldig, auch wenn die Oppositionszeitung Danas in dicken Lettern mit
>»Popeda! - Sieg!« titelte. Es ist kein normales Land, und es waren keine
>normale Wahlen, die am Sonntag in Jugoslawien stattfanden. Gut ein Jahr
>nach dem NATO-Krieg gegen das Balkanland waren 7861327 Wahlberechtigte,
>7417197 in Serbien und 444130 in Montenegro, aufgerufen, den künftigen
>Präsidenten zu wählen. Erstmals wird damit der Staatschef Jugoslawiens
>direkt von der Bevölkerung bestimmt. Darüber hinaus galt es, die
>Abgeordneten für die beiden Kammern des Bundesparlamentes, sowie
>Kreisräte und Kommunale Mandatsträger zu wählen.
>
>Die Wähler waren nicht wirklich frei in ihrem Votum. »Wenn die Wahlen
>nicht fair sind, werden wir Jugoslawien hermetisch isolieren«, ließ der
>US-Präsident in Washington am Vorabend des Urnenganges verlauten. Als
>»fair« und für den Westen akzeptabel gelten die Wahlen nur dann, wenn
>der gegenwärtige Präsident Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic, sein Amt
>verliert. Millionensummen wurden im Vorfeld von den USA und der
>Europäischen Union aufgebracht, ein Klima zu erzeugen, demzufolge
>Oppositionskandidat Vojislav Kostunica die Wahlen auf jeden Fall
>gewinnen würde - und sollte er es nicht, dann könne dies nicht dem
>Wählervotum geschuldet sein, sondern Manipulationen der Resultate
>seitens der Regierungsparteien SPS (Sozialistische Partei Serbiens) und
>JUL (Jugoslawische Linke). Eine leichte Position also für die
>Pro-NATO-Opposition in Belgrad.
>
>Unter der Drohung fortdauernder Sanktionen, der Sezession Montenegros
>und in Erwartung bürgerkriegsähnlicher Auseinandersetzungen im Falle
>einer Niederlage der Oppositionsparteien sowie dem Versprechen auf
>wirtschaftliche Hilfe als Belohnung für einen Sieg der »Demokratischen
>Opposition Serbiens« (DOS) galt es, über die Zukunft im kleinen wie
>einer ganzen Nation zu entscheiden. Es sind »historische Wahlen« im
>besten Sinne, und ihr Ergebnis dürfte von globaler Bedeutung sein. Wird
>die NATO von den Wählern nachträglich für ihr Bombardement Jugoslawiens
>mehrheitlich mit den Stimmen für Kostunica belohnt, oder steht der
>Großteil der Bevölkerung nach wie vor an der Seite derjenigen, die das
>Land bis dato den neokolonialen Einvernahmungs- und
>Unterordnungsambitionen des Westens entziehen konnten?
>
>Sieg oder Niederlage, demokratische Wahlen oder Manipulation, Wandel mit
>dem Kandidaten Kostunica oder ewige Despotie eines Milosevic? Dieser
>einfachen Fragestellung folgend herrscht in den großen westlichen
>Unisonomedien denn auch seit Tagen eine Art neuerliche Kriegsstimmung.
>
>Samstag, 9.02 Uhr: Die Korrespondentin des britischen Nachrichtensenders
>BBC, Jacky Rowland, vermeldet telefonisch aus Belgrad, letzten Umfragen
>zufolge habe der DOS-Kandidat Vojislav Kostunica einen Zehn-Prozent-
>Vorsprung gegenüber dem amtierenden Präsidenten Milosevic. Da seit
>Freitag 0.00 Uhr eigentlich Wahlruhe herrscht, gibt es keinerlei neue
>Daten oder Umfragen. Auch wenn diese »Vorwahlumfragen« in den westlichen
>Medien sowie der Oppositionspresse in Jugoslawien immer wieder
>präsentiert wurden, es gibt keinen seriösen Meinungsforscher, der den
>Erhebung Glauben schenkt.
>
>Die regierungsnahe jugoslawische Tageszeitung Politika titelt in ihrer
>Samstagausgabe mit der neugeschaffenen Verbindung über die Donau. In der
>Nacht zum Freitag waren alle Teile des Brückenschlusses »Varadinska
>Duga« in Novi Sad verbunden worden. Das Megaprojekt ist Teil des
>Regierungsprogramms zum Wiederaufbau und Erneuerung des Landes. Die vom
>Westen finanzierte Zeitung Glas übt sich hingegen in defätistischem
>Realismus und vermeldet auf der Titelseite den vermeintlich aktuellen
>Schwarzmarktwechselkurs von DM und Dinar, der bei eins zu 35 liegen
>soll. In der Tat war der Wert des Dinars in den Vorwahltagen
>kontinuierlich gesunken, und in den Geschäften Belgrads wurde der
>Eindruck erweckt, als ob es eine Knappheit an Grundnahrungsmitteln wie
>Öl, Zucker und Milch gäbe. Künstliche Krisenstimmung.
>
>Sonntag, 8.00: Nabil Zaki aus Kairo beginnt im Belgrader Stadtteil
>Karaburma mit seiner Arbeit. Er gehört der internationalen
>Wahlbeobachtergruppe an, die von der Belgrader Regierung eingeladen
>wurde, den Urnengang zu überwachen. 210 Mitglieder umfaßt die »election
>observing mission«, sie kommen aus mehr als 50 Ländern. Nabil Zaki ist
>Chefredakteur der ägyptischen Tageszeitung Al Ahali und Präsident der
>Abteilung für internationale Beziehungen von »Tagamo«. Die Linkspartei
>rechnet damit, bei den in vier Wochen anstehenden Parlamentswahlen in
>Ägypten die Zahl ihrer Sitze im Parlament von fünf auf zehn zu
>verdoppeln. In der Schule »Stjepan Stevo Filipovic« in der Straße
>Patrisa Lumumbe 5 gehören Zana Niksic und ihre Tochter Liljana zu den
>ersten Wählern am Morgen. Für beide ist klar, bei dem Urnengang geht es
>um die Verteidigung ihres Landes gegen eine Übernahme durch die NATO. In
>der ersten Viertelstunde nach Öffnung der Wahllokale haben bereits 40
>Wähler abgestimmt, erfährt Nabil Zaki von der Wahlkommission. Es sind
>überwiegend Rentner, die zu dieser Zeit ihre Stimme abgeben. In dem
>Klassenzimmer der Grundschule sitzen mehr Mitglieder dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission als Wähler Platz finden würden. Zwei
>jugoslawische Papierfähnchen auf die grüne Tafel geklebt markieren den
>Raum als Wahllokal. Die Stimmung ist locker, man kennt sich aus der
>Nachbarschaft. Sowohl die Kommissionsmitglieder der oppositionellen DOS
>und SPO (Serbische Erneuerungsbewegung) wie die regierenden SPS sind
>zufrieden mit der Wahlprozedur und bezeichnen sie auf Nachfrage als
>»fair«. Zwei ältere Frauen, die für die Serbische Radikale Partei (SRS)
>die Richtigkeit des Urnenganges überprüfen sollen, nicken beipflichtend
>zu. Fünf Wahlboxen sind aufgestellt, sie wurden am Morgen verplompt und
>werden nach Schließung des Wahllokals um 20 Uhr in Anwesenheit aller
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder geöffnet. Auf dem Boden einer jeden Urne liegt
>eine Wahlliste, damit soll den Anschuldigungen begegnet werden, es gebe
>eventuell einen doppelten Boden in den Boxen. In einer stundenlangen
>Prozedur werden schließlich die Stimmen gemeinsam ausgezählt, geprüft
>und gegengeprüft. Dem Westen und den Anschuldigungen der Opposition,
>Milosevic würde sich mittels Wahlmanipulationen an der Macht halten,
>sollen damit entkräftet werden. Für Gelächter wie für Verstimmung sorgt
>Nabil Zaki mit der Frage nach Wahlsymbolen für die einzelnen Parteien.
>In Ländern mit hoher Analphabetenrate soll dies den Wählern bei der
>Unterscheidung der Konkurrenten helfen. »Bei uns können alle lesen«,
>tönt eine ältere Frau aus der anderen Ecke des Raumes. Symbole auf den
>Stimmzetteln seien daher nicht notwendig.
>
>Um 8.20 Uhr ist der Wahlbeobachter bereits im Wahllokal in der
>Physik-Fakultät in der Straße Zara Dusana 13. Er gehört zum Wahlkreis
>Stari Grad und liegt im Zentrum Belgrads. Nabil Zaki interessiert sich
>für die Identifizierung der Wahlberechtigten. Stimmzettel erhält nur,
>wer mit Wahlbenachrichtigung und Personalausweis oder Paß kommt. Eine
>mehrfache Stimmabgabe ist damit nicht möglich. Die Daten werden mit dem
>Wählerverzeichnis überprüft, der DOS-Vertreter sitzt direkt daneben und
>notiert zudem die Wählernummer. Alle anderen Mitglieder auch dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission können den Prozeß nachvollziehen. In
>Ägypten gebe es stets Streit darüber, ob sich die Wähler ausweisen
>müssen, Manipulationen seien damit leicht möglich, erklärt er gegenüber
>junge Welt, die als einzige Zeitung die Wahlbeochtermission begleitet.
>
>Im Wahlkreis 43, dessen Wahllokal sich im Gebäude des Serbischen Roten
>Kreuzes in der Simina 19 befindet, scheint man um halb neun am Morgen
>noch zu schlafen, fragt Nabil Zaki scherzend die gutgelaunten
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder. Auch hier werden Kaffee und Saft
>parteiübergreifend getrunken und über das ein oder andere Witzchen
>gelacht. Als dann doch eine Wählerin auftaucht und Nabil Zaki fragt, für
>wen sie denn gestimmt habe, wird er von den Kommissionsmitgliedern
>unterbrochen. Dies dürfe in den Wahllokalen nicht erfragt werden. Die
>Abstimmung ist geheim und niemand habe sich hier für das Votum des
>Einzelnen zu interessieren. Die 40jährige Mutter dreier Kinder freilich
>läßt Zaki wissen, daß sie für den »Wechsel« gestimmt habe. Ein hagerer
>Rentner hat Pech. Da er sich nur mit seinem Gesundheitsausweis, der kein
>Foto enthält, legitimieren kann, darf er nicht abstimmen. Er wird
>gebeten, doch nach Hause zu gehen und mit seinem Personalausweis
>wiederzukommen.
>
>Um 9 Uhr inspiziert Nabil Zaki das Wahllokal 52 in der Marsala
>Birijusova 58 ganz in der Nähe der Belgrader Fußgängerzone. Von den 921
>Wahlberechtigten haben hier schon 90 ihre Stimmen abgegeben. In dem
>engen, verrauchten Raum reihen sich die Mitglieder von SPS, DOS, SPO und
>SRS dicht an dicht aneinander. Zwei weitere Mitglieder der
>Wahlkommission beharren darauf, »neutral« zu sein und keiner Partei
>anzugehören.
>
>In einer Stunde hat der 65jährige Philosoph aus Kairo damit fünf
>Wahllokale aufgesucht. Unterschiedslos äußerten sich die Vertreter der
>verschiedenen Parteien jeweils zufrieden mit dem Ablauf des
>Wahlprozesses. Es gebe keine Probleme, heißt es einmütig, von
>Manipulation könne keine Rede sein. Weder gebe es das Interesse noch die
>Möglichkeiten dafür. Nabil Zaki ist zufrieden mit seiner bisherigen
>Mission. »In Ägypten ist die Opposition häufig von der Wahlkommission
>ausgeschlossen«, kritisiert er die Demokriedefizite in seinem Land. Sie
>habe keine Möglichkeit, die Stimmabgabe und - auszählung zu überwachen
>und die Stimmung in den Wahllokalen sei häufig aggressiv. Ähnlich äußern
>sich gegenüber junge Welt im Laufe des Wahlsonntags Beobachter aus der
>Ukraine, aus Rußland, Bolivien, Argentinien und Griechenland.
>
>Pancevo, 11 Uhr: In den Räumen der Wirtschaftskammer der 15 Kilometer
>nordöstlich von Belgrad gelegenen Stadt stehen Zoran Nikolic, Präsident
>des Südbanats, und Dusan Sivsev, Präsident der Wahlkommission für die
>Region Pancevo, einer 20köpfigen Gruppe internationaler Wahlbeobachter
>Rede und Antwort. Von der Tatsache abgesehen, daß drei Wahllokale
>aufgrund technischer Probleme wenige Minuten verspätet geöffnet wurden,
>habe es in ihrem Verantwortunsbereich keine Probleme gegeben. Alle
>Parteien hätten die Wahlruhe respektiert. Laut Gesetz darf 48 Stunden
>vor dem Urnengang nicht mehr geworben werden, im Umkreis von 50 Metern
>um die Wahllokale ist zudem jede Parteiwerbung untersagt. Wahlplakate
>müssen im Zweifelsfall entfernt werden, was an den gut 100 zerrissenen
>Milosevic- Postern an einer Baustellenwand im Eingangsbereich des
>Wahllokals sichtbar wird.
>
>Die Chancen für die Opposition seien unterschiedlich, erklärt Nikolic
>auf Nachfrage. Frühestens Montag könne die Wahlkommission die Ergebnisse
>bekannt geben. Da aber alle Parteien durch eigene Mitglieder vertreten
>seien, könnten diese eigene Hochrechnungen und Stimmungsbilder
>erstellen. Seriös und zuverlässig sind diese freilich nicht, wie sich im
>Laufe des Sonntag abend und Montag zeigen wird. Im Vorfeld der Wahlen
>hat es Kritik gegeben, daß nur eine Wählerliste in den Wahllokalen
>ausliegt und nicht jede Partei eine erhält. Dusan Sivsev beruft sich auf
>die Gesetzeslage und verweist darauf, daß jeder die Möglichkeiten gehabt
>habe, die Wählerlisten einzusehen. Er unterstreicht, daß es keine
>Differenzen über diese Listen zwischen den Parteien gebe, es sei also
>eine funktional-formale, keine inhaltliche Kritik. Vitali Shibko von der
>Sozialistischen Partei der Ukraine äußert sich zufrieden mit dem bisher
>gesehenen. Für ihn wichtig ist die Kontrolle der Wahlurnen selbst. Bei
>den Wahlen in Jugoslawien sei es - im Gegensatz zu seinem Land, das vom
>Westen unterstütztwerde - nicht möglich, daß zusätzliche Stimmen in die
>Boxen geworfen werden können. Landsmann Sergio Dovgan von der
>Bauernpartei pflichtet ihm bei. Beide haben vier Wahllokale in Belgrad
>besucht und berichten von der freundlichen Atmosphäre dort. Es gebe
>keinen Druck auf die Wähler, für eine bestimmte Partei oder einen
>bestimmten Kandidaten zu stimmen.
>
>Antonio Alac aus Argentinien pflichtet den beiden bei. Im Unterschied zu
>seinem Land gebe es keine Polizei vor den Wahllokalen. »Es sind Wahlen
>des Volkes.« In Argentinien würden die Stimmen an geheimen Plätzen
>ausgezählt. Der Opposition werde im Gegensatz zu Jugoslawien die
>Partizipation an diesem Prozeß verwehrt, Wahlfälschung sei daher Teil
>des politischen Tagesgeschäftes. Es sei doch absurd, daß Jugoslawien
>ausgerechnet von den Ländern Demokratiedefizite unterstellt werden, die
>wie die USA für die Unterstützung der Diktaturen in Lateinamerika
>bekannt seien. »Unsere Gesetzgebung basiert auf westlichen Modellen«,
>erklärt der Zoran Nikolic den Wahlbeobachtern. »Ausgerechnet diese
>Länder klagen uns zur Zeit an, undemokratisch und repressiv zu sein«,
>pflichtet der serbische Politiker seinen Vorredner bei. »Wir sind daher
>sehr dankbar, daß sie nach den Wahlen in ihren Ländern Botschafter der
>Wahrheit sind.«
>
>12.30 Uhr am Rande von Pancevo: Rush-hour im Wahllokal in der
>Kikinska-Straße. Mit den zur Seite geschobenen Ausstellungstücken im
>Möbelhaus Tamis Trgovina wirkt es improvisiert. Doch es erfüllt seinen
>Zweck. 510 Wähler haben bis Mittag ihre Stimme abgegeben, 50 Prozent der
>Wahlberechtigten in diesem Kreis. Obwohl die Anzahl der Wahlkabinen von
>vier auf acht verdoppelt wurde, stehen die Wähler Schlange. »Die hohe
>Wahlbeteiligung spricht für ein hohes politisches Bewußtsein in diesem
>Land«, urteilt Nabil Zaki. »Am wichtigsten für uns ist, daß die ganze
>Wahl ordnungsgemäß verläuft. Wir wollen eine faire Abstimmung«, erklärt
>ihm die Präsidentin der lokalen Wahlkommission, Rula Zora.
>
>Daß an die Schaufensterscheiben des Möbelhauses im Laufe des Vormittags
>Otpor-Aktivisten ihre Parolen zur Unterstützung der Opposition gesprüht
>haben und nebenan fleißig Anti-Regierungsplakate der Soros-Foundation
>geklebt wurden, nehmen beide schulterzuckend zur Kenntnis. Was dagegen
>tun? - Wären indes Plakate der SPS neben dem Wahllokal nicht rechtzeitig
>abgerissen worden, »unabhängige Wahlbeobachter« würden von Manipulation
>und »Unregelmäßigkeiten in Pancevo« sprechen.
>
>Belgrad am Nachmittag: Im Stundenrhythmus gibt CeSID, das vom
>Multimilliardär George Soros unterstützte »Zentrum für freie Wahlen und
>Demokratie«, im Media-Centar eine Pressekonferenz. Sein Zentrum werde
>davon abgehalten, die Wahlen zu beobachten, erklärt Marko Blagojevic vor
>der internationalen Presse. Auch DOS-Vertreter dürften die Wahllokale
>nicht aufsuchen, so die CeSID-Behauptung. Die richtige und langersehnte
>Information für die Sendezentralen in den westlichen Hauptstädten. Gegen
>16 Uhr weiß das ZDF von »Unregelmäßigkeiten« bei den Wahlen in
>Jugoslawien zu berichten und spricht von »Befürchtungen« der Opposition,
>daß es Manipulationen gebe.
>
>Vrsac, 16.30 Uhr: Das Städtchen an der jugoslawisch- rumänischen Grenze
>ist wohlhabend und aufgeräumt. Mit den zwei Konditorei-Fabriken, etwas
>chemischer und pharmazeutischer Industrie sowie dem Wein vom Fruska Gora
>bringen es die Einwohnern von Vrsac zu einigem Wohlstand. 23 nationale
>Minderheiten und Nationen leben neben- und miteinander hier im Nordosten
>der Vojvodina. Die Rumänen stellen mit 13 Prozent die größte Minderheit.
>In den Schulen erhalten sie muttersprachlichen Unterricht, am Rathaus
>sind die Eingangstafeln dreisprachig - serbisch, rumänisch und ungarisch
>- gehalten. Ebenso wie die Stimmzettel, erklärt der Präsident der
>Wahlkommission, Milorad Vidulevic. Auf die von jW angesprochenen
>Anschuldigungen der ausländischen Medien, die Wahlen würden mittels der
>Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge und der Armeeangehörigen gefälscht, läßt
>Vidulevic einen Packen versiegelter Umschläge bringen. 102
>Wahlberechtigte von Vrsac leisteten zur Zeit ihren Militärdienst. Sie
>seien in Kasernen in ganz Serbien untergebracht. Am vergangenen Dienstag
>haben sie von ihm per Post die Wahlunterlagen erhalten und bis Freitag
>zurückgeschickt. Die Umschläge werden am Abend nach Schließung der
>Wahllokale in Anwesenheit der kompletten Wahlkommission geöffnet. Die
>Stimmzettel, jeweils in separaten, neutralen und verschlossenen
>Umschlägen verpackt, werden in die jeweiligen Urnen - für die
>Präsidentschaftswahlen, die Kammern des Bundesparlamentes und die
>Kommunen - geworfen. Vor der Gruppe der Wahlbeobachter öffnet Vidulevic
>zwei Umschläge, um die Ausführungen zu untermauern. In jedem Umschlag
>liegt separat zudem die Wahlbenachrichtigung, so daß auf den
>Wählerlisten vermerkt werden könne, wer am Votum teilgenommen habe und
>wer nicht.
>
>Die Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge werden ebenfalls vor Ort in
>Anwesenheit aller Parteienvertreter ausgezählt. Die Ergebnisse werden
>anschließend den Wahlbezirken Vranje und Prokuplj zugerechnet.
>Wahllokale für Kosovo-Vertriebene gibt es in jeder Stadt, in der mehr
>als 100 Wahlberechtigte aus der südserbischen Provinz leben. 350000
>Menschen, überwiegend Serben, wurden seit Einmarsch der KFOR- Soldaten
>im Juni 1999 aus dem Kosovo vertrieben. Von einigen wenigen serbischen
>Enklaven und dem Norden der Provinz abgesehen, konnten im Kosovo die
>Wahlen nicht organisiert werden. »Nur diejenigen, die Angst haben zu
>verlieren, sprechen zu diesem Zeitpunkt von Manipulation«, weißt
>Vidulevic die Anschuldigungen der westlichen Medien und von CeSID
>zurück.
>
>17.50 Uhr: Im Wahllokal 23 im Gymnasium für Chemie und Textiltechnik in
>Vrsac herrscht reger Andrang. Bis 18 Uhr haben 609 von 925
>Wahlberechtigten ihre Stimme abgegeben. DOS-Vertreter Dusan Dulejan
>kritisiert, daß internationale Beobachter nur von der Regierung
>eingeladen worden seien. Ihm fehlen »unabhängige« Monitore von der OSZE.
>Dennoch, auf Nachfrage von jW äußert er sich zufrieden über den
>Wahlprozeß »in diesem Raum«. Er weiß aber von Manipulationen in Nis im
>Süden Serbiens zu berichten. Woher die Information, so die Nachfrage.
>Während des Mittagessens habe er zu Hause »Deutsche Welle« gehört und es
>im Internet gelesen. Daher die »gesicherte Information«.
>
>Belgrad, 21 Uhr: Auf dem Trg Republike, dem Platz der Republik, im
>Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt, haben SPS und JUL ein »Konzert
>des Volkes« organisiert. Einige Parteiaufrechte schwenken ihre
>Parteifahnen im Wind, auf der Bühne wird Folklore und traditionelles
>Liedgut geboten. Eine schlechte Propagandashow für RTS, das serbische
>Staatsfernsehen. Der Großteil der Anwesenden, Anhänger der Opposition,
>pfeift die Künstler nieder. DOS selbst spricht eine Stunde nach
>Schließung der Wahllokale nur 200 Meter neben dem Konzert, auf dem Platz
>Terazije, vor gut 5000 Unterstützern von »Sieg«. Die »Ära Milosevic«
>wird als beendet gefeiert. Ergebnisse gibt es freilich zu diesem
>Zeitpunkt noch nicht. CNN sendet aus dem Haus nebenan live in die USA
>und alle Welt über die »Wahlparty der Opposition«. Im Hintergrund die
>wartenden DOS-Fans. Später positionieren sich vielleicht zwei Dutzend
>Polizisten zwischen den beiden Gruppen - SPS-Folklore-Anhänger hie und
>aggressiv-siegeslustige Jungwähler da. Mit ihren Helmen und Knüppeln an
>der Seite wirken die Sicherheitskräfte entsprechend martialisch, die
>Bilder fürs Abendprogramm in den USA und die Morgenmagazine in
>Deutschland sind perfekt - Milosevics Regime bleibt repressiv.
>Übergriffe oder Festnahmen gab es freilich nicht. Ebensowenig wie
>sichere Wahlergebnisse. Die liegen auch am Montag mittag noch nicht vor,
>beide Lager beanspruchen allerdings für sich den Sieg bei den
>Präsidentschaftswahlen. Trotz aller Unsicherheit in Jugoslawien, in den
>deutschen, britischen und US-Medien werden Kostunica als Wahlgewinner
>gehandelt und die Gerüchte über Manipulation gepflegt.
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------
>
>Anlage 2
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Jugoslawien wird in den nächsten vier Jahren eine Linksregierung haben.
>Der nächste Präsident des Balkanlandes wird in einem zweiten Wahlgang
>bestimmt werden müssen. Dies geht aus den am Dienstag abend
>veröffentlichten vorläufigen Ergebnissen der Bundeswahlkommission
>hervor. Demnach haben nach den Wahlen am vergangenen Sonntag die
>Sozialistische Partei Serbiens (SPS), die Jugoslawische Linke (JUL) und
>die montenegrinische Sozialistische Volkspartei (SNP) in beiden Kammern
>des Bundesparlamentes die absolute Mehrheit der Abgeordnetensitze. Auf
>kommunaler Ebene müssen die Linksparteien Serbiens indes aufgrund des
>Mehrheitswahlprinzips eine gnadenlose Niederlage hinnehmen. Zwei Drittel
>der Städte werden künftig von der DOS regiert, ein Drittel von der
>SPS/JUL.
>Überraschend war vor allem aber das schlechte Abschneiden von Slobodan
>Milosevic, der mit 2026478 Wählerstimmen deutlich entfernt von einer
>absoluten Mehrheit bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen liegt. Auch wenn der
>Gegenkandidat der »Demokratischen Opposition Serbiens« (DOS), Vojislav
>Kostunica, mit 48,22 Prozent der Wählerstimmen deutlich vor dem im
>Westen verhaßten jugoslawischen Präsidenten Milosevic (40,23 Prozent)
>führt, die absolute Mehrheit im ersten Wahlgang konnte er laut
>Bundeswahlkommission nicht gewinnen. Am 8. Oktober steht somit die
>zweite Runde an. Unklar ist allerdings, ob Kostunica an dieser
>teilnehmen wird.
>
>Am späten Dienstag abend hatte Zoran Djindjic, Wahlkampfleiter der DOS,
>vor der Presse in Belgrad erklärt, sein Anti-Milosevic-Bündnis werde die
>Ergebnisse der Bundeswahlkommission nicht akzeptieren und die »Bürger
>Serbiens« zur »Verteidigung« ihres »Sieges« auf die Straße rufen. Im
>DOS-Hauptquartier im Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt sowie in
>Washington, London und Berlin sowie den großen Westmedien war Vojislav
>Kostunica bereits unmittelbar nach Schließung der Wahllokale am Sonntag
>zum Sieger und damit nächsten Präsidenten Jugoslawiens erklärt worden.
>Das Wort Manipulation und Wahlbetrug machte am Dienstag denn auch
>schnell die Runde. Uneinig ist man sich bei der DOS indes im Umgang mit
>den Resultaten der Wahlen zum Bundesparlament. Während DOS-Sprecher
>Cedomir Jovanovic für alle Wahlen den Sieg der Opposition reklamiert,
>räumte Wahlkampfleiter Djindjic die Führung der Linksparteien bei den
>politisch wichtigen Parlamentswahlen ein.
>
>Doch den Sieg Vojislav Kostunicas wolle man sich nicht nehmen lassen.
