Informazione
DEMOCRAZIA O DITTATURA?
Subject: Re: Ciliegina numero 206
Date: Sat, 30 Sep 2000 12:12:35 +0200
From: "sorgiorgio"
To: <alessandro.curzi@...>, "crj"
Caro Compagno Direttore Alessandro Curzi,
hai torto! In Jugoslavia, purtroppo, c'è la democrazia. Quando c'era la
Dittatura, la Dittatura del Proletariato,
le cose andavano molto meglio.
Vedi la Russia adesso c'è la democrazia e sono con le pezze al culo.
Cordiali saluti
----- Original Message -----
From: "Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia" <crj@...>
To: "crj" <crj@...>
Sent: Saturday, September 30, 2000 10:22 AM
Subject: Ciliegina numero 206
> COTANTA ERA LA MATERIA GRIGIA QUANTO IL FOLTO CRINE
>
>
> Venerdi' 29 settembre, ore 20.20 circa, a "Zapping", RadioUno:
>
> Sandro Curzi, sulla Jugoslavia:
>
> "...tutta quella gente in piazza, quella e' democrazia. Be', poi certo,
> li' c'e' la dittatura...".
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Subject: Re: Ciliegina numero 206
Date: Sat, 30 Sep 2000 12:12:35 +0200
From: "sorgiorgio"
To: <alessandro.curzi@...>, "crj"
Caro Compagno Direttore Alessandro Curzi,
hai torto! In Jugoslavia, purtroppo, c'è la democrazia. Quando c'era la
Dittatura, la Dittatura del Proletariato,
le cose andavano molto meglio.
Vedi la Russia adesso c'è la democrazia e sono con le pezze al culo.
Cordiali saluti
----- Original Message -----
From: "Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia" <crj@...>
To: "crj" <crj@...>
Sent: Saturday, September 30, 2000 10:22 AM
Subject: Ciliegina numero 206
> COTANTA ERA LA MATERIA GRIGIA QUANTO IL FOLTO CRINE
>
>
> Venerdi' 29 settembre, ore 20.20 circa, a "Zapping", RadioUno:
>
> Sandro Curzi, sulla Jugoslavia:
>
> "...tutta quella gente in piazza, quella e' democrazia. Be', poi certo,
> li' c'e' la dittatura...".
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
1990-1991
Il 5 novembre 1990 Il Congresso degli USA, "grazie" all'impegno del
senatore Bob Dole, approva la legge 101/513, che sancisce la
dissoluzione della Jugoslavia attraverso il finanziamento diretto di
tutte le nuove formazioni "democratiche" (nazionaliste e secessioniste;
cfr. Sarah Flounders su "NATO in the Balkans"). A fine mese un rapporto
della CIA "profetizza" che la Jugoslavia ha solamente pochi mesi di
vita... la notizia viene diffusa dalle agenzie di stampa occidentali e
viene pubblicata il 29 novembre, giorno della Festa Nazionale della RFSJ
(si celebra la fondazione della Repubblica avvenuta a Jajce, in Bosnia,
nel 1943; cfr. http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/tempo90.gif e
http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/stampa90.jpg).
* "LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..." Il discorso
pronunciato dall'ex-ambasciatore statunitense in Jugoslavia, John D.
Scanlan, il 22 luglio 1990.
* "QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?" L'editoriale del New
York Times del 31 ottobre 1990, nel quale viene commentata la legge
101/513 del Senato USA che blocca tutti i rapporti economici con la RFS
di Jugoslavia ed impone di considerare separatamente le repubbliche
federate in base al grado di "democraticita'" riconosciuto dal
Dipartimento di Stato degli USA.
* "LA STRATEGIA DEI CROATI E' CHIARA: STANNO BOMBARDANDO IL MONDO DI
INFORMAZIONI..." Un articolo di Petar Makara sull'inizio della campagna
di disinformazione strategica ai danni del pubblico mondiale, mirata a
consentire la secessione della Slovenia e della Croazia.
(materiali distribuiti dalla mailing list STOPNATO -
http://stopnato.listbot.com/cgi-bin/subscriber?Act=view_archive&list_id=stopnato
)
---
"LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..."
Banquet Address by U.S. Ambassador to Yugoslavia,
John D. Scanlan July 22, 1990
Tonight, I would like to address the problem of the bad public image
that Yugoslavia in general,
and Serbia in particular, now tends to receive in the American Media.
The typical story on
Yugoslavia these days tends to have a theme that I would characterize
as: good Slovene--bad
Serb--poor Albanian. The most egregious recent example of this is the
story on Yugoslavia
which appeared in the August issue of National Geographic. The author
of the article takes at
face value, and quotes, anti-Serb comments of Albanians, Slovenes,
Macedonians, and Croatians,
most of whom are not particularly authoritative but represent
man-on-the-street opinions. He
does
not balance these by comments of Serbs except in one instance where he
quotes the angry
reaction of an Old Serbian friend of his about seccesionist sentiments
the author heard in
Slovenia. The author clearly seems toidentify much more comfortably
with Slovenes, Croatians,
Macedonians, and Albanians than with Serbs. About the only nod to
Serbian history is the
author's appreciation of the emotions Kosovo stirs in Serbs because of
the battle of Kosovo Polje
in 1389 and the subsequent centuries of occupaton of Serbia by the
Turks.
The sad part about this particular article is that the author
obviously knows something about
Yugoslavia but not enough to put events into proper perspective, and,
given the large and
influential role of the National Geographic, he is misleading literally
millions of Americans.
American ignorance of Yugoslavian history, culture, and geography is
by and large broad and
general. And why not, it is a very complicated story. Most Americans
do not know that Slovenes,
Croatians, Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians are all Slavic peoples
with similiar languages.
Most Americans do not know that there are almost as many Albanians
living in Yugoslavia as in
Albania and that 90 percent of the Albanians in Yugoslavia are Moslems
who are able to practice
their religion freely in Yugoslavia, but not in Albania. Most Americans
do not know that the
Albanians in Yugoslavia enjoy the same civil and human rights as all
other Yugoslavs and have
infinitely more freedom in Yugoslavia than the Albanians in Albania, the
last Stalinist state
in Europe. Most Americans do not know that Albanian is a legal language
in the Kosovo and that
all Albanian children in the Kosovo attend Albanian language schools all
the way through
university, and Pristina is one of the largest universities in Europe in
terms of numbers of
students. Most Americans do not know that the largest and most modern
library and repository of
Albanian literature and culture is in Yugoslavia, in the city of
Pristina, not in Albania, and that that
library is one of the largest and finest libraries in Yugoslavia. Most
Americans do not know that
Serbia is the only republic of Yugoslavia that had two autonomous
regions carved out of it by the
Yugoslav constitution of 1974, when there was just as much justification
for carving out of Croatia
an Autonomous Region of Lika to recognize the more than half million
Serbs living there or an
Autonomous Region of Istria to recognize the large Italian minority
living there. I could go on
endlessly about what most Americans
do not know, but should know, before they make judgemental statements
about relations between
the ethnic groups that make up Yugoslavia.
I do not mean to suggest that there have not been human rights
abuses in Yugoslavia. There
have been many well documented cases of human rights abuses of Yugoslavs
by one ethnic group
by Yugoslavs of another ethnic groups or, more commonly, by Yugoslav
officials, and since we
have made human rights a strong and conscious element of our foreign
policy, we should not
hesitate to condemn human rights violation whenever and wherever we find
them. But we should
be totally objective in doing so and, in a powder ked of ethnic
divisiveness such as Yugoslavia
represent today, we should be extremely cautious to avoid the appearance
of tilting for or against
any ethnic group, particularly when emotions are as high as they are
today in Kosovo. As a
government, I think we have done so and I wish at this point to read to
you the official statement
of the Department of State issued on June 29, 1990.
"We are deeply concerned about rising tensions in the province of
Kosovo, in the Yugoslav
Republic of Serbia. Rooted in a long history, the conflict between
ethnic groups living in the area
threatens the well-being of all the people of Kosovo, Serbia, and
Yugoslavia.
"We believe this conflict can only be resolved through peaceful,
democratic dialogue and
respect for the dignity and human rights of alll citzens of the
province. It cannot be solved by
violence, intimidation, or the threat or use of force by any party. We
call upon the people and the
government of Serbia to respect and protect the rights of all Albanians
living in the Republic of
Serbia, especially Kosovo. By the same token, we call upon the Albanian
population in Kosovo to
respect and protect the rights of all resident Serbs and Montenegrins
and others.
"It is for the people of Yugoslavia alone to decide under what
constitutional arrangements they
wish to live. The United States continues to support the unity,
independence, and territorial
integrity of Yugoslavia. We hope that the people of Yugoslavia, of all
national and ethnic groups,
will live together on the basis of mutual respect, democratic pluralism,
and the principles
enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act and CSCE process. It is incumbent
on the ethnic majority of
each republic and province to guarantee the security and fundamental
human right of all national
and ethnic minorities living within the territory.
"Since World War II Yugoslavia has, on the whole, provided a
commendable example of
national, cultural, and ethnic harmony in a multinational state. We
hope Yugoslavia can continue
this proud tradition."
If the position of our government is clear, balanced, and objective,
then why is the media
coverage of events in Yugoslavia seemingly so prejudiced in favor of
some and against others? I
would have to say that I believe Yugoslavia in general, and Serbia in
particular, have not been
particularly adept in public relations. That is one reason. I think
another reason is that we have
forgotten that Yugoslavia has been independent of the Soviet Union
since 1948 and has pursued
its own national brand of communisim, and that it is, in fact, very
different from the former
Warsaw Pact client states of the Soviet Union who now have liberated
themselves to one degree
or another. Yugoslavia liberated itself from the Soviet Union but not
from communism under much
more difficult
circumstances in 1948. And we were wise enough to come to Yugoslavia's
aid quickly and
substantially, seeing it as in our own national interest to promote
fissures in the Soviet bloc.
Yugoslavia is now handicapped by the fact that its communist party,
having successfully
portrayed itself at home and abroad as indigenous and independent from
more than 40 years,
enjoys more credibility and domestic support than the Soviet installed
and directed East European
parties. The latter all crumbled rapidly during 1989, while the
Yugoslav party, which has its own
firmly
entrenched domestic base, has displayed more staying power. This
prompts many foreign
observers to conclude, incorrectly in my view, that Yugoslavia is less
interested in political and
economic reform than the Warsaw Pact European countries. This is, of
course, not at all true. In
a sense, Yugoslavia invented perestroika and glasnost and since Tito's
death in 1980 has been
seeking in fits and starts to reform its political and economic systems.
The process has moved
more slowly than we would have hoped, to the extent that most Americans
are prepared to believe
that Yugoslavia has not yet liberated itself as Warsaw Pact countries
have. Indeed, I have been
asked by people who should have know better, "When is Yugoslavia going
to follow the pattern of
Hungary, Poland, and other East European countries?
The only truly objective detailed and insightful account of the
current situation in Yugoslavia
which I have read recently was a series of two articles in the New York
Review of Books written
by Michael Scammell, who is a professor of Russian Literature at Cornell
University. Scammell
does a brilliant job of presenting the nationalistic and political
ferment together with detailed
historical background republic by republic, from north to south. He
points out that since the end of
World War II, Serbs were the leaders in democratic thought and movements
until the last two or
three years when the Slovenes moved to the fore, followed belatedly by
the Croatians. Scammel's
view is that while the democratic opposition remained just as strong in
Serbia as in Slovenia, the
dispute over Kosovo permitted the Serbian communist party to seize the
initiative by directing
nationalistic sentiments against the Albanians. The Serbian dissidents
were thus upstaged and
outflanked by Milosevic, who exploited the issue in order to strengthen
the party at the expense of
the opposition. But Scammell goes on to quote Yugoslavia's most famous
longstanding dissident
Milovan Djilas as having told Scammell that he too first approved of
Milosevic because he
Milosevic had smashed the old Titoist myths of brotherhood and unity
that were holding
Yugoslavia back. He had liberated the consciousness of the Serbian
people and was quite right to
make Kosovo
and Vodvodina subservient to Belgrade, even though it meant sending in
troops. Scammell than
quotes Kosta Cavoski as having told him that Milosevic is righting a
national wrong. Cavoski said
that communists everywhere, and especially Yugoslavian communists, have
exploited national
questions for their own ends and have crushed national interests. The
Serbs suffered under this
policy more than other people in Yugoslavia. While Djilas and Cavoski
told Scammell that they
believed Milosevic's style is authoritarian and his tactics unduly
rough, they did not consider him
to be a neo-Stanlinist or neo-fascist. Djilas said no arrests of
dissenters are being made in
Serbia itself, and although Milosevic controls 90 percent of the press,
the press is more outspoken
than it was. The intellectual atmosphere in Serbia is freer than it has
ever been. Philosophers,
sociologists, and writers are freer now than they were even before the
war.
The objective, extremely well-informed observer, Scammell, is
optimistic that Yugoslavia will
survive. As he puts it, "It seems inevitable that the federal basis of
Yugoslavia will be
reexamined and renegotiated in some form or other." I will cast my lot
with Scammell. I
personally believe that recentralization is out of the question. But I
am confident that a more
viable form of federation or confederation will be worked out for the
simple reason that at the end
of the day, Yugoslav leaders north and south will recognize that going
it alone is not a very good
option for any of them economically or politically. The complexities of
sorting out the ethnic
mixtures, dividing up
the commom property, and the prospect of facing the world as individual,
much smaller political
entities will chill secessionsist fervor when the decision time comes.
Scammell's article is by far the more profound and his predictions
for the future is based on
solid scholarship, but unfortunately, the New York Review of Books has a
very small readership
compared to the National Geographic. And our daily press and the
television sound bytes also
tend to report and exaggerate bad news from Yugoslavia.
On the economic front there is a lot of good news, but our daily
press by and large ignores it.
Yugoslavia is the only East European country that is currently
significantly reducing its foreign
debt. The debt had been reduced from $20 billion four years ago to $16
billion now, with the
expectation of another 2-3 billion reduction by the end of the year.
Inflation has been stopped and
reduced from a rate of almost 2000 percent last December to 31percent
this year to date and is
currently at a stable rate of 0 percent. Foreign currency reserves are
sharply up to a level of
approximately $7 billion. And the process of market oriented
privatiztion is proceeding far more
rapidly in Yugoslavia than in other East European countries. There has
been a very positive
development of new
democratic, independent labor unions throughout the country. And so
on. But you don't read
about these events in the daily press.
While we surely have every right to criticize the lack of media
objectivity with regard to
Yugoslavia, and the Serbs, I personally think we must also recognize
that the burning issue for the
future of Yugoslavia and Serbia is a viable solution to the Kosovo
problem. I don't pretend to have
any special wisdom on the subject. But I don't think the 1974
constitution was the answer. And I
think the citizens of the northern republics of Yugoslavia should
acknowledge that in the
mid-1980's they ignored the anguished pleas of thousands of Serbs and
Montengrins in the
Kosovo for attention to their concerns about their personal well-being
and security. And Iam
convinced that there must be an open and genuine dialogue in and about
the Kososo between
Serbs and Albanians in order for a viable solution to be found.