>Für Mittwoch abend hatten DOS und die mit ihr verbundene neoliberale
>Ökonomengruppe G-17-Plus zu einer Großkundgebung vor der Skupstina, dem
>Parlament im Herzen Belgrads, aufgerufen. Vojislav Kostunica wollte dort
>seinen Anspruch auf den Präsidentenposten proklamieren, ganze 24 Stunden
>vor der Bekanntgabe des endgültigen Wahlergebnisses durch die
>Bundeswahlkommission. In den folgenden Tagen sollen Demonstrationen
>folgen. Die internationalen Nachrichtensender BBC und CNN stimmten ihre
>Zuschauer bereits im Laufe des Mittwoch auf blutige Auseinandersetzungen
>am Abend ein. Eine Verantwortung für eine mögliche Gewalteskalation in
>Belgrad will DOS allerdings nicht übernehmen, erklärte Djindjic auf
>junge Welt-Nachfrage. Doch genau die Verantwortung - einen Bürgerkrieg
>in Jugoslawien zu verhindern - kommt ihr zu. Es liegt in ihren Händen,
>ihre im Siegestaumel schwelgenden Anhänger auf den Boden der Realität
>zurückzuholen. Denn selbst wenn Vojislav Kostunica der nächste Präsident
>Jugoslawiens sein sollte, Slobodan Milosevic wird - ganz legal - ein
>wichtiger Faktor im Land bleiben. »Gotov je - Er ist am Ende«, diese
>während des Wahlkampfes ausgegebene Parole wurde zu früh gebrüllt.
>
>--------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>Anlage 3
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>
>Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
>von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
>Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
>machen. Die Beobachter kamen unter anderem aus Bulgarien, Makedonien,
>Moldawien, Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
>den NATO-Ländern Kanada, Großbritannien und Deutschland.
>
>Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen fuhr die
>Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
>Die erste Station war der Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Küste, und
>hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
>Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar überdacht, aber letztlich fand
>die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt - das Hotel hatte auf Weisung »von
>oben« die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
>der siebte Wähler von 315 Wahlberechtigten seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons
>war auf den Tischen ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an
>Wahlkabinen erinnerte. Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern
>verschiedener Parteien. Auch die Partei des montenegrinischen
>Präsidenten Milo Djukanovic war mit zwei offiziellen »Beobachtern«
>präsent. Deren »Beobachtermission« war von besonderer Art. Mitglieder
>des Wahlkomitees berichteten über einen ungeheuren Druck auf die
>Bevölkerung während der letzten zehn Tage, nicht zur Wahl zu gehen. Es
>habe persönliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes
>oder der sozialen Unterstützung gegeben.
>
>Daß dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
>achttägigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Gruppe der Freidenker eine Woche
>zuvor in Montenegro bestätigen. In vielen Gesprächen wurde uns
>berichtet, daß eine staatlich organisierte massive
>Einschüchterungskampagne begonnen habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit
>Existenzgefährdung bedrohe. Uns wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt: Der
>Direktor eines holzverarbeitenden Betriebes kündigte seinen
>Beschäftigten an, wer am Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht
>mehr zur Arbeit zu erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden
>des Landes seinem Lehrerkollegium bekannt. So hatten die Beobachter aus
>der Djukanovic-Partei eine für alle Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe -
>jene, die trotz der Drohungen von ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu
>melden und die angekündigten Schikanen Realität werden zu lassen.
>
>Beim nächsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr 13
>von 665 Wählern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
>einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheimes der
>Jugoslawischen Flußschiffahrt, da die früheren Wahlstellen (in der
>Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
>Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden. Auch hier wurde über Drohungen gegen
>die Wähler und potentielle Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet. Am
>Wahltag selbst gab es keine Störungen. Auch hier saßen Mitglieder
>verschiedener Parteien im Komitee und - eine Besonderheit - eine
>Vertreterin des DOS-Wahlbündnisses, der »Demokratischen Opposition
>Serbiens«. Doch die »Beobachterin der DOS« war in Wirklichkeit eine
>Vertreterin der Djukanovic-Partei der Demokratischen Sozialisten (DPS),
>es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die Wahlen
>boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten.
>
>Beim anschließenden Frühstück der Beobachter traf ich meinen Freund
>Mischa wieder. Ich befragte ihn zu einigen Nachrichten, die in der
>Vorwoche von BBC aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der
>jugoslawischen Armee habe einen montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen.
>Das britische Fernsehen nahm das als einen Beweis für die »von Milosevic
>geplante Provokation zwecks militärischem Eingreifen«. Mischa klärte
>darüber auf, daß sich die Schießerei zwischen Männern in Zivilkleidung
>ereignet hat, zumindest der »Soldat« sei schon lange nicht mehr in der
>Armee. Man nehme an, es handle sich um eine Auseinandersetzung in der
>Mafia - zumindest seien alle »politischen« Motive frei erfunden. Nach
>dieser neuen Lektion in Sachen »freier Medien im Westen« besuchten wir
>ein drittes Wahllokal in einem Wohnviertel Budvars.
>
>Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mußten wir kurz
>davor abbiegen - in den Schachklub in Nebenräumen von
>»Montenegrotourist«. Wieder beengte Verhältnisse, improvisierter
>Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee und wieder eine
>»Beobachterin«, die offiziell für Kostunica wachte, tatsächlich aber für
>Djukanovic die Wählerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die ihre Kräfte
>sichtlich überforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal bildete sich eine
>große Wählerschlange, was ein Wahlboykotteur naturgemäß nicht sonderlich
>liebt. Deshalb sah sie »die Gefahr, bei dieser Menge den Überblick zu
>verlieren, und daß es so zu Wahlfälschungen kommen könne«.
>
>Auch im benachbarten Gebäude der Stadtverwaltung war eine große
>Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
>sich zwei Angehörige der montenegrinischen Polizei in grün-braunen
>Kampfanzügen postiert, um den Eingang des Wahllokals zu observieren. Als
>ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf die beiden aufmerksam machte,
>eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus der Menge vor dem Wahllokal
>vor das Fenster der beiden. In der Folge machten sie umgehend neuen
>Beobachtern in Zivilkleidung Platz.
>
>Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: »Wenn ihr mich hier nicht wählen
>laßt, fahre ich nach Serbien!« rief eine erboste Frau, die als
>NATO-UCK-Vertriebene aus dem Kosovo in Budva Zuflucht fand. »Irgendwie«
>sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen den Listen
>des Roten Kreuzes und den Wählerverzeichnissen gekommen. Von den in
>Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo- Vertriebenen sollen nur etwa 500 auf
>den Wählerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer, in der montenegrinischen
>Hauptstadt Podgorica, der nächsten Station unserer »Observer-Mission«,
>sollen von 20000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1000 Aufnahme in die Wählerlisten
>gefunden haben.
>
>In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein ähnliches Bild
>wie gehabt. Im Wahllokal Nr. 61 in Podgorica, in einem Freizeitclub der
>Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
>Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eröffnung des Lokals seien
>rund um den Eingang mehrere Polizeikameras installiert gewesen. Nach
>Intervention des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80
>Meter entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten sowie weitere
>»dickere« Fahrzeuge in der Nähe mit unablässigen Mobiltelefonierern.
>Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich für die
>relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein dürfte: Die
>Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
>erklärt. Die Beschäftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
>öffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der größeren staatlichen
>Betriebe, hatten schlicht keine Zeit für den Gang zum Wahllokal, wenn
>sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten.
>
>* Klaus Hartmann ist Präsident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in
>dieser Funktion vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter
>nach Belgrad eingeladen
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
>
>Anlage 4
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>
>Schon vor Abschluß der Wahl in Jugoslawien am Sonntag riefen NATO und EU
>gemeinsam mit der von ihnen teuer bezahlten jugoslawischen Opposition
>»Wahlbetrug«. Denn falls der NATO-Kandidat Kostunica verlieren sollte,
>dann wäre die Wahl von Milosevic manipuliert und könne folglich von EU
>und NATO nicht anerkannt werden. Um dies auch durchzusetzen - so die
>Überlegung der westlichen Wertegemeinschaft - mußte die NATO erneut ihre
>humanitäre Kriegsmaschine rund um Jugoslawien konzentrieren und in
>Alarmbereitschaft versetzen.
>
>Der französische Außenminister ließ Sonntag nacht noch über Radio Monte
>Carlo wissen, daß seine EU-Amtskollegen noch spätabends in einer
>Telefonkonferenz beraten hätten, wie zu reagieren sei, »falls Präsident
>Milosevic die Wahlen mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen sollte«. Wobei
>natürlich jedem der Beteiligten von vornherein klar war, daß Milosevic
>mit nichts anderem als nur mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen konnte,
>schließlich hatten EU und USA nicht umsonst mindestens 75 Millionen
>Dollar Wahlhilfe an die korrupte Opposition gezahlt und noch größere
>Versprechungen gemacht, die Jugoslawen sollten sich in der Wahl für den
>von der NATO ausgewählten Kandidaten entscheiden.
>
>Daß die militärische Friedensintervention gegen Belgrad jederzeit wieder
>aufgenommen werden kann, das macht die NATO mit ihrem Zusammenzug
>militärischer Mittel rund um Jugoslawien deutlich. Damit in Belgrad die
>Friedensbotschaft der westlichen Humanisten nicht mißverstanden wird,
>hat NATO-Generalsekretär Lord Robertson Präsident Milosevic bereits mit
>militärischen Aktionen gedroht, »falls er bei den Wahlen betrügt«. Er
>warnte, daß sich die »Truppen der westlichen Allianz auf dem Balkan in
>Alarmbereitschaft befinden«. Zu diesem Zweck hatte die NATO rechtzeitig
>zur Wahl die größte See-Armada seit ihrem ersten Angriff auf Jugoslawien
>im Mittelmeer zusammengezogen. Der britische Premier Tony Blair, der
>sich mit seinem militaristischen Humangesülze längst einen festen Platz
>im Himmel der Neuen Weltordnung gesichert hat, sandte als »Botschaft an
>Präsident Slobodan Milosevic« den britischen Flugzeugträger »Invincible«
>und den Hubschrauberträger »Ocean« ins Mittelmeer, wo sie auf eine
>amerikanische Schlachtschiffgruppe stoßen werden.
>
>Am Montag berichtete die britis<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
Von: Elmar Schmaehling <elmar_schmaehling@...>
An: adn <aktuelles@...>
Datum: Donnerstag, 28. September 2000 09:48
Betreff: Fw: YU-Wahlen
Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,
ich schicke Ihnen die Erklärung der deutschen Wahlbeobachter bei den
Jugoslawienwahlen noch einmal als doc-Datei.
Zusätzlich füge ich eine weitere Erklärung der internationalen
Beobachterkommission und einen Bericht über die Wahldurchführung in
Montenegro von Klaus Hartmann bei.
Auch die Vorlage des nun amtlichen Endergebnisses durch den
Bundeswahlausschuss ändert nichts an den Aussagen unserer Erklärung und
der Notwendigkeit beider Seiten, die Unterschiede beim Ergebnis der
Präsidentschaftskandidaten durch Offenlegen der Auswertungsunterlagen
gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit aufzuklären.
Mit freundlichen Grüßen
Elmar Schmähling
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Erklaerung der Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland
Demokratische und faire Bedingungen im Land selbst, massive
Manipulations- und Erpressungsversuche von aussen - Fazit der deutschen
Beobachter der Wahlen am 24. September 2000 in Jugoslawien
Entgegen der von Medien und Politikern im Westen verbreiteten
Informationen, dass die jugoslawischen Wahlen unter Ausschluss
unabhaengiger internationaler Beobachter stattgefunden haetten, haben
tatsaechlich 210 Wahlbeobachter aus 54 Laendern, unter ihnen 52
Abgeordnete, den Wahlverlauf verfolgt.
Als Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland, eingeladen vom Jugoslawischen
Bundesparlament, sind wir ueberrascht, dass unsere Arbeit in der
deutschen Oeffentlichkeit nicht wahrgemommen wird, und erst recht diese
Chance zur Information aus erster Hand nicht genutzt wird.
Wir hoffen sehr, dass dies nicht seine Ursache darin hat, dass manche
interessierten Seiten schon vor Oeffnung der Wahllokale am 24. September
2000 "wissen" wollten, dass die Wahlen gefaelscht wuerden, und
"Ergebnisse" der Wahlen bereits verkuendeten, bevor die Stimmen
ausgezaehlt waren.
Wir hatten als Wahlbeobachter jede Moeglichkeit, uns frei zu bewegen,
Ueberpruefungen vor Ort vorzunehmen, die Bedingungen und den Ablauf der
Wahlen in allen Phasen zu kontrollieren. Mehrere hundert Wahllokale
wurden von den Beobachtern unangemeldet besucht. Daher stellen wir fest,
dass unsere Beobachtungen mit unseren eigenen Augen und mit eigenem
kritischen Verstand vorgenommen wurden, und dass wir daher den Wert
unserer Beobachtungen und Festellungen anders einschaetzen als jene
diversen Stellungnahmen von Politikern, die mit Informationen aus
dritter Hand in der Regel ihre vorgefasste Meinung bestaetigt sehen
wollen.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission der Wahlen am 24. September 2000
hat in einer gemeinsamen Erklaerung festgestellt, dass die Wahlen
demokratisch und fair verlaufen sind, und die Standards von
demokratischen Wahlen in anderen Laendern voll erfuellt haben. Dieser
Feststellung wie der Gesamtstellungnahme der Internationalen Kommission
schliesst sich die deutsche Beobachtergruppe voll inhaltlich an. Sie
unterstreicht dabei besonders die Kritik hinsichtlich des skandaloesen,
umfassenden Drucks (bis zur Existenzbedrohung), mit denen die Waehler in
Montenegro durch die Djukanovic-Regierung von der Ausuebung ihres
Wahlrechts abgehalten werden sollten. Dies ist mit dem Grundsatz fairer
und freier, demokratischer und rechtsstaatlich einwandfreier Wahlen
nicht in Einklang zu bringen.
Wir unterstuetzen ebenso und aus den gleichen Gruenden die Kritik an der
massiven auslaendischen Einmischung in den Wahlkampf, sei es in Form
einer 77-Millionen-US-Dollarspende an bestimmte kandidierende
Gruppierungen, sei es durch "Wahlversprechen" der EU, man werde bei ein
bestimmtes Waehlervotum durch Aufhebung von Sanktionen honorieren. Von
jedem freien, ziviliserten und demokratischen Land wuerden derartige
Versuche der politischen Einmischung und Erpressung energisch
zurueckgewiesen, und wir befuerchten, dass solche Parteinahme vor den
Wahlen die Bereitschaft beeintraechtigen koennte, den Ablauf und die
Ergebnisse der Wahlen unvoreingenommen und objektiv zur Kenntnis zu
nehmen und das Recht zur selbstaendigen Entscheidung der Bevoelkerung
ueber die eigene Zukunft zu akzeptieren.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission insgesamt hat sich ebenso wie
wir deutschen Beobachter jede Muehe gemacht, moegliche Fehler,
Unkorrektheiten oder Faelschungsbemuehungen zu identifizieren. Wir
konnten keine diesbezueglichen Feststellungen treffen. In Einzelfaellen
war der Sichtschutz zur Sicherstellung der geheimen Stimmabgabe
mangelhaft, was dann sofort nach unserer Intervention korrigiert wurde.
In Einzelfaellen waren Wahlwillige nicht in den Waehlerlisten
verzeichnet, entsprechend den Problemen in Deutschland, wenn
Wahlberechtigte ihre Eintragung in der Waehlerliste nicht vorher
pruefen. Gehaeuft traten solche Probleme der fehlenden Verzeichnung in
den Waehlerlisten bei jenen auf, die seit Uebernahme der Verwaltung
durch UNMIK/KFOR aus Kosovo und Metohija gewaltsam vertrieben wurden.
Hier gabe es offenkundig Abstimmungsprobleme mit den Listen des Roten
Kreuzes, in denen offenbar nicht alle Vertriebenen erfasst sind.
Grundsaetzlich ist aber festzuhalten, dass - von diesen Einwaenden
abgesehen – die Wahlen in Uebereinstimmung mit den gesetzlichen
Vorschriften stattfanden, diese Vorschriften internationalen
rechtsstaatlichen Masstaeben entsprechen, und die Durchfuehrung der
Wahlen korrekt und professionell erfolgte. Wir konnten uns davon
ueberzeugen, dass es in Jugoslawien gelungen ist, trotz widriger
Umstaende - durch acht Jahre Wirtschaftssanktionen und den
voelkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg der NATO 1999 – die allgemeinen
Bedingungen fuer demokratische Wahlen zu schaffen, ebenso fuer die
Taetigkeit und das Zusammenwirken unterschiedlicher politischer Kraefte.
Die Rechtmaessigkeit und Legitimitaet der Wahlen steht somit ausser
Frage.
Zum Wahlablauf konnten wir konkret feststellen:
Die Wahlurnen in den Wahllokalen wurden bei Oeffnung der Wahllokale
versiegelt, nachdem durch den ersten Waehler festgestellt und mit
Unterschrift bestaetigt wurde, dass sie leer waren. Die Stimmzettel
wurden in abgezaehlter Stueckzahl in versiegelten Paketen unmittelbar
vor der Wahl ausgeliefert, ihr Empfang war zu quittieren, die nicht
verbrauchten Stimmzettel mussten nach Abschluss der Stimmabgabe
gezaehlt, die Zahl quittiert und als versiegeltes Paket zurueckgegeben
werden.
In allen Wahlkomitees waren Vertreter der an der Wahl teilnehmenden
Parteien / Gruppierungen, einschliesslich der Oppositionsparteien,
beteiligt. Die Auszaehlung der Stimmen erfolgte gemeinsam. Ueber die
Gueltigkeit zweifelhafter Stimmzettel wurde abgestimmt. Das Protokoll
mit dem Wahlergebnis wurde von allen Mitgliedern zu unterzeichnet.
Von diesem Protokoll wurden sechs Exemplare angefertigt. Das erste
Exemplar ging mit allen Wahlunterlagen an das Wahlkomitee des jeweiligen
Wahlkreises. Das zweite wurde an der Eingangstuer des Wahllokals
ausgehaengt. Die vier verbleibenden Exemplare wurden unmittelbar an die
Vertreter der vier Parteien / Gruppierungen ausgehaendigt, deren
Kandidaten die meisten Stimmen auf sich vereinigen konnten. Alle
uebrigen Parteien / Gruppierungen hatten Anspruch auf Aushaendigung
einer Protokoll-Kopie innerhalb von 12 Stunden.
Eine nochmalige Stimmzaehlung auf oertlicher oder Wahlkreisebene findet
nicht statt. Es gilt ausschliesslich das original im Wahllokal
festgestellte und von allen unterzeichnete Ergebnis, eine nachtraegliche
Veraenderung dieser urspruenglichen Zahlen ist somit ausgeschlossen.
Die Wahlergebnisse auf Bundeseben werden auf Basis saemtlicher Prokolle
aus den Wahllokalen von der Bundeswahlkommission in den Rechner
eingegeben. Die eingegeben Zahlen koennen eingesehen und von den
Parteivertretern, die auch einen Platz in der Bundeswahlkommission
haben, mit den Zahlen der in ihrer Hand befindlichen Einzelprotokollen
verglichen werden.
Vorsorglich hat die deutsche Beobachtergruppe stichprobenartig
Ergebnisse aus Wahllokalen notiert und mit den Eingaben im zentralen
Rechner der Bundeswahlkommission verglichen – mit dem Ergebnis, dass die
Eingaben korrekt erfolgt sind.
Aufgrund dieses festgestellten Verfahrens sind die in westlichen Medien
behaupteten "gestohlene Stimmen" oder Wahlfaelschungen technisch
praktisch nicht durchfuehrbar. Dies hat der Wahlkampfmanager der DOS,
Zoran Djindjic, auf Befragen ausdruecklich bestaetigt.
Wiederholt wurde nach der Wahl von verschiedenen Seiten das "lange
Schweigen" der Wahlkommission kritisiert, waehrend die verschiedenen
Parteien sich staendig mit neuen Siegesmeldungen zu uebertreffen
versuchten, wobei sie sich jeweils nur auf jenen Teil der von ihnen
selektiv ausgewaehlten Wahlprotokolle stuetzten.
Das Zusammenfuehren der einzelnen Wahlergebnisse in der Rechenzentrale
der Bundeswahlkommission als Grundlage offizieller Ergebnisse erklaert,
fuer die Wahlbeobachter nachvollziehbar, den beanspruchten Zeitbedarf.
Die Wahlkommission ist gesetzlich verpflichtet, das amtliche Endergebnis
binnen 72 Stunden nach Schliessung der Wahllokale bekanntzugeben. Eine
staendige Bekanntgabe nicht repraesentativer Zwischenergebnisse wuerde
nur der Tendenz zur subjektiven Interpretation im Sinne vorweggenommener
Endergebnisse Vorschub leisten. Die an die Fristen zur Bekanntgabe des
Wahlergebnisses geknuepften Spekulationen und Unterstellungen einer
Faelschungsmoeglichkeit sind unhaltbar.
Die Wahlbeobachter kritisieren, dass bestimmte Politiker der EU und der
USA ihre Missachtung der demokratischen Willensbildung der Bevoelkerung
dadurch ausgedrueckt haben, Wahlsieger zu ernennen, ohne Wahlverfahren
und die tatsaechlichen Wahlergebnisse zu kennen. Diese Einmischung ist
umso verwerflicher, als sie mit der Androhung von Sanktionen verbunden
isrt..
Die Wahlbeobachter geben ihrer Ueberzeugung Ausdruck, dass Frieden,
Stabilitaet und Partnerschaft zwischen allen Staaten nur auf der
Grundlage der Respektierung gleicher Rechte, der Souveraenitaet und
Gleichheit gedeihen koennen.
Belgrad, 26. September 2000 - Fuer die deutsche Beobachtergruppe:
gez. Klaus Hartmann, Preaesident der Weltunion der der Freidenker
Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Richter, Vors. d. Gesellschaft zum Schutz
Buergerrechte und Menschenwuerde
Ralph Hartmann, Botschafter a.D.
Elmar Schmaehling, ehem. Flottillenadmiral
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Als Wahlbeobachter unterwegs in Montenegro
Die "demokratischen" Wahlen im Djukanovic-Land
Von Klaus Hartmann
Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
machen. Die Beobachter kamen u.a. aus Bulgarien, Makedonien, Moldawien,
Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
NATO-Laendern wie Kanada, Grossbritannien und Deutschland.
Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen, fuhr die
Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
Die erste Station war die Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Kueste, und
hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar ueberdacht, aber letztlich fand
die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt – das Hotel hatte auf Weisung "von
oben" die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
der 7. Waehler von 315 seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons war auf den Tischen
ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an Wahlkabinen
gemahnte. Drei verschiedene Stimmzettel gab es – fuer die
Praesidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zu den beiden Kammern des
Bundesparlaments (die Buergerkammer wird nach Bevoelkerungsstaerke
besetzt, die Laenderkammer mit je 20 Vertretern Serbiens und 20
Montenegros - diese Regelung wurde anderslautender Westpropaganda zum
Trotz bei der juengsten Verfassungsaenderung nicht angetastet).
Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern verschiedener Parteien, die
Partei des montenegrinischen Praesidenten Djukanovic war mit zwei
offiziellen "Beobachtern" praesent. Deren "Beobachtermission" war von
besonderer Art. Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichteten ueber einen
ungeheuren Druck auf die Bevoelkerung waehrend der letzten 10 Tage,
nicht zur Wahl zu gehen, es habe persoenliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit
dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes oder der sozialen Unterstuetzung gegeben.
Dass dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
achttaegigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Freidenker-Gruppe eine Woche zuvor
in Montenegro bestaetigen. In vielen Gespraechen wurde berichtet, dass
eine staatlich organisierte massive Einschuechterungs-Kampagne begonnen
habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit Existenzgefaehrdung bedrohe.
Es wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt, wo u. a. ein Direktor eines
holzverarbeitenden Betriebes seinen Beschaeftigten ankuendigte, wer am
Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht mehr zur Arbeit zu
erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden des Landes seinem
Lehrerkollegium bekannt.
So hatten die Beobachter aus der Djukanovic-Partei eine fuer alle
Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe – jene, die trotz der Drohungen von
ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu melden und die angekuendigten
Schikanen Realitaet werden zu lassen.
Doch die "demokratische, westlich orientierte" Regierung des
NATO-Freundes Djukanovic beliess es nicht bei solchen "Beobachtern".
Kaum war unsere Beobachter-Gruppe erschienen, verliessen zwei finstere
Gestalten ihren in der Naehe geparkten Pkw, um sich mit verschraenkten
Armen rund 30 Meter vom Wahllokal aufzubauen, und zu bedeuten: Auch die
Geheimpolizei Dukanovic’ laesst diese demokratischen Wahlen und die
Waehler nicht allein.
Beim naechsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr
13 von 665 Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheim der
Jugoslawischen Flussschiffahrt, da die frueheren Wahlstellen (in der
Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden.
Auch hier wurde ueber Drohungen gegen die Waehler und potentielle
Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet, am Wahltag selbst gab es noch
keine Stoerungen. Auch hier Mitglieder verschiedener Parteien im
Komitee, und eine Besonderheit – eine Vertreterin des
DOS-Wahlbuendnisses, der "Demokratischen Opposition" Serbiens, die unter
dem Patronat von Madeleine Albright den Praesidentschaftskandidaten
Kostunica hervorbrachte – die einzige nicht kompromittierte Figur der
notorisch zerstrittenen wie NATO-hoerigen "Opposition". Doch die
Beobachterin "der DOS" war in Wirklichkeit eine Vertreterin der
Djukanovic-Partei, es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die
Wahlen boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten. Das warfen die Mitglieder des
Wahlkomitees ihr vor – und sie gab es schliesslich zu, bekraeftigte aber
zugleich ihre Unterstuetzung fuer Kostunica. Eine Unterstuetzung, die
freilich recht platonisch bleiben musste, da sie, aus dem 15 km
entfernten Petrovac stammend, ihrem angeblichen Favoriten gar nicht mit
der eigenen Stimme dienen konnte.
Beim anschliessenden Fruehstueck der Beobachter auf der Terasse des zu
Wahlzwecken verweigerten Hotels Mocren in Budva traf ich meinen Freund
Mischa wieder, den ich telefonisch ueber mein Kommen informiert hatte,
und von dem wir uns gerade eine Woche zuvor in seinem Haus verabschiedet
hatten. Ich sprach ueber das bisher Gesehene, und er meinte mit
resignierendem Kopfschuetteln, es sei eine Schande, was die Mafia-Bande
um Djukanovic Montenegro antue, das schoene Land werde der NATO und dem
Internationalen Verbrechen ausgeliefert, gleichzeitig soll das Volk von
seinen serbischen Bruedern und seinen historischen Wurzeln abgeschnitten
werden.
Ich fragte Mischa ueber einige Nachrichten, die in der Vorwoche von BBC
aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der jugoslawischen
Armee habe eine montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen – BBC nahm das
als einen Beweis fuer die "von Milosevic geplante Provokation zwecks
militaerischem Eingreifen". Mischa klaerte darueber auf, dass die
Schiesserei sich zwischen Maennern in Zivilkleidung ereignet hat,
zumindest der "Soldat" sei schon lange nicht mehr in der Armee. Man
nehme an, es handle sich um eine innermafioese Auseinandersetzung –
zumindest seien alle "politischen" Motive frei erfunden.
Doch BBC meldete auch, zur Bekraeftigung, massive Bewegung von Truppen
und Fahrzeugen der jugoslawischen Armee auf den Strassen Montenegros in
der Woche vor der Wahl. "Auch davon ist kein Wort wahr", meinte Mischa
empoert, "hier ist alles exakt genauso normal und ruhig wie Ihr es in
den Tagen vorher selbst erlebt habt". Nach dieser neuen Lektion in
Sachen "freier Medien im Westen" besuchten wir ein drittes Wahllokal in
einem Wohnviertel Budvars. Zum Abschied hatte uns Mischa versichert,
obwohl Djukanovic in seiner Funktion als Praesident (!) im Fernsehen
erklaert habe, kein anstaendiger, ehrenhafter Mensch, der fuer
Montenegro sei, duerfe zur Wahl gehen, sei es fuer ihn
selbstverstaendlich, trotz aller Einschuechterungen zur Wahl zu gehen –
"alles andere waere eine Schande".
Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mussten wir kurz
davor abbiegen – in den Schachklub, in Nebenraeumen von
"Montenegrotourist". Wieder beengte Verhaeltnisse, improvisierter
Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee, und wieder
eine "Beobachterin", die offiziell fuer Kostunica wachte, tatsaechlich
aber fuer Djukanovic die Waehlerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die
ihre Kraefte sichtlich ueberforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal
bildete sich eine grosse Waehler-"Schlange", was ein Wahlboykotteur
naturgemaess nicht sonderlich liebt. Deshalb sah sie "die Gefahr, bei
dieser Menge den Ueberblick zu verlieren und es zu Wahlfaelschungen
kommen koenne." Um 10.20 Uhr hatten in diesem Lokal rund 400 von 3.900
Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben, und ca. 50 warteten auf die Moeglichkeit
zur Stimmabgabe.
Auch im benachbarten Gebaeude der Stadtverwaltung war eine grosse
Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
sich zwei Exemplare der Djukanovic-Polizei in gruen-braunen
Kampfanzuegen postiert, die den Eingang des Wahllokals nicht aus den
Augen liessen. Als ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf diese
Gestalten aufmerksam machte, eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus
der Menge vor dem Wahllokal vor das Fenster der beiden, und sie machten
umgehend neuen Beobachtern in Zivil Platz. Den zurueckkehrenden
schwarzen Mann fragten wir nach seiner Funktion, worauf er meinte, er
sei Waehler, er warte nur auf seine Frau, die noch im Wahllokal sei. Als
wir uns etwas entfernt hatten, lief er unentwegt zwischen Wahllokal,
Stadtverwaltung und einer Gaststaette hin und her, sprach unablaessig
mit anderen "unauffaellig Herumlungernden", waehrend "seine Frau"
verschwunden blieb – die womoeglich als besonders schwerer Fall von
Wahlfaelschung hoechstselbst in die Wahlurne gefallen war.
Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: "Wenn Ihr mich hier nicht waehlen
lasst, fahre ich nach Serbien!", rief eine erboste Frau, die als
NATO/UCK-Vertriebene aus Kosovo und Metohija in Budva Zuflucht fand.
"Irgendwie" sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen
den Listen des Roten Kreuzes und den Waehlerlisten gekommen. Von den in
Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo-Vertriebenen sollen nur ca. 500 auf den
Waehlerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer in der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt
Podgorica, der naechsten Station unserer "Observer-Mission" - dort
sollen von 20.000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1.000 den Weg in die
Waehlerlisten gefunden haben. Eine bei der bekannten
Pro-Milosevic-Stimmung unter den Kosovo-Serben umso unverstaendlichere
"Organisationsleistung" – die waehrend des Wahltages wohl nicht mehr
geheilt werden konnte.
Zum Abschied aus Budva rief uns noch ein Waehler zu: "Berichtet, dass
dies hier keine freien Wahlen sind! Seit Wochen werden wir
eingeschuechtert und bedroht fuer den Fall, dass wir zur Wahl gehen. Im
Volk herrscht Angst, wir haben hier eine Terror-Verwaltung. Wir wollen
aber nicht von Serbien getrennt werden, wir wollen nicht in einer
Kolonie leben!"
Bei unserem Aufenthalt in Montenegro Mitte September hatte uns bereits
ein Freund, der in der Tourismus-Branche arbeitet, auf die merkwuerdige
Lage hingewiesen, dass nicht nur Rundfunk, Fernsehen und Zeitungen von
Djukanovic angewiesen worden seien, nicht ueber Wahlvorbereitungen und
Wahlkampf zu berichten – sogar bezahlte Zeitungsanzeigen, Werbespots und
offizielle Plakatierung wuerden verweigert. Bei der Fahrt von der Kueste
ueber die alte Residenzstadt Cetinje nach Podgorica sahen wir dafuer in
grosser Zahl Werbetafeln (ohne erkennbaren"Absender") mit der Parole:
"Ich weigere mich, zu waehlen. Zum Wohle von Montenegro und Serbien."
Das ist jenes Wohl, das aus der Hand der NATO kommen soll.
In Podgorica die Pressekonferenz des Landeswahlkomitees – im engen
Kolleg einer privaten Gaststaette (die grossen staatlichen Hotels hatten
ebenfalls keinen Raum fuer Wahlaktivitaeten). Information: Bis 11 Uhr
haetten rund 15% der Wahlberechtigten in Montenegro ihre Stimme
abgegeben – trotz massiver Drohungen und Behinderungen.
In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein aehnliches Bild
wie gehabt. Mitglieder der Sozialistischen Volkspartei von Momir
Bulatovic, der Serbischen Radikalen Partei von Vojislav Seselj, der
Serbischen Volkspartei und vereinzelt auch Mitglieder verschiedener
kommunistischer Parteien bildeten das Wahlkomitee, ergaenzt um ein bis
zwei Beobachter - vorgeblich der "Demokratischen Opposition" Kostunicas,
real Spione Djukanovic’. Im ersten Wahllokal hatten um 14.30 Uhr 15% von
983 Waehlern gewaehlt, im zweiten um 14.45 Uhr 20% von 809 Waehlern.
Beide Wahllokale waren in Tourismusbueros der Bundesrepublik
untergebracht.
Im dritten Wahllokal Podgoricas (Nr.61), in einem Freizeitclub der
Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eroeffnung des Lokals seien
rund um den Eingang des Lokals mehrere Polizei-Kameras im Straeuchern
installiert gewesen, um alle Waehler "festzuhalten". Nach Intervention
des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80 Meter
entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten (Kennzeichen PG 12 – 87)
sowie weitere "dickere" Fahrzeuge in der Naehe mit unablaessigen
Mobiltelefonieren.
Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich fuer die
relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein duerfte: Die
Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
erklaert! Die Beschaeftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
oeffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der groesseren staatlichen
Betriebe hatten schlicht keine Zeit fuer den Gang zum Wahllokal – wenn
sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten. Wetten, dass
ueber dieses "kleine" Detail kein Sterbenswoertchen verloren wird, wenn
die "freien westlichen Medien" triumphierend ueber den Erfolg des
Djukanovic-Boykotts berichten?
Letzte Station unserer Rundfahrt war die Stadt Kolasin im Norden
Montenegros, gelegen in jenen Bergen, die namensgebend fuer die kleine
Republik sind. Hier stellt die Sozialistische Volkspartei, die mit der
Sozialistischen Partei Serbiens verbunden ist, die lokale Regierung, und
deshalb konnte hier auch in oeffentlichen Gebaeuden gewaehlt werden. Im
ersten Wahllokal, in der Gemeindebuecherei, hatten um 17.20 40% von 720
Waehlern gewaehlt. Auch hier ein gemischtes Komitee, und ein
Djukanovic-Vertrauter. Der war sichtlich verbluefft ueber unsere Frage
nach seiner Partei, sodass ihm (unter Protest der Komitee-Mitglieder)
ein Parteifreund zurief: "Sag, dass Du Vertreter der Demokratischen
Opposition bist, sag es!" Wir haetten es aber auch so schon gewusst.
Die letzten beiden Wahllokale, die wir in Kolasin besuchten, lagen im
Buergerhaus und verzeichneten gegen 17.30 Uhr eine Wahlbeteiligung von
etwa 50%. Ein Komiteevorsitzender sagte uns, einige Arbeiter und Rentner
haetten die Drohungen der Republiksregierung wohl ernst genommen und
seien nicht erschienen, weil sie um ihre Loehne und Renten fuerchteten.
Er sei aber sicher, dass es sich um leere Drohungen handele, denn auch
der Praesident sei doch an Verfassung und Gesetz gebunden, besonders ein
Demokrat wie Milo Djukanovic. Bevor wir allzu fassungslos werden
konnten, machte uns das schallende Gelaechter der Komiteemitglieder
klar, dass ihr Vorsitzender zu scherzen beliebt. Nur der "oppositionelle
Demokrat" laechelte saeuerlich.
Da war sein Kollege im Nachbarwahllokal von anderer Statur: der
ueberschlug sich foermlich dabei, uns zu versichern, wie wunderbar die
Zusammenarbeit sei, wie gut und kontrolliert die gesamte Wahlhandlung
ablaeuft, technisch einwandfrei demokratisch voellig korrekt -
Faelschungen seien ausgeschlossen, dafuer verbuerge er sich, und bei
Bedarf koennten wir auch seinen Namen angeben.
Trotz dieser aufmunternden Worte zogen wir vor der Rueckreise nach
Belgrad das Fazit, dass diese Wahlen beim besten Willen nicht frei,
geheim und gleich genannt werden koennen. Die Wahlen, wohlgemerkt im
"westlichen Montenegro", nicht jene im "Reich des boesen Slobo". Eine
Situation der systematischen Einschuechterung und Angst stoert die neuen
Weltordner nicht die Bohne, wenn sie sich eine neue Kolonie untertan
machen wollen. Allerdings muss die jugoslawische Regierung die Frage
beantworten, ob eine allen demokratischen Normen Hohn sprechende
Wahlbehinderung auf einem Teil ihres Territoriums hingenommen werden
kann.
Klaus Hartmann
ist Praesident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in dieser Funktion
vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter eingeladen
PS- In den Nachrichten verschiedener Fernseh- und Rundfunkstationen
wurde am Abend des 25.09.2000 aus Montenegro von einer Entlassungswelle
in Betrieben und verwaltungen berichtet.
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Press release
Belgrade, September 26, 2000
"A free and fair election", international observers say.
The 210 international observers from 54 countries who have come to
Yugoslavia to monitor the elections have among them current and former
parliamentarians, representatives from political parties and
organizations, as well as scholars, journalists and activists. They have
been able to view the electoral activities from rallies to the actual
voting on September 24 and many have taken the opportunity meet with the
leaders of various political parties and the different presidential
campaigns.
The observers feel strongly that they have had free, unobstructed access
to the relevant activities and particularly to the voting on the 24 when
observers visited polling stations in different parts of Yugoslavia,
including Montenegro and Kosovo.
In Montenegro, the ca 20 foreign observers witnessed an overall
atmosphere of intimidation of the voters, originating from the
government of Mr. Djukanovic which is boycotting the elections.
Everywhere there were huge billboards telling people not to vote. These
had the appearances of threats: "Don’t vote or else..." Some of those
who did vote, told the observers that they felt voting was risky for
them and could lead to the loss of jobs and other forms of harassment,
as the polling stations were watched by the police and cameras not
belonging to the media were pointed at the citizens coming to vote. In
one poll Serbian refugees from Kosovo told the observers that hundreds
of them had been left off the voters’ lists, although they had the
necessary documentation to be able to vote. (This situation was brought
to the attention of the Montenegrin Electoral Commission and a more
detailed report will be forwarded to the Federal Electoral Commission of
Yugoslavia.)
The observers note that the voting process overall was orderly and
smooth although it involved three separate ballots with multiple
choices. The voting process, in the opinion of many, was equal or
superior to the ones in their own countries.
The observers feel strongly that the so-called "international community"
has been abusive of Yugoslavia and democratic principles, in declaring
weeks ahead that the election will be "rigged" and heaping constant
abuse at the authorities in Yugoslavia who are trying to carry out a
complicated, multi-level election in stressful conditions. This abuse
has continued after the election, with leaders of Western countries
declaring only a few hours after the election that Mr. Kustunica has
won, as if they would have had privileged access to the voting results!
This leads us to wonder whether if Mr. Kustunica in fact comes first,
whether his election will also be considered fraudulent, because, after
all, "everybody knows" that the election was rigged.
The observers believe that there has been undue interference in the
Yugoslavian election by the Western powers, in particular by the United
States, which has seen fit to interfere to the tune of $77(US) million
to various opposition movements and organizations, including the
"independent" media. This is a shameful - and no doubt illegal –
intrusion into the affairs of a sovereign nation. Also the attempts by
the European Union to bribe Yugoslavian voters to vote in a certain way
in order to be "rewarded" with the lifting of sanctions and other
goodies, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
The observers leave Yugoslavia with a hightened respect for the
integrity of the political process in the country. From what we have
seen and heard, we believe that the results will truly reflect the will
and the wishes of the people of Yugoslavia. –30-
This statement has been endorsed by:
NAME COUNTRY
... ...
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
>Liebe Leute,
>
>zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien dokumentiere ich folgende Texte:
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>Anlage 1
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 2
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 3
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>Anlage 4
>
>WIRD JUGOSLAWIEN DIE NATO STOPPEN?
>Von Klaus von Raussendorff
>Mitteilungen der Kommunistischen Plattform der PDS Oktober/2000
>Anlage 5
>
>Mit internationalistischen Grüßen
>
>Klaus v. Raussendorff
>
>---------------------------------------------------------
>Anti-Imperialistische Korrespondenz (AIK)
>Redaktion: Klaus von Raussendorff
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>Tel.&Fax: 0228 – 34.68.50
>Email: raussendorff@...
>
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>Webmaster: Dieter Vogel
>http://home.t-online.de/home/aik-web/
>Email: aik-web@...
>
>Wer die AIK nicht empfangen möchte,
>schicke bitte eine Mail mit dem Betreff
>"unsubscribe" an raussendorff@...
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------
>
>Anlage 1
>
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Wer hat gewonnen, hast Du Ergebnisse«, war die am Montag morgen die in
>Belgrad wohl am häufigsten gestellte Frage. Die Antwort blieb man
>schuldig, auch wenn die Oppositionszeitung Danas in dicken Lettern mit
>»Popeda! - Sieg!« titelte. Es ist kein normales Land, und es waren keine
>normale Wahlen, die am Sonntag in Jugoslawien stattfanden. Gut ein Jahr
>nach dem NATO-Krieg gegen das Balkanland waren 7861327 Wahlberechtigte,
>7417197 in Serbien und 444130 in Montenegro, aufgerufen, den künftigen
>Präsidenten zu wählen. Erstmals wird damit der Staatschef Jugoslawiens
>direkt von der Bevölkerung bestimmt. Darüber hinaus galt es, die
>Abgeordneten für die beiden Kammern des Bundesparlamentes, sowie
>Kreisräte und Kommunale Mandatsträger zu wählen.
>
>Die Wähler waren nicht wirklich frei in ihrem Votum. »Wenn die Wahlen
>nicht fair sind, werden wir Jugoslawien hermetisch isolieren«, ließ der
>US-Präsident in Washington am Vorabend des Urnenganges verlauten. Als
>»fair« und für den Westen akzeptabel gelten die Wahlen nur dann, wenn
>der gegenwärtige Präsident Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic, sein Amt
>verliert. Millionensummen wurden im Vorfeld von den USA und der
>Europäischen Union aufgebracht, ein Klima zu erzeugen, demzufolge
>Oppositionskandidat Vojislav Kostunica die Wahlen auf jeden Fall
>gewinnen würde - und sollte er es nicht, dann könne dies nicht dem
>Wählervotum geschuldet sein, sondern Manipulationen der Resultate
>seitens der Regierungsparteien SPS (Sozialistische Partei Serbiens) und
>JUL (Jugoslawische Linke). Eine leichte Position also für die
>Pro-NATO-Opposition in Belgrad.
>
>Unter der Drohung fortdauernder Sanktionen, der Sezession Montenegros
>und in Erwartung bürgerkriegsähnlicher Auseinandersetzungen im Falle
>einer Niederlage der Oppositionsparteien sowie dem Versprechen auf
>wirtschaftliche Hilfe als Belohnung für einen Sieg der »Demokratischen
>Opposition Serbiens« (DOS) galt es, über die Zukunft im kleinen wie
>einer ganzen Nation zu entscheiden. Es sind »historische Wahlen« im
>besten Sinne, und ihr Ergebnis dürfte von globaler Bedeutung sein. Wird
>die NATO von den Wählern nachträglich für ihr Bombardement Jugoslawiens
>mehrheitlich mit den Stimmen für Kostunica belohnt, oder steht der
>Großteil der Bevölkerung nach wie vor an der Seite derjenigen, die das
>Land bis dato den neokolonialen Einvernahmungs- und
>Unterordnungsambitionen des Westens entziehen konnten?
>
>Sieg oder Niederlage, demokratische Wahlen oder Manipulation, Wandel mit
>dem Kandidaten Kostunica oder ewige Despotie eines Milosevic? Dieser
>einfachen Fragestellung folgend herrscht in den großen westlichen
>Unisonomedien denn auch seit Tagen eine Art neuerliche Kriegsstimmung.
>
>Samstag, 9.02 Uhr: Die Korrespondentin des britischen Nachrichtensenders
>BBC, Jacky Rowland, vermeldet telefonisch aus Belgrad, letzten Umfragen
>zufolge habe der DOS-Kandidat Vojislav Kostunica einen Zehn-Prozent-
>Vorsprung gegenüber dem amtierenden Präsidenten Milosevic. Da seit
>Freitag 0.00 Uhr eigentlich Wahlruhe herrscht, gibt es keinerlei neue
>Daten oder Umfragen. Auch wenn diese »Vorwahlumfragen« in den westlichen
>Medien sowie der Oppositionspresse in Jugoslawien immer wieder
>präsentiert wurden, es gibt keinen seriösen Meinungsforscher, der den
>Erhebung Glauben schenkt.
>
>Die regierungsnahe jugoslawische Tageszeitung Politika titelt in ihrer
>Samstagausgabe mit der neugeschaffenen Verbindung über die Donau. In der
>Nacht zum Freitag waren alle Teile des Brückenschlusses »Varadinska
>Duga« in Novi Sad verbunden worden. Das Megaprojekt ist Teil des
>Regierungsprogramms zum Wiederaufbau und Erneuerung des Landes. Die vom
>Westen finanzierte Zeitung Glas übt sich hingegen in defätistischem
>Realismus und vermeldet auf der Titelseite den vermeintlich aktuellen
>Schwarzmarktwechselkurs von DM und Dinar, der bei eins zu 35 liegen
>soll. In der Tat war der Wert des Dinars in den Vorwahltagen
>kontinuierlich gesunken, und in den Geschäften Belgrads wurde der
>Eindruck erweckt, als ob es eine Knappheit an Grundnahrungsmitteln wie
>Öl, Zucker und Milch gäbe. Künstliche Krisenstimmung.
>
>Sonntag, 8.00: Nabil Zaki aus Kairo beginnt im Belgrader Stadtteil
>Karaburma mit seiner Arbeit. Er gehört der internationalen
>Wahlbeobachtergruppe an, die von der Belgrader Regierung eingeladen
>wurde, den Urnengang zu überwachen. 210 Mitglieder umfaßt die »election
>observing mission«, sie kommen aus mehr als 50 Ländern. Nabil Zaki ist
>Chefredakteur der ägyptischen Tageszeitung Al Ahali und Präsident der
>Abteilung für internationale Beziehungen von »Tagamo«. Die Linkspartei
>rechnet damit, bei den in vier Wochen anstehenden Parlamentswahlen in
>Ägypten die Zahl ihrer Sitze im Parlament von fünf auf zehn zu
>verdoppeln. In der Schule »Stjepan Stevo Filipovic« in der Straße
>Patrisa Lumumbe 5 gehören Zana Niksic und ihre Tochter Liljana zu den
>ersten Wählern am Morgen. Für beide ist klar, bei dem Urnengang geht es
>um die Verteidigung ihres Landes gegen eine Übernahme durch die NATO. In
>der ersten Viertelstunde nach Öffnung der Wahllokale haben bereits 40
>Wähler abgestimmt, erfährt Nabil Zaki von der Wahlkommission. Es sind
>überwiegend Rentner, die zu dieser Zeit ihre Stimme abgeben. In dem
>Klassenzimmer der Grundschule sitzen mehr Mitglieder dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission als Wähler Platz finden würden. Zwei
>jugoslawische Papierfähnchen auf die grüne Tafel geklebt markieren den
>Raum als Wahllokal. Die Stimmung ist locker, man kennt sich aus der
>Nachbarschaft. Sowohl die Kommissionsmitglieder der oppositionellen DOS
>und SPO (Serbische Erneuerungsbewegung) wie die regierenden SPS sind
>zufrieden mit der Wahlprozedur und bezeichnen sie auf Nachfrage als
>»fair«. Zwei ältere Frauen, die für die Serbische Radikale Partei (SRS)
>die Richtigkeit des Urnenganges überprüfen sollen, nicken beipflichtend
>zu. Fünf Wahlboxen sind aufgestellt, sie wurden am Morgen verplompt und
>werden nach Schließung des Wahllokals um 20 Uhr in Anwesenheit aller
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder geöffnet. Auf dem Boden einer jeden Urne liegt
>eine Wahlliste, damit soll den Anschuldigungen begegnet werden, es gebe
>eventuell einen doppelten Boden in den Boxen. In einer stundenlangen
>Prozedur werden schließlich die Stimmen gemeinsam ausgezählt, geprüft
>und gegengeprüft. Dem Westen und den Anschuldigungen der Opposition,
>Milosevic würde sich mittels Wahlmanipulationen an der Macht halten,
>sollen damit entkräftet werden. Für Gelächter wie für Verstimmung sorgt
>Nabil Zaki mit der Frage nach Wahlsymbolen für die einzelnen Parteien.
>In Ländern mit hoher Analphabetenrate soll dies den Wählern bei der
>Unterscheidung der Konkurrenten helfen. »Bei uns können alle lesen«,
>tönt eine ältere Frau aus der anderen Ecke des Raumes. Symbole auf den
>Stimmzetteln seien daher nicht notwendig.
>
>Um 8.20 Uhr ist der Wahlbeobachter bereits im Wahllokal in der
>Physik-Fakultät in der Straße Zara Dusana 13. Er gehört zum Wahlkreis
>Stari Grad und liegt im Zentrum Belgrads. Nabil Zaki interessiert sich
>für die Identifizierung der Wahlberechtigten. Stimmzettel erhält nur,
>wer mit Wahlbenachrichtigung und Personalausweis oder Paß kommt. Eine
>mehrfache Stimmabgabe ist damit nicht möglich. Die Daten werden mit dem
>Wählerverzeichnis überprüft, der DOS-Vertreter sitzt direkt daneben und
>notiert zudem die Wählernummer. Alle anderen Mitglieder auch dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission können den Prozeß nachvollziehen. In
>Ägypten gebe es stets Streit darüber, ob sich die Wähler ausweisen
>müssen, Manipulationen seien damit leicht möglich, erklärt er gegenüber
>junge Welt, die als einzige Zeitung die Wahlbeochtermission begleitet.
>
>Im Wahlkreis 43, dessen Wahllokal sich im Gebäude des Serbischen Roten
>Kreuzes in der Simina 19 befindet, scheint man um halb neun am Morgen
>noch zu schlafen, fragt Nabil Zaki scherzend die gutgelaunten
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder. Auch hier werden Kaffee und Saft
>parteiübergreifend getrunken und über das ein oder andere Witzchen
>gelacht. Als dann doch eine Wählerin auftaucht und Nabil Zaki fragt, für
>wen sie denn gestimmt habe, wird er von den Kommissionsmitgliedern
>unterbrochen. Dies dürfe in den Wahllokalen nicht erfragt werden. Die
>Abstimmung ist geheim und niemand habe sich hier für das Votum des
>Einzelnen zu interessieren. Die 40jährige Mutter dreier Kinder freilich
>läßt Zaki wissen, daß sie für den »Wechsel« gestimmt habe. Ein hagerer
>Rentner hat Pech. Da er sich nur mit seinem Gesundheitsausweis, der kein
>Foto enthält, legitimieren kann, darf er nicht abstimmen. Er wird
>gebeten, doch nach Hause zu gehen und mit seinem Personalausweis
>wiederzukommen.
>
>Um 9 Uhr inspiziert Nabil Zaki das Wahllokal 52 in der Marsala
>Birijusova 58 ganz in der Nähe der Belgrader Fußgängerzone. Von den 921
>Wahlberechtigten haben hier schon 90 ihre Stimmen abgegeben. In dem
>engen, verrauchten Raum reihen sich die Mitglieder von SPS, DOS, SPO und
>SRS dicht an dicht aneinander. Zwei weitere Mitglieder der
>Wahlkommission beharren darauf, »neutral« zu sein und keiner Partei
>anzugehören.
>
>In einer Stunde hat der 65jährige Philosoph aus Kairo damit fünf
>Wahllokale aufgesucht. Unterschiedslos äußerten sich die Vertreter der
>verschiedenen Parteien jeweils zufrieden mit dem Ablauf des
>Wahlprozesses. Es gebe keine Probleme, heißt es einmütig, von
>Manipulation könne keine Rede sein. Weder gebe es das Interesse noch die
>Möglichkeiten dafür. Nabil Zaki ist zufrieden mit seiner bisherigen
>Mission. »In Ägypten ist die Opposition häufig von der Wahlkommission
>ausgeschlossen«, kritisiert er die Demokriedefizite in seinem Land. Sie
>habe keine Möglichkeit, die Stimmabgabe und - auszählung zu überwachen
>und die Stimmung in den Wahllokalen sei häufig aggressiv. Ähnlich äußern
>sich gegenüber junge Welt im Laufe des Wahlsonntags Beobachter aus der
>Ukraine, aus Rußland, Bolivien, Argentinien und Griechenland.
>
>Pancevo, 11 Uhr: In den Räumen der Wirtschaftskammer der 15 Kilometer
>nordöstlich von Belgrad gelegenen Stadt stehen Zoran Nikolic, Präsident
>des Südbanats, und Dusan Sivsev, Präsident der Wahlkommission für die
>Region Pancevo, einer 20köpfigen Gruppe internationaler Wahlbeobachter
>Rede und Antwort. Von der Tatsache abgesehen, daß drei Wahllokale
>aufgrund technischer Probleme wenige Minuten verspätet geöffnet wurden,
>habe es in ihrem Verantwortunsbereich keine Probleme gegeben. Alle
>Parteien hätten die Wahlruhe respektiert. Laut Gesetz darf 48 Stunden
>vor dem Urnengang nicht mehr geworben werden, im Umkreis von 50 Metern
>um die Wahllokale ist zudem jede Parteiwerbung untersagt. Wahlplakate
>müssen im Zweifelsfall entfernt werden, was an den gut 100 zerrissenen
>Milosevic- Postern an einer Baustellenwand im Eingangsbereich des
>Wahllokals sichtbar wird.