I have visited the Kosovo on many occasions, as early as 1955 as as
recently ast late 1988. I
have met repeatedly with Albanian and Serbian leaders there, including
several who are currently
actively engaged, and I believe that with the proper encouragement and
support from every corner
of Yugoslavia and from Yugoslavia's foreign friends, a solution can be
found. But this process
will never get off the ground if one party to the dispute is repeatedly,
incorrectly, and unfairly held
to be solely at fault. The modern Kosovo problem as been created by all
Yugoslavs. Let them join
together, with malice towards none and charity toward all, to solve the
problem. It is in their
common interest, and in ours, that they do so.
-
Editor's Note: The reader should keep in mind that this address was
delivered four years prior to
the publication of this book.
[John D. Scanlan served as US Ambassador to Yugoslavia in the late
1980s]
---
"QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?"
New York Times editorial Oct. 31, 1990.
"How many countries will there be in Europe after 1992? Seven,
according
to the bitter gibe circulating in Croatia: the European Community and
the six
republics that now make up Yugoslavia. Things could turn out that way
if
Slobodan Milosevic and his Communist cohorts in Serbia continue to hold
back
constitutional and *economic change* and stir up ethnic tension.
Ever since Slovenia and Croation elected non-communist governments
and
moved to *free the economy*, Mr. Milosevic has accused them of trying to
break up Yugoslavia. Slovenia and Croatia deny any separatist intent
but
want to turn Yugoslavia into a loosened confederation of sovereign
republics.
That would weaken the power of the Serbs ...
Yugoslavia's best hope lies in moving forward into Europe. But if
Belgrade resorts to force [to preserve the union] the door to Europe
will
slam shut. That's a firm message for the European community to send
now.
Washington can underscore this warning with one of its own: Any more
violence means no more aid.
... But it would be rash to cut off U.S, aid now, as Senator Alfonse
D'Amato has proposed. That would exacerbate Yugoslavia's economic
distress
-- and national passions. Voting down Mr. D'Amato's measure still
leaves
Yugoslavia on notice that aid is in jeopardy unless democratic change is
allowed to proceed in peace.
---
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/makara/fromthe2.htm
From the forthcoming Emperor's Clothes book, "Ten years of lies that
fooled the
world" -
Lying about Slovenian Secession , 1991
by Petar Makara (9-10-00)
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
In June, 1991 Slovenia announced it had seceded from Yugoslavia and
proceeded to seize
Yugoslav customs stations. The Western media then broadcast news of a
barbaric attack by
vicious Yugoslav troops, beaten back by brave Slovenians. But those
stories were pure fiction.
There was no such attack. Total casualties in this war were: 3 dead
Slovenian irregulars and 33
Yugoslav soldiers, executed after they surrendered. The Yugoslav troops
in Slovenia had not been
issued live ammunition, and this was public knowledge at the time.
Only one mainstream Western source admitted the stories were lies. That
was the 'European' in
its July 19-21, 1991. Note the date: barely one month after Slovenia
declared their intention to
secede, thus starting the first Yugoslav war of secession. The title of
the story was: "Lies win
Balkan war of words." It was written by Simon Freeman. Emperor's Clothes
has a photo copy of
the original. This is fortunate, for the article cannot be found on the
Internet using either the Lexis
or Google search engines.
The article is worth reading carefully because it at once exposes how
lies were used early on to
demonize the Serbs and at the same time implicitly supports some of the
propaganda it is
exposing.
The article has this subtitle:
"Yugoslavia has rediscovered the old adage that truth is the first
casualty of war.
Simon Freeman reports from Zagreb [Croatia] and Ljubljana
[Slovenia] where the
protagonists are involved in a fierce fight to capture the
attention of the world's
media."
It begins by talking about the Croat government's understanding of the
value of propaganda:.
[Quote] "The Croats' strategy today is clear. They are bombarding
the world with
information, which is usually so petty that it seems that it must
be true. But this is
an illusion; it is impossible to check most of these reports
precisely because the
clashes were so minor that, even if they happened, they left no
mark. And, in
between the recital of these so-called facts, the Croats toss
quite incredible
allegations; this week's favourite is to claim, straight-faced,
that the Serbs have
hired assassins from the Romanian Securitate.
[Quote continued] "Zagreb has launched this propaganda blitz after
carefully
analysing how the Slovenians managed to outmanoeuvre Belgrade in
the fight for
international sympathy. The Croats realised that the decisive
engagements, which
virtually guaranteed Slovenia's independence, took place in the
pages of the
foreign media and, even more important, in the news bulletins of
the major
television networks." [End quote.]
In fact, the Croatian leaders 'realised' nothing at all, nor did the
Slovenes 'outmaneuver' Belgrade.
The secession of these countries was planned and coordinated by the US
and German elites,
working through various agencies, including the CIA and BND. They
trained their proxy forces in
Croatia and Slovenia and then opened the pages of the mass media which
they controlled to
accept their proxies' propaganda.
How much maneuvering is required to win a media war when the Slovenes
and the mass media are
controlled by the same forces?
The Western conquerors divided the job of getting out misinformation.
The proxies in Slovenia and
Croatia were to craft lies, as best they could. The Western media was to
bring the lies to market.
The article goes on to say that "the Serbs" (meaning, the Yugoslav
Federation) are learning the
lesson that you have to use the Western media but that they are slow
students:
[Quote] "They have a leader, Slobodan Milosevic, whose brand of
stubborn
nationalism and hardline marxism is a public relations disaster.''
[End quote]
Note the propaganda hidden in this sentence. In the early stages of the
breakup of Yugoslavia, the
West tarred the Serbs with being "the last Communists on Planet Earth."
This particular
propaganda slogan was launched by the Croatian Catholic Church.
Then the article talks about the "cleverness" of the Slovene
propagandists:
[Quote] "The Slovenes cleverly portrayed themselves as
clean-limbed, tanned
churchgoers who only wanted to live peacefully and democratically
in their Alpine
idyll of mountains, lakes and meadows
[Quote] "The Serbs, on the other hand, the Slovenes suggested [and
the West
readily published], were ruthless communists. They were dirty,
unshaven brutes
who dropped cluster bombs on innocent civilians. They came from
the east, which
had always sought to inflict its intolerance, religious fanaticism
and alphabet of
squiggly lines on Europe.
[Quote] "These were grotesque caricatures, of course, but, thanks
to the brilliant
propaganda campaign in Ljubljana [capital of Slovenia], they have
taken hold of the
public imagination in the West, turning a complex struggle into a
straightforward
battle between the forces of light (Slovenes and Croats) and
darkness (Serbs).
The nerve-centre of this propaganda operation was an underground
conference
complex deep below the streets of Ljubljana. Here, a few dozen
officials from the
Slovenian Ministry of Information, backed up by young,
multilingual patriot
volunteers, worked tirelessly to service more than 1,000
journalists.
[Quote] "Inside this bunker the information flowed fast and
efficiently in an
atmosphere oddly similar to that found in a press centre at an
Olympic Games; the
results - tanks hit, shots fired, prisoners taken - were given
every hour. The
Slovenes needed a bloody, dramatic conflict to ensure the world
did not loose
interest. So they showered the media with details of battles that
had often never
taken place.
[Quote] Sometimes the Slovenes would enliven the day with
revelations which
were either ficticous or irrelevant...
[Quote] "...It was possible to report the war without ever
venturing above the
ground. Indeed, since it required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks, many journalists opted [or were ordered?]
to remain
underground. But, for those who did venture into the sunlight, the
bunker war often
seemed a fantacy. For example, the world heard of a major battle
at Jezersko, a
small border post an the frontier with Austria. This greatly
surprised the Slovene
militiamen at Jezersko, who told me a few days later that the army
had fired a few
shots, taken the post and then, faced with Slovene reinforcement,
retreated
happily down the mountain. No one was hurt" [End quote]
Olympic Games indeed. The author counts on Olympian ignorance among his
readers. Some
thoughts on this excerpt:
1) He is telling us that Slovenes, for the first time in the
history of warfare, have
discovered that it is good to present themselves positively and
the enemy negatively. This
is astonishing. Even Hitler tried to present himself positively -
thus he launched World
War II by staging an incident which made it appear that Polish
border guards had attacked
Germany. And Hitler said he was fighting unshaven, dirty
communists also.
2) WHY did Western reporters sit in secessionists bunker and
present only the
secessionist side of the story when in fact the media of the
Federal Government of
Yugoslavia was also issuing daily news reports, and accurate ones
(i.e. that the stories
about fighting were lies). Why didn't Western reporters go out and
investigate to see who
was telling the truth? Why did these reporters happen to take the
side of secessionists
who described themselves in terms painfully similar to those used
by WWII Nazis? Why
did they refuse to give fair hearing to the news of a recognized,
sovereign country, one of
the founders of the United Nations, a country which had been on
friendly terms with the
West for many years?
3) Since when do Western reporters sit in a bunker while reporting
on a war? Haven't they
gone out and reported far tougher situations? The war in Slovenia
was feeble. The end
count of casualties was 3 dead Slovenian irregulars and 33
executed Yugoslav Federal
Army soldiers who had no ammunition (!) and surrendered. A total
of 36 people dead.
Some war! The casualty level of a bus accident. What happened to
so called Western
"investigative journalism" ?
4) The article says: "It required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks [in Slovenia]" Baloney. Go and try to find
Slovenia on the map.
Hard isn't it? A country smaller than Connecticut. I guess these
journalists, with their true
"interest" in events, would be get lost in their Slovenian hotel.
With all those great and
terrible roadblocks and savage obstacles they wouldn't find a
bathroom.
5) Did ONLY the Slovenes have "young multilingual patriot
volunteers" ready to spread
their view of events? See how the image of clean-limbed young
Slovenes is presented
even here, where it is supposedly debunked! Are Serbs never
multilingual? Are they never
beautiful?
The author then presents his moral, which appears in the pages of the
'European' in large type:
[Quote] "Exaggerations will do nothing to heal the divisions which
are ripping the
country apart." [End quote]
Upside down and backwards, because in fact it is precisely the
exaggerations put forth by the
Western media which were the instrument for allowing Western involvement
in Yugoslavia -
justifying economic and military support for the secessionists,
sanctions against multiethnic
Yugoslavia, expulsions of Serbs, moderate Muslims and others who wanted
to hold it together, the
reintroduction of huge numbers of expatriate Croatian Ustashe fascists,
the disarming of
Yugoslav loyalists through introduction of UN troops, and the bombing of
loyalist forces, in Bosnia
and later Serbia and Montenegro.
Savagery was introduced from the West. Without the West, the Slovenian
and Croatian fascists
would never have had a chance in Yugoslavia.
-
Further reading....
1) "Germany and the US in the Balkans- a Careful Coincidence of National
Policies?" by T.W.
Carr at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/carr/carr.html
2) "What Does NATO Want in Yugoslavia?" by Sean Gervasi at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/gervasi/why.htm
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[Emperor's Clothes]
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Il 5 novembre 1990 Il Congresso degli USA, "grazie" all'impegno del
senatore Bob Dole, approva la legge 101/513, che sancisce la
dissoluzione della Jugoslavia attraverso il finanziamento diretto di
tutte le nuove formazioni "democratiche" (nazionaliste e secessioniste;
cfr. Sarah Flounders su "NATO in the Balkans"). A fine mese un rapporto
della CIA "profetizza" che la Jugoslavia ha solamente pochi mesi di
vita... la notizia viene diffusa dalle agenzie di stampa occidentali e
viene pubblicata il 29 novembre, giorno della Festa Nazionale della RFSJ
(si celebra la fondazione della Repubblica avvenuta a Jajce, in Bosnia,
nel 1943; cfr. http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/tempo90.gif e
http://www.marx2001.org/crj/IM/stampa90.jpg).
* "LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..." Il discorso
pronunciato dall'ex-ambasciatore statunitense in Jugoslavia, John D.
Scanlan, il 22 luglio 1990.
* "QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?" L'editoriale del New
York Times del 31 ottobre 1990, nel quale viene commentata la legge
101/513 del Senato USA che blocca tutti i rapporti economici con la RFS
di Jugoslavia ed impone di considerare separatamente le repubbliche
federate in base al grado di "democraticita'" riconosciuto dal
Dipartimento di Stato degli USA.
* "LA STRATEGIA DEI CROATI E' CHIARA: STANNO BOMBARDANDO IL MONDO DI
INFORMAZIONI..." Un articolo di Petar Makara sull'inizio della campagna
di disinformazione strategica ai danni del pubblico mondiale, mirata a
consentire la secessione della Slovenia e della Croazia.
(materiali distribuiti dalla mailing list STOPNATO -
http://stopnato.listbot.com/cgi-bin/subscriber?Act=view_archive&list_id=stopnato
)
---
"LA JUGOSLAVIA E' L'UNICO PAESE DELL'EST EUROPEO CHE STIA
SIGNIFICATIVAMENTE RIDUCENDO IL SUO DEBITO ESTERO..."
Banquet Address by U.S. Ambassador to Yugoslavia,
John D. Scanlan July 22, 1990
Tonight, I would like to address the problem of the bad public image
that Yugoslavia in general,
and Serbia in particular, now tends to receive in the American Media.
The typical story on
Yugoslavia these days tends to have a theme that I would characterize
as: good Slovene--bad
Serb--poor Albanian. The most egregious recent example of this is the
story on Yugoslavia
which appeared in the August issue of National Geographic. The author
of the article takes at
face value, and quotes, anti-Serb comments of Albanians, Slovenes,
Macedonians, and Croatians,
most of whom are not particularly authoritative but represent
man-on-the-street opinions. He
does
not balance these by comments of Serbs except in one instance where he
quotes the angry
reaction of an Old Serbian friend of his about seccesionist sentiments
the author heard in
Slovenia. The author clearly seems toidentify much more comfortably
with Slovenes, Croatians,
Macedonians, and Albanians than with Serbs. About the only nod to
Serbian history is the
author's appreciation of the emotions Kosovo stirs in Serbs because of
the battle of Kosovo Polje
in 1389 and the subsequent centuries of occupaton of Serbia by the
Turks.
The sad part about this particular article is that the author
obviously knows something about
Yugoslavia but not enough to put events into proper perspective, and,
given the large and
influential role of the National Geographic, he is misleading literally
millions of Americans.
American ignorance of Yugoslavian history, culture, and geography is
by and large broad and
general. And why not, it is a very complicated story. Most Americans
do not know that Slovenes,
Croatians, Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians are all Slavic peoples
with similiar languages.