>
>Die Chancen für die Opposition seien unterschiedlich, erklärt Nikolic
>auf Nachfrage. Frühestens Montag könne die Wahlkommission die Ergebnisse
>bekannt geben. Da aber alle Parteien durch eigene Mitglieder vertreten
>seien, könnten diese eigene Hochrechnungen und Stimmungsbilder
>erstellen. Seriös und zuverlässig sind diese freilich nicht, wie sich im
>Laufe des Sonntag abend und Montag zeigen wird. Im Vorfeld der Wahlen
>hat es Kritik gegeben, daß nur eine Wählerliste in den Wahllokalen
>ausliegt und nicht jede Partei eine erhält. Dusan Sivsev beruft sich auf
>die Gesetzeslage und verweist darauf, daß jeder die Möglichkeiten gehabt
>habe, die Wählerlisten einzusehen. Er unterstreicht, daß es keine
>Differenzen über diese Listen zwischen den Parteien gebe, es sei also
>eine funktional-formale, keine inhaltliche Kritik. Vitali Shibko von der
>Sozialistischen Partei der Ukraine äußert sich zufrieden mit dem bisher
>gesehenen. Für ihn wichtig ist die Kontrolle der Wahlurnen selbst. Bei
>den Wahlen in Jugoslawien sei es - im Gegensatz zu seinem Land, das vom
>Westen unterstütztwerde - nicht möglich, daß zusätzliche Stimmen in die
>Boxen geworfen werden können. Landsmann Sergio Dovgan von der
>Bauernpartei pflichtet ihm bei. Beide haben vier Wahllokale in Belgrad
>besucht und berichten von der freundlichen Atmosphäre dort. Es gebe
>keinen Druck auf die Wähler, für eine bestimmte Partei oder einen
>bestimmten Kandidaten zu stimmen.
>
>Antonio Alac aus Argentinien pflichtet den beiden bei. Im Unterschied zu
>seinem Land gebe es keine Polizei vor den Wahllokalen. »Es sind Wahlen
>des Volkes.« In Argentinien würden die Stimmen an geheimen Plätzen
>ausgezählt. Der Opposition werde im Gegensatz zu Jugoslawien die
>Partizipation an diesem Prozeß verwehrt, Wahlfälschung sei daher Teil
>des politischen Tagesgeschäftes. Es sei doch absurd, daß Jugoslawien
>ausgerechnet von den Ländern Demokratiedefizite unterstellt werden, die
>wie die USA für die Unterstützung der Diktaturen in Lateinamerika
>bekannt seien. »Unsere Gesetzgebung basiert auf westlichen Modellen«,
>erklärt der Zoran Nikolic den Wahlbeobachtern. »Ausgerechnet diese
>Länder klagen uns zur Zeit an, undemokratisch und repressiv zu sein«,
>pflichtet der serbische Politiker seinen Vorredner bei. »Wir sind daher
>sehr dankbar, daß sie nach den Wahlen in ihren Ländern Botschafter der
>Wahrheit sind.«
>
>12.30 Uhr am Rande von Pancevo: Rush-hour im Wahllokal in der
>Kikinska-Straße. Mit den zur Seite geschobenen Ausstellungstücken im
>Möbelhaus Tamis Trgovina wirkt es improvisiert. Doch es erfüllt seinen
>Zweck. 510 Wähler haben bis Mittag ihre Stimme abgegeben, 50 Prozent der
>Wahlberechtigten in diesem Kreis. Obwohl die Anzahl der Wahlkabinen von
>vier auf acht verdoppelt wurde, stehen die Wähler Schlange. »Die hohe
>Wahlbeteiligung spricht für ein hohes politisches Bewußtsein in diesem
>Land«, urteilt Nabil Zaki. »Am wichtigsten für uns ist, daß die ganze
>Wahl ordnungsgemäß verläuft. Wir wollen eine faire Abstimmung«, erklärt
>ihm die Präsidentin der lokalen Wahlkommission, Rula Zora.
>
>Daß an die Schaufensterscheiben des Möbelhauses im Laufe des Vormittags
>Otpor-Aktivisten ihre Parolen zur Unterstützung der Opposition gesprüht
>haben und nebenan fleißig Anti-Regierungsplakate der Soros-Foundation
>geklebt wurden, nehmen beide schulterzuckend zur Kenntnis. Was dagegen
>tun? - Wären indes Plakate der SPS neben dem Wahllokal nicht rechtzeitig
>abgerissen worden, »unabhängige Wahlbeobachter« würden von Manipulation
>und »Unregelmäßigkeiten in Pancevo« sprechen.
>
>Belgrad am Nachmittag: Im Stundenrhythmus gibt CeSID, das vom
>Multimilliardär George Soros unterstützte »Zentrum für freie Wahlen und
>Demokratie«, im Media-Centar eine Pressekonferenz. Sein Zentrum werde
>davon abgehalten, die Wahlen zu beobachten, erklärt Marko Blagojevic vor
>der internationalen Presse. Auch DOS-Vertreter dürften die Wahllokale
>nicht aufsuchen, so die CeSID-Behauptung. Die richtige und langersehnte
>Information für die Sendezentralen in den westlichen Hauptstädten. Gegen
>16 Uhr weiß das ZDF von »Unregelmäßigkeiten« bei den Wahlen in
>Jugoslawien zu berichten und spricht von »Befürchtungen« der Opposition,
>daß es Manipulationen gebe.
>
>Vrsac, 16.30 Uhr: Das Städtchen an der jugoslawisch- rumänischen Grenze
>ist wohlhabend und aufgeräumt. Mit den zwei Konditorei-Fabriken, etwas
>chemischer und pharmazeutischer Industrie sowie dem Wein vom Fruska Gora
>bringen es die Einwohnern von Vrsac zu einigem Wohlstand. 23 nationale
>Minderheiten und Nationen leben neben- und miteinander hier im Nordosten
>der Vojvodina. Die Rumänen stellen mit 13 Prozent die größte Minderheit.
>In den Schulen erhalten sie muttersprachlichen Unterricht, am Rathaus
>sind die Eingangstafeln dreisprachig - serbisch, rumänisch und ungarisch
>- gehalten. Ebenso wie die Stimmzettel, erklärt der Präsident der
>Wahlkommission, Milorad Vidulevic. Auf die von jW angesprochenen
>Anschuldigungen der ausländischen Medien, die Wahlen würden mittels der
>Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge und der Armeeangehörigen gefälscht, läßt
>Vidulevic einen Packen versiegelter Umschläge bringen. 102
>Wahlberechtigte von Vrsac leisteten zur Zeit ihren Militärdienst. Sie
>seien in Kasernen in ganz Serbien untergebracht. Am vergangenen Dienstag
>haben sie von ihm per Post die Wahlunterlagen erhalten und bis Freitag
>zurückgeschickt. Die Umschläge werden am Abend nach Schließung der
>Wahllokale in Anwesenheit der kompletten Wahlkommission geöffnet. Die
>Stimmzettel, jeweils in separaten, neutralen und verschlossenen
>Umschlägen verpackt, werden in die jeweiligen Urnen - für die
>Präsidentschaftswahlen, die Kammern des Bundesparlamentes und die
>Kommunen - geworfen. Vor der Gruppe der Wahlbeobachter öffnet Vidulevic
>zwei Umschläge, um die Ausführungen zu untermauern. In jedem Umschlag
>liegt separat zudem die Wahlbenachrichtigung, so daß auf den
>Wählerlisten vermerkt werden könne, wer am Votum teilgenommen habe und
>wer nicht.
>
>Die Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge werden ebenfalls vor Ort in
>Anwesenheit aller Parteienvertreter ausgezählt. Die Ergebnisse werden
>anschließend den Wahlbezirken Vranje und Prokuplj zugerechnet.
>Wahllokale für Kosovo-Vertriebene gibt es in jeder Stadt, in der mehr
>als 100 Wahlberechtigte aus der südserbischen Provinz leben. 350000
>Menschen, überwiegend Serben, wurden seit Einmarsch der KFOR- Soldaten
>im Juni 1999 aus dem Kosovo vertrieben. Von einigen wenigen serbischen
>Enklaven und dem Norden der Provinz abgesehen, konnten im Kosovo die
>Wahlen nicht organisiert werden. »Nur diejenigen, die Angst haben zu
>verlieren, sprechen zu diesem Zeitpunkt von Manipulation«, weißt
>Vidulevic die Anschuldigungen der westlichen Medien und von CeSID
>zurück.
>
>17.50 Uhr: Im Wahllokal 23 im Gymnasium für Chemie und Textiltechnik in
>Vrsac herrscht reger Andrang. Bis 18 Uhr haben 609 von 925
>Wahlberechtigten ihre Stimme abgegeben. DOS-Vertreter Dusan Dulejan
>kritisiert, daß internationale Beobachter nur von der Regierung
>eingeladen worden seien. Ihm fehlen »unabhängige« Monitore von der OSZE.
>Dennoch, auf Nachfrage von jW äußert er sich zufrieden über den
>Wahlprozeß »in diesem Raum«. Er weiß aber von Manipulationen in Nis im
>Süden Serbiens zu berichten. Woher die Information, so die Nachfrage.
>Während des Mittagessens habe er zu Hause »Deutsche Welle« gehört und es
>im Internet gelesen. Daher die »gesicherte Information«.
>
>Belgrad, 21 Uhr: Auf dem Trg Republike, dem Platz der Republik, im
>Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt, haben SPS und JUL ein »Konzert
>des Volkes« organisiert. Einige Parteiaufrechte schwenken ihre
>Parteifahnen im Wind, auf der Bühne wird Folklore und traditionelles
>Liedgut geboten. Eine schlechte Propagandashow für RTS, das serbische
>Staatsfernsehen. Der Großteil der Anwesenden, Anhänger der Opposition,
>pfeift die Künstler nieder. DOS selbst spricht eine Stunde nach
>Schließung der Wahllokale nur 200 Meter neben dem Konzert, auf dem Platz
>Terazije, vor gut 5000 Unterstützern von »Sieg«. Die »Ära Milosevic«
>wird als beendet gefeiert. Ergebnisse gibt es freilich zu diesem
>Zeitpunkt noch nicht. CNN sendet aus dem Haus nebenan live in die USA
>und alle Welt über die »Wahlparty der Opposition«. Im Hintergrund die
>wartenden DOS-Fans. Später positionieren sich vielleicht zwei Dutzend
>Polizisten zwischen den beiden Gruppen - SPS-Folklore-Anhänger hie und
>aggressiv-siegeslustige Jungwähler da. Mit ihren Helmen und Knüppeln an
>der Seite wirken die Sicherheitskräfte entsprechend martialisch, die
>Bilder fürs Abendprogramm in den USA und die Morgenmagazine in
>Deutschland sind perfekt - Milosevics Regime bleibt repressiv.
>Übergriffe oder Festnahmen gab es freilich nicht. Ebensowenig wie
>sichere Wahlergebnisse. Die liegen auch am Montag mittag noch nicht vor,
>beide Lager beanspruchen allerdings für sich den Sieg bei den
>Präsidentschaftswahlen. Trotz aller Unsicherheit in Jugoslawien, in den
>deutschen, britischen und US-Medien werden Kostunica als Wahlgewinner
>gehandelt und die Gerüchte über Manipulation gepflegt.
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------
>
>Anlage 2
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Jugoslawien wird in den nächsten vier Jahren eine Linksregierung haben.
>Der nächste Präsident des Balkanlandes wird in einem zweiten Wahlgang
>bestimmt werden müssen. Dies geht aus den am Dienstag abend
>veröffentlichten vorläufigen Ergebnissen der Bundeswahlkommission
>hervor. Demnach haben nach den Wahlen am vergangenen Sonntag die
>Sozialistische Partei Serbiens (SPS), die Jugoslawische Linke (JUL) und
>die montenegrinische Sozialistische Volkspartei (SNP) in beiden Kammern
>des Bundesparlamentes die absolute Mehrheit der Abgeordnetensitze. Auf
>kommunaler Ebene müssen die Linksparteien Serbiens indes aufgrund des
>Mehrheitswahlprinzips eine gnadenlose Niederlage hinnehmen. Zwei Drittel
>der Städte werden künftig von der DOS regiert, ein Drittel von der
>SPS/JUL.
>Überraschend war vor allem aber das schlechte Abschneiden von Slobodan
>Milosevic, der mit 2026478 Wählerstimmen deutlich entfernt von einer
>absoluten Mehrheit bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen liegt. Auch wenn der
>Gegenkandidat der »Demokratischen Opposition Serbiens« (DOS), Vojislav
>Kostunica, mit 48,22 Prozent der Wählerstimmen deutlich vor dem im
>Westen verhaßten jugoslawischen Präsidenten Milosevic (40,23 Prozent)
>führt, die absolute Mehrheit im ersten Wahlgang konnte er laut
>Bundeswahlkommission nicht gewinnen. Am 8. Oktober steht somit die
>zweite Runde an. Unklar ist allerdings, ob Kostunica an dieser
>teilnehmen wird.
>
>Am späten Dienstag abend hatte Zoran Djindjic, Wahlkampfleiter der DOS,
>vor der Presse in Belgrad erklärt, sein Anti-Milosevic-Bündnis werde die
>Ergebnisse der Bundeswahlkommission nicht akzeptieren und die »Bürger
>Serbiens« zur »Verteidigung« ihres »Sieges« auf die Straße rufen. Im
>DOS-Hauptquartier im Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt sowie in
>Washington, London und Berlin sowie den großen Westmedien war Vojislav
>Kostunica bereits unmittelbar nach Schließung der Wahllokale am Sonntag
>zum Sieger und damit nächsten Präsidenten Jugoslawiens erklärt worden.
>Das Wort Manipulation und Wahlbetrug machte am Dienstag denn auch
>schnell die Runde. Uneinig ist man sich bei der DOS indes im Umgang mit
>den Resultaten der Wahlen zum Bundesparlament. Während DOS-Sprecher
>Cedomir Jovanovic für alle Wahlen den Sieg der Opposition reklamiert,
>räumte Wahlkampfleiter Djindjic die Führung der Linksparteien bei den
>politisch wichtigen Parlamentswahlen ein.
>
>Doch den Sieg Vojislav Kostunicas wolle man sich nicht nehmen lassen.
>Für Mittwoch abend hatten DOS und die mit ihr verbundene neoliberale
>Ökonomengruppe G-17-Plus zu einer Großkundgebung vor der Skupstina, dem
>Parlament im Herzen Belgrads, aufgerufen. Vojislav Kostunica wollte dort
>seinen Anspruch auf den Präsidentenposten proklamieren, ganze 24 Stunden
>vor der Bekanntgabe des endgültigen Wahlergebnisses durch die
>Bundeswahlkommission. In den folgenden Tagen sollen Demonstrationen
>folgen. Die internationalen Nachrichtensender BBC und CNN stimmten ihre
>Zuschauer bereits im Laufe des Mittwoch auf blutige Auseinandersetzungen
>am Abend ein. Eine Verantwortung für eine mögliche Gewalteskalation in
>Belgrad will DOS allerdings nicht übernehmen, erklärte Djindjic auf
>junge Welt-Nachfrage. Doch genau die Verantwortung - einen Bürgerkrieg
>in Jugoslawien zu verhindern - kommt ihr zu. Es liegt in ihren Händen,
>ihre im Siegestaumel schwelgenden Anhänger auf den Boden der Realität
>zurückzuholen. Denn selbst wenn Vojislav Kostunica der nächste Präsident
>Jugoslawiens sein sollte, Slobodan Milosevic wird - ganz legal - ein
>wichtiger Faktor im Land bleiben. »Gotov je - Er ist am Ende«, diese
>während des Wahlkampfes ausgegebene Parole wurde zu früh gebrüllt.
>
>--------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>Anlage 3
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>
>Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
>von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
>Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
>machen. Die Beobachter kamen unter anderem aus Bulgarien, Makedonien,
>Moldawien, Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
>den NATO-Ländern Kanada, Großbritannien und Deutschland.
>
>Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen fuhr die
>Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
>Die erste Station war der Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Küste, und
>hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
>Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar überdacht, aber letztlich fand
>die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt - das Hotel hatte auf Weisung »von
>oben« die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
>der siebte Wähler von 315 Wahlberechtigten seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons
>war auf den Tischen ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an
>Wahlkabinen erinnerte. Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern
>verschiedener Parteien. Auch die Partei des montenegrinischen
>Präsidenten Milo Djukanovic war mit zwei offiziellen »Beobachtern«
>präsent. Deren »Beobachtermission« war von besonderer Art. Mitglieder
>des Wahlkomitees berichteten über einen ungeheuren Druck auf die
>Bevölkerung während der letzten zehn Tage, nicht zur Wahl zu gehen. Es
>habe persönliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes
>oder der sozialen Unterstützung gegeben.
>
>Daß dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
>achttägigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Gruppe der Freidenker eine Woche
>zuvor in Montenegro bestätigen. In vielen Gesprächen wurde uns
>berichtet, daß eine staatlich organisierte massive
>Einschüchterungskampagne begonnen habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit
>Existenzgefährdung bedrohe. Uns wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt: Der
>Direktor eines holzverarbeitenden Betriebes kündigte seinen
>Beschäftigten an, wer am Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht
>mehr zur Arbeit zu erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden
>des Landes seinem Lehrerkollegium bekannt. So hatten die Beobachter aus
>der Djukanovic-Partei eine für alle Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe -
>jene, die trotz der Drohungen von ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu
>melden und die angekündigten Schikanen Realität werden zu lassen.
>
>Beim nächsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr 13
>von 665 Wählern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
>einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheimes der
>Jugoslawischen Flußschiffahrt, da die früheren Wahlstellen (in der
>Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
>Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden. Auch hier wurde über Drohungen gegen
>die Wähler und potentielle Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet. Am
>Wahltag selbst gab es keine Störungen. Auch hier saßen Mitglieder
>verschiedener Parteien im Komitee und - eine Besonderheit - eine
>Vertreterin des DOS-Wahlbündnisses, der »Demokratischen Opposition
>Serbiens«. Doch die »Beobachterin der DOS« war in Wirklichkeit eine
>Vertreterin der Djukanovic-Partei der Demokratischen Sozialisten (DPS),
>es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die Wahlen
>boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten.
>
>Beim anschließenden Frühstück der Beobachter traf ich meinen Freund
>Mischa wieder. Ich befragte ihn zu einigen Nachrichten, die in der
>Vorwoche von BBC aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der
>jugoslawischen Armee habe einen montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen.
>Das britische Fernsehen nahm das als einen Beweis für die »von Milosevic
>geplante Provokation zwecks militärischem Eingreifen«. Mischa klärte
>darüber auf, daß sich die Schießerei zwischen Männern in Zivilkleidung
>ereignet hat, zumindest der »Soldat« sei schon lange nicht mehr in der
>Armee. Man nehme an, es handle sich um eine Auseinandersetzung in der
>Mafia - zumindest seien alle »politischen« Motive frei erfunden. Nach
>dieser neuen Lektion in Sachen »freier Medien im Westen« besuchten wir
>ein drittes Wahllokal in einem Wohnviertel Budvars.
>
>Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mußten wir kurz
>davor abbiegen - in den Schachklub in Nebenräumen von
>»Montenegrotourist«. Wieder beengte Verhältnisse, improvisierter
>Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee und wieder eine
>»Beobachterin«, die offiziell für Kostunica wachte, tatsächlich aber für
>Djukanovic die Wählerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die ihre Kräfte
>sichtlich überforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal bildete sich eine
>große Wählerschlange, was ein Wahlboykotteur naturgemäß nicht sonderlich
>liebt. Deshalb sah sie »die Gefahr, bei dieser Menge den Überblick zu
>verlieren, und daß es so zu Wahlfälschungen kommen könne«.
>
>Auch im benachbarten Gebäude der Stadtverwaltung war eine große
>Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
>sich zwei Angehörige der montenegrinischen Polizei in grün-braunen
>Kampfanzügen postiert, um den Eingang des Wahllokals zu observieren. Als
>ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf die beiden aufmerksam machte,
>eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus der Menge vor dem Wahllokal
>vor das Fenster der beiden. In der Folge machten sie umgehend neuen
>Beobachtern in Zivilkleidung Platz.
>
>Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: »Wenn ihr mich hier nicht wählen
>laßt, fahre ich nach Serbien!« rief eine erboste Frau, die als
>NATO-UCK-Vertriebene aus dem Kosovo in Budva Zuflucht fand. »Irgendwie«
>sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen den Listen
>des Roten Kreuzes und den Wählerverzeichnissen gekommen. Von den in
>Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo- Vertriebenen sollen nur etwa 500 auf
>den Wählerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer, in der montenegrinischen
>Hauptstadt Podgorica, der nächsten Station unserer »Observer-Mission«,
>sollen von 20000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1000 Aufnahme in die Wählerlisten
>gefunden haben.
>
>In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein ähnliches Bild
>wie gehabt. Im Wahllokal Nr. 61 in Podgorica, in einem Freizeitclub der
>Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
>Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eröffnung des Lokals seien
>rund um den Eingang mehrere Polizeikameras installiert gewesen. Nach
>Intervention des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80
>Meter entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten sowie weitere
>»dickere« Fahrzeuge in der Nähe mit unablässigen Mobiltelefonierern.
>Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich für die
>relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein dürfte: Die
>Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
>erklärt. Die Beschäftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
>öffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der größeren staatlichen
>Betriebe, hatten schlicht keine Zeit für den Gang zum Wahllokal, wenn
>sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten.
>
>* Klaus Hartmann ist Präsident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in
>dieser Funktion vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter
>nach Belgrad eingeladen
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
>
>Anlage 4
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>
>Schon vor Abschluß der Wahl in Jugoslawien am Sonntag riefen NATO und EU
>gemeinsam mit der von ihnen teuer bezahlten jugoslawischen Opposition
>»Wahlbetrug«. Denn falls der NATO-Kandidat Kostunica verlieren sollte,
>dann wäre die Wahl von Milosevic manipuliert und könne folglich von EU
>und NATO nicht anerkannt werden. Um dies auch durchzusetzen - so die
>Überlegung der westlichen Wertegemeinschaft - mußte die NATO erneut ihre
>humanitäre Kriegsmaschine rund um Jugoslawien konzentrieren und in
>Alarmbereitschaft versetzen.
>
>Der französische Außenminister ließ Sonntag nacht noch über Radio Monte
>Carlo wissen, daß seine EU-Amtskollegen noch spätabends in einer
>Telefonkonferenz beraten hätten, wie zu reagieren sei, »falls Präsident
>Milosevic die Wahlen mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen sollte«. Wobei
>natürlich jedem der Beteiligten von vornherein klar war, daß Milosevic
>mit nichts anderem als nur mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen konnte,
>schließlich hatten EU und USA nicht umsonst mindestens 75 Millionen
>Dollar Wahlhilfe an die korrupte Opposition gezahlt und noch größere
>Versprechungen gemacht, die Jugoslawen sollten sich in der Wahl für den
>von der NATO ausgewählten Kandidaten entscheiden.
>
>Daß die militärische Friedensintervention gegen Belgrad jederzeit wieder
>aufgenommen werden kann, das macht die NATO mit ihrem Zusammenzug
>militärischer Mittel rund um Jugoslawien deutlich. Damit in Belgrad die
>Friedensbotschaft der westlichen Humanisten nicht mißverstanden wird,
>hat NATO-Generalsekretär Lord Robertson Präsident Milosevic bereits mit
>militärischen Aktionen gedroht, »falls er bei den Wahlen betrügt«. Er
>warnte, daß sich die »Truppen der westlichen Allianz auf dem Balkan in
>Alarmbereitschaft befinden«. Zu diesem Zweck hatte die NATO rechtzeitig
>zur Wahl die größte See-Armada seit ihrem ersten Angriff auf Jugoslawien
>im Mittelmeer zusammengezogen. Der britische Premier Tony Blair, der
>sich mit seinem militaristischen Humangesülze längst einen festen Platz
>im Himmel der Neuen Weltordnung gesichert hat, sandte als »Botschaft an
>Präsident Slobodan Milosevic« den britischen Flugzeugträger »Invincible«
>und den Hubschrauberträger »Ocean« ins Mittelmeer, wo sie auf eine
>amerikanische Schlachtschiffgruppe stoßen werden.
>
>Am Montag berichtete die britis<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
L'OCCIDENTE ADESSO HA PAURA CHE KOSTUNICA VINCA PER DAVVERO
L'interesse dell'Occidente e' solo nello scoppio di disordini
all'interno del paese. Per questo non vogliono andare al ballottaggio,
che con la partecipazione al voto dei montenegrini e con l'appoggio di
tutte le destre sarebbe vinto da Kostunica con una larga maggioranza.
* Risultati finali e reazioni ufficiali
* Un clamoroso boomerang per l'Occidente
* Il discorso di Kostunica, le dichiarazioni della opposizione
liberal-nazionalista sulle interferenze occidentali, Seselj salta sul
carro di Kostunica
* Auf Deutsch:
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/481
Zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien
Dichiarazioni degli osservatori tedeschi, valutazioni da "Junge Welt"
(http://www.jungewelt.de) e dalla "Kommunistische Plattform" della PDS.
---
RUSULTATI FINALI UFFICIALI
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 28 September 2000 No. 3191
S P E C I A L I S S U E
FEDERAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION ANNOUNCES FINAL RESULTS OF
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) The Federal Electoral
Commission
announced early on Thursday the final results of the Yugoslav
presidential
election, which show that none of the candidates has won over 50 percent
of
the votes and that a runoff election will therefore have to be held.
According to the Federal Parliament Press Service, the
elections
were democratic and fair and the Commission had received no complaints
from
any of the polling stations regarding the regularity of the presidential
election.
At its session late on Wednesday, the Commission adopted a
decision on determining the results of the federal presidential
election.
According to the results from 10,673 polling stations, the
turnout
was 69.7 percent, or 5,053,428 voters out of the total electorate of
7,249,831, and the percentage of invalid ballots was 2.68.
The presidential candidates won the following number of votes:
Miodrag Vidojkovic 46,421 or 0.92 percent
Vojislav Kostunica 2,474,392 or 48.96 percent
Slobodan Milosevic 1,951,761 or 38.62 percent
Vojislav Mihailovic 146,585 or 2.90 percent
Tomislav Nikolic 292,759 or 5.79 percent
On the basis of these results, the Commission took note that
none
of the candidates won the necessary majority of votes in the first round
and ruled that a runoff election will be held according to law.
The two candidates with the highest number of votes Vojislav
Kostunica and Slobodan Milosevic will run in the second round, that the
Commission scheduled for Sunday, October 8, 2000.
YUGOSLAVIA WILL PURSUE POLICY OF EQUALITY AND COOPERATION JOVANOVIC
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Foreign Minister
Zivadin
Jovanovic said late on Wednesday that the victory of the leftists'
coalition of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the Yugoslav Left
(JUL)
and the Socialist National Party of Montenegro (SNP) at the
parliamentary
elections guarantees that the policy of defending freedom, independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity and of cooperation with all
countries
on the basis of equality will continue to be pursued.
Speaking for RadioTelevision Serbia (RTS), Jovanovic said that
media and political pressure against Yugoslavia by both foreign and
domestic, socalled independent media, intensifies, all in order to
present
the situation as it suits them.
"It is wellknown that the US policy in countries such as
Yugoslavia is based on the people and organizations that materially
depend
on the United States," said Jovanovic.
Discussing the international policy, he stressed that
Yugoslavia
has intensive contacts and friendly relations with representatives of
countries all around the world.
"The majority of countries gladly accept Yugoslavia as a friend
and a partner in bilateral cooperation at the international scene," said
Jovanovic.
Our policy the policy of defending freedom, independence and
respect of principles, of equal cooperation with all countries, above
all
our neighbours, is highly respected, stressed Jovanovic noting that "
the
process of normalization of Yugoslavia's status in many international
organizations is moving forward."
---
Sulle notizie (false e/o tendenziose) riportate dai nostri media:
Notizia falsa:
- La Repubblica Federale Jugoslava è una Repubblica Presidenziale in cui
il
Presidente eletto ha pieni poteri (modello Usa - P2).
Ne conseguirebbe una decisiva importanza dell'esito delle votazioni
presidenziali. In quest'ottica, nessun dato viene diffuso e commentato
sull'esito delle elezioni politiche che hanno eletto i membri del
Parlamento. I
servizi sulla Jugoslavia (più spesso detta Serbia tout court, o come Rai
3 che
riesce a dire "elezioni in ex-Jugoslavia - dove, in Slovenia?), ora
passati in
secondo o terzo piano, insistono sui presunti brogli, sullo 'scippo'
del
ballottaggio presidenziale, sui democratici ricatti dell'occidente al
despota
balcanico, ma si guardano bene dal raccontare a dovere esiti e
prospettive
del voto politico.
Realtà:
- La RFJ è una Repubblica parlamentare il cui Parlamento elegge il Primo
Ministro, che detiene il Governo del Paese.
Ne consegue che con i dati attuali delle elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, le
Camere avranno una maggioranza di sinistra (partiti Socialista -
Comunista -
Socialista del Montenegro) che esprimerà il Primo ministro. E' nella
loro
facoltà legittima e democratica, ad esempio, eleggere Milosevic a capo
del
Governo...
Ne consegue inoltre che con Kostunica presidente o meno, con
ballottaggio
o meno, il governo non sarà comunque filooccidentale (e nemmeno
Kostunica potrebbe 'tradire' i suoi molti elettori ipernazionalisti e
monarchici), checchè ne dica la Nato e i suoi/nostri media, ai quali non
resta
che soffiare sul fuoco della protesta di piazza e sulla 'speranza'
indotta di
un'evoluzione violenta che sfoci in una guerra civile, per far poi
intervenire i
'democraticizzatori' presenti in forze nell'Adriatico.
Queste elezioni, che volevano essere sfruttate per risolvere una volta
per
tutte l'"anomalia jugoslava", si sono trasformate per l'occidente in un
boomerang. Gli è andata male, la Jugoslavia vivrà.
(G. Ellero, da pck-yugoslavia@...)
---
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/kostunica2.html
ANTIWAR, Wednesday, September 27, 2000
We Will Defend Ourselves
by Vojislav Kostunica (9/27/00)
Editorial note: What follows is the full text of Vojislav Kostunica's
[September 27] speech a crowd of more than 200,000 in Belgrade,
Yugoslavia.
Dear, brave fellow-citizens, free people, we have won! We have won in
spite of lies and Slobodan Milosevic's violence. We have won despite the
sanctions we have lived under for years, despite the NATO bombs which
fell last year, despite some democrats in Serbia and Montenegro who have
turned their backs on us. There lies our strength, and perhaps our
stubbornness, but this is the real Serbia.
All of us on Sunday said what kind of Serbia we want to live in. They
have once more tried to sneer at the will of the people, they have tried
again to steal the elections; they have tried to bargain on the second
round, but we are saying to them: there will be no second round, there
is no bargaining. We are fighting for democracy and democracy is based
on truth, not on lies. The truth is that we have won this election. If
we were to bargain with them we would be recognizing lies instead of the
truth. In any case, democracy is based on the will of the people, on the
will of the majority. Who are they? How many of them are left? They are
a minority, a minority of those around him. The majority of the
Socialists don't want to take part in the fraud. They don't want to be
destroyed with him.
We are strong at this moment because we have the support of the world.
Of Russia, of the European Union. This support is important but it is
not decisive: what is decisive is our strength, our will, our
determination to stop whims of one man. There will be no sacred
individuals in this country; only the will of the people and the law
will be sacred. My message to the Socialists is that we will not act as
did your leaders; we will not hound people who have opposing opinions;
we will not burst into other people's houses; we will not buy ruined
companies; we will not remove the property of the people from the
country.
My message to the army and the police is that we are one: the army and
the police are part of the people, the part which defends the country, a
part which should not defend only one man and his family.
Slobodan Milosevic is a tyrant who has lost his strength and the only
thing left for him is to grasp one simple fact. If he did not understand
it while he was in power, then he will understand it when we divorce him
from power. We will defend the country, we will defend ourselves,
because we have freed ourselves. September 24 was the confirmation of
our deliverance.
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=203564
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
BELGRADE, Sep 27, 2000 -- (Reuters) Serbian opposition leaders and
ordinary
Belgraders on Tuesday said a warning by Britain to Slobodan Milosevic
would
hurt, not help, their struggle to oust the embattled Yugoslav leader.
"We do not need their help. Statements like this are not helping the
opposition at all," said Gordana, a 35-year-old civil engineer.
"If they want Milosevic to leave, they should keep quiet," she said.
"They should remember that although the majority of citizens are against
Milosevic, we have not forgotten that they bombed us."
"They should stay out of this. Elections are our internal affair," said
Milan, a waiter in a Belgrade restaurant. "The dispute over election
results
should be resolved just like Kostunica said - with reason and in a
democratic
manner."
Serb opposition officials also made clear that they could do without
statements like British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's warning to
Milosevic
not to use "naked power" to cling to office.
"I am begging some unhinged world leaders to spare us any
counterproductive
help because so far they have made many promises and done many things
which
have only caused the suffering of our people," said Momcilo Perisic,
leader
of the tiny opposition Movement for Democratic Serbia.
"And I beg them to finally realize that they should not settle their
accounts with Milosevic, or he with them, at the expense of the lives of
our
citizens," he told Reuters.
TROOPS AT HAND
Cook, speaking at the annual conference of Britain's ruling Labor Party,
also said on Tuesday that Western powers had plenty of military might
near
Serbia.
Britain has 15 warships in the Mediterranean, with 5,000 sailors, Royal
Marines and aircrew. Tens of thousands of NATO-led troops are securing
peace
in Bosnia and Kosovo. And hundreds of U.S. troops took part in a joint
assault on an Adriatic island off Croatia on Tuesday.
Asked about Cook's remarks, Goran Svilanovic of the Civic Alliance of
Serbia
said: "There is no need for anyone from the outside to participate in
the
process of peaceful change of power and no one can benefit from
statements
such as these."
Perisic's and Svilanovic's parties are members of the Democratic
Opposition of
Serbia bloc, which says its presidential candidate Vojislav Kostunica
won a
first round victory in Sunday's presidential elections.
Milosevic and his backers have showed no sign of admitting defeat, with
his
Socialist Party insisting their candidate won.
The Federal Election Commission said the official results would be
announced
on Thursday.
During the election campaign, the Belgrade authorities had branded their
domestic opponents NATO lackeys plotting to destroy Serbia under Western
instructions.
Reflecting this, Kostunica has distanced himself from the West,
criticizing
especially U.S. policy in the Balkans and the UN tribunal that has
indicted
Milosevic for war crimes.
JUGOSLAVIA: CONGRATULAZIONI SESELJ A KOSTUNICA, HAI VINTO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 28 SET - Il leader del Partito radicale serbo (Srs),
l'ultranazionalista Vojslav Seselj, si e' congratulato con il candidato
dell'Opposizione democratica serba (Dos) alle elezioni presidenziali
jugoslave Vojislav Kostunica per ''la vittoria al primo turno'' nella
consultazione. Per il Srs, ha sottolineato Seselj sconfessando il
ballotaggio indetto dalla commissione elettorale centrale, ''le elezioni
sono finite''. ''Sono avvenuti pesanti brogli'', ha aggiunto il leader
ultranazionalista. Seselj ha poi detto di ''essere aperto'' all'ipotesi
di
aprire assieme al leader del Movimento per il rinnovamento serbo Vuk
Draskovic una grisi nel parlamento repubblicano serbo, dove i due
partiti
avrebbero assieme la maggioranza. ''Milosevic per 13 anni e' stato una
figura chiave per la Serbia, ha fatto molti errori politici ed e'
diventato
fastidioso per il popolo serbo'', ha aggiunto Seselj. (ANSA)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
L'interesse dell'Occidente e' solo nello scoppio di disordini
all'interno del paese. Per questo non vogliono andare al ballottaggio,
che con la partecipazione al voto dei montenegrini e con l'appoggio di
tutte le destre sarebbe vinto da Kostunica con una larga maggioranza.
* Risultati finali e reazioni ufficiali
* Un clamoroso boomerang per l'Occidente
* Il discorso di Kostunica, le dichiarazioni della opposizione
liberal-nazionalista sulle interferenze occidentali, Seselj salta sul
carro di Kostunica
* Auf Deutsch:
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/481
Zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien
Dichiarazioni degli osservatori tedeschi, valutazioni da "Junge Welt"
(http://www.jungewelt.de) e dalla "Kommunistische Plattform" della PDS.
---
RUSULTATI FINALI UFFICIALI
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 28 September 2000 No. 3191
S P E C I A L I S S U E
FEDERAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION ANNOUNCES FINAL RESULTS OF
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) The Federal Electoral
Commission
announced early on Thursday the final results of the Yugoslav
presidential
election, which show that none of the candidates has won over 50 percent
of
the votes and that a runoff election will therefore have to be held.
According to the Federal Parliament Press Service, the
elections
were democratic and fair and the Commission had received no complaints
from
any of the polling stations regarding the regularity of the presidential
election.
At its session late on Wednesday, the Commission adopted a
decision on determining the results of the federal presidential
election.
According to the results from 10,673 polling stations, the
turnout
was 69.7 percent, or 5,053,428 voters out of the total electorate of
7,249,831, and the percentage of invalid ballots was 2.68.
The presidential candidates won the following number of votes:
Miodrag Vidojkovic 46,421 or 0.92 percent
Vojislav Kostunica 2,474,392 or 48.96 percent
Slobodan Milosevic 1,951,761 or 38.62 percent
Vojislav Mihailovic 146,585 or 2.90 percent
Tomislav Nikolic 292,759 or 5.79 percent
On the basis of these results, the Commission took note that
none
of the candidates won the necessary majority of votes in the first round
and ruled that a runoff election will be held according to law.
The two candidates with the highest number of votes Vojislav
Kostunica and Slobodan Milosevic will run in the second round, that the
Commission scheduled for Sunday, October 8, 2000.
YUGOSLAVIA WILL PURSUE POLICY OF EQUALITY AND COOPERATION JOVANOVIC
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Foreign Minister
Zivadin
Jovanovic said late on Wednesday that the victory of the leftists'
coalition of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the Yugoslav Left
(JUL)
and the Socialist National Party of Montenegro (SNP) at the
parliamentary
elections guarantees that the policy of defending freedom, independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity and of cooperation with all
countries
on the basis of equality will continue to be pursued.
Speaking for RadioTelevision Serbia (RTS), Jovanovic said that
media and political pressure against Yugoslavia by both foreign and
domestic, socalled independent media, intensifies, all in order to
present
the situation as it suits them.
"It is wellknown that the US policy in countries such as
Yugoslavia is based on the people and organizations that materially
depend
on the United States," said Jovanovic.
Discussing the international policy, he stressed that
Yugoslavia
has intensive contacts and friendly relations with representatives of
countries all around the world.
"The majority of countries gladly accept Yugoslavia as a friend
and a partner in bilateral cooperation at the international scene," said
Jovanovic.
Our policy the policy of defending freedom, independence and
respect of principles, of equal cooperation with all countries, above
all
our neighbours, is highly respected, stressed Jovanovic noting that "
the
process of normalization of Yugoslavia's status in many international
organizations is moving forward."
---
Sulle notizie (false e/o tendenziose) riportate dai nostri media:
Notizia falsa:
- La Repubblica Federale Jugoslava è una Repubblica Presidenziale in cui
il
Presidente eletto ha pieni poteri (modello Usa - P2).
Ne conseguirebbe una decisiva importanza dell'esito delle votazioni
presidenziali. In quest'ottica, nessun dato viene diffuso e commentato
sull'esito delle elezioni politiche che hanno eletto i membri del
Parlamento. I
servizi sulla Jugoslavia (più spesso detta Serbia tout court, o come Rai
3 che
riesce a dire "elezioni in ex-Jugoslavia - dove, in Slovenia?), ora
passati in
secondo o terzo piano, insistono sui presunti brogli, sullo 'scippo'
del
ballottaggio presidenziale, sui democratici ricatti dell'occidente al
despota
balcanico, ma si guardano bene dal raccontare a dovere esiti e
prospettive
del voto politico.
Realtà:
- La RFJ è una Repubblica parlamentare il cui Parlamento elegge il Primo
Ministro, che detiene il Governo del Paese.
Ne consegue che con i dati attuali delle elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, le
Camere avranno una maggioranza di sinistra (partiti Socialista -
Comunista -
Socialista del Montenegro) che esprimerà il Primo ministro. E' nella
loro
facoltà legittima e democratica, ad esempio, eleggere Milosevic a capo
del
Governo...
Ne consegue inoltre che con Kostunica presidente o meno, con
ballottaggio
o meno, il governo non sarà comunque filooccidentale (e nemmeno
Kostunica potrebbe 'tradire' i suoi molti elettori ipernazionalisti e
monarchici), checchè ne dica la Nato e i suoi/nostri media, ai quali non
resta
che soffiare sul fuoco della protesta di piazza e sulla 'speranza'
indotta di
un'evoluzione violenta che sfoci in una guerra civile, per far poi
intervenire i
'democraticizzatori' presenti in forze nell'Adriatico.
Queste elezioni, che volevano essere sfruttate per risolvere una volta
per
tutte l'"anomalia jugoslava", si sono trasformate per l'occidente in un
boomerang. Gli è andata male, la Jugoslavia vivrà.
(G. Ellero, da pck-yugoslavia@...)
---
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/kostunica2.html
ANTIWAR, Wednesday, September 27, 2000
We Will Defend Ourselves
by Vojislav Kostunica (9/27/00)
Editorial note: What follows is the full text of Vojislav Kostunica's
[September 27] speech a crowd of more than 200,000 in Belgrade,
Yugoslavia.
Dear, brave fellow-citizens, free people, we have won! We have won in
spite of lies and Slobodan Milosevic's violence. We have won despite the
sanctions we have lived under for years, despite the NATO bombs which
fell last year, despite some democrats in Serbia and Montenegro who have
turned their backs on us. There lies our strength, and perhaps our
stubbornness, but this is the real Serbia.
All of us on Sunday said what kind of Serbia we want to live in. They
have once more tried to sneer at the will of the people, they have tried
again to steal the elections; they have tried to bargain on the second
round, but we are saying to them: there will be no second round, there
is no bargaining. We are fighting for democracy and democracy is based
on truth, not on lies. The truth is that we have won this election. If
we were to bargain with them we would be recognizing lies instead of the
truth. In any case, democracy is based on the will of the people, on the
will of the majority. Who are they? How many of them are left? They are
a minority, a minority of those around him. The majority of the
Socialists don't want to take part in the fraud. They don't want to be
destroyed with him.
We are strong at this moment because we have the support of the world.
Of Russia, of the European Union. This support is important but it is
not decisive: what is decisive is our strength, our will, our
determination to stop whims of one man. There will be no sacred
individuals in this country; only the will of the people and the law
will be sacred. My message to the Socialists is that we will not act as
did your leaders; we will not hound people who have opposing opinions;
we will not burst into other people's houses; we will not buy ruined
companies; we will not remove the property of the people from the
country.
My message to the army and the police is that we are one: the army and
the police are part of the people, the part which defends the country, a
part which should not defend only one man and his family.
Slobodan Milosevic is a tyrant who has lost his strength and the only
thing left for him is to grasp one simple fact. If he did not understand
it while he was in power, then he will understand it when we divorce him
from power. We will defend the country, we will defend ourselves,
because we have freed ourselves. September 24 was the confirmation of
our deliverance.
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=203564
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
BELGRADE, Sep 27, 2000 -- (Reuters) Serbian opposition leaders and
ordinary
Belgraders on Tuesday said a warning by Britain to Slobodan Milosevic
would
hurt, not help, their struggle to oust the embattled Yugoslav leader.
"We do not need their help. Statements like this are not helping the
opposition at all," said Gordana, a 35-year-old civil engineer.
"If they want Milosevic to leave, they should keep quiet," she said.
"They should remember that although the majority of citizens are against
Milosevic, we have not forgotten that they bombed us."
"They should stay out of this. Elections are our internal affair," said
Milan, a waiter in a Belgrade restaurant. "The dispute over election
results
should be resolved just like Kostunica said - with reason and in a
democratic
manner."
Serb opposition officials also made clear that they could do without
statements like British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's warning to
Milosevic
not to use "naked power" to cling to office.
"I am begging some unhinged world leaders to spare us any
counterproductive
help because so far they have made many promises and done many things
which
have only caused the suffering of our people," said Momcilo Perisic,
leader
of the tiny opposition Movement for Democratic Serbia.
"And I beg them to finally realize that they should not settle their
accounts with Milosevic, or he with them, at the expense of the lives of
our
citizens," he told Reuters.
TROOPS AT HAND
Cook, speaking at the annual conference of Britain's ruling Labor Party,
also said on Tuesday that Western powers had plenty of military might
near
Serbia.
Britain has 15 warships in the Mediterranean, with 5,000 sailors, Royal
Marines and aircrew. Tens of thousands of NATO-led troops are securing
peace
in Bosnia and Kosovo. And hundreds of U.S. troops took part in a joint
assault on an Adriatic island off Croatia on Tuesday.
Asked about Cook's remarks, Goran Svilanovic of the Civic Alliance of
Serbia
said: "There is no need for anyone from the outside to participate in
the
process of peaceful change of power and no one can benefit from
statements
such as these."
Perisic's and Svilanovic's parties are members of the Democratic
Opposition of
Serbia bloc, which says its presidential candidate Vojislav Kostunica
won a
first round victory in Sunday's presidential elections.
Milosevic and his backers have showed no sign of admitting defeat, with
his
Socialist Party insisting their candidate won.
The Federal Election Commission said the official results would be
announced
on Thursday.
During the election campaign, the Belgrade authorities had branded their
domestic opponents NATO lackeys plotting to destroy Serbia under Western
instructions.
Reflecting this, Kostunica has distanced himself from the West,
criticizing
especially U.S. policy in the Balkans and the UN tribunal that has
indicted
Milosevic for war crimes.
JUGOSLAVIA: CONGRATULAZIONI SESELJ A KOSTUNICA, HAI VINTO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 28 SET - Il leader del Partito radicale serbo (Srs),
l'ultranazionalista Vojslav Seselj, si e' congratulato con il candidato
dell'Opposizione democratica serba (Dos) alle elezioni presidenziali
jugoslave Vojislav Kostunica per ''la vittoria al primo turno'' nella
consultazione. Per il Srs, ha sottolineato Seselj sconfessando il
ballotaggio indetto dalla commissione elettorale centrale, ''le elezioni
sono finite''. ''Sono avvenuti pesanti brogli'', ha aggiunto il leader
ultranazionalista. Seselj ha poi detto di ''essere aperto'' all'ipotesi
di
aprire assieme al leader del Movimento per il rinnovamento serbo Vuk
Draskovic una grisi nel parlamento repubblicano serbo, dove i due
partiti
avrebbero assieme la maggioranza. ''Milosevic per 13 anni e' stato una
figura chiave per la Serbia, ha fatto molti errori politici ed e'
diventato
fastidioso per il popolo serbo'', ha aggiunto Seselj. (ANSA)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Brogli elettorali? Si, ma nella FYROM! (Italo Slavo)
* Impede the civil war which is being instigated by Kostunica and the
West (International Leninist Current)
* U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS (International Action Center)
* Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
(Jared Israel)
* NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia (George Szamuely)
* Pristina: Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic (L. Kleveman)
GRAVE IMBARAZZO NELLA NATO PER IL DOPO-ELEZIONI: KOSTUNICA E' PIU'
NAZIONALISTA DI MILOSEVIC, SE VINCE PER DAVVERO COME FACCIAMO A SPACCARE
LA FEDERAZIONE?
* Yugoslavia After Milosevic (LORD DAVID OWEN)
* KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN (MARTIN SIEFF, UPI)
---
I BROGLI ELETTORALI VERI SONNO AVVENUTI NELLA
REPUBBLICA EX-JUGOSLAVIA DI MACEDONIA (FYROM),
ED INFATTI NESSUN GIORNALE NE PARLA.
La scorsa domenica 24/9, mentre nella vicina RF di Jugoslavia si
tenevano le elezioni, nella FYROM si sono nuovamente svolte le
consultazioni amministrative. Gia' contestate per la maniera in cui si
erano svolte due settimane prima, nella loro seconda tornata queste
consultazioni sono state nuovamente viziate da irregolarita' e brogli
evidenti, denunciati anche dagli osservatori dell'OSCE che pure hanno
dichiarato che l'atmosfera e' stata "un po' migliore" di quella
dell'occasione precedente, perche' stavolta non ci sarebbero stati
episodi di violenza...
Notoriamente pero' i mezzi di dis/informazione dei paesi occidentali
e la NATO in particolare non prestano attenzione ai brogli, alle
violenze, alle intimidazioni ed alle irregolarita' reali, preferendo
concentrarsi su quelle presunte che, a detta loro, avverrebbero in certi
paesi, ostili alle magnifiche sorti e progressive della globalizzazione
imperialista. Tra questi paesi c'e' anche la Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia, che UE e NATO non sono ancora riusciti a comprare, e cercano
allora di distruggere squartandola nelle sue residue componenti: Kosovo,
Montenegro, Vojvodina.
Pertanto, le nostre democraticissime anime belle non levano ne'
leveranno mai alcuna voce critica sul modo in cui le destre di governo
della FYROM - nazionalisti filobulgari, che controllano soprattutto la
parte orientale del paese, e mafiosi irredentisti pan-albanesi, che
controllano la parte occidentale -, ampiamente foraggiate proprio dalla
NATO, e gia' responsabili di brogli alle ultime elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, stanno devastando ogni prerogativa di democrazia nel
paese. D'altronde, l'attuale presidente Boris Trajkovski, anche in
qualita' di capo delle Forze armate, ha dichiarato il suo appoggio alla
entrata del paese nella NATO: il "Programma nazionale " del governo
macedone affermerebbe espicitamente le stesse intenzioni ("PROGRAM FOR
NATO MEMBERSHIP-CONFIRMATION OF MACEDONIA'S DETERMINATION", Fonte:
Macedonian Information Agency, 26.9.00).
Ecco perche' la NATO non solo non parla dei brogli nella FYROM, ma
viceversa li sollecita e li sostiene, cosi' come ha gia' fatto in
precedenza in Bosnia (nel 1996 i votanti hanno ampiamente superato il
100% degli aventi diritto), in Albania (per consentire l'ascesa di
Berisha al potere), in Montenegro (in occasione della elezione di
Djukanovic), In Ucraina (per le presidenziali all'inizio del 2000),
insomma in tutti i paesi dell'Europa centro-orientale che hanno bisogno
di una "spintarella" verso la svolta liberista ed atlantista. Non a caso
tali svolte sono sempre attuate dalle classi politiche piu'
nazionaliste, reazionarie, e sempre legate alla criminalita' mafiosa.
Italo Slavo
---
Subject: Impede the civil war which is being instigated by
Kostunica and the West
Date: Thu, 28 Sep 2000 02:59:42 +0200
From: "ILC" <ilc@...>
The election campaign in Yugoslavia was accompanied by massive
interferences
of the West. They not only supported the opposition with a tremendous
amount
of money, promised the lifting of the vicious sanctions in case their
candidate will win, conducted a powerful media campaign around the globe
but
also exercised military threats against Yugoslavia by holding manoeuvres
in
Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria as well a deploying their navy to the
Adriatic
sea – let alone the political, economic and military aggression of the
past
ten years with the aim to destroy the resistance of the Yugoslavian and
Serbian people. In this sense and under these condition no free and fair
democratic election could be carried out.
We are not able to verify the correctness of the announced electoral
results, but what we indeed know is, that imperialism is manipulating
elections and organising frauds all around the world in order to keep
its
puppets in power. With its media machine they use to whitewash also the
most
notorious dictatorships like that of Fujimori in Peru. Therefore there
is no
reason to believe in the truth of their cries of fraud even more as
monitors
from all around the world (except the Nato aggressor counties) reported
the
elections to have been carried out without major irregularities.
The very fact that Kostunica and the bourgeois opposition is not willing
to
go to the second round of elections prove their fear of loosing them.
With
the support of their Western masters they have chosen to attack
boycotting
the elections, calling for a mass movement in the streets and for a
general
strike to bring down Milosevic. In this way they try to precipitate the
exhausted people into a bloody and fratricide civil war. Further
weakening
the country and its ability to resist to the New World Order a civil war
would be in the sole interest of imperialism and its local bourgeois
agents.
This shows the complicity of Kostunica with imperialism and Nato which
he
had been hiding behind a nationalist façade claiming to have been
against
the Nato war and in favour of the Serbian recuperation of Kosovo.
However,
his opposition block is composed of the most open and notorious Nato
puppets
like Djindjic. The real character of Kostunica has not only be
highlighted
by the paramount flow of finances for him but also by his advocacy and
support of the so-called G17 proposals that are nothing else than a
blueprint of the IMF, WTO and WB programme which will suck out the
country
in the same semi-colonial way as it is already taking place in Bulgaria
or
Russia. But even if Serbia will obey to the dictate of the New Order as
Kostunica is planning it this will not bring any help or relieve to the
Yugoslav masses shaken by the impact of the Western aggression. The goal
of
imperialism is to destroy Yugoslavia and Serbia as the main strategic
obstacle for their rule over and penetration into the Balkans.
It is true that Milosevic has led the country into a crisis. This is
expressed in the Dayton agreements (conceding big parts of Bosnia to
imperialism with the vane hope to therewith avoid a confrontation), in
the
corruption of the leading strata, in its enrichment by privatisations
and
last but not least in the dangerous confrontation of today: The
constitutional change in favour of a presidentialist system was a big
mistake and had to provoke the clash that could have been avoided by a
president elected by parliament. However, the social block in power
could
preserve Yugoslavia as an independent state opposed to the imperialist
New
World Order as well as some important social gains of the peasants,
workers
and the popular masses in general and the multinational character of the
society.
The clash between the bourgeois opposition and the governmental block of
SPS
is therefore at the same time both a confrontation between imperialism
and
an oppressed people as well as a class conflict. It is a continuation of
an
imperialist aggression already lasting for tens years but which could
not
reach its goal of the complete subjugation and destruction of Yugoslavia
and
Serbia – even not by the war of last year. The fact that Milosevic has
led
the struggle of the Yugoslav and Serbian masses into an impasse does not
change the progressive and anti-imperialist character of the popular
block
led by him.
The anti-imperialist, revolutionary and communist forces in Yugoslavia
and
around the world have to support those who:
· Impede the civil war being instigated by the Kostunica, the opposition
and
the West
· Defend the resistance and independence of Yugoslavia and Serbia
against
the Nato and its New World Order and strive for the full implementation
of
UN resolution 1244 and later the recuperation of Kosovo by Yugoslavia
· Stand for social justice and equality refusing the neo-liberal recipes
of
IMF, WTO and WB
· Secure the multinational character of Yugoslavia
while creating on this very base an independent popular movement.