Most Americans do not know that there are almost as many Albanians
living in Yugoslavia as in
Albania and that 90 percent of the Albanians in Yugoslavia are Moslems
who are able to practice
their religion freely in Yugoslavia, but not in Albania. Most Americans
do not know that the
Albanians in Yugoslavia enjoy the same civil and human rights as all
other Yugoslavs and have
infinitely more freedom in Yugoslavia than the Albanians in Albania, the
last Stalinist state
in Europe. Most Americans do not know that Albanian is a legal language
in the Kosovo and that
all Albanian children in the Kosovo attend Albanian language schools all
the way through
university, and Pristina is one of the largest universities in Europe in
terms of numbers of
students. Most Americans do not know that the largest and most modern
library and repository of
Albanian literature and culture is in Yugoslavia, in the city of
Pristina, not in Albania, and that that
library is one of the largest and finest libraries in Yugoslavia. Most
Americans do not know that
Serbia is the only republic of Yugoslavia that had two autonomous
regions carved out of it by the
Yugoslav constitution of 1974, when there was just as much justification
for carving out of Croatia
an Autonomous Region of Lika to recognize the more than half million
Serbs living there or an
Autonomous Region of Istria to recognize the large Italian minority
living there. I could go on
endlessly about what most Americans
do not know, but should know, before they make judgemental statements
about relations between
the ethnic groups that make up Yugoslavia.
I do not mean to suggest that there have not been human rights
abuses in Yugoslavia. There
have been many well documented cases of human rights abuses of Yugoslavs
by one ethnic group
by Yugoslavs of another ethnic groups or, more commonly, by Yugoslav
officials, and since we
have made human rights a strong and conscious element of our foreign
policy, we should not
hesitate to condemn human rights violation whenever and wherever we find
them. But we should
be totally objective in doing so and, in a powder ked of ethnic
divisiveness such as Yugoslavia
represent today, we should be extremely cautious to avoid the appearance
of tilting for or against
any ethnic group, particularly when emotions are as high as they are
today in Kosovo. As a
government, I think we have done so and I wish at this point to read to
you the official statement
of the Department of State issued on June 29, 1990.
"We are deeply concerned about rising tensions in the province of
Kosovo, in the Yugoslav
Republic of Serbia. Rooted in a long history, the conflict between
ethnic groups living in the area
threatens the well-being of all the people of Kosovo, Serbia, and
Yugoslavia.
"We believe this conflict can only be resolved through peaceful,
democratic dialogue and
respect for the dignity and human rights of alll citzens of the
province. It cannot be solved by
violence, intimidation, or the threat or use of force by any party. We
call upon the people and the
government of Serbia to respect and protect the rights of all Albanians
living in the Republic of
Serbia, especially Kosovo. By the same token, we call upon the Albanian
population in Kosovo to
respect and protect the rights of all resident Serbs and Montenegrins
and others.
"It is for the people of Yugoslavia alone to decide under what
constitutional arrangements they
wish to live. The United States continues to support the unity,
independence, and territorial
integrity of Yugoslavia. We hope that the people of Yugoslavia, of all
national and ethnic groups,
will live together on the basis of mutual respect, democratic pluralism,
and the principles
enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act and CSCE process. It is incumbent
on the ethnic majority of
each republic and province to guarantee the security and fundamental
human right of all national
and ethnic minorities living within the territory.
"Since World War II Yugoslavia has, on the whole, provided a
commendable example of
national, cultural, and ethnic harmony in a multinational state. We
hope Yugoslavia can continue
this proud tradition."
If the position of our government is clear, balanced, and objective,
then why is the media
coverage of events in Yugoslavia seemingly so prejudiced in favor of
some and against others? I
would have to say that I believe Yugoslavia in general, and Serbia in
particular, have not been
particularly adept in public relations. That is one reason. I think
another reason is that we have
forgotten that Yugoslavia has been independent of the Soviet Union
since 1948 and has pursued
its own national brand of communisim, and that it is, in fact, very
different from the former
Warsaw Pact client states of the Soviet Union who now have liberated
themselves to one degree
or another. Yugoslavia liberated itself from the Soviet Union but not
from communism under much
more difficult
circumstances in 1948. And we were wise enough to come to Yugoslavia's
aid quickly and
substantially, seeing it as in our own national interest to promote
fissures in the Soviet bloc.
Yugoslavia is now handicapped by the fact that its communist party,
having successfully
portrayed itself at home and abroad as indigenous and independent from
more than 40 years,
enjoys more credibility and domestic support than the Soviet installed
and directed East European
parties. The latter all crumbled rapidly during 1989, while the
Yugoslav party, which has its own
firmly
entrenched domestic base, has displayed more staying power. This
prompts many foreign
observers to conclude, incorrectly in my view, that Yugoslavia is less
interested in political and
economic reform than the Warsaw Pact European countries. This is, of
course, not at all true. In
a sense, Yugoslavia invented perestroika and glasnost and since Tito's
death in 1980 has been
seeking in fits and starts to reform its political and economic systems.
The process has moved
more slowly than we would have hoped, to the extent that most Americans
are prepared to believe
that Yugoslavia has not yet liberated itself as Warsaw Pact countries
have. Indeed, I have been
asked by people who should have know better, "When is Yugoslavia going
to follow the pattern of
Hungary, Poland, and other East European countries?
The only truly objective detailed and insightful account of the
current situation in Yugoslavia
which I have read recently was a series of two articles in the New York
Review of Books written
by Michael Scammell, who is a professor of Russian Literature at Cornell
University. Scammell
does a brilliant job of presenting the nationalistic and political
ferment together with detailed
historical background republic by republic, from north to south. He
points out that since the end of
World War II, Serbs were the leaders in democratic thought and movements
until the last two or
three years when the Slovenes moved to the fore, followed belatedly by
the Croatians. Scammel's
view is that while the democratic opposition remained just as strong in
Serbia as in Slovenia, the
dispute over Kosovo permitted the Serbian communist party to seize the
initiative by directing
nationalistic sentiments against the Albanians. The Serbian dissidents
were thus upstaged and
outflanked by Milosevic, who exploited the issue in order to strengthen
the party at the expense of
the opposition. But Scammell goes on to quote Yugoslavia's most famous
longstanding dissident
Milovan Djilas as having told Scammell that he too first approved of
Milosevic because he
Milosevic had smashed the old Titoist myths of brotherhood and unity
that were holding
Yugoslavia back. He had liberated the consciousness of the Serbian
people and was quite right to
make Kosovo
and Vodvodina subservient to Belgrade, even though it meant sending in
troops. Scammell than
quotes Kosta Cavoski as having told him that Milosevic is righting a
national wrong. Cavoski said
that communists everywhere, and especially Yugoslavian communists, have
exploited national
questions for their own ends and have crushed national interests. The
Serbs suffered under this
policy more than other people in Yugoslavia. While Djilas and Cavoski
told Scammell that they
believed Milosevic's style is authoritarian and his tactics unduly
rough, they did not consider him
to be a neo-Stanlinist or neo-fascist. Djilas said no arrests of
dissenters are being made in
Serbia itself, and although Milosevic controls 90 percent of the press,
the press is more outspoken
than it was. The intellectual atmosphere in Serbia is freer than it has
ever been. Philosophers,
sociologists, and writers are freer now than they were even before the
war.
The objective, extremely well-informed observer, Scammell, is
optimistic that Yugoslavia will
survive. As he puts it, "It seems inevitable that the federal basis of
Yugoslavia will be
reexamined and renegotiated in some form or other." I will cast my lot
with Scammell. I
personally believe that recentralization is out of the question. But I
am confident that a more
viable form of federation or confederation will be worked out for the
simple reason that at the end
of the day, Yugoslav leaders north and south will recognize that going
it alone is not a very good
option for any of them economically or politically. The complexities of
sorting out the ethnic
mixtures, dividing up
the commom property, and the prospect of facing the world as individual,
much smaller political
entities will chill secessionsist fervor when the decision time comes.
Scammell's article is by far the more profound and his predictions
for the future is based on
solid scholarship, but unfortunately, the New York Review of Books has a
very small readership
compared to the National Geographic. And our daily press and the
television sound bytes also
tend to report and exaggerate bad news from Yugoslavia.
On the economic front there is a lot of good news, but our daily
press by and large ignores it.
Yugoslavia is the only East European country that is currently
significantly reducing its foreign
debt. The debt had been reduced from $20 billion four years ago to $16
billion now, with the
expectation of another 2-3 billion reduction by the end of the year.
Inflation has been stopped and
reduced from a rate of almost 2000 percent last December to 31percent
this year to date and is
currently at a stable rate of 0 percent. Foreign currency reserves are
sharply up to a level of
approximately $7 billion. And the process of market oriented
privatiztion is proceeding far more
rapidly in Yugoslavia than in other East European countries. There has
been a very positive
development of new
democratic, independent labor unions throughout the country. And so
on. But you don't read
about these events in the daily press.
While we surely have every right to criticize the lack of media
objectivity with regard to
Yugoslavia, and the Serbs, I personally think we must also recognize
that the burning issue for the
future of Yugoslavia and Serbia is a viable solution to the Kosovo
problem. I don't pretend to have
any special wisdom on the subject. But I don't think the 1974
constitution was the answer. And I
think the citizens of the northern republics of Yugoslavia should
acknowledge that in the
mid-1980's they ignored the anguished pleas of thousands of Serbs and
Montengrins in the
Kosovo for attention to their concerns about their personal well-being
and security. And Iam
convinced that there must be an open and genuine dialogue in and about
the Kososo between
Serbs and Albanians in order for a viable solution to be found.
I have visited the Kosovo on many occasions, as early as 1955 as as
recently ast late 1988. I
have met repeatedly with Albanian and Serbian leaders there, including
several who are currently
actively engaged, and I believe that with the proper encouragement and
support from every corner
of Yugoslavia and from Yugoslavia's foreign friends, a solution can be
found. But this process
will never get off the ground if one party to the dispute is repeatedly,
incorrectly, and unfairly held
to be solely at fault. The modern Kosovo problem as been created by all
Yugoslavs. Let them join
together, with malice towards none and charity toward all, to solve the
problem. It is in their
common interest, and in ours, that they do so.
-
Editor's Note: The reader should keep in mind that this address was
delivered four years prior to
the publication of this book.
[John D. Scanlan served as US Ambassador to Yugoslavia in the late
1980s]
---
"QUANTI PAESI CI SARANNO IL EUROPA DOPO IL 1992?"
New York Times editorial Oct. 31, 1990.
"How many countries will there be in Europe after 1992? Seven,
according
to the bitter gibe circulating in Croatia: the European Community and
the six
republics that now make up Yugoslavia. Things could turn out that way
if
Slobodan Milosevic and his Communist cohorts in Serbia continue to hold
back
constitutional and *economic change* and stir up ethnic tension.
Ever since Slovenia and Croation elected non-communist governments
and
moved to *free the economy*, Mr. Milosevic has accused them of trying to
break up Yugoslavia. Slovenia and Croatia deny any separatist intent
but
want to turn Yugoslavia into a loosened confederation of sovereign
republics.
That would weaken the power of the Serbs ...
Yugoslavia's best hope lies in moving forward into Europe. But if
Belgrade resorts to force [to preserve the union] the door to Europe
will
slam shut. That's a firm message for the European community to send
now.
Washington can underscore this warning with one of its own: Any more
violence means no more aid.
... But it would be rash to cut off U.S, aid now, as Senator Alfonse
D'Amato has proposed. That would exacerbate Yugoslavia's economic
distress
-- and national passions. Voting down Mr. D'Amato's measure still
leaves
Yugoslavia on notice that aid is in jeopardy unless democratic change is
allowed to proceed in peace.
---
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/makara/fromthe2.htm
From the forthcoming Emperor's Clothes book, "Ten years of lies that
fooled the
world" -
Lying about Slovenian Secession , 1991
by Petar Makara (9-10-00)
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
In June, 1991 Slovenia announced it had seceded from Yugoslavia and
proceeded to seize
Yugoslav customs stations. The Western media then broadcast news of a
barbaric attack by
vicious Yugoslav troops, beaten back by brave Slovenians. But those
stories were pure fiction.
There was no such attack. Total casualties in this war were: 3 dead
Slovenian irregulars and 33
Yugoslav soldiers, executed after they surrendered. The Yugoslav troops
in Slovenia had not been
issued live ammunition, and this was public knowledge at the time.
Only one mainstream Western source admitted the stories were lies. That
was the 'European' in
its July 19-21, 1991. Note the date: barely one month after Slovenia
declared their intention to
secede, thus starting the first Yugoslav war of secession. The title of
the story was: "Lies win
Balkan war of words." It was written by Simon Freeman. Emperor's Clothes
has a photo copy of
the original. This is fortunate, for the article cannot be found on the
Internet using either the Lexis
or Google search engines.
The article is worth reading carefully because it at once exposes how
lies were used early on to
demonize the Serbs and at the same time implicitly supports some of the
propaganda it is
exposing.
The article has this subtitle:
"Yugoslavia has rediscovered the old adage that truth is the first
casualty of war.
Simon Freeman reports from Zagreb [Croatia] and Ljubljana
[Slovenia] where the
protagonists are involved in a fierce fight to capture the
attention of the world's
media."
It begins by talking about the Croat government's understanding of the
value of propaganda:.
[Quote] "The Croats' strategy today is clear. They are bombarding
the world with
information, which is usually so petty that it seems that it must
be true. But this is
an illusion; it is impossible to check most of these reports
precisely because the
clashes were so minor that, even if they happened, they left no
mark. And, in
between the recital of these so-called facts, the Croats toss
quite incredible
allegations; this week's favourite is to claim, straight-faced,
that the Serbs have
hired assassins from the Romanian Securitate.
[Quote continued] "Zagreb has launched this propaganda blitz after
carefully
analysing how the Slovenians managed to outmanoeuvre Belgrade in
the fight for
international sympathy. The Croats realised that the decisive
engagements, which
virtually guaranteed Slovenia's independence, took place in the
pages of the
foreign media and, even more important, in the news bulletins of
the major
television networks." [End quote.]
In fact, the Croatian leaders 'realised' nothing at all, nor did the
Slovenes 'outmaneuver' Belgrade.
The secession of these countries was planned and coordinated by the US
and German elites,
working through various agencies, including the CIA and BND. They
trained their proxy forces in
Croatia and Slovenia and then opened the pages of the mass media which
they controlled to
accept their proxies' propaganda.
How much maneuvering is required to win a media war when the Slovenes
and the mass media are
controlled by the same forces?
The Western conquerors divided the job of getting out misinformation.
The proxies in Slovenia and
Croatia were to craft lies, as best they could. The Western media was to
bring the lies to market.
The article goes on to say that "the Serbs" (meaning, the Yugoslav
Federation) are learning the
lesson that you have to use the Western media but that they are slow
students:
[Quote] "They have a leader, Slobodan Milosevic, whose brand of
stubborn
nationalism and hardline marxism is a public relations disaster.''
[End quote]
Note the propaganda hidden in this sentence. In the early stages of the
breakup of Yugoslavia, the
West tarred the Serbs with being "the last Communists on Planet Earth."
This particular
propaganda slogan was launched by the Croatian Catholic Church.