Executive Committee of the ILC
Vienna, September 27, 2000
***************************************
International Leninist Current (ILC)
Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
ilc@...
www.comports.com/ilc
www.antiimperialista.com
---
Subject: U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS
Date: Wed, 27 Sep 2000 22:39:27 -0400
From: iacenter@...
U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS--
Soft Money and Hard Threats
By Sara Flounders, Co-Director, International Action Center
September 27, 2000
On Sept. 26 the State Election Commission in Yugoslavia announced the
results of the Sept. 24 elections. The candidate backed by the U.S.
government and the European Union, Vojislav Kostunica, received 48
percent of the vote to President Slobodan Milosevic’s 40 percent.
Since neither candidate received more than 50 percent, a run-off
election has
been set for Oct. 8.
Kostunica’s immediate reaction was to reject participation in a run-off
election and demand that Milosevic concede defeat. Bill Clinton,
Britain’s
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook and other NATO leaders who bombed
Yugoslavia in 1999 also demanded Milosevic concede.
The first point for the whole international movement that opposed NATO
war against Yugoslavia to keep in mind is that the Yugoslav elections
were
not “free and fair.” Imperialism stole the election through its blatant
pressure,
bribery and interference.
The elections raise a vital question. Will Yugoslavia be turned over to
the
Western banks and corporations? Will the assets of industrial
enterprises be
broken up and sold off, as they have been in every other country in
Eastern
Europe, Russia and the former Soviet Republics? Will the majority of the
population be relegated to living below the poverty line?
The Sept. 24 elections involved three layers of voting. Besides the
presidential vote, there were also municipal elections, in which the
U.S.-
backed opposition won many cities and towns.
There was also an election for the Yugoslav Federal Parliament. The
coalition
of the United Left, the Socialist Party and the SP’s sister party in
Montenegro won a strong majority of both houses. In Montenegro it was
unopposed, as the pro-Western government abstained from the election.
Under Yugoslav law, Parliament has more rights than the president and
directs the government, electing the prime minister.
But a setback for Milosevic in the presidential election puts more at
risk than
the future of one individual. He was the main target of the war carried
out by
U.S. and NATO—the imperialist world powers—and because of that he has
come to symbolize Yugoslav resistance. In addition, he was at the center
of
the coalition of forces that led Yugoslavia during the 78 days of
bombing.
All the social gains of an independent country that had broken free of
imperialist enslavement and held out during years of encirclement and
war
are now endangered.
WESTERN INTERFERENCE DISTORTED ELECTION
In this election the U.S. and European Union governments used every
possible dirty trick, corrupt practice and payoff, and then bragged
about
them. Threats of bombing, promises to end nine years of sanctions,
intimidation and military maneuvers heightened the tension.
On election day the Pentagon and Croatia held their largest joint
military
exercises ever--a joint landing on an island in the Adriatic near
Montenegro,
part of Yugoslavia, to simulate an invasion. Fifteen British war ships
have
now moved into the Mediterranean. A U.S. aircraft carrier in the
Adriatic Sea
has moved closer to Montenegro.
The major media here—the New York Times on Sept. 20 and the Washington
Post on Sept. 19--have described in detail the exact amounts funneled
into
the opposition parties, radio and TV stations and newspapers. The U.S.
Congress publicly voted on $77 million in open interference. Then on
Sept.
25, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill to send another $105
million to aid anti-Milosevic forces in Serbia and Montenegro.
These articles describe suitcases of cash handed over at the border,
endless
supplies of computers, fax machines, cell phones and the trainers to use
them. These goods have been passed to the opposition through front
organizations, NGOs and media outlets.
Weeks before the election, Western-funded polling organizations
announced
that Kostunica would win a sweeping victory. For the West’s media
monopoly beaming into Yugoslavia, there were only two options. Either
Milosevic would lose or there would be massive fraud.
The U.S. State Department announced that even if Milosevic won by
overwhelming odds, Washington would refuse to accept the results.
HOW SHOULD MOVEMENT EVALUATE THESE EVENTS?
Those who opposed NATO bombing in 1999 and all the militant activists
who have taken on the International Monetary Fund, World Bank,
globalization and sweatshops have a stake in what happens next in
Yugoslavia.
Are they ready to stand in solidarity with whatever steps are necessary
to
keep another country from being forced under the boot of the IMF and
World Bank?
Washington, London, Paris and Berlin have openly intervened and bragged
of it. In the face of these admissions, those in office in Yugoslavia
have
every right to void the elections and disqualify the opposition.
In the United States, France, Britain or Germany, would such an election
have
been allowed to continue? In the United States no political organization
is
permitted to accept funds from another government for political purposes
unless it publicly registers as an agent of a foreign power. The U.S.
ruling
class is determined that only it should control the electoral process.
Any U.S. politician found accepting contributions, bribes or payments of
any
kind from a foreign government is disgraced, attacked and could face
criminal
indictment.
Just the allegation that the Clinton administration accepted a
contribution
from an ethnically Chinese businessperson who might have had contact
with
China sent every politician running for cover.
CORRUPTION AND TREASON
It is important to recognize that the Yugoslav government has the moral
right
to nullify this election on the basis of outrageous outside
interference. It has
every right to refuse to proceed with further elections under conditions
of
war, sanctions and occupation.
The Parliament has every right to establish a criminal inquiry into the
funding
sources of the opposition. Government prosecutors have every right to
indict and jail the politicians and publications that have corrupted the
election process.
The masses have every right to go into the streets and denounce the
opposition parties and publications as agents of a foreign power.
Kostunica, until now a minor politician considered a Serb nationalist
with a
long history of anti-Communism, consistently maintains that he has not
accepted any money from the West. He has even criticized the NATO
bombing and sanctions. No Yugoslav politician could win significant
votes if
seen as a NATO stooge.
It may be true that he personally has not pocketed any money. But
Kostunica has surrounded himself with political parties and
organizations
that are toadies to the NATO countries. His whole campaign has been
publicized by radio and television stations and newspapers wholly and
openly financed by grants from Washington and Berlin.
He is supported by the U.S. and European imperialist powers because his
political program, even if it criticizes NATO, embraces the very
policies that
NATO is demanding. He is the easiest of the politicians to make into a
pawn
because he has no personal base. He is the candidate of a bloc of 18
small
feuding political parties that have no common interests or ideology.
They are
united only by opposition to the government and their willingness to
accept
foreign funds.
U.S. ENGINEERED COUPS AND COUNTERREVOLUTIONS
The big U.S. monopolies and banks and Washington itself have never
accepted an election as “free and fair” if it put their class interests
in danger
or brought the masses onto the scene. Since the end of World War II the
U.S. has organized the overthrow of more than 50 governments.
In Chile in 1973 the CIA organized a military coup to drown the
progressive
legally elected government in blood. It did the same in Iran in 1953 and
in
Guatemala in 1954.
In 1990 the U.S. orchestrated the overthrow of the Sandinistas in
Nicaragua.
Washington had cobbled together a 20-party coalition whose only aim was
to overthrow the government and restore the old propertied class. It
promised to end the “Contra” war and sanctions and provide massive aid
if
the popular Sandinistas were defeated.
In this situation, much like the one today in Yugoslavia, Washington
succeeded in manipulating the election to drive out the Sandinistas. But
the
U.S. never came through with the aid, and now some of the lowest-paid
sweatshops in the world operate in the “Free Trade Zones” of Nicaragua.
‘FREE ELECTIONS’ IN A COUNTRY UNDER SIEGE?
Yugoslavia, like Nicaragua, illustrates the dangers of holding an
election in
the midst of an unrelenting war, sanctions and occupation of part of the
country by foreign armies. With their dominance of the world media, the
lure
of material goods, the bribes and the threat of further punishment,
these
powers were able to reach right into the country.
President Milosevic was trying to get a mandate by calling a vote when
the
opposition seemed divided, weak, discredited. But the imperialists
quickly
strengthened them using tactics refined over decades of interventions.
Yugoslavia, a small, beleaguered country maneuvering to survive, has
allowed dozens of openly pro-imperialist parties to maintain offices,
staff,
publish newspapers, organize and to participate in elections. These
concessions have only further emboldened the enemies of the Yugoslav
workers.
Even though the imperialists complained that they were not allowed to
monitor the elections, hundreds of foreigners did come in as election
observers and certified that they were “free and fair”--that the
government
honestly and legally abided by all election procedures. But this shifted
attention from the actual fraud taking place: the massive intervention
and
intimidation by imperialism.
The political opposition was allowed to engage in practically
unrestrained
acceptance of foreign assistance, advice and media hype. The whole
process
was corrupted by an army of Western advisors and pollsters.
WILL U.S./NATO FORCES SUCCEED?
Reports from election observers and even the big-business media show
there
is a hard core of working-class support for Milosevic from those who see
him
as a defender of the country against NATO. Even among those who naively
voted for Kostunica out of anger against Milosevic, there are many who
want to resist Western imperialism.
The question facing the Yugoslav masses now is will the Western
multinationals, on the basis of this election distorted by intervention,
be able
to capture the state apparatus and open the door to super-exploitation?
Will the enemy that failed to break Yugoslavia’s resistance with 78 days
of
bombing be able to take over by manipulation of an election--or will the
government be able to resist?
If the left organizations and patriotic parties in Yugoslavia resist,
will the
progressive and working-class and anti-war movements in the West defend
them against an inevitable propaganda blitz from the West and a possible
new military campaign?
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
One contribution to this effort could be a Commission of Inquiry to
examine
the corrupting role that the U.S. government, the European Union, their
NATO military arm and their international financial organizations played
in
the Yugoslav election.
This Inquiry could gather and publicize information on these
institutions’
efforts to subvert and overthrow the Yugoslav government. It could also
gather information on the open and secret funding of political parties,
organizations and publications by U.S. government agencies.
The Inquiry could deepen international understanding of Yugoslavia’s
problem by incorporating testimony and reports on U.S. intervention in
the
internal affairs of other governments. This would include the overthrow
of
other popular governments in Guatemala, Panama, Chile, Iran and
Indonesia
and also intervention in elections in Italy, Haiti, Nicaragua, Guyana
and
others.
Activists in other NATO countries could organize their own Commissions
of
Inquiry and public hearings to examine how this latest intervention
violated
their laws. Similar information came to light earlier when hearings and
tribunals in many countries put U.S. and NATO leaders on trial for war
crimes
against Yugoslavia.
The importance of international solidarity should never be
underestimated.
Yugoslavia must not stand alone.
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
web: www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT THE NEW SITE www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
---
Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
by Jared Israel (9-26-2000)
Below we have reprinted the preliminary Election Commission returns, as
posted by Tanjug, the Yugoslav news agency. The amazing thing is that
despite every sort of meddling, the U.S. has failed to bring down the
Yugoslav government. Indeed, the government coalition now has a majority
in
both houses of Parliament, which governYugoslavia.
This election has been quite something. Everyone admits that the
"democratic" opposition is massively funded by US government agencies.
The
only difference between this funding and what the CIA used to do in the
1950s, 1960s and 1970s is that in this case some of the funding is
open.
But some of it is not so open, with money smuggled into Yugoslavia in
suitcases full of cash.(1)
The U.S. has subjected the Yugoslav people to the most extreme kind of
intimidation. The 6th fleet is off the shore of Croatia conducting
"maneuvers". Remember, Yugoslavia has been subjected to attacks by the
U.S. and its allies and proxy forces for ten years, including 78 days of
bombing. So the people have reason to be concerned about the 6th fleet.
While holding this military stick over Yugoslav heads, the West has
promised to lift sanctions and embrace Yugoslavia, if only the Yugoslavs
get rid of Milosevich. This is a false promise. Several recent articles
on
Emperor's Clothes ( www.tenc.net ) deal with the punitive treatment
Yugoslavia could expect if the US government gets its local agents in
power.
Today, the US House of Representatives voted to give the "independent
democratic" opposition $105 MILLION to continue what the U.S. press is
now
calling its "populist" struggle. Not bad. They get to be populists plus
millions of dollars to line their pockets because note that this money
is
not going to solve the problems of ordinary Yugoslavs, it is going to
reward "democratic" opposition organizations and individuals. It is
bribe
money. The U.S. Establishment likes to get something for its bribes, in
this case political control.
$105 million is a lot of money in Yugoslavia. First of all, it's a
small
country with 1/25th of the U.S. population. And it is very poor,
compared
to the U.S. $150 (US) a month is an OK salary in Yugoslavia; you can
live
on $150 about as well as someone making about $2000 in the U.S.
So to get an idea of the effect of $105 million in U.S. terms, multiply
by
25 (for population) and 13.333 (for salary.) This means that in
equivalent
US dollars, Congress just voted to pay $35 BILLION to the "independent"
opposition.
So the U.S. government is holding out a big (though entirely deceptive)
carrot and a big stick. What a spirit of resistance, that under these
circumstances the Yugoslavs would give a majority of seats in both
houses
of Parliament to the parties the U.S .wants them to dump. This spirit of
resistance is what the U.S. and Germany have been trying to destroy for
ten
long years. Indeed, Germany has been trying to break the Serbian spirit
for
a hundred years, if not more.
Parliamentary Returns
The most important elections are those for the two houses of
Parliament.
There, the Government Coalition of the Socialist Party, the JUL and
Montenegrin SNP have gained an absolute majority in Parliament.
Presidential Returns Give Kostunica a Plurality, Requiring a Runoff
Election
In the Presidential race, the Election Commission returns give both
Milosevich and Kostunica under 40 and 48% respectively. Since both are
under 50%, a run-off is required.
But a run-off would be bad for the DOS. Milosevich will most likely
fare
better in a run-off than he did in round one. Why? For one thing, he
will
get most of the Radical Party vote. More important, many of the more
nationalist Serbs didn't vote in round one because they didn't want to
vote
for Milosevich, but they will vote for him in round two because they see
Kostunica's coalition as tied to the U.S. Kostunica's absolute numbers
may
go up, but his percentlocas of the total could well go down.
The U.S. has a problem. Even if Kostunica were to win the Presidential
vote, the government is controlled by Parliament, and Parliament is
solidly
in the hands of the Governing coalition. Therefore the US is using its
"democratic" opposition to try and destabilize the situation and bring
the
government down.
Djindjic Attacks Official Returns, Followed by Kostunica
At approximately 3:00 Eastern U.S. time Democratic Party leader Zoran
Djindjic publicly attacked the Election Commission returns, claiming
they
were false. He provided no evidence. This is consistent, of course.
Prior
to the elections, Djindjic and the State Department and Robin Cook and
every Western newsman assured us that Milosevich would "steal" the
elections, but never indicated how, so why provide evidence now that
"the
deed has been done"?
Djindjic said his coalition would demand to see the official returns
and
"compare them with ours, one by one if necessary" and that they would
reject a runoff because "we will respect the result that was registered
on
September 24." ('Reuters, 9-26-2000, 3.08 PM)
An hour later, the official candidate of the "democratic" coalition
spoke
up. Vojislav Kostunica followed Djindjic's lead, echoing the charges of
fraud and the refusal to participate in the runoff. ('Reuters,
9-26-2000,
4.10 PM)
Kostunica was picked to be the "democratic" coalition's candidate
because
he had not been discredited (like Mr. Djindjic) as an agent of the U.S.
government. But as we have pointed out, (2) Kostunica's character is not
the issue because Kostunica is not the master of his fate. He relies on
the
DOS coalition and various "democratic" organizations, like the Group of
17
economists. They in turn rely on the U.S. government. How can Kostunica
buck these forces? They have the U.S. money; they have the
organizations;
and they have the media. He has Kostunica and a tiny political party.
The Golden Rule: He Who Has the Gold Makes The Rules
The U.S. has given tens of millions of dollars to the "democratic"
opposition. Kostunica says he has taken none of this money. If this is
true, then Zoran Djindjic and the other "independent" democrats are
getting
it all. Djindjic has an organization able to smuggle cash across the
border
("in suitcases" according to the N.Y. Times) (1) And the G-17
economists, a
leading component of the US-funded opposition, has the ties to the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
So Zoran Djindjic speaks at 3pm and Vojislav Kostunica echoes him at 4.
There you have it: a small example but one that reflects the true
relation
of forces. Whatever Mr. Kostunica really is, whatever he really wants,
whatever he has convinced himself he is doing, he is only the tail. The
dog
is Zoran Djindjic, the G-17 economists, Vesna Pesic, Radio B292 and the
rest of the independent democratic civil society peace activist
opposition,
and they all work for the USA
(1) Here is the quote from the 'NY Times' on how "democratic"
opposition
money gets into Yugoslavia:
"The money from the West is going to most of the institutions
that the government attacks for receiving it - sometimes in
direct aid, sometimes in indirect aid like computers and
broadcasting equipment, and sometimes in suitcases of cash
carried across the border between Yugoslavia and Hungary
or Serbia and Montenegro. Most of those organizations and
news media could not exist without foreign aid."
('N.Y. Times', 9-20-2000.
For the complete 'N.Y. Times' story and a commentary from Emperor's
Clothes, see "'NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in
Yugoslavia"
at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
(2) See 'US ARROGANCE AND YUGSOLASV ELECTIONS' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia
by George Szamuely (9-27-2000)
It is entirely appropriate that US policymakers, their British parrots,
and
assorted NATO toadies are already debating the future course of
Yugoslavia.
Having first denounced last Sunday's elections as totally meaningless
since
they would inevitably be "stolen" by President Slobodan Milosevic, they
then turned around and decided, before any results had been announced,
that
Vojislav Kostunica had won outright on the first ballot. So much then
for
Milosevic's chicanery. NATO's high-fives at the election results are
reminiscent of the inane rejoicing that followed the end of the Kosovo
bombing last year. It had taken 11 weeks to defeat a tiny power like
Yugoslavia. And even then it was NATO that had to make the concessions,
not
Milosevic. Yet the Brits and the Americans celebrated, as if it were
VE-Day
all over again. The election results show a far from convincing win in
the
first round of voting for Kostunica, as well as a victory for the
Government coalition in the Yugoslav parliament. NATO claims
vindication.
But if it has indeed "won"-and this is by no means clear-then it is only
after a massive and unprecedented effort at
intimidation. The Serbs were first bribed to vote the "right" way-thus
the
proverbial "carrot". And if that failed to do the trick, there was the
threat of military action-the "stick".
It is hard to take any elections seriously under such circumstances.
How
can you cast a vote for the candidate of your choice if there is a
chance
of cruise missiles blowing up your home if you vote the "wrong" way? The
best NATO can boast is that it avoided total humiliation. Incidentally,
it
is meaningless to talk of NATO any longer-today it is nothing more than
an
echo chamber for yapping Pentagon and State Department officials, and
their
fierce little pups in London. Here is the glorious record of NATO
heroism:
$75 million from Washington to bankroll the Yugoslav opposition.
Millions
more to aid municipalities deemed not under Milosevic's control.
Millions
to line Montenegrin President Milo Djuakonovic's pockets. US and EU
promises to lift sanctions if Milosevic is voted out. Then there are the
threats: Any result other than a defeat for Milosevic will be considered
by
Washington to be the product of fraud. The US reserves the right to
intervene to prevent such a calamity.
Today, the United States is demanding that Milosevic steps down, even
though the Yugoslav Federal Electoral Commission is saying that
Kostunica
did not receive 50 percent of the vote. The US Government is accepting
without question the claims of the Democratic Opposition that Kostunica
won
55 percent to Milosevic's 35 percent. Yet these figures are not based on
any vote count, but on the reports of opposition poll watchers-hardly a
disinterested bunch of observers. There were no American observers at
the
polls. The Russians were there. They claim they witnessed no election
irregularities. Clearly, the orders emanating from Washington, and
relayed
through Budapest, is that the "opposition" take to the streets and
demand
Milosevic's resignation. Such protests could well elicit a violent
response. This, in turn, could be seized on by the United States as a
threat to the region, justifying military intervention. Alternatively,
the
"opposition" may be encouraged to boycott a run-off and establish a
Government in exile-perhaps in Podgorica. Such a Government would enjoy
diplomatic recognition and would in due course, act as a NATO stooge
urging
an invasion of Yugoslavia to remove the "illegitimate" Government in
Belgrade.
In the meantime, military threats are increasing. "We...need to make
sure
that Milosevic understands there is very substantial capacity in the
region"-thus British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook Britain has 15
warships
in the Mediterranean near Yugoslavia operating in two training groups.
They
are manned by 5,000 sailors, Royal Marines and aircrew. They include the
aircraft carrier Invincible, which carries Harrier jump-jet fighters,
the
destroyer HMS Liverpool, helicopter assault ship HMS Ocean, the
amphibious
assault ship HMS Fearless and 10 more ships including minesweepers, a
tanker, a store ship and Northumberland, a type-23 frigate. US and Croat
forces are holding joint naval exercises 150 miles northwest of
Montenegro.
They include a simulated Marine landing on an island in the Adriatic
Sea.
On September 28, Romania and Bulgaria are planning a joint exercise at
the
Romanian Danube port of Turnu Magurele. The plan includes the
construction
of a pontoon bridge across the Danube and the evacuation of the local
population.
On Monday, the US House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing
$500
million in financial aid for opposition groups in Yugoslavia. $500
million
is a huge amount of money in a country as small, impoverished and as
burdened by economic sanctions as Yugoslavia. Funds of this magnitude
cannot but corrupt the most virtuous of nations. Remember, this is a
Republican-controlled House of Representatives, which normally protests
foreign aid, debt relief, and handouts in general.
It is not hard to imagine what the future holds in store for
Yugoslavia.
Suppose the United States gets what it wants. Slobodan Milosevic steps
aside and Kostunica takes over. There is a peaceful transition, and both
the United States and the European Union lift sanctions as promised. In
no
time at all, the United States will demand the surrender of Milosevic to
The Hague. Indeed, it will be an election issue, with George W. Bush
baiting the Clinton Administration for being insufficiently zealous in
its
pursuit of Milosevic. Kostunica will probably refuse these demands. Soon
the media will fall into lockstep parroting the line that as long as
Milosevic is residing in Belgrade, he is the one who is really running
the
show. Every day journalists will be informing us that Kostunica is
nothing
more than Milosevic's puppet. Congress will then vote to cut off all
further funds to Yugoslavia. The EU will follow suit. At that point,
US-financed demonstrations will take place in Belgrade and other major
cities. The protesters will demand that Milosevic be handed over to the
Tribunal. If the US gets lucky, there will be some violence. At that
point,
Washington will summon Kostunica and tell him that he is jeopardizing
Balkan stability. If he wants to stay in power, he will have to play
ball
with the United States. Milosevic must be handed over. The Rambouillet
Accords will be put back on the table, along with Appendix B and the
referendum on Kosovo independence. And while we are at it, Vojvodina
will
have to be offered a "special" status.
One thing is for sure, the United States will not simply permit
Yugoslavia
to walk away and happily enjoy the prestige that comes from having
defied
the world's greatest powers for over 10 years. Yugoslavia will be made
to
pay.
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
---
Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic
By LUTZ KLEVEMAN
PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA
Wednesday 27 September 2000
The many bars and cafes along the main road in Mitrovica, a drab
industrial
town in the north of Kosovo, were packed on Monday night with bearded
Serbs
watching the evening news from Belgrade. Many nodded in sombre
satisfaction
when the newsreader on RTS state television reported "a clear lead" for
President Slobodan Milosevic midway through the vote-counting. Mr
Milosevic may have sent their sons into four deadly wars, impoverished
them, beaten them and taken them hostage in an isolated pariah state,
but
that is not how millions of Serbs see his 13-year rule. Random exit
polls
in the "other" Serbia outside the opposition stronghold, Belgrade,
showed
widespread support for the Serb strongman, casting doubts on Western
beliefs that put Mr Milosevic's popularity down solely to propaganda and
fear.
"Of course I voted for Milosevic because he defends the freedom of our
country," said one voter leaving a polling station. The villain in the
people's mind is NATO, not Mr Milosevic. While the nationalist frenzy of
the early 1990s might be abating, Serbs are still deeply divided between
Western-oriented, mostly urban, democratic reformers and strong Slavic
do-it-alone patriots.
Members of the first camp feel that by bombing the country and imposing
economic sanctions, the West has not made life easier for them. "Nothing
has helped Milosevic and hurt the chances for democracy in Serbia more
than
the bombing," said Milan Samardzic, a student activist. Alexander Mitic,
a
Belgrade-based journalist, explained: "The experiences of the last 10
years, the wars and the poverty, have made Serbs a very fearful people.
They cling on to whatever seems a certainty - including Milosevic."
Serbs have become obsessed with even the most outlandish conspiracy
theories. A front-page story in one tabloid blamed Yugoslavia's
unusually
hot summer on NATO planes blowing away clouds with laser rays to torture
the population. The issue was sold out within hours. Even most Serbs in
Kosovo, who have felt the disastrous consequences of Mr Milosevic's
policies most painfully, still support him. Father Sava Janjic of the
Gracanica Monastery recalled: "He appeared like a savior to the Serbs in
Kosovo - and he still does, despite all."
-TELEGRAPH- Copyright © The Age Company Ltd 2000
******************************************************************
"The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo.
Mr. Kostunica will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to
accept independence for Kosovo -- yet the Albanians will settle
for nothing else. The key is to offer the Serbs territorial
compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and that means looking in a
wider Balkan context at the international borders that have not
won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve Balkan-wide stability."
September 26, 2000 - The Wall Street Journal
Yugoslavia After Milosevic
By David Owen.
The wisest course for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries
to
take in the immediate aftermath of the Yugoslav presidential elections
would be to refrain from pontificating and gesturing. If past form
serves
as a guide, such actions only make it more difficult for the Serbian
people
to bring about an end to the Milosevic regime. Instead, the West should
allow Vojislav Kostunica, the undoubted winner, to guide them on his
post-election strategy.
In Mr. Kostunica, at long last, we have a credible Serb leader. He is
too
nationalistic, inevitably, but was fortunately never a Communist. We
must
givehim the political leeway he needs to heal political wounds and bind
Serbia together.
Early today, the Milosevic government will go through the charade of
announcing the election
results, and the West will be certain to condemnthe inevitable rigging
of
the ballot. But the reactions of the Serbian people, and the strategies
they adoptin their struggle to oust Mr. Milosevic, are likely to be less
predictable.
The key, in the next few days and weeks, will be the loyaltiesof the
armed
forces, which could be broken by prolonged peaceful demonstrations. But
the
police force, which has been turned into a paramilitary body by Mr.
Milosevic, is unlikely to bend to demonstrators. They have been singled
out
by Mr. Milosevic for special treatment for more than a decade, and are
relatively well-paid and well-equipped. I would expect them to stay
loyal
to Mr. Milosevic. I fear they will, as usual, try to engender panic by
savagely attacking some demonstrators. A lot will depend on whether they
show more restraint than has hitherto been their wont.
Two months ago, Mr. Milosevic changed the constitution to have direct
elections for the Yugoslav presidency, scrapping the previous system of
indirect elections by the federal parliament.