Then the article talks about the "cleverness" of the Slovene
propagandists:
[Quote] "The Slovenes cleverly portrayed themselves as
clean-limbed, tanned
churchgoers who only wanted to live peacefully and democratically
in their Alpine
idyll of mountains, lakes and meadows
[Quote] "The Serbs, on the other hand, the Slovenes suggested [and
the West
readily published], were ruthless communists. They were dirty,
unshaven brutes
who dropped cluster bombs on innocent civilians. They came from
the east, which
had always sought to inflict its intolerance, religious fanaticism
and alphabet of
squiggly lines on Europe.
[Quote] "These were grotesque caricatures, of course, but, thanks
to the brilliant
propaganda campaign in Ljubljana [capital of Slovenia], they have
taken hold of the
public imagination in the West, turning a complex struggle into a
straightforward
battle between the forces of light (Slovenes and Croats) and
darkness (Serbs).
The nerve-centre of this propaganda operation was an underground
conference
complex deep below the streets of Ljubljana. Here, a few dozen
officials from the
Slovenian Ministry of Information, backed up by young,
multilingual patriot
volunteers, worked tirelessly to service more than 1,000
journalists.
[Quote] "Inside this bunker the information flowed fast and
efficiently in an
atmosphere oddly similar to that found in a press centre at an
Olympic Games; the
results - tanks hit, shots fired, prisoners taken - were given
every hour. The
Slovenes needed a bloody, dramatic conflict to ensure the world
did not loose
interest. So they showered the media with details of battles that
had often never
taken place.
[Quote] Sometimes the Slovenes would enliven the day with
revelations which
were either ficticous or irrelevant...
[Quote] "...It was possible to report the war without ever
venturing above the
ground. Indeed, since it required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks, many journalists opted [or were ordered?]
to remain
underground. But, for those who did venture into the sunlight, the
bunker war often
seemed a fantacy. For example, the world heard of a major battle
at Jezersko, a
small border post an the frontier with Austria. This greatly
surprised the Slovene
militiamen at Jezersko, who told me a few days later that the army
had fired a few
shots, taken the post and then, faced with Slovene reinforcement,
retreated
happily down the mountain. No one was hurt" [End quote]
Olympic Games indeed. The author counts on Olympian ignorance among his
readers. Some
thoughts on this excerpt:
1) He is telling us that Slovenes, for the first time in the
history of warfare, have
discovered that it is good to present themselves positively and
the enemy negatively. This
is astonishing. Even Hitler tried to present himself positively -
thus he launched World
War II by staging an incident which made it appear that Polish
border guards had attacked
Germany. And Hitler said he was fighting unshaven, dirty
communists also.
2) WHY did Western reporters sit in secessionists bunker and
present only the
secessionist side of the story when in fact the media of the
Federal Government of
Yugoslavia was also issuing daily news reports, and accurate ones
(i.e. that the stories
about fighting were lies). Why didn't Western reporters go out and
investigate to see who
was telling the truth? Why did these reporters happen to take the
side of secessionists
who described themselves in terms painfully similar to those used
by WWII Nazis? Why
did they refuse to give fair hearing to the news of a recognized,
sovereign country, one of
the founders of the United Nations, a country which had been on
friendly terms with the
West for many years?
3) Since when do Western reporters sit in a bunker while reporting
on a war? Haven't they
gone out and reported far tougher situations? The war in Slovenia
was feeble. The end
count of casualties was 3 dead Slovenian irregulars and 33
executed Yugoslav Federal
Army soldiers who had no ammunition (!) and surrendered. A total
of 36 people dead.
Some war! The casualty level of a bus accident. What happened to
so called Western
"investigative journalism" ?
4) The article says: "It required an honours degree in
orienteering to negotiate the
labyrinth of roadblocks [in Slovenia]" Baloney. Go and try to find
Slovenia on the map.
Hard isn't it? A country smaller than Connecticut. I guess these
journalists, with their true
"interest" in events, would be get lost in their Slovenian hotel.
With all those great and
terrible roadblocks and savage obstacles they wouldn't find a
bathroom.
5) Did ONLY the Slovenes have "young multilingual patriot
volunteers" ready to spread
their view of events? See how the image of clean-limbed young
Slovenes is presented
even here, where it is supposedly debunked! Are Serbs never
multilingual? Are they never
beautiful?
The author then presents his moral, which appears in the pages of the
'European' in large type:
[Quote] "Exaggerations will do nothing to heal the divisions which
are ripping the
country apart." [End quote]
Upside down and backwards, because in fact it is precisely the
exaggerations put forth by the
Western media which were the instrument for allowing Western involvement
in Yugoslavia -
justifying economic and military support for the secessionists,
sanctions against multiethnic
Yugoslavia, expulsions of Serbs, moderate Muslims and others who wanted
to hold it together, the
reintroduction of huge numbers of expatriate Croatian Ustashe fascists,
the disarming of
Yugoslav loyalists through introduction of UN troops, and the bombing of
loyalist forces, in Bosnia
and later Serbia and Montenegro.
Savagery was introduced from the West. Without the West, the Slovenian
and Croatian fascists
would never have had a chance in Yugoslavia.
-
Further reading....
1) "Germany and the US in the Balkans- a Careful Coincidence of National
Policies?" by T.W.
Carr at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/carr/carr.html
2) "What Does NATO Want in Yugoslavia?" by Sean Gervasi at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/gervasi/why.htm
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--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
"IL NEMICO INTERNO GODE DI MOLTI APPOGGI ALL'ESTERNO"
Nel luglio 1971, intervenendo al Comitato Esecutivo della Lega dei
Comunisti della Croazia, il maresciallo Josip Broz Tito espresse la sua
preccupazione in merito al risorgente nazionalismo croato, incarnato nel
movimento zagrebino della "Matica Hrvatska":
<<...Col pretesto dell'"interesse nazionale" tutto cio' va a finire
nella controrivoluzione... In certi villaggi i serbi, diventati nervosi,
si armano... Volete tornare forse al 1941?... Sapete che altri verranno
[dall'estero], se qui si produce il disordine? Io preferisco riportare
l'ordine con il nostro esercito piuttosto che permettere ad altri di
farlo; altrimenti, quando non ci saro' piu', il paese esplodera'. Il
nemico interno gode di molti appoggi all'esterno. Le grandi potenze
utilizzeranno tutti gli elementi utili, comunisti o meno...>>
(citato su: Josip Krulic, "Storia della Jugoslavia dal 1945 ai nostri
giorni", Bompiani/RCS, Milano 1997, pagina 90)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Nel luglio 1971, intervenendo al Comitato Esecutivo della Lega dei
Comunisti della Croazia, il maresciallo Josip Broz Tito espresse la sua
preccupazione in merito al risorgente nazionalismo croato, incarnato nel
movimento zagrebino della "Matica Hrvatska":
<<...Col pretesto dell'"interesse nazionale" tutto cio' va a finire
nella controrivoluzione... In certi villaggi i serbi, diventati nervosi,
si armano... Volete tornare forse al 1941?... Sapete che altri verranno
[dall'estero], se qui si produce il disordine? Io preferisco riportare
l'ordine con il nostro esercito piuttosto che permettere ad altri di
farlo; altrimenti, quando non ci saro' piu', il paese esplodera'. Il
nemico interno gode di molti appoggi all'esterno. Le grandi potenze
utilizzeranno tutti gli elementi utili, comunisti o meno...>>
(citato su: Josip Krulic, "Storia della Jugoslavia dal 1945 ai nostri
giorni", Bompiani/RCS, Milano 1997, pagina 90)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
-----Ursprüngliche Nachricht-----
Von: Elmar Schmaehling <elmar_schmaehling@...>
An: adn <aktuelles@...>
Datum: Donnerstag, 28. September 2000 09:48
Betreff: Fw: YU-Wahlen
Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,
ich schicke Ihnen die Erklärung der deutschen Wahlbeobachter bei den
Jugoslawienwahlen noch einmal als doc-Datei.
Zusätzlich füge ich eine weitere Erklärung der internationalen
Beobachterkommission und einen Bericht über die Wahldurchführung in
Montenegro von Klaus Hartmann bei.
Auch die Vorlage des nun amtlichen Endergebnisses durch den
Bundeswahlausschuss ändert nichts an den Aussagen unserer Erklärung und
der Notwendigkeit beider Seiten, die Unterschiede beim Ergebnis der
Präsidentschaftskandidaten durch Offenlegen der Auswertungsunterlagen
gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit aufzuklären.
Mit freundlichen Grüßen
Elmar Schmähling
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Erklaerung der Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland
Demokratische und faire Bedingungen im Land selbst, massive
Manipulations- und Erpressungsversuche von aussen - Fazit der deutschen
Beobachter der Wahlen am 24. September 2000 in Jugoslawien
Entgegen der von Medien und Politikern im Westen verbreiteten
Informationen, dass die jugoslawischen Wahlen unter Ausschluss
unabhaengiger internationaler Beobachter stattgefunden haetten, haben
tatsaechlich 210 Wahlbeobachter aus 54 Laendern, unter ihnen 52
Abgeordnete, den Wahlverlauf verfolgt.
Als Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland, eingeladen vom Jugoslawischen
Bundesparlament, sind wir ueberrascht, dass unsere Arbeit in der
deutschen Oeffentlichkeit nicht wahrgemommen wird, und erst recht diese
Chance zur Information aus erster Hand nicht genutzt wird.
Wir hoffen sehr, dass dies nicht seine Ursache darin hat, dass manche
interessierten Seiten schon vor Oeffnung der Wahllokale am 24. September
2000 "wissen" wollten, dass die Wahlen gefaelscht wuerden, und
"Ergebnisse" der Wahlen bereits verkuendeten, bevor die Stimmen
ausgezaehlt waren.
Wir hatten als Wahlbeobachter jede Moeglichkeit, uns frei zu bewegen,
Ueberpruefungen vor Ort vorzunehmen, die Bedingungen und den Ablauf der
Wahlen in allen Phasen zu kontrollieren. Mehrere hundert Wahllokale
wurden von den Beobachtern unangemeldet besucht. Daher stellen wir fest,
dass unsere Beobachtungen mit unseren eigenen Augen und mit eigenem
kritischen Verstand vorgenommen wurden, und dass wir daher den Wert
unserer Beobachtungen und Festellungen anders einschaetzen als jene
diversen Stellungnahmen von Politikern, die mit Informationen aus
dritter Hand in der Regel ihre vorgefasste Meinung bestaetigt sehen
wollen.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission der Wahlen am 24. September 2000
hat in einer gemeinsamen Erklaerung festgestellt, dass die Wahlen
demokratisch und fair verlaufen sind, und die Standards von
demokratischen Wahlen in anderen Laendern voll erfuellt haben. Dieser
Feststellung wie der Gesamtstellungnahme der Internationalen Kommission
schliesst sich die deutsche Beobachtergruppe voll inhaltlich an. Sie
unterstreicht dabei besonders die Kritik hinsichtlich des skandaloesen,
umfassenden Drucks (bis zur Existenzbedrohung), mit denen die Waehler in
Montenegro durch die Djukanovic-Regierung von der Ausuebung ihres
Wahlrechts abgehalten werden sollten. Dies ist mit dem Grundsatz fairer
und freier, demokratischer und rechtsstaatlich einwandfreier Wahlen
nicht in Einklang zu bringen.
Wir unterstuetzen ebenso und aus den gleichen Gruenden die Kritik an der
massiven auslaendischen Einmischung in den Wahlkampf, sei es in Form
einer 77-Millionen-US-Dollarspende an bestimmte kandidierende
Gruppierungen, sei es durch "Wahlversprechen" der EU, man werde bei ein
bestimmtes Waehlervotum durch Aufhebung von Sanktionen honorieren. Von
jedem freien, ziviliserten und demokratischen Land wuerden derartige
Versuche der politischen Einmischung und Erpressung energisch
zurueckgewiesen, und wir befuerchten, dass solche Parteinahme vor den
Wahlen die Bereitschaft beeintraechtigen koennte, den Ablauf und die
Ergebnisse der Wahlen unvoreingenommen und objektiv zur Kenntnis zu
nehmen und das Recht zur selbstaendigen Entscheidung der Bevoelkerung
ueber die eigene Zukunft zu akzeptieren.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission insgesamt hat sich ebenso wie
wir deutschen Beobachter jede Muehe gemacht, moegliche Fehler,
Unkorrektheiten oder Faelschungsbemuehungen zu identifizieren. Wir
konnten keine diesbezueglichen Feststellungen treffen. In Einzelfaellen
war der Sichtschutz zur Sicherstellung der geheimen Stimmabgabe
mangelhaft, was dann sofort nach unserer Intervention korrigiert wurde.
In Einzelfaellen waren Wahlwillige nicht in den Waehlerlisten
verzeichnet, entsprechend den Problemen in Deutschland, wenn
Wahlberechtigte ihre Eintragung in der Waehlerliste nicht vorher
pruefen. Gehaeuft traten solche Probleme der fehlenden Verzeichnung in
den Waehlerlisten bei jenen auf, die seit Uebernahme der Verwaltung
durch UNMIK/KFOR aus Kosovo und Metohija gewaltsam vertrieben wurden.
Hier gabe es offenkundig Abstimmungsprobleme mit den Listen des Roten
Kreuzes, in denen offenbar nicht alle Vertriebenen erfasst sind.
Grundsaetzlich ist aber festzuhalten, dass - von diesen Einwaenden
abgesehen – die Wahlen in Uebereinstimmung mit den gesetzlichen
Vorschriften stattfanden, diese Vorschriften internationalen
rechtsstaatlichen Masstaeben entsprechen, und die Durchfuehrung der
Wahlen korrekt und professionell erfolgte. Wir konnten uns davon
ueberzeugen, dass es in Jugoslawien gelungen ist, trotz widriger
Umstaende - durch acht Jahre Wirtschaftssanktionen und den
voelkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg der NATO 1999 – die allgemeinen
Bedingungen fuer demokratische Wahlen zu schaffen, ebenso fuer die
Taetigkeit und das Zusammenwirken unterschiedlicher politischer Kraefte.
Die Rechtmaessigkeit und Legitimitaet der Wahlen steht somit ausser
Frage.
Zum Wahlablauf konnten wir konkret feststellen:
Die Wahlurnen in den Wahllokalen wurden bei Oeffnung der Wahllokale
versiegelt, nachdem durch den ersten Waehler festgestellt und mit
Unterschrift bestaetigt wurde, dass sie leer waren. Die Stimmzettel
wurden in abgezaehlter Stueckzahl in versiegelten Paketen unmittelbar
vor der Wahl ausgeliefert, ihr Empfang war zu quittieren, die nicht
verbrauchten Stimmzettel mussten nach Abschluss der Stimmabgabe
gezaehlt, die Zahl quittiert und als versiegeltes Paket zurueckgegeben
werden.
In allen Wahlkomitees waren Vertreter der an der Wahl teilnehmenden
Parteien / Gruppierungen, einschliesslich der Oppositionsparteien,
beteiligt. Die Auszaehlung der Stimmen erfolgte gemeinsam. Ueber die
Gueltigkeit zweifelhafter Stimmzettel wurde abgestimmt. Das Protokoll
mit dem Wahlergebnis wurde von allen Mitgliedern zu unterzeichnet.
Von diesem Protokoll wurden sechs Exemplare angefertigt. Das erste
Exemplar ging mit allen Wahlunterlagen an das Wahlkomitee des jeweiligen
Wahlkreises. Das zweite wurde an der Eingangstuer des Wahllokals
ausgehaengt. Die vier verbleibenden Exemplare wurden unmittelbar an die
Vertreter der vier Parteien / Gruppierungen ausgehaendigt, deren
Kandidaten die meisten Stimmen auf sich vereinigen konnten. Alle
uebrigen Parteien / Gruppierungen hatten Anspruch auf Aushaendigung
einer Protokoll-Kopie innerhalb von 12 Stunden.
Eine nochmalige Stimmzaehlung auf oertlicher oder Wahlkreisebene findet
nicht statt. Es gilt ausschliesslich das original im Wahllokal
festgestellte und von allen unterzeichnete Ergebnis, eine nachtraegliche
Veraenderung dieser urspruenglichen Zahlen ist somit ausgeschlossen.
Die Wahlergebnisse auf Bundeseben werden auf Basis saemtlicher Prokolle
aus den Wahllokalen von der Bundeswahlkommission in den Rechner
eingegeben. Die eingegeben Zahlen koennen eingesehen und von den
Parteivertretern, die auch einen Platz in der Bundeswahlkommission
haben, mit den Zahlen der in ihrer Hand befindlichen Einzelprotokollen
verglichen werden.
Vorsorglich hat die deutsche Beobachtergruppe stichprobenartig
Ergebnisse aus Wahllokalen notiert und mit den Eingaben im zentralen
Rechner der Bundeswahlkommission verglichen – mit dem Ergebnis, dass die
Eingaben korrekt erfolgt sind.
Aufgrund dieses festgestellten Verfahrens sind die in westlichen Medien
behaupteten "gestohlene Stimmen" oder Wahlfaelschungen technisch
praktisch nicht durchfuehrbar. Dies hat der Wahlkampfmanager der DOS,
Zoran Djindjic, auf Befragen ausdruecklich bestaetigt.
Wiederholt wurde nach der Wahl von verschiedenen Seiten das "lange
Schweigen" der Wahlkommission kritisiert, waehrend die verschiedenen
Parteien sich staendig mit neuen Siegesmeldungen zu uebertreffen
versuchten, wobei sie sich jeweils nur auf jenen Teil der von ihnen
selektiv ausgewaehlten Wahlprotokolle stuetzten.
Das Zusammenfuehren der einzelnen Wahlergebnisse in der Rechenzentrale
der Bundeswahlkommission als Grundlage offizieller Ergebnisse erklaert,
fuer die Wahlbeobachter nachvollziehbar, den beanspruchten Zeitbedarf.
Die Wahlkommission ist gesetzlich verpflichtet, das amtliche Endergebnis
binnen 72 Stunden nach Schliessung der Wahllokale bekanntzugeben. Eine
staendige Bekanntgabe nicht repraesentativer Zwischenergebnisse wuerde
nur der Tendenz zur subjektiven Interpretation im Sinne vorweggenommener
Endergebnisse Vorschub leisten. Die an die Fristen zur Bekanntgabe des
Wahlergebnisses geknuepften Spekulationen und Unterstellungen einer
Faelschungsmoeglichkeit sind unhaltbar.
Die Wahlbeobachter kritisieren, dass bestimmte Politiker der EU und der
USA ihre Missachtung der demokratischen Willensbildung der Bevoelkerung
dadurch ausgedrueckt haben, Wahlsieger zu ernennen, ohne Wahlverfahren
und die tatsaechlichen Wahlergebnisse zu kennen. Diese Einmischung ist
umso verwerflicher, als sie mit der Androhung von Sanktionen verbunden
isrt..
Die Wahlbeobachter geben ihrer Ueberzeugung Ausdruck, dass Frieden,
Stabilitaet und Partnerschaft zwischen allen Staaten nur auf der
Grundlage der Respektierung gleicher Rechte, der Souveraenitaet und
Gleichheit gedeihen koennen.
Belgrad, 26. September 2000 - Fuer die deutsche Beobachtergruppe:
gez. Klaus Hartmann, Preaesident der Weltunion der der Freidenker
Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Richter, Vors. d. Gesellschaft zum Schutz
Buergerrechte und Menschenwuerde
Ralph Hartmann, Botschafter a.D.
Elmar Schmaehling, ehem. Flottillenadmiral
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Als Wahlbeobachter unterwegs in Montenegro
Die "demokratischen" Wahlen im Djukanovic-Land
Von Klaus Hartmann
Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
machen. Die Beobachter kamen u.a. aus Bulgarien, Makedonien, Moldawien,
Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
NATO-Laendern wie Kanada, Grossbritannien und Deutschland.
Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen, fuhr die
Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
Die erste Station war die Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Kueste, und
hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar ueberdacht, aber letztlich fand
die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt – das Hotel hatte auf Weisung "von
oben" die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
der 7. Waehler von 315 seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons war auf den Tischen
ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an Wahlkabinen
gemahnte. Drei verschiedene Stimmzettel gab es – fuer die
Praesidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zu den beiden Kammern des
Bundesparlaments (die Buergerkammer wird nach Bevoelkerungsstaerke
besetzt, die Laenderkammer mit je 20 Vertretern Serbiens und 20
Montenegros - diese Regelung wurde anderslautender Westpropaganda zum
Trotz bei der juengsten Verfassungsaenderung nicht angetastet).
Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern verschiedener Parteien, die
Partei des montenegrinischen Praesidenten Djukanovic war mit zwei
offiziellen "Beobachtern" praesent. Deren "Beobachtermission" war von
besonderer Art. Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichteten ueber einen
ungeheuren Druck auf die Bevoelkerung waehrend der letzten 10 Tage,
nicht zur Wahl zu gehen, es habe persoenliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit
dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes oder der sozialen Unterstuetzung gegeben.
Dass dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
achttaegigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Freidenker-Gruppe eine Woche zuvor
in Montenegro bestaetigen. In vielen Gespraechen wurde berichtet, dass
eine staatlich organisierte massive Einschuechterungs-Kampagne begonnen
habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit Existenzgefaehrdung bedrohe.
Es wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt, wo u. a. ein Direktor eines
holzverarbeitenden Betriebes seinen Beschaeftigten ankuendigte, wer am
Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht mehr zur Arbeit zu
erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden des Landes seinem
Lehrerkollegium bekannt.
So hatten die Beobachter aus der Djukanovic-Partei eine fuer alle
Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe – jene, die trotz der Drohungen von
ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu melden und die angekuendigten
Schikanen Realitaet werden zu lassen.
Doch die "demokratische, westlich orientierte" Regierung des
NATO-Freundes Djukanovic beliess es nicht bei solchen "Beobachtern".
Kaum war unsere Beobachter-Gruppe erschienen, verliessen zwei finstere
Gestalten ihren in der Naehe geparkten Pkw, um sich mit verschraenkten
Armen rund 30 Meter vom Wahllokal aufzubauen, und zu bedeuten: Auch die
Geheimpolizei Dukanovic’ laesst diese demokratischen Wahlen und die
Waehler nicht allein.
Beim naechsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr
13 von 665 Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheim der
Jugoslawischen Flussschiffahrt, da die frueheren Wahlstellen (in der
Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden.
Auch hier wurde ueber Drohungen gegen die Waehler und potentielle
Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet, am Wahltag selbst gab es noch
keine Stoerungen. Auch hier Mitglieder verschiedener Parteien im
Komitee, und eine Besonderheit – eine Vertreterin des
DOS-Wahlbuendnisses, der "Demokratischen Opposition" Serbiens, die unter
dem Patronat von Madeleine Albright den Praesidentschaftskandidaten
Kostunica hervorbrachte – die einzige nicht kompromittierte Figur der
notorisch zerstrittenen wie NATO-hoerigen "Opposition". Doch die
Beobachterin "der DOS" war in Wirklichkeit eine Vertreterin der
Djukanovic-Partei, es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die
Wahlen boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten. Das warfen die Mitglieder des
Wahlkomitees ihr vor – und sie gab es schliesslich zu, bekraeftigte aber
zugleich ihre Unterstuetzung fuer Kostunica. Eine Unterstuetzung, die
freilich recht platonisch bleiben musste, da sie, aus dem 15 km
entfernten Petrovac stammend, ihrem angeblichen Favoriten gar nicht mit
der eigenen Stimme dienen konnte.
Beim anschliessenden Fruehstueck der Beobachter auf der Terasse des zu
Wahlzwecken verweigerten Hotels Mocren in Budva traf ich meinen Freund
Mischa wieder, den ich telefonisch ueber mein Kommen informiert hatte,
und von dem wir uns gerade eine Woche zuvor in seinem Haus verabschiedet
hatten. Ich sprach ueber das bisher Gesehene, und er meinte mit
resignierendem Kopfschuetteln, es sei eine Schande, was die Mafia-Bande
um Djukanovic Montenegro antue, das schoene Land werde der NATO und dem
Internationalen Verbrechen ausgeliefert, gleichzeitig soll das Volk von
seinen serbischen Bruedern und seinen historischen Wurzeln abgeschnitten
werden.
Ich fragte Mischa ueber einige Nachrichten, die in der Vorwoche von BBC
aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der jugoslawischen
Armee habe eine montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen – BBC nahm das
als einen Beweis fuer die "von Milosevic geplante Provokation zwecks
militaerischem Eingreifen". Mischa klaerte darueber auf, dass die
Schiesserei sich zwischen Maennern in Zivilkleidung ereignet hat,
zumindest der "Soldat" sei schon lange nicht mehr in der Armee. Man
nehme an, es handle sich um eine innermafioese Auseinandersetzung –
zumindest seien alle "politischen" Motive frei erfunden.
Doch BBC meldete auch, zur Bekraeftigung, massive Bewegung von Truppen
und Fahrzeugen der jugoslawischen Armee auf den Strassen Montenegros in
der Woche vor der Wahl. "Auch davon ist kein Wort wahr", meinte Mischa
empoert, "hier ist alles exakt genauso normal und ruhig wie Ihr es in
den Tagen vorher selbst erlebt habt". Nach dieser neuen Lektion in
Sachen "freier Medien im Westen" besuchten wir ein drittes Wahllokal in
einem Wohnviertel Budvars. Zum Abschied hatte uns Mischa versichert,
obwohl Djukanovic in seiner Funktion als Praesident (!) im Fernsehen
erklaert habe, kein anstaendiger, ehrenhafter Mensch, der fuer
Montenegro sei, duerfe zur Wahl gehen, sei es fuer ihn
selbstverstaendlich, trotz aller Einschuechterungen zur Wahl zu gehen –
"alles andere waere eine Schande".
Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mussten wir kurz
davor abbiegen – in den Schachklub, in Nebenraeumen von
"Montenegrotourist". Wieder beengte Verhaeltnisse, improvisierter
Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee, und wieder
eine "Beobachterin", die offiziell fuer Kostunica wachte, tatsaechlich
aber fuer Djukanovic die Waehlerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die
ihre Kraefte sichtlich ueberforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal
bildete sich eine grosse Waehler-"Schlange", was ein Wahlboykotteur
naturgemaess nicht sonderlich liebt. Deshalb sah sie "die Gefahr, bei
dieser Menge den Ueberblick zu verlieren und es zu Wahlfaelschungen
kommen koenne." Um 10.20 Uhr hatten in diesem Lokal rund 400 von 3.900
Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben, und ca. 50 warteten auf die Moeglichkeit
zur Stimmabgabe.
Auch im benachbarten Gebaeude der Stadtverwaltung war eine grosse
Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
sich zwei Exemplare der Djukanovic-Polizei in gruen-braunen
Kampfanzuegen postiert, die den Eingang des Wahllokals nicht aus den
Augen liessen. Als ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf diese
Gestalten aufmerksam machte, eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus
der Menge vor dem Wahllokal vor das Fenster der beiden, und sie machten
umgehend neuen Beobachtern in Zivil Platz. Den zurueckkehrenden
schwarzen Mann fragten wir nach seiner Funktion, worauf er meinte, er
sei Waehler, er warte nur auf seine Frau, die noch im Wahllokal sei. Als
wir uns etwas entfernt hatten, lief er unentwegt zwischen Wahllokal,
Stadtverwaltung und einer Gaststaette hin und her, sprach unablaessig
mit anderen "unauffaellig Herumlungernden", waehrend "seine Frau"
verschwunden blieb – die womoeglich als besonders schwerer Fall von
Wahlfaelschung hoechstselbst in die Wahlurne gefallen war.
Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: "Wenn Ihr mich hier nicht waehlen
lasst, fahre ich nach Serbien!", rief eine erboste Frau, die als
NATO/UCK-Vertriebene aus Kosovo und Metohija in Budva Zuflucht fand.
"Irgendwie" sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen
den Listen des Roten Kreuzes und den Waehlerlisten gekommen. Von den in
Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo-Vertriebenen sollen nur ca. 500 auf den
Waehlerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer in der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt
Podgorica, der naechsten Station unserer "Observer-Mission" - dort
sollen von 20.000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1.000 den Weg in die
Waehlerlisten gefunden haben. Eine bei der bekannten
Pro-Milosevic-Stimmung unter den Kosovo-Serben umso unverstaendlichere
"Organisationsleistung" – die waehrend des Wahltages wohl nicht mehr
geheilt werden konnte.
Zum Abschied aus Budva rief uns noch ein Waehler zu: "Berichtet, dass
dies hier keine freien Wahlen sind! Seit Wochen werden wir
eingeschuechtert und bedroht fuer den Fall, dass wir zur Wahl gehen. Im
Volk herrscht Angst, wir haben hier eine Terror-Verwaltung. Wir wollen
aber nicht von Serbien getrennt werden, wir wollen nicht in einer
Kolonie leben!"
Bei unserem Aufenthalt in Montenegro Mitte September hatte uns bereits
ein Freund, der in der Tourismus-Branche arbeitet, auf die merkwuerdige
Lage hingewiesen, dass nicht nur Rundfunk, Fernsehen und Zeitungen von
Djukanovic angewiesen worden seien, nicht ueber Wahlvorbereitungen und
Wahlkampf zu berichten – sogar bezahlte Zeitungsanzeigen, Werbespots und
offizielle Plakatierung wuerden verweigert. Bei der Fahrt von der Kueste
ueber die alte Residenzstadt Cetinje nach Podgorica sahen wir dafuer in
grosser Zahl Werbetafeln (ohne erkennbaren"Absender") mit der Parole:
"Ich weigere mich, zu waehlen. Zum Wohle von Montenegro und Serbien."
Das ist jenes Wohl, das aus der Hand der NATO kommen soll.
In Podgorica die Pressekonferenz des Landeswahlkomitees – im engen
Kolleg einer privaten Gaststaette (die grossen staatlichen Hotels hatten
ebenfalls keinen Raum fuer Wahlaktivitaeten). Information: Bis 11 Uhr
haetten rund 15% der Wahlberechtigten in Montenegro ihre Stimme
abgegeben – trotz massiver Drohungen und Behinderungen.