He expected the opposition to remain divided. But he miscalculated, and
the
17 opposition parties came together to support Mr. Kostunica. The
Montenegrin government decided to boycott the election, leaving the
result
to be determined by Serbs, whether in Montenegro or in Serbia itself. In
United Nations-administered Kosovo, polling stations for the election
were
open, but there were few Serbs left to vote. The truth inYugoslavia for
many years has been that it doesn't matter who votes, but rather, who
counts the votes.
Why did the Milosevic regime highlight the constitutional provision that
a
new president would only take office next summer? It is almost certain
that
Mr. Milosevic considered the possibility that he might be defeated by
such
a large margin that even he would not be able to escape its message. In
such circumstances, it would be typical of him to aim to stay on for
another nine months in the belief that he could broker a graceful exit.
Mr. Milosevic is at his most inventive when cornered. He is, after all,
the
man who went to war with NATO well aware that all he could expect to do
was
to negotiate after a period of fighting. He knew the Yugoslav forces
could
not win, but he also knew that the Serb parliament would never have
accepted the terms of the Rambouillet accord.
The fact that Secretary of State Madeleine Albright advised President
Clinton that Mr. Milosevic would fold after a few days of bombing was a
testament to how little she understood Serbian intransigence. After 98
days
of bombing, Mr. Clinton negotiated a settlement with Russian involvement
under which -- in contrast to Rambouillet -- the U.N., not NATO,
administered Kosovo. Furthermore, NATO troops did not enter Kosovo
through
Serbia, and the provisions on returning indicted war criminals were
toned
down. Many of the Serb tank commanders rolled out of Kosovo still eager
to
have a go at NATO, but Mr. Milosevic judged it was better to keep his
armed
forces virtually intact. We in NATO were spared any casualties.
Apart from former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, I have probably spent
more hours negotiating with Mr. Milosevic than any other Western
politician. Everything is negotiable, but he will provoke a civil war
rather than end up facing trial for war crimes in The Hague.
I suspect that it will take all of Mr. Clinton's renowned political
instincts to script an exit for Mr. Milosevic, one in which a civil war
is
avoided in Montenegro, or in Serbia itself. The Serb president will
cling
to office like a limpet. Mr. Clinton would be well advised to consult
closely with Vladimir Putin. Moscow knows the Serb mindset far better
than
Washington.
The outlines of a settlement are not hard to discern. Mr. Milosevic has
to
accept that Mr. Kostunica has won the election, and that the latter must
become president soon. Mr. Kostunica has already said he will not send
Mr.
Milosevic to The Hague, and the West should have enough common sense not
to
push him on this point.
That does not require the Hague court to grant an amnesty, but it would
mean that NATO countries would refrain from applying sanctions against
the
Kostunica government if it were to allow Mr. Milosevic to stay on
Yugoslav
territory without being arrested. Perhaps the best solution would be for
Mr. Milosevic to be sent as Ambassador to the Yugoslav embassy in
Beijing.
China would not object.
In view of the massacre at Srebrenica, for which he bears personal
responsibility, I cannot see how the West can avoid demanding that Gen.
Ratko Mladic be sent to The Hague. Gen. Mladic, a hero of the Serbian
armed
forces, lives quite openly in Belgrade, and has been seen attending
soccer
matches in the city. His extradition would prove deeply unpopular with
the
army, so we may have to acquiesce in the existing head of the Yugoslav
armed forces, Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, being spared an international
trial.
Loud objections will be heard, of course, which assert that any
settlement
that does not involve Mr. Milosevic's head would be a sell-out. Yet the
price of peace in the Balkans may well be that high, though like most
people, it sticks in my gullet that Mr. Milosevic might escape trial.
Recovery could be quite quick in a new Yugoslavia, provided the West
really
does help in its reconstruction and that Mr. Milosevic does not
destabilize
the country. The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo. Mr. Kostunica
will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to accept independence for
Kosovo - yet the Albanians will settle for nothing else. The key is to
offer the Serbs territorial compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and
that
means looking in a wider Balkan context at the international borders
that
have not won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve
Balkan-wide stability.
(Lord Owen has served as Britain's foreign secretary and as the European
Union's peace envoy to Yugoslavia.)
---
"From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble
with Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately
express the democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be."
Is that the reason Clinton Administration is doing everything to
save http://www.egroups.com/message/sorabia/8800 it's silent
partner who lost elections?
Or because Mr. Kostunica translated "The Federalist Papers"
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/federal/fed.htm into Serbian?
-----------------------------------------------------------
September 25, 2000
Analysis:
KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN
By MARTIN SIEFF, UPI senior news analyst
UPI ANALYSIS Vojislav Kostunica's claimed success in the first
Round of the Yugoslav presidential election Sunday was an unpleasant
shock to both incumbent Slobodan Milosevic and the Clinton
administration, which is trying to topple him.
Kostunica's alliance of 18 opposition parties claimed Monday that he
was leading Milosevic - Serbia's ruler for the past 13 years - by a
landslide margin of 17 percent, 53 percent to 36 percent, across the
mountainous nation of 23 million people. Even his rivals, the
ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party, put him ahead by almost the
same margin, 53.5 percent to 37.9 percent.
Kostunica is the joker in the pack of Balkan politics. He is the far
from charismatic, unfashionable candidate whom neither Milosevic nor
the U.S. government took seriously at first and whose popularity
neither of them was prepared for.Milosevic was convinced that the
democratic opposition fostered by the U.S. government was so fractious,
disorganized and argumentative that no one in his country would take
them seriously. He was right.Milosevic also calculated that the
opposition activists favored by the Clinton administration would be
seen by most of the Serbian people as either traitors or nave puppets
of Washington who would sell their country into the hands of
the United States and its allies. These countries, in Serb eyes,
had showed their true colors by bombing Yugoslavia into submission last
year, Milosevic believed. He was right about that, too.
But what Milosevic never counted on was the challenge of an opponent
who would demand an end to confrontation with the West but also
condemn the NATO bombing of his country last year and the subsequent
occupation of Kosovo province by NATO forces to Milosevic's
ethnic-cleansing forces there.
Kostunica, a 56-year-old law professor at Belgrade University, did
All of that. And in so doing, he removed the only trump card Milosevic
had left to attract any genuine popular support -- the argument that he
and only he stood between the people of Serbia and the dissolution of
their state.
But Kostunica's rise has proven to be far from welcome to the Clinton
administration, especially to Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright.Albright has spearheaded the efforts to make an example of
Milosevic by having him handed over to the International Court of
Justice in The Hague, capital of the Netherlands, and tried there as a
war criminal. But Kostunica implacably opposes having Milosevic or any
other prominent Serb tried as a war criminal, no matter how terrible was
their conduct during the last nine years of conflict in the Fragmented
former communist federal state. He also regularly denounces the NATO
bombing of Yugoslavia last year as "criminal." And he flatly opposes
granting Kosovo province, with its more than 90 percent Albanian Muslim
majority, any independence from Orthodox Christian Serbia.
In many respects, if Kostunica does win, he will present the Clinton
administration - or its successor, whether Vice President Al Gore or
Texas Gov. George W Bush - with a far trickier problem than
Milosevic does.
U.S. leaders - Republican and Democrat alike - are now used to
attacking Milosevic as, if not a Hitler, then at least a Saddam
Hussein figure. They have made clear they hope that a pro-American
opposition candidate will eventually succeed him and agreed to
U.S.-mediated solutions to Bosnia and Kosovo.
But Kostunica is not pro-American.* He is as virulent a critic of
recent U.S. policies as Milosevic himself. And he has said he is
determined to not to give an inch on the Kosovo issue. Yet he had
nothing to do with Serbian ethnic-cleansing activities in Kosovo or
any previous acts of aggression, mass murder or ethnic-cleansing in
the 1991-95 Bosnia conflict.
He even opposes the operation of the ICJ in The Hague that U.S.
officials now believe is essential to serve as a deterrent to any
future European leaders who might contemplate such massive state
crimes.
>From Washington's point of view, a Kostunica victory would leave
Serbia under the control of a tough, implacable nationalist for
another political cycle and many more years to come.
It would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad settlement to
Yugoslav issues on Washington's terms. And it would even remove
whatever optimism remained before that Milosevic was the only
obstacle to the desired U.S. outcome because he was standing in
the way of the democratic aspirations of his own people.
>From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble with
Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately express the
democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be.
/fair use only/
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Impede the civil war which is being instigated by Kostunica and the
West (International Leninist Current)
* U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS (International Action Center)
* Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
(Jared Israel)
* NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia (George Szamuely)
* Pristina: Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic (L. Kleveman)
GRAVE IMBARAZZO NELLA NATO PER IL DOPO-ELEZIONI: KOSTUNICA E' PIU'
NAZIONALISTA DI MILOSEVIC, SE VINCE PER DAVVERO COME FACCIAMO A SPACCARE
LA FEDERAZIONE?
* Yugoslavia After Milosevic (LORD DAVID OWEN)
* KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN (MARTIN SIEFF, UPI)
---
I BROGLI ELETTORALI VERI SONNO AVVENUTI NELLA
REPUBBLICA EX-JUGOSLAVIA DI MACEDONIA (FYROM),
ED INFATTI NESSUN GIORNALE NE PARLA.
La scorsa domenica 24/9, mentre nella vicina RF di Jugoslavia si
tenevano le elezioni, nella FYROM si sono nuovamente svolte le
consultazioni amministrative. Gia' contestate per la maniera in cui si
erano svolte due settimane prima, nella loro seconda tornata queste
consultazioni sono state nuovamente viziate da irregolarita' e brogli
evidenti, denunciati anche dagli osservatori dell'OSCE che pure hanno
dichiarato che l'atmosfera e' stata "un po' migliore" di quella
dell'occasione precedente, perche' stavolta non ci sarebbero stati
episodi di violenza...
Notoriamente pero' i mezzi di dis/informazione dei paesi occidentali
e la NATO in particolare non prestano attenzione ai brogli, alle
violenze, alle intimidazioni ed alle irregolarita' reali, preferendo
concentrarsi su quelle presunte che, a detta loro, avverrebbero in certi
paesi, ostili alle magnifiche sorti e progressive della globalizzazione
imperialista. Tra questi paesi c'e' anche la Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia, che UE e NATO non sono ancora riusciti a comprare, e cercano
allora di distruggere squartandola nelle sue residue componenti: Kosovo,
Montenegro, Vojvodina.
Pertanto, le nostre democraticissime anime belle non levano ne'
leveranno mai alcuna voce critica sul modo in cui le destre di governo
della FYROM - nazionalisti filobulgari, che controllano soprattutto la
parte orientale del paese, e mafiosi irredentisti pan-albanesi, che
controllano la parte occidentale -, ampiamente foraggiate proprio dalla
NATO, e gia' responsabili di brogli alle ultime elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, stanno devastando ogni prerogativa di democrazia nel
paese. D'altronde, l'attuale presidente Boris Trajkovski, anche in
qualita' di capo delle Forze armate, ha dichiarato il suo appoggio alla
entrata del paese nella NATO: il "Programma nazionale " del governo
macedone affermerebbe espicitamente le stesse intenzioni ("PROGRAM FOR
NATO MEMBERSHIP-CONFIRMATION OF MACEDONIA'S DETERMINATION", Fonte:
Macedonian Information Agency, 26.9.00).
Ecco perche' la NATO non solo non parla dei brogli nella FYROM, ma
viceversa li sollecita e li sostiene, cosi' come ha gia' fatto in
precedenza in Bosnia (nel 1996 i votanti hanno ampiamente superato il
100% degli aventi diritto), in Albania (per consentire l'ascesa di
Berisha al potere), in Montenegro (in occasione della elezione di
Djukanovic), In Ucraina (per le presidenziali all'inizio del 2000),
insomma in tutti i paesi dell'Europa centro-orientale che hanno bisogno
di una "spintarella" verso la svolta liberista ed atlantista. Non a caso
tali svolte sono sempre attuate dalle classi politiche piu'
nazionaliste, reazionarie, e sempre legate alla criminalita' mafiosa.
Italo Slavo
---
Subject: Impede the civil war which is being instigated by
Kostunica and the West
Date: Thu, 28 Sep 2000 02:59:42 +0200
From: "ILC" <ilc@...>
The election campaign in Yugoslavia was accompanied by massive
interferences
of the West. They not only supported the opposition with a tremendous
amount
of money, promised the lifting of the vicious sanctions in case their
candidate will win, conducted a powerful media campaign around the globe
but
also exercised military threats against Yugoslavia by holding manoeuvres
in
Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria as well a deploying their navy to the
Adriatic
sea – let alone the political, economic and military aggression of the
past
ten years with the aim to destroy the resistance of the Yugoslavian and
Serbian people. In this sense and under these condition no free and fair
democratic election could be carried out.
We are not able to verify the correctness of the announced electoral
results, but what we indeed know is, that imperialism is manipulating
elections and organising frauds all around the world in order to keep
its
puppets in power. With its media machine they use to whitewash also the
most
notorious dictatorships like that of Fujimori in Peru. Therefore there
is no
reason to believe in the truth of their cries of fraud even more as
monitors
from all around the world (except the Nato aggressor counties) reported
the
elections to have been carried out without major irregularities.
The very fact that Kostunica and the bourgeois opposition is not willing
to
go to the second round of elections prove their fear of loosing them.
With
the support of their Western masters they have chosen to attack
boycotting
the elections, calling for a mass movement in the streets and for a
general
strike to bring down Milosevic. In this way they try to precipitate the
exhausted people into a bloody and fratricide civil war. Further
weakening
the country and its ability to resist to the New World Order a civil war
would be in the sole interest of imperialism and its local bourgeois
agents.
This shows the complicity of Kostunica with imperialism and Nato which
he
had been hiding behind a nationalist façade claiming to have been
against
the Nato war and in favour of the Serbian recuperation of Kosovo.
However,
his opposition block is composed of the most open and notorious Nato
puppets
like Djindjic. The real character of Kostunica has not only be
highlighted
by the paramount flow of finances for him but also by his advocacy and
support of the so-called G17 proposals that are nothing else than a
blueprint of the IMF, WTO and WB programme which will suck out the
country
in the same semi-colonial way as it is already taking place in Bulgaria
or
Russia. But even if Serbia will obey to the dictate of the New Order as
Kostunica is planning it this will not bring any help or relieve to the
Yugoslav masses shaken by the impact of the Western aggression. The goal
of
imperialism is to destroy Yugoslavia and Serbia as the main strategic
obstacle for their rule over and penetration into the Balkans.
It is true that Milosevic has led the country into a crisis. This is
expressed in the Dayton agreements (conceding big parts of Bosnia to
imperialism with the vane hope to therewith avoid a confrontation), in
the
corruption of the leading strata, in its enrichment by privatisations
and
last but not least in the dangerous confrontation of today: The
constitutional change in favour of a presidentialist system was a big
mistake and had to provoke the clash that could have been avoided by a
president elected by parliament. However, the social block in power
could
preserve Yugoslavia as an independent state opposed to the imperialist
New
World Order as well as some important social gains of the peasants,
workers
and the popular masses in general and the multinational character of the
society.
The clash between the bourgeois opposition and the governmental block of
SPS
is therefore at the same time both a confrontation between imperialism
and
an oppressed people as well as a class conflict. It is a continuation of
an
imperialist aggression already lasting for tens years but which could
not
reach its goal of the complete subjugation and destruction of Yugoslavia
and
Serbia – even not by the war of last year. The fact that Milosevic has
led
the struggle of the Yugoslav and Serbian masses into an impasse does not
change the progressive and anti-imperialist character of the popular
block
led by him.
The anti-imperialist, revolutionary and communist forces in Yugoslavia
and
around the world have to support those who:
· Impede the civil war being instigated by the Kostunica, the opposition
and
the West
· Defend the resistance and independence of Yugoslavia and Serbia
against
the Nato and its New World Order and strive for the full implementation
of
UN resolution 1244 and later the recuperation of Kosovo by Yugoslavia
· Stand for social justice and equality refusing the neo-liberal recipes
of
IMF, WTO and WB
· Secure the multinational character of Yugoslavia
while creating on this very base an independent popular movement.
Executive Committee of the ILC
Vienna, September 27, 2000
***************************************
International Leninist Current (ILC)
Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
ilc@...
www.comports.com/ilc
www.antiimperialista.com
---
Subject: U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS
Date: Wed, 27 Sep 2000 22:39:27 -0400
From: iacenter@...
U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS--
Soft Money and Hard Threats
By Sara Flounders, Co-Director, International Action Center
September 27, 2000
On Sept. 26 the State Election Commission in Yugoslavia announced the
results of the Sept. 24 elections. The candidate backed by the U.S.
government and the European Union, Vojislav Kostunica, received 48
percent of the vote to President Slobodan Milosevic’s 40 percent.
Since neither candidate received more than 50 percent, a run-off
election has
been set for Oct. 8.
Kostunica’s immediate reaction was to reject participation in a run-off
election and demand that Milosevic concede defeat. Bill Clinton,
Britain’s
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook and other NATO leaders who bombed
Yugoslavia in 1999 also demanded Milosevic concede.
The first point for the whole international movement that opposed NATO
war against Yugoslavia to keep in mind is that the Yugoslav elections
were
not “free and fair.” Imperialism stole the election through its blatant
pressure,
bribery and interference.
The elections raise a vital question. Will Yugoslavia be turned over to
the
Western banks and corporations? Will the assets of industrial
enterprises be
broken up and sold off, as they have been in every other country in
Eastern
Europe, Russia and the former Soviet Republics? Will the majority of the
population be relegated to living below the poverty line?
The Sept. 24 elections involved three layers of voting. Besides the
presidential vote, there were also municipal elections, in which the
U.S.-
backed opposition won many cities and towns.
There was also an election for the Yugoslav Federal Parliament. The
coalition
of the United Left, the Socialist Party and the SP’s sister party in
Montenegro won a strong majority of both houses. In Montenegro it was
unopposed, as the pro-Western government abstained from the election.
Under Yugoslav law, Parliament has more rights than the president and
directs the government, electing the prime minister.
But a setback for Milosevic in the presidential election puts more at
risk than
the future of one individual. He was the main target of the war carried
out by
U.S. and NATO—the imperialist world powers—and because of that he has
come to symbolize Yugoslav resistance. In addition, he was at the center
of
the coalition of forces that led Yugoslavia during the 78 days of
bombing.
All the social gains of an independent country that had broken free of
imperialist enslavement and held out during years of encirclement and
war
are now endangered.
WESTERN INTERFERENCE DISTORTED ELECTION
In this election the U.S. and European Union governments used every
possible dirty trick, corrupt practice and payoff, and then bragged
about
them. Threats of bombing, promises to end nine years of sanctions,
intimidation and military maneuvers heightened the tension.
On election day the Pentagon and Croatia held their largest joint
military
exercises ever--a joint landing on an island in the Adriatic near
Montenegro,
part of Yugoslavia, to simulate an invasion. Fifteen British war ships
have
now moved into the Mediterranean. A U.S. aircraft carrier in the
Adriatic Sea
has moved closer to Montenegro.
The major media here—the New York Times on Sept. 20 and the Washington
Post on Sept. 19--have described in detail the exact amounts funneled
into
the opposition parties, radio and TV stations and newspapers. The U.S.
Congress publicly voted on $77 million in open interference. Then on
Sept.
25, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill to send another $105
million to aid anti-Milosevic forces in Serbia and Montenegro.
These articles describe suitcases of cash handed over at the border,
endless
supplies of computers, fax machines, cell phones and the trainers to use
them. These goods have been passed to the opposition through front
organizations, NGOs and media outlets.
Weeks before the election, Western-funded polling organizations
announced
that Kostunica would win a sweeping victory. For the West’s media
monopoly beaming into Yugoslavia, there were only two options. Either
Milosevic would lose or there would be massive fraud.
The U.S. State Department announced that even if Milosevic won by
overwhelming odds, Washington would refuse to accept the results.
HOW SHOULD MOVEMENT EVALUATE THESE EVENTS?
Those who opposed NATO bombing in 1999 and all the militant activists
who have taken on the International Monetary Fund, World Bank,
globalization and sweatshops have a stake in what happens next in
Yugoslavia.
Are they ready to stand in solidarity with whatever steps are necessary
to
keep another country from being forced under the boot of the IMF and
World Bank?
Washington, London, Paris and Berlin have openly intervened and bragged
of it. In the face of these admissions, those in office in Yugoslavia
have
every right to void the elections and disqualify the opposition.
In the United States, France, Britain or Germany, would such an election
have
been allowed to continue? In the United States no political organization
is
permitted to accept funds from another government for political purposes
unless it publicly registers as an agent of a foreign power. The U.S.
ruling
class is determined that only it should control the electoral process.
Any U.S. politician found accepting contributions, bribes or payments of
any
kind from a foreign government is disgraced, attacked and could face
criminal
indictment.
Just the allegation that the Clinton administration accepted a
contribution
from an ethnically Chinese businessperson who might have had contact
with
China sent every politician running for cover.
CORRUPTION AND TREASON
It is important to recognize that the Yugoslav government has the moral
right
to nullify this election on the basis of outrageous outside
interference. It has
every right to refuse to proceed with further elections under conditions
of
war, sanctions and occupation.
The Parliament has every right to establish a criminal inquiry into the
funding
sources of the opposition. Government prosecutors have every right to
indict and jail the politicians and publications that have corrupted the
election process.
The masses have every right to go into the streets and denounce the
opposition parties and publications as agents of a foreign power.
Kostunica, until now a minor politician considered a Serb nationalist
with a
long history of anti-Communism, consistently maintains that he has not
accepted any money from the West. He has even criticized the NATO
bombing and sanctions. No Yugoslav politician could win significant
votes if
seen as a NATO stooge.
It may be true that he personally has not pocketed any money. But
Kostunica has surrounded himself with political parties and
organizations
that are toadies to the NATO countries. His whole campaign has been
publicized by radio and television stations and newspapers wholly and
openly financed by grants from Washington and Berlin.
He is supported by the U.S. and European imperialist powers because his
political program, even if it criticizes NATO, embraces the very
policies that
NATO is demanding. He is the easiest of the politicians to make into a
pawn
because he has no personal base. He is the candidate of a bloc of 18
small
feuding political parties that have no common interests or ideology.
They are
united only by opposition to the government and their willingness to
accept
foreign funds.
U.S. ENGINEERED COUPS AND COUNTERREVOLUTIONS
The big U.S. monopolies and banks and Washington itself have never
accepted an election as “free and fair” if it put their class interests
in danger
or brought the masses onto the scene. Since the end of World War II the
U.S. has organized the overthrow of more than 50 governments.
In Chile in 1973 the CIA organized a military coup to drown the
progressive
legally elected government in blood. It did the same in Iran in 1953 and
in
Guatemala in 1954.
In 1990 the U.S. orchestrated the overthrow of the Sandinistas in
Nicaragua.
Washington had cobbled together a 20-party coalition whose only aim was
to overthrow the government and restore the old propertied class. It
promised to end the “Contra” war and sanctions and provide massive aid
if
the popular Sandinistas were defeated.
In this situation, much like the one today in Yugoslavia, Washington
succeeded in manipulating the election to drive out the Sandinistas. But
the
U.S. never came through with the aid, and now some of the lowest-paid
sweatshops in the world operate in the “Free Trade Zones” of Nicaragua.
‘FREE ELECTIONS’ IN A COUNTRY UNDER SIEGE?
Yugoslavia, like Nicaragua, illustrates the dangers of holding an
election in
the midst of an unrelenting war, sanctions and occupation of part of the
country by foreign armies. With their dominance of the world media, the
lure
of material goods, the bribes and the threat of further punishment,
these
powers were able to reach right into the country.
President Milosevic was trying to get a mandate by calling a vote when
the
opposition seemed divided, weak, discredited. But the imperialists
quickly
strengthened them using tactics refined over decades of interventions.
Yugoslavia, a small, beleaguered country maneuvering to survive, has
allowed dozens of openly pro-imperialist parties to maintain offices,
staff,
publish newspapers, organize and to participate in elections. These
concessions have only further emboldened the enemies of the Yugoslav
workers.
Even though the imperialists complained that they were not allowed to
monitor the elections, hundreds of foreigners did come in as election
observers and certified that they were “free and fair”--that the
government
honestly and legally abided by all election procedures. But this shifted
attention from the actual fraud taking place: the massive intervention
and
intimidation by imperialism.
The political opposition was allowed to engage in practically
unrestrained
acceptance of foreign assistance, advice and media hype. The whole
process
was corrupted by an army of Western advisors and pollsters.
WILL U.S./NATO FORCES SUCCEED?
Reports from election observers and even the big-business media show
there
is a hard core of working-class support for Milosevic from those who see
him
as a defender of the country against NATO. Even among those who naively
voted for Kostunica out of anger against Milosevic, there are many who
want to resist Western imperialism.
The question facing the Yugoslav masses now is will the Western
multinationals, on the basis of this election distorted by intervention,
be able
to capture the state apparatus and open the door to super-exploitation?
Will the enemy that failed to break Yugoslavia’s resistance with 78 days
of
bombing be able to take over by manipulation of an election--or will the
government be able to resist?
If the left organizations and patriotic parties in Yugoslavia resist,
will the
progressive and working-class and anti-war movements in the West defend
them against an inevitable propaganda blitz from the West and a possible
new military campaign?
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
One contribution to this effort could be a Commission of Inquiry to
examine
the corrupting role that the U.S. government, the European Union, their
NATO military arm and their international financial organizations played
in
the Yugoslav election.
This Inquiry could gather and publicize information on these
institutions’
efforts to subvert and overthrow the Yugoslav government. It could also
gather information on the open and secret funding of political parties,
organizations and publications by U.S. government agencies.
The Inquiry could deepen international understanding of Yugoslavia’s
problem by incorporating testimony and reports on U.S. intervention in
the
internal affairs of other governments. This would include the overthrow
of
other popular governments in Guatemala, Panama, Chile, Iran and
Indonesia
and also intervention in elections in Italy, Haiti, Nicaragua, Guyana
and
others.
Activists in other NATO countries could organize their own Commissions
of
Inquiry and public hearings to examine how this latest intervention
violated
their laws. Similar information came to light earlier when hearings and
tribunals in many countries put U.S. and NATO leaders on trial for war
crimes
against Yugoslavia.
The importance of international solidarity should never be
underestimated.
Yugoslavia must not stand alone.
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
web: www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT THE NEW SITE www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
---
Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
by Jared Israel (9-26-2000)
Below we have reprinted the preliminary Election Commission returns, as
posted by Tanjug, the Yugoslav news agency. The amazing thing is that
despite every sort of meddling, the U.S. has failed to bring down the
Yugoslav government. Indeed, the government coalition now has a majority
in
both houses of Parliament, which governYugoslavia.
This election has been quite something. Everyone admits that the
"democratic" opposition is massively funded by US government agencies.
The
only difference between this funding and what the CIA used to do in the
1950s, 1960s and 1970s is that in this case some of the funding is
open.
But some of it is not so open, with money smuggled into Yugoslavia in
suitcases full of cash.(1)
The U.S. has subjected the Yugoslav people to the most extreme kind of
intimidation. The 6th fleet is off the shore of Croatia conducting
"maneuvers". Remember, Yugoslavia has been subjected to attacks by the
U.S. and its allies and proxy forces for ten years, including 78 days of
bombing. So the people have reason to be concerned about the 6th fleet.