In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein aehnliches Bild
wie gehabt. Mitglieder der Sozialistischen Volkspartei von Momir
Bulatovic, der Serbischen Radikalen Partei von Vojislav Seselj, der
Serbischen Volkspartei und vereinzelt auch Mitglieder verschiedener
kommunistischer Parteien bildeten das Wahlkomitee, ergaenzt um ein bis
zwei Beobachter - vorgeblich der "Demokratischen Opposition" Kostunicas,
real Spione Djukanovic’. Im ersten Wahllokal hatten um 14.30 Uhr 15% von
983 Waehlern gewaehlt, im zweiten um 14.45 Uhr 20% von 809 Waehlern.
Beide Wahllokale waren in Tourismusbueros der Bundesrepublik
untergebracht.
Im dritten Wahllokal Podgoricas (Nr.61), in einem Freizeitclub der
Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eroeffnung des Lokals seien
rund um den Eingang des Lokals mehrere Polizei-Kameras im Straeuchern
installiert gewesen, um alle Waehler "festzuhalten". Nach Intervention
des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80 Meter
entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten (Kennzeichen PG 12 – 87)
sowie weitere "dickere" Fahrzeuge in der Naehe mit unablaessigen
Mobiltelefonieren.
Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich fuer die
relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein duerfte: Die
Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
erklaert! Die Beschaeftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
oeffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der groesseren staatlichen
Betriebe hatten schlicht keine Zeit fuer den Gang zum Wahllokal – wenn
sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten. Wetten, dass
ueber dieses "kleine" Detail kein Sterbenswoertchen verloren wird, wenn
die "freien westlichen Medien" triumphierend ueber den Erfolg des
Djukanovic-Boykotts berichten?
Letzte Station unserer Rundfahrt war die Stadt Kolasin im Norden
Montenegros, gelegen in jenen Bergen, die namensgebend fuer die kleine
Republik sind. Hier stellt die Sozialistische Volkspartei, die mit der
Sozialistischen Partei Serbiens verbunden ist, die lokale Regierung, und
deshalb konnte hier auch in oeffentlichen Gebaeuden gewaehlt werden. Im
ersten Wahllokal, in der Gemeindebuecherei, hatten um 17.20 40% von 720
Waehlern gewaehlt. Auch hier ein gemischtes Komitee, und ein
Djukanovic-Vertrauter. Der war sichtlich verbluefft ueber unsere Frage
nach seiner Partei, sodass ihm (unter Protest der Komitee-Mitglieder)
ein Parteifreund zurief: "Sag, dass Du Vertreter der Demokratischen
Opposition bist, sag es!" Wir haetten es aber auch so schon gewusst.
Die letzten beiden Wahllokale, die wir in Kolasin besuchten, lagen im
Buergerhaus und verzeichneten gegen 17.30 Uhr eine Wahlbeteiligung von
etwa 50%. Ein Komiteevorsitzender sagte uns, einige Arbeiter und Rentner
haetten die Drohungen der Republiksregierung wohl ernst genommen und
seien nicht erschienen, weil sie um ihre Loehne und Renten fuerchteten.
Er sei aber sicher, dass es sich um leere Drohungen handele, denn auch
der Praesident sei doch an Verfassung und Gesetz gebunden, besonders ein
Demokrat wie Milo Djukanovic. Bevor wir allzu fassungslos werden
konnten, machte uns das schallende Gelaechter der Komiteemitglieder
klar, dass ihr Vorsitzender zu scherzen beliebt. Nur der "oppositionelle
Demokrat" laechelte saeuerlich.
Da war sein Kollege im Nachbarwahllokal von anderer Statur: der
ueberschlug sich foermlich dabei, uns zu versichern, wie wunderbar die
Zusammenarbeit sei, wie gut und kontrolliert die gesamte Wahlhandlung
ablaeuft, technisch einwandfrei demokratisch voellig korrekt -
Faelschungen seien ausgeschlossen, dafuer verbuerge er sich, und bei
Bedarf koennten wir auch seinen Namen angeben.
Trotz dieser aufmunternden Worte zogen wir vor der Rueckreise nach
Belgrad das Fazit, dass diese Wahlen beim besten Willen nicht frei,
geheim und gleich genannt werden koennen. Die Wahlen, wohlgemerkt im
"westlichen Montenegro", nicht jene im "Reich des boesen Slobo". Eine
Situation der systematischen Einschuechterung und Angst stoert die neuen
Weltordner nicht die Bohne, wenn sie sich eine neue Kolonie untertan
machen wollen. Allerdings muss die jugoslawische Regierung die Frage
beantworten, ob eine allen demokratischen Normen Hohn sprechende
Wahlbehinderung auf einem Teil ihres Territoriums hingenommen werden
kann.
Klaus Hartmann
ist Praesident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in dieser Funktion
vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter eingeladen
PS- In den Nachrichten verschiedener Fernseh- und Rundfunkstationen
wurde am Abend des 25.09.2000 aus Montenegro von einer Entlassungswelle
in Betrieben und verwaltungen berichtet.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Press release
Belgrade, September 26, 2000
"A free and fair election", international observers say.
The 210 international observers from 54 countries who have come to
Yugoslavia to monitor the elections have among them current and former
parliamentarians, representatives from political parties and
organizations, as well as scholars, journalists and activists. They have
been able to view the electoral activities from rallies to the actual
voting on September 24 and many have taken the opportunity meet with the
leaders of various political parties and the different presidential
campaigns.
The observers feel strongly that they have had free, unobstructed access
to the relevant activities and particularly to the voting on the 24 when
observers visited polling stations in different parts of Yugoslavia,
including Montenegro and Kosovo.
In Montenegro, the ca 20 foreign observers witnessed an overall
atmosphere of intimidation of the voters, originating from the
government of Mr. Djukanovic which is boycotting the elections.
Everywhere there were huge billboards telling people not to vote. These
had the appearances of threats: "Don’t vote or else..." Some of those
who did vote, told the observers that they felt voting was risky for
them and could lead to the loss of jobs and other forms of harassment,
as the polling stations were watched by the police and cameras not
belonging to the media were pointed at the citizens coming to vote. In
one poll Serbian refugees from Kosovo told the observers that hundreds
of them had been left off the voters’ lists, although they had the
necessary documentation to be able to vote. (This situation was brought
to the attention of the Montenegrin Electoral Commission and a more
detailed report will be forwarded to the Federal Electoral Commission of
Yugoslavia.)
The observers note that the voting process overall was orderly and
smooth although it involved three separate ballots with multiple
choices. The voting process, in the opinion of many, was equal or
superior to the ones in their own countries.
The observers feel strongly that the so-called "international community"
has been abusive of Yugoslavia and democratic principles, in declaring
weeks ahead that the election will be "rigged" and heaping constant
abuse at the authorities in Yugoslavia who are trying to carry out a
complicated, multi-level election in stressful conditions. This abuse
has continued after the election, with leaders of Western countries
declaring only a few hours after the election that Mr. Kustunica has
won, as if they would have had privileged access to the voting results!
This leads us to wonder whether if Mr. Kustunica in fact comes first,
whether his election will also be considered fraudulent, because, after
all, "everybody knows" that the election was rigged.
The observers believe that there has been undue interference in the
Yugoslavian election by the Western powers, in particular by the United
States, which has seen fit to interfere to the tune of $77(US) million
to various opposition movements and organizations, including the
"independent" media. This is a shameful - and no doubt illegal –
intrusion into the affairs of a sovereign nation. Also the attempts by
the European Union to bribe Yugoslavian voters to vote in a certain way
in order to be "rewarded" with the lifting of sanctions and other
goodies, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
The observers leave Yugoslavia with a hightened respect for the
integrity of the political process in the country. From what we have
seen and heard, we believe that the results will truly reflect the will
and the wishes of the people of Yugoslavia. –30-
This statement has been endorsed by:
NAME COUNTRY
... ...
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
>Liebe Leute,
>
>zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien dokumentiere ich folgende Texte:
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>Anlage 1
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 2
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 3
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>Anlage 4
>
>WIRD JUGOSLAWIEN DIE NATO STOPPEN?
>Von Klaus von Raussendorff
>Mitteilungen der Kommunistischen Plattform der PDS Oktober/2000
>Anlage 5
>
>Mit internationalistischen Grüßen
>
>Klaus v. Raussendorff
>
>---------------------------------------------------------
>Anti-Imperialistische Korrespondenz (AIK)
>Redaktion: Klaus von Raussendorff
>Postfach 210172, 53156 Bonn
>Tel.&Fax: 0228 – 34.68.50
>Email: raussendorff@...
>
>Anti-Imperialistische Online-Korrespondenz
>Webmaster: Dieter Vogel
>http://home.t-online.de/home/aik-web/
>Email: aik-web@...
>
>Wer die AIK nicht empfangen möchte,
>schicke bitte eine Mail mit dem Betreff
>"unsubscribe" an raussendorff@...
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------
>
>Anlage 1
>
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Wer hat gewonnen, hast Du Ergebnisse«, war die am Montag morgen die in
>Belgrad wohl am häufigsten gestellte Frage. Die Antwort blieb man
>schuldig, auch wenn die Oppositionszeitung Danas in dicken Lettern mit
>»Popeda! - Sieg!« titelte. Es ist kein normales Land, und es waren keine
>normale Wahlen, die am Sonntag in Jugoslawien stattfanden. Gut ein Jahr
>nach dem NATO-Krieg gegen das Balkanland waren 7861327 Wahlberechtigte,
>7417197 in Serbien und 444130 in Montenegro, aufgerufen, den künftigen
>Präsidenten zu wählen. Erstmals wird damit der Staatschef Jugoslawiens
>direkt von der Bevölkerung bestimmt. Darüber hinaus galt es, die
>Abgeordneten für die beiden Kammern des Bundesparlamentes, sowie
>Kreisräte und Kommunale Mandatsträger zu wählen.
>
>Die Wähler waren nicht wirklich frei in ihrem Votum. »Wenn die Wahlen
>nicht fair sind, werden wir Jugoslawien hermetisch isolieren«, ließ der
>US-Präsident in Washington am Vorabend des Urnenganges verlauten. Als
>»fair« und für den Westen akzeptabel gelten die Wahlen nur dann, wenn
>der gegenwärtige Präsident Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic, sein Amt
>verliert. Millionensummen wurden im Vorfeld von den USA und der
>Europäischen Union aufgebracht, ein Klima zu erzeugen, demzufolge
>Oppositionskandidat Vojislav Kostunica die Wahlen auf jeden Fall
>gewinnen würde - und sollte er es nicht, dann könne dies nicht dem
>Wählervotum geschuldet sein, sondern Manipulationen der Resultate
>seitens der Regierungsparteien SPS (Sozialistische Partei Serbiens) und
>JUL (Jugoslawische Linke). Eine leichte Position also für die
>Pro-NATO-Opposition in Belgrad.
>
>Unter der Drohung fortdauernder Sanktionen, der Sezession Montenegros
>und in Erwartung bürgerkriegsähnlicher Auseinandersetzungen im Falle
>einer Niederlage der Oppositionsparteien sowie dem Versprechen auf
>wirtschaftliche Hilfe als Belohnung für einen Sieg der »Demokratischen
>Opposition Serbiens« (DOS) galt es, über die Zukunft im kleinen wie
>einer ganzen Nation zu entscheiden. Es sind »historische Wahlen« im
>besten Sinne, und ihr Ergebnis dürfte von globaler Bedeutung sein. Wird
>die NATO von den Wählern nachträglich für ihr Bombardement Jugoslawiens
>mehrheitlich mit den Stimmen für Kostunica belohnt, oder steht der
>Großteil der Bevölkerung nach wie vor an der Seite derjenigen, die das
>Land bis dato den neokolonialen Einvernahmungs- und
>Unterordnungsambitionen des Westens entziehen konnten?
>
>Sieg oder Niederlage, demokratische Wahlen oder Manipulation, Wandel mit
>dem Kandidaten Kostunica oder ewige Despotie eines Milosevic? Dieser
>einfachen Fragestellung folgend herrscht in den großen westlichen
>Unisonomedien denn auch seit Tagen eine Art neuerliche Kriegsstimmung.
>
>Samstag, 9.02 Uhr: Die Korrespondentin des britischen Nachrichtensenders
>BBC, Jacky Rowland, vermeldet telefonisch aus Belgrad, letzten Umfragen
>zufolge habe der DOS-Kandidat Vojislav Kostunica einen Zehn-Prozent-
>Vorsprung gegenüber dem amtierenden Präsidenten Milosevic. Da seit
>Freitag 0.00 Uhr eigentlich Wahlruhe herrscht, gibt es keinerlei neue
>Daten oder Umfragen. Auch wenn diese »Vorwahlumfragen« in den westlichen
>Medien sowie der Oppositionspresse in Jugoslawien immer wieder
>präsentiert wurden, es gibt keinen seriösen Meinungsforscher, der den
>Erhebung Glauben schenkt.
>
>Die regierungsnahe jugoslawische Tageszeitung Politika titelt in ihrer
>Samstagausgabe mit der neugeschaffenen Verbindung über die Donau. In der
>Nacht zum Freitag waren alle Teile des Brückenschlusses »Varadinska
>Duga« in Novi Sad verbunden worden. Das Megaprojekt ist Teil des
>Regierungsprogramms zum Wiederaufbau und Erneuerung des Landes. Die vom
>Westen finanzierte Zeitung Glas übt sich hingegen in defätistischem
>Realismus und vermeldet auf der Titelseite den vermeintlich aktuellen
>Schwarzmarktwechselkurs von DM und Dinar, der bei eins zu 35 liegen
>soll. In der Tat war der Wert des Dinars in den Vorwahltagen
>kontinuierlich gesunken, und in den Geschäften Belgrads wurde der
>Eindruck erweckt, als ob es eine Knappheit an Grundnahrungsmitteln wie
>Öl, Zucker und Milch gäbe. Künstliche Krisenstimmung.
>
>Sonntag, 8.00: Nabil Zaki aus Kairo beginnt im Belgrader Stadtteil
>Karaburma mit seiner Arbeit. Er gehört der internationalen
>Wahlbeobachtergruppe an, die von der Belgrader Regierung eingeladen
>wurde, den Urnengang zu überwachen. 210 Mitglieder umfaßt die »election
>observing mission«, sie kommen aus mehr als 50 Ländern. Nabil Zaki ist
>Chefredakteur der ägyptischen Tageszeitung Al Ahali und Präsident der
>Abteilung für internationale Beziehungen von »Tagamo«. Die Linkspartei
>rechnet damit, bei den in vier Wochen anstehenden Parlamentswahlen in
>Ägypten die Zahl ihrer Sitze im Parlament von fünf auf zehn zu
>verdoppeln. In der Schule »Stjepan Stevo Filipovic« in der Straße
>Patrisa Lumumbe 5 gehören Zana Niksic und ihre Tochter Liljana zu den
>ersten Wählern am Morgen. Für beide ist klar, bei dem Urnengang geht es
>um die Verteidigung ihres Landes gegen eine Übernahme durch die NATO. In
>der ersten Viertelstunde nach Öffnung der Wahllokale haben bereits 40
>Wähler abgestimmt, erfährt Nabil Zaki von der Wahlkommission. Es sind
>überwiegend Rentner, die zu dieser Zeit ihre Stimme abgeben. In dem
>Klassenzimmer der Grundschule sitzen mehr Mitglieder dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission als Wähler Platz finden würden. Zwei
>jugoslawische Papierfähnchen auf die grüne Tafel geklebt markieren den
>Raum als Wahllokal. Die Stimmung ist locker, man kennt sich aus der
>Nachbarschaft. Sowohl die Kommissionsmitglieder der oppositionellen DOS
>und SPO (Serbische Erneuerungsbewegung) wie die regierenden SPS sind
>zufrieden mit der Wahlprozedur und bezeichnen sie auf Nachfrage als
>»fair«. Zwei ältere Frauen, die für die Serbische Radikale Partei (SRS)
>die Richtigkeit des Urnenganges überprüfen sollen, nicken beipflichtend
>zu. Fünf Wahlboxen sind aufgestellt, sie wurden am Morgen verplompt und
>werden nach Schließung des Wahllokals um 20 Uhr in Anwesenheit aller
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder geöffnet. Auf dem Boden einer jeden Urne liegt
>eine Wahlliste, damit soll den Anschuldigungen begegnet werden, es gebe
>eventuell einen doppelten Boden in den Boxen. In einer stundenlangen
>Prozedur werden schließlich die Stimmen gemeinsam ausgezählt, geprüft
>und gegengeprüft. Dem Westen und den Anschuldigungen der Opposition,
>Milosevic würde sich mittels Wahlmanipulationen an der Macht halten,
>sollen damit entkräftet werden. Für Gelächter wie für Verstimmung sorgt
>Nabil Zaki mit der Frage nach Wahlsymbolen für die einzelnen Parteien.
>In Ländern mit hoher Analphabetenrate soll dies den Wählern bei der
>Unterscheidung der Konkurrenten helfen. »Bei uns können alle lesen«,
>tönt eine ältere Frau aus der anderen Ecke des Raumes. Symbole auf den
>Stimmzetteln seien daher nicht notwendig.
>
>Um 8.20 Uhr ist der Wahlbeobachter bereits im Wahllokal in der
>Physik-Fakultät in der Straße Zara Dusana 13. Er gehört zum Wahlkreis
>Stari Grad und liegt im Zentrum Belgrads. Nabil Zaki interessiert sich
>für die Identifizierung der Wahlberechtigten. Stimmzettel erhält nur,
>wer mit Wahlbenachrichtigung und Personalausweis oder Paß kommt. Eine
>mehrfache Stimmabgabe ist damit nicht möglich. Die Daten werden mit dem
>Wählerverzeichnis überprüft, der DOS-Vertreter sitzt direkt daneben und
>notiert zudem die Wählernummer. Alle anderen Mitglieder auch dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission können den Prozeß nachvollziehen. In
>Ägypten gebe es stets Streit darüber, ob sich die Wähler ausweisen
>müssen, Manipulationen seien damit leicht möglich, erklärt er gegenüber
>junge Welt, die als einzige Zeitung die Wahlbeochtermission begleitet.
>
>Im Wahlkreis 43, dessen Wahllokal sich im Gebäude des Serbischen Roten
>Kreuzes in der Simina 19 befindet, scheint man um halb neun am Morgen
>noch zu schlafen, fragt Nabil Zaki scherzend die gutgelaunten
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder. Auch hier werden Kaffee und Saft
>parteiübergreifend getrunken und über das ein oder andere Witzchen
>gelacht. Als dann doch eine Wählerin auftaucht und Nabil Zaki fragt, für
>wen sie denn gestimmt habe, wird er von den Kommissionsmitgliedern
>unterbrochen. Dies dürfe in den Wahllokalen nicht erfragt werden. Die
>Abstimmung ist geheim und niemand habe sich hier für das Votum des
>Einzelnen zu interessieren. Die 40jährige Mutter dreier Kinder freilich
>läßt Zaki wissen, daß sie für den »Wechsel« gestimmt habe. Ein hagerer
>Rentner hat Pech. Da er sich nur mit seinem Gesundheitsausweis, der kein
>Foto enthält, legitimieren kann, darf er nicht abstimmen. Er wird
>gebeten, doch nach Hause zu gehen und mit seinem Personalausweis
>wiederzukommen.
>
>Um 9 Uhr inspiziert Nabil Zaki das Wahllokal 52 in der Marsala
>Birijusova 58 ganz in der Nähe der Belgrader Fußgängerzone. Von den 921
>Wahlberechtigten haben hier schon 90 ihre Stimmen abgegeben. In dem
>engen, verrauchten Raum reihen sich die Mitglieder von SPS, DOS, SPO und
>SRS dicht an dicht aneinander. Zwei weitere Mitglieder der
>Wahlkommission beharren darauf, »neutral« zu sein und keiner Partei
>anzugehören.
>
>In einer Stunde hat der 65jährige Philosoph aus Kairo damit fünf
>Wahllokale aufgesucht. Unterschiedslos äußerten sich die Vertreter der
>verschiedenen Parteien jeweils zufrieden mit dem Ablauf des
>Wahlprozesses. Es gebe keine Probleme, heißt es einmütig, von
>Manipulation könne keine Rede sein. Weder gebe es das Interesse noch die
>Möglichkeiten dafür. Nabil Zaki ist zufrieden mit seiner bisherigen
>Mission. »In Ägypten ist die Opposition häufig von der Wahlkommission
>ausgeschlossen«, kritisiert er die Demokriedefizite in seinem Land. Sie
>habe keine Möglichkeit, die Stimmabgabe und - auszählung zu überwachen
>und die Stimmung in den Wahllokalen sei häufig aggressiv. Ähnlich äußern
>sich gegenüber junge Welt im Laufe des Wahlsonntags Beobachter aus der
>Ukraine, aus Rußland, Bolivien, Argentinien und Griechenland.
>
>Pancevo, 11 Uhr: In den Räumen der Wirtschaftskammer der 15 Kilometer
>nordöstlich von Belgrad gelegenen Stadt stehen Zoran Nikolic, Präsident
>des Südbanats, und Dusan Sivsev, Präsident der Wahlkommission für die
>Region Pancevo, einer 20köpfigen Gruppe internationaler Wahlbeobachter
>Rede und Antwort. Von der Tatsache abgesehen, daß drei Wahllokale
>aufgrund technischer Probleme wenige Minuten verspätet geöffnet wurden,
>habe es in ihrem Verantwortunsbereich keine Probleme gegeben. Alle
>Parteien hätten die Wahlruhe respektiert. Laut Gesetz darf 48 Stunden
>vor dem Urnengang nicht mehr geworben werden, im Umkreis von 50 Metern
>um die Wahllokale ist zudem jede Parteiwerbung untersagt. Wahlplakate
>müssen im Zweifelsfall entfernt werden, was an den gut 100 zerrissenen
>Milosevic- Postern an einer Baustellenwand im Eingangsbereich des
>Wahllokals sichtbar wird.
>
>Die Chancen für die Opposition seien unterschiedlich, erklärt Nikolic
>auf Nachfrage. Frühestens Montag könne die Wahlkommission die Ergebnisse
>bekannt geben. Da aber alle Parteien durch eigene Mitglieder vertreten
>seien, könnten diese eigene Hochrechnungen und Stimmungsbilder
>erstellen. Seriös und zuverlässig sind diese freilich nicht, wie sich im
>Laufe des Sonntag abend und Montag zeigen wird. Im Vorfeld der Wahlen
>hat es Kritik gegeben, daß nur eine Wählerliste in den Wahllokalen
>ausliegt und nicht jede Partei eine erhält. Dusan Sivsev beruft sich auf
>die Gesetzeslage und verweist darauf, daß jeder die Möglichkeiten gehabt
>habe, die Wählerlisten einzusehen. Er unterstreicht, daß es keine
>Differenzen über diese Listen zwischen den Parteien gebe, es sei also
>eine funktional-formale, keine inhaltliche Kritik. Vitali Shibko von der
>Sozialistischen Partei der Ukraine äußert sich zufrieden mit dem bisher
>gesehenen. Für ihn wichtig ist die Kontrolle der Wahlurnen selbst. Bei
>den Wahlen in Jugoslawien sei es - im Gegensatz zu seinem Land, das vom
>Westen unterstütztwerde - nicht möglich, daß zusätzliche Stimmen in die
>Boxen geworfen werden können. Landsmann Sergio Dovgan von der
>Bauernpartei pflichtet ihm bei. Beide haben vier Wahllokale in Belgrad
>besucht und berichten von der freundlichen Atmosphäre dort. Es gebe
>keinen Druck auf die Wähler, für eine bestimmte Partei oder einen
>bestimmten Kandidaten zu stimmen.
>
>Antonio Alac aus Argentinien pflichtet den beiden bei. Im Unterschied zu
>seinem Land gebe es keine Polizei vor den Wahllokalen. »Es sind Wahlen
>des Volkes.« In Argentinien würden die Stimmen an geheimen Plätzen
>ausgezählt. Der Opposition werde im Gegensatz zu Jugoslawien die
>Partizipation an diesem Prozeß verwehrt, Wahlfälschung sei daher Teil
>des politischen Tagesgeschäftes. Es sei doch absurd, daß Jugoslawien
>ausgerechnet von den Ländern Demokratiedefizite unterstellt werden, die
>wie die USA für die Unterstützung der Diktaturen in Lateinamerika
>bekannt seien. »Unsere Gesetzgebung basiert auf westlichen Modellen«,
>erklärt der Zoran Nikolic den Wahlbeobachtern. »Ausgerechnet diese
>Länder klagen uns zur Zeit an, undemokratisch und repressiv zu sein«,
>pflichtet der serbische Politiker seinen Vorredner bei. »Wir sind daher
>sehr dankbar, daß sie nach den Wahlen in ihren Ländern Botschafter der
>Wahrheit sind.«
>
>12.30 Uhr am Rande von Pancevo: Rush-hour im Wahllokal in der
>Kikinska-Straße. Mit den zur Seite geschobenen Ausstellungstücken im
>Möbelhaus Tamis Trgovina wirkt es improvisiert. Doch es erfüllt seinen
>Zweck. 510 Wähler haben bis Mittag ihre Stimme abgegeben, 50 Prozent der
>Wahlberechtigten in diesem Kreis. Obwohl die Anzahl der Wahlkabinen von
>vier auf acht verdoppelt wurde, stehen die Wähler Schlange. »Die hohe
>Wahlbeteiligung spricht für ein hohes politisches Bewußtsein in diesem
>Land«, urteilt Nabil Zaki. »Am wichtigsten für uns ist, daß die ganze
>Wahl ordnungsgemäß verläuft. Wir wollen eine faire Abstimmung«, erklärt
>ihm die Präsidentin der lokalen Wahlkommission, Rula Zora.
>
>Daß an die Schaufensterscheiben des Möbelhauses im Laufe des Vormittags
>Otpor-Aktivisten ihre Parolen zur Unterstützung der Opposition gesprüht
>haben und nebenan fleißig Anti-Regierungsplakate der Soros-Foundation
>geklebt wurden, nehmen beide schulterzuckend zur Kenntnis. Was dagegen
>tun? - Wären indes Plakate der SPS neben dem Wahllokal nicht rechtzeitig
>abgerissen worden, »unabhängige Wahlbeobachter« würden von Manipulation
>und »Unregelmäßigkeiten in Pancevo« sprechen.
>
>Belgrad am Nachmittag: Im Stundenrhythmus gibt CeSID, das vom
>Multimilliardär George Soros unterstützte »Zentrum für freie Wahlen und
>Demokratie«, im Media-Centar eine Pressekonferenz. Sein Zentrum werde
>davon abgehalten, die Wahlen zu beobachten, erklärt Marko Blagojevic vor
>der internationalen Presse. Auch DOS-Vertreter dürften die Wahllokale
>nicht aufsuchen, so die CeSID-Behauptung. Die richtige und langersehnte
>Information für die Sendezentralen in den westlichen Hauptstädten. Gegen
>16 Uhr weiß das ZDF von »Unregelmäßigkeiten« bei den Wahlen in
>Jugoslawien zu berichten und spricht von »Befürchtungen« der Opposition,
>daß es Manipulationen gebe.
>
>Vrsac, 16.30 Uhr: Das Städtchen an der jugoslawisch- rumänischen Grenze
>ist wohlhabend und aufgeräumt. Mit den zwei Konditorei-Fabriken, etwas
>chemischer und pharmazeutischer Industrie sowie dem Wein vom Fruska Gora
>bringen es die Einwohnern von Vrsac zu einigem Wohlstand. 23 nationale
>Minderheiten und Nationen leben neben- und miteinander hier im Nordosten
>der Vojvodina. Die Rumänen stellen mit 13 Prozent die größte Minderheit.
>In den Schulen erhalten sie muttersprachlichen Unterricht, am Rathaus
>sind die Eingangstafeln dreisprachig - serbisch, rumänisch und ungarisch
>- gehalten. Ebenso wie die Stimmzettel, erklärt der Präsident der
>Wahlkommission, Milorad Vidulevic. Auf die von jW angesprochenen
>Anschuldigungen der ausländischen Medien, die Wahlen würden mittels der
>Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge und der Armeeangehörigen gefälscht, läßt
>Vidulevic einen Packen versiegelter Umschläge bringen. 102
>Wahlberechtigte von Vrsac leisteten zur Zeit ihren Militärdienst. Sie
>seien in Kasernen in ganz Serbien untergebracht. Am vergangenen Dienstag
>haben sie von ihm per Post die Wahlunterlagen erhalten und bis Freitag
>zurückgeschickt. Die Umschläge werden am Abend nach Schließung der
>Wahllokale in Anwesenheit der kompletten Wahlkommission geöffnet. Die
>Stimmzettel, jeweils in separaten, neutralen und verschlossenen
>Umschlägen verpackt, werden in die jeweiligen Urnen - für die
>Präsidentschaftswahlen, die Kammern des Bundesparlamentes und die
>Kommunen - geworfen. Vor der Gruppe der Wahlbeobachter öffnet Vidulevic
>zwei Umschläge, um die Ausführungen zu untermauern. In jedem Umschlag
>liegt separat zudem die Wahlbenachrichtigung, so daß auf den
>Wählerlisten vermerkt werden könne, wer am Votum teilgenommen habe und
>wer nicht.
>
>Die Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge werden ebenfalls vor Ort in
>Anwesenheit aller Parteienvertreter ausgezählt. Die Ergebnisse werden
>anschließend den Wahlbezirken Vranje und Prokuplj zugerechnet.