While holding this military stick over Yugoslav heads, the West has
promised to lift sanctions and embrace Yugoslavia, if only the Yugoslavs
get rid of Milosevich. This is a false promise. Several recent articles
on
Emperor's Clothes ( www.tenc.net ) deal with the punitive treatment
Yugoslavia could expect if the US government gets its local agents in
power.
Today, the US House of Representatives voted to give the "independent
democratic" opposition $105 MILLION to continue what the U.S. press is
now
calling its "populist" struggle. Not bad. They get to be populists plus
millions of dollars to line their pockets because note that this money
is
not going to solve the problems of ordinary Yugoslavs, it is going to
reward "democratic" opposition organizations and individuals. It is
bribe
money. The U.S. Establishment likes to get something for its bribes, in
this case political control.
$105 million is a lot of money in Yugoslavia. First of all, it's a
small
country with 1/25th of the U.S. population. And it is very poor,
compared
to the U.S. $150 (US) a month is an OK salary in Yugoslavia; you can
live
on $150 about as well as someone making about $2000 in the U.S.
So to get an idea of the effect of $105 million in U.S. terms, multiply
by
25 (for population) and 13.333 (for salary.) This means that in
equivalent
US dollars, Congress just voted to pay $35 BILLION to the "independent"
opposition.
So the U.S. government is holding out a big (though entirely deceptive)
carrot and a big stick. What a spirit of resistance, that under these
circumstances the Yugoslavs would give a majority of seats in both
houses
of Parliament to the parties the U.S .wants them to dump. This spirit of
resistance is what the U.S. and Germany have been trying to destroy for
ten
long years. Indeed, Germany has been trying to break the Serbian spirit
for
a hundred years, if not more.
Parliamentary Returns
The most important elections are those for the two houses of
Parliament.
There, the Government Coalition of the Socialist Party, the JUL and
Montenegrin SNP have gained an absolute majority in Parliament.
Presidential Returns Give Kostunica a Plurality, Requiring a Runoff
Election
In the Presidential race, the Election Commission returns give both
Milosevich and Kostunica under 40 and 48% respectively. Since both are
under 50%, a run-off is required.
But a run-off would be bad for the DOS. Milosevich will most likely
fare
better in a run-off than he did in round one. Why? For one thing, he
will
get most of the Radical Party vote. More important, many of the more
nationalist Serbs didn't vote in round one because they didn't want to
vote
for Milosevich, but they will vote for him in round two because they see
Kostunica's coalition as tied to the U.S. Kostunica's absolute numbers
may
go up, but his percentlocas of the total could well go down.
The U.S. has a problem. Even if Kostunica were to win the Presidential
vote, the government is controlled by Parliament, and Parliament is
solidly
in the hands of the Governing coalition. Therefore the US is using its
"democratic" opposition to try and destabilize the situation and bring
the
government down.
Djindjic Attacks Official Returns, Followed by Kostunica
At approximately 3:00 Eastern U.S. time Democratic Party leader Zoran
Djindjic publicly attacked the Election Commission returns, claiming
they
were false. He provided no evidence. This is consistent, of course.
Prior
to the elections, Djindjic and the State Department and Robin Cook and
every Western newsman assured us that Milosevich would "steal" the
elections, but never indicated how, so why provide evidence now that
"the
deed has been done"?
Djindjic said his coalition would demand to see the official returns
and
"compare them with ours, one by one if necessary" and that they would
reject a runoff because "we will respect the result that was registered
on
September 24." ('Reuters, 9-26-2000, 3.08 PM)
An hour later, the official candidate of the "democratic" coalition
spoke
up. Vojislav Kostunica followed Djindjic's lead, echoing the charges of
fraud and the refusal to participate in the runoff. ('Reuters,
9-26-2000,
4.10 PM)
Kostunica was picked to be the "democratic" coalition's candidate
because
he had not been discredited (like Mr. Djindjic) as an agent of the U.S.
government. But as we have pointed out, (2) Kostunica's character is not
the issue because Kostunica is not the master of his fate. He relies on
the
DOS coalition and various "democratic" organizations, like the Group of
17
economists. They in turn rely on the U.S. government. How can Kostunica
buck these forces? They have the U.S. money; they have the
organizations;
and they have the media. He has Kostunica and a tiny political party.
The Golden Rule: He Who Has the Gold Makes The Rules
The U.S. has given tens of millions of dollars to the "democratic"
opposition. Kostunica says he has taken none of this money. If this is
true, then Zoran Djindjic and the other "independent" democrats are
getting
it all. Djindjic has an organization able to smuggle cash across the
border
("in suitcases" according to the N.Y. Times) (1) And the G-17
economists, a
leading component of the US-funded opposition, has the ties to the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
So Zoran Djindjic speaks at 3pm and Vojislav Kostunica echoes him at 4.
There you have it: a small example but one that reflects the true
relation
of forces. Whatever Mr. Kostunica really is, whatever he really wants,
whatever he has convinced himself he is doing, he is only the tail. The
dog
is Zoran Djindjic, the G-17 economists, Vesna Pesic, Radio B292 and the
rest of the independent democratic civil society peace activist
opposition,
and they all work for the USA
(1) Here is the quote from the 'NY Times' on how "democratic"
opposition
money gets into Yugoslavia:
"The money from the West is going to most of the institutions
that the government attacks for receiving it - sometimes in
direct aid, sometimes in indirect aid like computers and
broadcasting equipment, and sometimes in suitcases of cash
carried across the border between Yugoslavia and Hungary
or Serbia and Montenegro. Most of those organizations and
news media could not exist without foreign aid."
('N.Y. Times', 9-20-2000.
For the complete 'N.Y. Times' story and a commentary from Emperor's
Clothes, see "'NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in
Yugoslavia"
at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
(2) See 'US ARROGANCE AND YUGSOLASV ELECTIONS' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia
by George Szamuely (9-27-2000)
It is entirely appropriate that US policymakers, their British parrots,
and
assorted NATO toadies are already debating the future course of
Yugoslavia.
Having first denounced last Sunday's elections as totally meaningless
since
they would inevitably be "stolen" by President Slobodan Milosevic, they
then turned around and decided, before any results had been announced,
that
Vojislav Kostunica had won outright on the first ballot. So much then
for
Milosevic's chicanery. NATO's high-fives at the election results are
reminiscent of the inane rejoicing that followed the end of the Kosovo
bombing last year. It had taken 11 weeks to defeat a tiny power like
Yugoslavia. And even then it was NATO that had to make the concessions,
not
Milosevic. Yet the Brits and the Americans celebrated, as if it were
VE-Day
all over again. The election results show a far from convincing win in
the
first round of voting for Kostunica, as well as a victory for the
Government coalition in the Yugoslav parliament. NATO claims
vindication.
But if it has indeed "won"-and this is by no means clear-then it is only
after a massive and unprecedented effort at
intimidation. The Serbs were first bribed to vote the "right" way-thus
the
proverbial "carrot". And if that failed to do the trick, there was the
threat of military action-the "stick".
It is hard to take any elections seriously under such circumstances.
How
can you cast a vote for the candidate of your choice if there is a
chance
of cruise missiles blowing up your home if you vote the "wrong" way? The
best NATO can boast is that it avoided total humiliation. Incidentally,
it
is meaningless to talk of NATO any longer-today it is nothing more than
an
echo chamber for yapping Pentagon and State Department officials, and
their
fierce little pups in London. Here is the glorious record of NATO
heroism:
$75 million from Washington to bankroll the Yugoslav opposition.
Millions
more to aid municipalities deemed not under Milosevic's control.
Millions
to line Montenegrin President Milo Djuakonovic's pockets. US and EU
promises to lift sanctions if Milosevic is voted out. Then there are the
threats: Any result other than a defeat for Milosevic will be considered
by
Washington to be the product of fraud. The US reserves the right to
intervene to prevent such a calamity.
Today, the United States is demanding that Milosevic steps down, even
though the Yugoslav Federal Electoral Commission is saying that
Kostunica
did not receive 50 percent of the vote. The US Government is accepting
without question the claims of the Democratic Opposition that Kostunica
won
55 percent to Milosevic's 35 percent. Yet these figures are not based on
any vote count, but on the reports of opposition poll watchers-hardly a
disinterested bunch of observers. There were no American observers at
the
polls. The Russians were there. They claim they witnessed no election
irregularities. Clearly, the orders emanating from Washington, and
relayed
through Budapest, is that the "opposition" take to the streets and
demand
Milosevic's resignation. Such protests could well elicit a violent
response. This, in turn, could be seized on by the United States as a
threat to the region, justifying military intervention. Alternatively,
the
"opposition" may be encouraged to boycott a run-off and establish a
Government in exile-perhaps in Podgorica. Such a Government would enjoy
diplomatic recognition and would in due course, act as a NATO stooge
urging
an invasion of Yugoslavia to remove the "illegitimate" Government in
Belgrade.
In the meantime, military threats are increasing. "We...need to make
sure
that Milosevic understands there is very substantial capacity in the
region"-thus British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook Britain has 15
warships
in the Mediterranean near Yugoslavia operating in two training groups.
They
are manned by 5,000 sailors, Royal Marines and aircrew. They include the
aircraft carrier Invincible, which carries Harrier jump-jet fighters,
the
destroyer HMS Liverpool, helicopter assault ship HMS Ocean, the
amphibious
assault ship HMS Fearless and 10 more ships including minesweepers, a
tanker, a store ship and Northumberland, a type-23 frigate. US and Croat
forces are holding joint naval exercises 150 miles northwest of
Montenegro.
They include a simulated Marine landing on an island in the Adriatic
Sea.
On September 28, Romania and Bulgaria are planning a joint exercise at
the
Romanian Danube port of Turnu Magurele. The plan includes the
construction
of a pontoon bridge across the Danube and the evacuation of the local
population.
On Monday, the US House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing
$500
million in financial aid for opposition groups in Yugoslavia. $500
million
is a huge amount of money in a country as small, impoverished and as
burdened by economic sanctions as Yugoslavia. Funds of this magnitude
cannot but corrupt the most virtuous of nations. Remember, this is a
Republican-controlled House of Representatives, which normally protests
foreign aid, debt relief, and handouts in general.
It is not hard to imagine what the future holds in store for
Yugoslavia.
Suppose the United States gets what it wants. Slobodan Milosevic steps
aside and Kostunica takes over. There is a peaceful transition, and both
the United States and the European Union lift sanctions as promised. In
no
time at all, the United States will demand the surrender of Milosevic to
The Hague. Indeed, it will be an election issue, with George W. Bush
baiting the Clinton Administration for being insufficiently zealous in
its
pursuit of Milosevic. Kostunica will probably refuse these demands. Soon
the media will fall into lockstep parroting the line that as long as
Milosevic is residing in Belgrade, he is the one who is really running
the
show. Every day journalists will be informing us that Kostunica is
nothing
more than Milosevic's puppet. Congress will then vote to cut off all
further funds to Yugoslavia. The EU will follow suit. At that point,
US-financed demonstrations will take place in Belgrade and other major
cities. The protesters will demand that Milosevic be handed over to the
Tribunal. If the US gets lucky, there will be some violence. At that
point,
Washington will summon Kostunica and tell him that he is jeopardizing
Balkan stability. If he wants to stay in power, he will have to play
ball
with the United States. Milosevic must be handed over. The Rambouillet
Accords will be put back on the table, along with Appendix B and the
referendum on Kosovo independence. And while we are at it, Vojvodina
will
have to be offered a "special" status.
One thing is for sure, the United States will not simply permit
Yugoslavia
to walk away and happily enjoy the prestige that comes from having
defied
the world's greatest powers for over 10 years. Yugoslavia will be made
to
pay.
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
---
Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic
By LUTZ KLEVEMAN
PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA
Wednesday 27 September 2000
The many bars and cafes along the main road in Mitrovica, a drab
industrial
town in the north of Kosovo, were packed on Monday night with bearded
Serbs
watching the evening news from Belgrade. Many nodded in sombre
satisfaction
when the newsreader on RTS state television reported "a clear lead" for
President Slobodan Milosevic midway through the vote-counting. Mr
Milosevic may have sent their sons into four deadly wars, impoverished
them, beaten them and taken them hostage in an isolated pariah state,
but
that is not how millions of Serbs see his 13-year rule. Random exit
polls
in the "other" Serbia outside the opposition stronghold, Belgrade,
showed
widespread support for the Serb strongman, casting doubts on Western
beliefs that put Mr Milosevic's popularity down solely to propaganda and
fear.
"Of course I voted for Milosevic because he defends the freedom of our
country," said one voter leaving a polling station. The villain in the
people's mind is NATO, not Mr Milosevic. While the nationalist frenzy of
the early 1990s might be abating, Serbs are still deeply divided between
Western-oriented, mostly urban, democratic reformers and strong Slavic
do-it-alone patriots.
Members of the first camp feel that by bombing the country and imposing
economic sanctions, the West has not made life easier for them. "Nothing
has helped Milosevic and hurt the chances for democracy in Serbia more
than
the bombing," said Milan Samardzic, a student activist. Alexander Mitic,
a
Belgrade-based journalist, explained: "The experiences of the last 10
years, the wars and the poverty, have made Serbs a very fearful people.
They cling on to whatever seems a certainty - including Milosevic."
Serbs have become obsessed with even the most outlandish conspiracy
theories. A front-page story in one tabloid blamed Yugoslavia's
unusually
hot summer on NATO planes blowing away clouds with laser rays to torture
the population. The issue was sold out within hours. Even most Serbs in
Kosovo, who have felt the disastrous consequences of Mr Milosevic's
policies most painfully, still support him. Father Sava Janjic of the
Gracanica Monastery recalled: "He appeared like a savior to the Serbs in
Kosovo - and he still does, despite all."
-TELEGRAPH- Copyright © The Age Company Ltd 2000
******************************************************************
"The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo.
Mr. Kostunica will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to
accept independence for Kosovo -- yet the Albanians will settle
for nothing else. The key is to offer the Serbs territorial
compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and that means looking in a
wider Balkan context at the international borders that have not
won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve Balkan-wide stability."
September 26, 2000 - The Wall Street Journal
Yugoslavia After Milosevic
By David Owen.
The wisest course for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries
to
take in the immediate aftermath of the Yugoslav presidential elections
would be to refrain from pontificating and gesturing. If past form
serves
as a guide, such actions only make it more difficult for the Serbian
people
to bring about an end to the Milosevic regime. Instead, the West should
allow Vojislav Kostunica, the undoubted winner, to guide them on his
post-election strategy.
In Mr. Kostunica, at long last, we have a credible Serb leader. He is
too
nationalistic, inevitably, but was fortunately never a Communist. We
must
givehim the political leeway he needs to heal political wounds and bind
Serbia together.
Early today, the Milosevic government will go through the charade of
announcing the election
results, and the West will be certain to condemnthe inevitable rigging
of
the ballot. But the reactions of the Serbian people, and the strategies
they adoptin their struggle to oust Mr. Milosevic, are likely to be less
predictable.
The key, in the next few days and weeks, will be the loyaltiesof the
armed
forces, which could be broken by prolonged peaceful demonstrations. But
the
police force, which has been turned into a paramilitary body by Mr.
Milosevic, is unlikely to bend to demonstrators. They have been singled
out
by Mr. Milosevic for special treatment for more than a decade, and are
relatively well-paid and well-equipped. I would expect them to stay
loyal
to Mr. Milosevic. I fear they will, as usual, try to engender panic by
savagely attacking some demonstrators. A lot will depend on whether they
show more restraint than has hitherto been their wont.
Two months ago, Mr. Milosevic changed the constitution to have direct
elections for the Yugoslav presidency, scrapping the previous system of
indirect elections by the federal parliament.
He expected the opposition to remain divided. But he miscalculated, and
the
17 opposition parties came together to support Mr. Kostunica. The
Montenegrin government decided to boycott the election, leaving the
result
to be determined by Serbs, whether in Montenegro or in Serbia itself. In
United Nations-administered Kosovo, polling stations for the election
were
open, but there were few Serbs left to vote. The truth inYugoslavia for
many years has been that it doesn't matter who votes, but rather, who
counts the votes.
Why did the Milosevic regime highlight the constitutional provision that
a
new president would only take office next summer? It is almost certain
that
Mr. Milosevic considered the possibility that he might be defeated by
such
a large margin that even he would not be able to escape its message. In
such circumstances, it would be typical of him to aim to stay on for
another nine months in the belief that he could broker a graceful exit.
Mr. Milosevic is at his most inventive when cornered. He is, after all,
the
man who went to war with NATO well aware that all he could expect to do
was
to negotiate after a period of fighting. He knew the Yugoslav forces
could
not win, but he also knew that the Serb parliament would never have
accepted the terms of the Rambouillet accord.
The fact that Secretary of State Madeleine Albright advised President
Clinton that Mr. Milosevic would fold after a few days of bombing was a
testament to how little she understood Serbian intransigence. After 98
days
of bombing, Mr. Clinton negotiated a settlement with Russian involvement
under which -- in contrast to Rambouillet -- the U.N., not NATO,
administered Kosovo. Furthermore, NATO troops did not enter Kosovo
through
Serbia, and the provisions on returning indicted war criminals were
toned
down. Many of the Serb tank commanders rolled out of Kosovo still eager
to
have a go at NATO, but Mr. Milosevic judged it was better to keep his
armed
forces virtually intact. We in NATO were spared any casualties.
Apart from former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, I have probably spent
more hours negotiating with Mr. Milosevic than any other Western
politician. Everything is negotiable, but he will provoke a civil war
rather than end up facing trial for war crimes in The Hague.
I suspect that it will take all of Mr. Clinton's renowned political
instincts to script an exit for Mr. Milosevic, one in which a civil war
is
avoided in Montenegro, or in Serbia itself. The Serb president will
cling
to office like a limpet. Mr. Clinton would be well advised to consult
closely with Vladimir Putin. Moscow knows the Serb mindset far better
than
Washington.
The outlines of a settlement are not hard to discern. Mr. Milosevic has
to
accept that Mr. Kostunica has won the election, and that the latter must
become president soon. Mr. Kostunica has already said he will not send
Mr.
Milosevic to The Hague, and the West should have enough common sense not
to
push him on this point.
That does not require the Hague court to grant an amnesty, but it would
mean that NATO countries would refrain from applying sanctions against
the
Kostunica government if it were to allow Mr. Milosevic to stay on
Yugoslav
territory without being arrested. Perhaps the best solution would be for
Mr. Milosevic to be sent as Ambassador to the Yugoslav embassy in
Beijing.
China would not object.
In view of the massacre at Srebrenica, for which he bears personal
responsibility, I cannot see how the West can avoid demanding that Gen.
Ratko Mladic be sent to The Hague. Gen. Mladic, a hero of the Serbian
armed
forces, lives quite openly in Belgrade, and has been seen attending
soccer
matches in the city. His extradition would prove deeply unpopular with
the
army, so we may have to acquiesce in the existing head of the Yugoslav
armed forces, Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, being spared an international
trial.
Loud objections will be heard, of course, which assert that any
settlement
that does not involve Mr. Milosevic's head would be a sell-out. Yet the
price of peace in the Balkans may well be that high, though like most
people, it sticks in my gullet that Mr. Milosevic might escape trial.
Recovery could be quite quick in a new Yugoslavia, provided the West
really
does help in its reconstruction and that Mr. Milosevic does not
destabilize
the country. The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo. Mr. Kostunica
will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to accept independence for
Kosovo - yet the Albanians will settle for nothing else. The key is to
offer the Serbs territorial compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and
that
means looking in a wider Balkan context at the international borders
that
have not won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve
Balkan-wide stability.
(Lord Owen has served as Britain's foreign secretary and as the European
Union's peace envoy to Yugoslavia.)
---
"From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble
with Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately
express the democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be."
Is that the reason Clinton Administration is doing everything to
save http://www.egroups.com/message/sorabia/8800 it's silent
partner who lost elections?
Or because Mr. Kostunica translated "The Federalist Papers"
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/federal/fed.htm into Serbian?
-----------------------------------------------------------
September 25, 2000
Analysis:
KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN
By MARTIN SIEFF, UPI senior news analyst
UPI ANALYSIS Vojislav Kostunica's claimed success in the first
Round of the Yugoslav presidential election Sunday was an unpleasant
shock to both incumbent Slobodan Milosevic and the Clinton
administration, which is trying to topple him.
Kostunica's alliance of 18 opposition parties claimed Monday that he
was leading Milosevic - Serbia's ruler for the past 13 years - by a
landslide margin of 17 percent, 53 percent to 36 percent, across the
mountainous nation of 23 million people. Even his rivals, the
ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party, put him ahead by almost the
same margin, 53.5 percent to 37.9 percent.
Kostunica is the joker in the pack of Balkan politics. He is the far
from charismatic, unfashionable candidate whom neither Milosevic nor
the U.S. government took seriously at first and whose popularity
neither of them was prepared for.Milosevic was convinced that the
democratic opposition fostered by the U.S. government was so fractious,
disorganized and argumentative that no one in his country would take
them seriously. He was right.Milosevic also calculated that the
opposition activists favored by the Clinton administration would be
seen by most of the Serbian people as either traitors or nave puppets
of Washington who would sell their country into the hands of
the United States and its allies. These countries, in Serb eyes,
had showed their true colors by bombing Yugoslavia into submission last
year, Milosevic believed. He was right about that, too.
But what Milosevic never counted on was the challenge of an opponent
who would demand an end to confrontation with the West but also
condemn the NATO bombing of his country last year and the subsequent
occupation of Kosovo province by NATO forces to Milosevic's
ethnic-cleansing forces there.
Kostunica, a 56-year-old law professor at Belgrade University, did
All of that. And in so doing, he removed the only trump card Milosevic
had left to attract any genuine popular support -- the argument that he
and only he stood between the people of Serbia and the dissolution of
their state.
But Kostunica's rise has proven to be far from welcome to the Clinton
administration, especially to Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright.Albright has spearheaded the efforts to make an example of
Milosevic by having him handed over to the International Court of
Justice in The Hague, capital of the Netherlands, and tried there as a
war criminal. But Kostunica implacably opposes having Milosevic or any
other prominent Serb tried as a war criminal, no matter how terrible was
their conduct during the last nine years of conflict in the Fragmented
former communist federal state. He also regularly denounces the NATO
bombing of Yugoslavia last year as "criminal." And he flatly opposes
granting Kosovo province, with its more than 90 percent Albanian Muslim
majority, any independence from Orthodox Christian Serbia.
In many respects, if Kostunica does win, he will present the Clinton
administration - or its successor, whether Vice President Al Gore or
Texas Gov. George W Bush - with a far trickier problem than
Milosevic does.
U.S. leaders - Republican and Democrat alike - are now used to
attacking Milosevic as, if not a Hitler, then at least a Saddam
Hussein figure. They have made clear they hope that a pro-American
opposition candidate will eventually succeed him and agreed to
U.S.-mediated solutions to Bosnia and Kosovo.
But Kostunica is not pro-American.* He is as virulent a critic of
recent U.S. policies as Milosevic himself. And he has said he is
determined to not to give an inch on the Kosovo issue. Yet he had
nothing to do with Serbian ethnic-cleansing activities in Kosovo or
any previous acts of aggression, mass murder or ethnic-cleansing in
the 1991-95 Bosnia conflict.
He even opposes the operation of the ICJ in The Hague that U.S.
officials now believe is essential to serve as a deterrent to any
future European leaders who might contemplate such massive state
crimes.
>From Washington's point of view, a Kostunica victory would leave
Serbia under the control of a tough, implacable nationalist for
another political cycle and many more years to come.
It would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad settlement to
Yugoslav issues on Washington's terms. And it would even remove
whatever optimism remained before that Milosevic was the only
obstacle to the desired U.S. outcome because he was standing in
the way of the democratic aspirations of his own people.
>From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble with
Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately express the
democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be.
/fair use only/
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
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------------------------------------------------------------
UN DITTATORE REGOLARMENTE ELETTO
Secondo Edward Luttwak, consigliere strategico alla Casa Bianca e
rappresentante ufficiale di quest'ultima presso i mezzi di informazione
italiani, Milosevic e' "un dittatore regolarmente eletto".
Con questo ossimoro imbecille - da aggiungere a "guerra umanitaria" ed
altre scemenze - l'alto esponente statunitense riconosce che la RF di
Jugoslavia e' un paese democratico, anche se con l'avvento di Kostunica
lo sara' "un pochino di piu'", poiche' notoriamente una elezione e'
tanto piu' democratica quanto siamo noi a vincerla, ed un paese e'
veramente democratico solo se e' servo nostro.
(Fonte: intervento di Luttwak ad un convegno a Gorizia il 27/9/2000,
citato su "Il Piccolo" del 28/9/2000)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Secondo Edward Luttwak, consigliere strategico alla Casa Bianca e
rappresentante ufficiale di quest'ultima presso i mezzi di informazione
italiani, Milosevic e' "un dittatore regolarmente eletto".
Con questo ossimoro imbecille - da aggiungere a "guerra umanitaria" ed
altre scemenze - l'alto esponente statunitense riconosce che la RF di
Jugoslavia e' un paese democratico, anche se con l'avvento di Kostunica
lo sara' "un pochino di piu'", poiche' notoriamente una elezione e'
tanto piu' democratica quanto siamo noi a vincerla, ed un paese e'
veramente democratico solo se e' servo nostro.
(Fonte: intervento di Luttwak ad un convegno a Gorizia il 27/9/2000,
citato su "Il Piccolo" del 28/9/2000)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
ADESSO SI CHE IN SERBIA SI RESPIRA!
Nell'edizione odierna (28/9/2000) i giornali riportano piccole foto
della manifestazione della opposizione "democratica" a Belgrado la notte
scorsa, nelle quali si intravvedono personaggi con cappelletti e barboni
cetnici salutare con il segno del nazionalismo serbo (le "tre dita") la
vittoria del candidato Kostunica. Contemporaneamente, ad esempio su
"Repubblica", vengono riportate le dichiarazioni del nazionalista
albanese Ibrahim Rugova e del mafioso montenegrino Milo Djukanovic,
secondo le quali dopo la vittoria di Kostunica si avvicina il momento
della secessione dei rispettivi territori.
PS. Kostunica ringrazia i giornali della sinistra italiana, in
particolare "Il Manifesto", nonche' "Liberazione" e l'ARCI (si vedano le
manchettes pubblicitarie "Via Milosevic! Milosevic sei finito!"), per la
cortese campagna elettorale gratuitamente offerta presso il loro
pubblico.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Nell'edizione odierna (28/9/2000) i giornali riportano piccole foto
della manifestazione della opposizione "democratica" a Belgrado la notte
scorsa, nelle quali si intravvedono personaggi con cappelletti e barboni
cetnici salutare con il segno del nazionalismo serbo (le "tre dita") la
vittoria del candidato Kostunica. Contemporaneamente, ad esempio su
"Repubblica", vengono riportate le dichiarazioni del nazionalista
albanese Ibrahim Rugova e del mafioso montenegrino Milo Djukanovic,
secondo le quali dopo la vittoria di Kostunica si avvicina il momento
della secessione dei rispettivi territori.
PS. Kostunica ringrazia i giornali della sinistra italiana, in
particolare "Il Manifesto", nonche' "Liberazione" e l'ARCI (si vedano le
manchettes pubblicitarie "Via Milosevic! Milosevic sei finito!"), per la
cortese campagna elettorale gratuitamente offerta presso il loro
pubblico.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
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