>Wahllokale für Kosovo-Vertriebene gibt es in jeder Stadt, in der mehr
>als 100 Wahlberechtigte aus der südserbischen Provinz leben. 350000
>Menschen, überwiegend Serben, wurden seit Einmarsch der KFOR- Soldaten
>im Juni 1999 aus dem Kosovo vertrieben. Von einigen wenigen serbischen
>Enklaven und dem Norden der Provinz abgesehen, konnten im Kosovo die
>Wahlen nicht organisiert werden. »Nur diejenigen, die Angst haben zu
>verlieren, sprechen zu diesem Zeitpunkt von Manipulation«, weißt
>Vidulevic die Anschuldigungen der westlichen Medien und von CeSID
>zurück.
>
>17.50 Uhr: Im Wahllokal 23 im Gymnasium für Chemie und Textiltechnik in
>Vrsac herrscht reger Andrang. Bis 18 Uhr haben 609 von 925
>Wahlberechtigten ihre Stimme abgegeben. DOS-Vertreter Dusan Dulejan
>kritisiert, daß internationale Beobachter nur von der Regierung
>eingeladen worden seien. Ihm fehlen »unabhängige« Monitore von der OSZE.
>Dennoch, auf Nachfrage von jW äußert er sich zufrieden über den
>Wahlprozeß »in diesem Raum«. Er weiß aber von Manipulationen in Nis im
>Süden Serbiens zu berichten. Woher die Information, so die Nachfrage.
>Während des Mittagessens habe er zu Hause »Deutsche Welle« gehört und es
>im Internet gelesen. Daher die »gesicherte Information«.
>
>Belgrad, 21 Uhr: Auf dem Trg Republike, dem Platz der Republik, im
>Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt, haben SPS und JUL ein »Konzert
>des Volkes« organisiert. Einige Parteiaufrechte schwenken ihre
>Parteifahnen im Wind, auf der Bühne wird Folklore und traditionelles
>Liedgut geboten. Eine schlechte Propagandashow für RTS, das serbische
>Staatsfernsehen. Der Großteil der Anwesenden, Anhänger der Opposition,
>pfeift die Künstler nieder. DOS selbst spricht eine Stunde nach
>Schließung der Wahllokale nur 200 Meter neben dem Konzert, auf dem Platz
>Terazije, vor gut 5000 Unterstützern von »Sieg«. Die »Ära Milosevic«
>wird als beendet gefeiert. Ergebnisse gibt es freilich zu diesem
>Zeitpunkt noch nicht. CNN sendet aus dem Haus nebenan live in die USA
>und alle Welt über die »Wahlparty der Opposition«. Im Hintergrund die
>wartenden DOS-Fans. Später positionieren sich vielleicht zwei Dutzend
>Polizisten zwischen den beiden Gruppen - SPS-Folklore-Anhänger hie und
>aggressiv-siegeslustige Jungwähler da. Mit ihren Helmen und Knüppeln an
>der Seite wirken die Sicherheitskräfte entsprechend martialisch, die
>Bilder fürs Abendprogramm in den USA und die Morgenmagazine in
>Deutschland sind perfekt - Milosevics Regime bleibt repressiv.
>Übergriffe oder Festnahmen gab es freilich nicht. Ebensowenig wie
>sichere Wahlergebnisse. Die liegen auch am Montag mittag noch nicht vor,
>beide Lager beanspruchen allerdings für sich den Sieg bei den
>Präsidentschaftswahlen. Trotz aller Unsicherheit in Jugoslawien, in den
>deutschen, britischen und US-Medien werden Kostunica als Wahlgewinner
>gehandelt und die Gerüchte über Manipulation gepflegt.
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------
>
>Anlage 2
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Jugoslawien wird in den nächsten vier Jahren eine Linksregierung haben.
>Der nächste Präsident des Balkanlandes wird in einem zweiten Wahlgang
>bestimmt werden müssen. Dies geht aus den am Dienstag abend
>veröffentlichten vorläufigen Ergebnissen der Bundeswahlkommission
>hervor. Demnach haben nach den Wahlen am vergangenen Sonntag die
>Sozialistische Partei Serbiens (SPS), die Jugoslawische Linke (JUL) und
>die montenegrinische Sozialistische Volkspartei (SNP) in beiden Kammern
>des Bundesparlamentes die absolute Mehrheit der Abgeordnetensitze. Auf
>kommunaler Ebene müssen die Linksparteien Serbiens indes aufgrund des
>Mehrheitswahlprinzips eine gnadenlose Niederlage hinnehmen. Zwei Drittel
>der Städte werden künftig von der DOS regiert, ein Drittel von der
>SPS/JUL.
>Überraschend war vor allem aber das schlechte Abschneiden von Slobodan
>Milosevic, der mit 2026478 Wählerstimmen deutlich entfernt von einer
>absoluten Mehrheit bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen liegt. Auch wenn der
>Gegenkandidat der »Demokratischen Opposition Serbiens« (DOS), Vojislav
>Kostunica, mit 48,22 Prozent der Wählerstimmen deutlich vor dem im
>Westen verhaßten jugoslawischen Präsidenten Milosevic (40,23 Prozent)
>führt, die absolute Mehrheit im ersten Wahlgang konnte er laut
>Bundeswahlkommission nicht gewinnen. Am 8. Oktober steht somit die
>zweite Runde an. Unklar ist allerdings, ob Kostunica an dieser
>teilnehmen wird.
>
>Am späten Dienstag abend hatte Zoran Djindjic, Wahlkampfleiter der DOS,
>vor der Presse in Belgrad erklärt, sein Anti-Milosevic-Bündnis werde die
>Ergebnisse der Bundeswahlkommission nicht akzeptieren und die »Bürger
>Serbiens« zur »Verteidigung« ihres »Sieges« auf die Straße rufen. Im
>DOS-Hauptquartier im Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt sowie in
>Washington, London und Berlin sowie den großen Westmedien war Vojislav
>Kostunica bereits unmittelbar nach Schließung der Wahllokale am Sonntag
>zum Sieger und damit nächsten Präsidenten Jugoslawiens erklärt worden.
>Das Wort Manipulation und Wahlbetrug machte am Dienstag denn auch
>schnell die Runde. Uneinig ist man sich bei der DOS indes im Umgang mit
>den Resultaten der Wahlen zum Bundesparlament. Während DOS-Sprecher
>Cedomir Jovanovic für alle Wahlen den Sieg der Opposition reklamiert,
>räumte Wahlkampfleiter Djindjic die Führung der Linksparteien bei den
>politisch wichtigen Parlamentswahlen ein.
>
>Doch den Sieg Vojislav Kostunicas wolle man sich nicht nehmen lassen.
>Für Mittwoch abend hatten DOS und die mit ihr verbundene neoliberale
>Ökonomengruppe G-17-Plus zu einer Großkundgebung vor der Skupstina, dem
>Parlament im Herzen Belgrads, aufgerufen. Vojislav Kostunica wollte dort
>seinen Anspruch auf den Präsidentenposten proklamieren, ganze 24 Stunden
>vor der Bekanntgabe des endgültigen Wahlergebnisses durch die
>Bundeswahlkommission. In den folgenden Tagen sollen Demonstrationen
>folgen. Die internationalen Nachrichtensender BBC und CNN stimmten ihre
>Zuschauer bereits im Laufe des Mittwoch auf blutige Auseinandersetzungen
>am Abend ein. Eine Verantwortung für eine mögliche Gewalteskalation in
>Belgrad will DOS allerdings nicht übernehmen, erklärte Djindjic auf
>junge Welt-Nachfrage. Doch genau die Verantwortung - einen Bürgerkrieg
>in Jugoslawien zu verhindern - kommt ihr zu. Es liegt in ihren Händen,
>ihre im Siegestaumel schwelgenden Anhänger auf den Boden der Realität
>zurückzuholen. Denn selbst wenn Vojislav Kostunica der nächste Präsident
>Jugoslawiens sein sollte, Slobodan Milosevic wird - ganz legal - ein
>wichtiger Faktor im Land bleiben. »Gotov je - Er ist am Ende«, diese
>während des Wahlkampfes ausgegebene Parole wurde zu früh gebrüllt.
>
>--------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>Anlage 3
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>
>Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
>von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
>Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
>machen. Die Beobachter kamen unter anderem aus Bulgarien, Makedonien,
>Moldawien, Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
>den NATO-Ländern Kanada, Großbritannien und Deutschland.
>
>Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen fuhr die
>Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
>Die erste Station war der Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Küste, und
>hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
>Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar überdacht, aber letztlich fand
>die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt - das Hotel hatte auf Weisung »von
>oben« die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
>der siebte Wähler von 315 Wahlberechtigten seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons
>war auf den Tischen ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an
>Wahlkabinen erinnerte. Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern
>verschiedener Parteien. Auch die Partei des montenegrinischen
>Präsidenten Milo Djukanovic war mit zwei offiziellen »Beobachtern«
>präsent. Deren »Beobachtermission« war von besonderer Art. Mitglieder
>des Wahlkomitees berichteten über einen ungeheuren Druck auf die
>Bevölkerung während der letzten zehn Tage, nicht zur Wahl zu gehen. Es
>habe persönliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes
>oder der sozialen Unterstützung gegeben.
>
>Daß dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
>achttägigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Gruppe der Freidenker eine Woche
>zuvor in Montenegro bestätigen. In vielen Gesprächen wurde uns
>berichtet, daß eine staatlich organisierte massive
>Einschüchterungskampagne begonnen habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit
>Existenzgefährdung bedrohe. Uns wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt: Der
>Direktor eines holzverarbeitenden Betriebes kündigte seinen
>Beschäftigten an, wer am Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht
>mehr zur Arbeit zu erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden
>des Landes seinem Lehrerkollegium bekannt. So hatten die Beobachter aus
>der Djukanovic-Partei eine für alle Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe -
>jene, die trotz der Drohungen von ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu
>melden und die angekündigten Schikanen Realität werden zu lassen.
>
>Beim nächsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr 13
>von 665 Wählern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
>einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheimes der
>Jugoslawischen Flußschiffahrt, da die früheren Wahlstellen (in der
>Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
>Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden. Auch hier wurde über Drohungen gegen
>die Wähler und potentielle Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet. Am
>Wahltag selbst gab es keine Störungen. Auch hier saßen Mitglieder
>verschiedener Parteien im Komitee und - eine Besonderheit - eine
>Vertreterin des DOS-Wahlbündnisses, der »Demokratischen Opposition
>Serbiens«. Doch die »Beobachterin der DOS« war in Wirklichkeit eine
>Vertreterin der Djukanovic-Partei der Demokratischen Sozialisten (DPS),
>es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die Wahlen
>boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten.
>
>Beim anschließenden Frühstück der Beobachter traf ich meinen Freund
>Mischa wieder. Ich befragte ihn zu einigen Nachrichten, die in der
>Vorwoche von BBC aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der
>jugoslawischen Armee habe einen montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen.
>Das britische Fernsehen nahm das als einen Beweis für die »von Milosevic
>geplante Provokation zwecks militärischem Eingreifen«. Mischa klärte
>darüber auf, daß sich die Schießerei zwischen Männern in Zivilkleidung
>ereignet hat, zumindest der »Soldat« sei schon lange nicht mehr in der
>Armee. Man nehme an, es handle sich um eine Auseinandersetzung in der
>Mafia - zumindest seien alle »politischen« Motive frei erfunden. Nach
>dieser neuen Lektion in Sachen »freier Medien im Westen« besuchten wir
>ein drittes Wahllokal in einem Wohnviertel Budvars.
>
>Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mußten wir kurz
>davor abbiegen - in den Schachklub in Nebenräumen von
>»Montenegrotourist«. Wieder beengte Verhältnisse, improvisierter
>Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee und wieder eine
>»Beobachterin«, die offiziell für Kostunica wachte, tatsächlich aber für
>Djukanovic die Wählerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die ihre Kräfte
>sichtlich überforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal bildete sich eine
>große Wählerschlange, was ein Wahlboykotteur naturgemäß nicht sonderlich
>liebt. Deshalb sah sie »die Gefahr, bei dieser Menge den Überblick zu
>verlieren, und daß es so zu Wahlfälschungen kommen könne«.
>
>Auch im benachbarten Gebäude der Stadtverwaltung war eine große
>Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
>sich zwei Angehörige der montenegrinischen Polizei in grün-braunen
>Kampfanzügen postiert, um den Eingang des Wahllokals zu observieren. Als
>ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf die beiden aufmerksam machte,
>eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus der Menge vor dem Wahllokal
>vor das Fenster der beiden. In der Folge machten sie umgehend neuen
>Beobachtern in Zivilkleidung Platz.
>
>Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: »Wenn ihr mich hier nicht wählen
>laßt, fahre ich nach Serbien!« rief eine erboste Frau, die als
>NATO-UCK-Vertriebene aus dem Kosovo in Budva Zuflucht fand. »Irgendwie«
>sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen den Listen
>des Roten Kreuzes und den Wählerverzeichnissen gekommen. Von den in
>Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo- Vertriebenen sollen nur etwa 500 auf
>den Wählerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer, in der montenegrinischen
>Hauptstadt Podgorica, der nächsten Station unserer »Observer-Mission«,
>sollen von 20000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1000 Aufnahme in die Wählerlisten
>gefunden haben.
>
>In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein ähnliches Bild
>wie gehabt. Im Wahllokal Nr. 61 in Podgorica, in einem Freizeitclub der
>Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
>Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eröffnung des Lokals seien
>rund um den Eingang mehrere Polizeikameras installiert gewesen. Nach
>Intervention des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80
>Meter entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten sowie weitere
>»dickere« Fahrzeuge in der Nähe mit unablässigen Mobiltelefonierern.
>Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich für die
>relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein dürfte: Die
>Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
>erklärt. Die Beschäftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
>öffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der größeren staatlichen
>Betriebe, hatten schlicht keine Zeit für den Gang zum Wahllokal, wenn
>sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten.
>
>* Klaus Hartmann ist Präsident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in
>dieser Funktion vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter
>nach Belgrad eingeladen
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
>
>Anlage 4
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>
>Schon vor Abschluß der Wahl in Jugoslawien am Sonntag riefen NATO und EU
>gemeinsam mit der von ihnen teuer bezahlten jugoslawischen Opposition
>»Wahlbetrug«. Denn falls der NATO-Kandidat Kostunica verlieren sollte,
>dann wäre die Wahl von Milosevic manipuliert und könne folglich von EU
>und NATO nicht anerkannt werden. Um dies auch durchzusetzen - so die
>Überlegung der westlichen Wertegemeinschaft - mußte die NATO erneut ihre
>humanitäre Kriegsmaschine rund um Jugoslawien konzentrieren und in
>Alarmbereitschaft versetzen.
>
>Der französische Außenminister ließ Sonntag nacht noch über Radio Monte
>Carlo wissen, daß seine EU-Amtskollegen noch spätabends in einer
>Telefonkonferenz beraten hätten, wie zu reagieren sei, »falls Präsident
>Milosevic die Wahlen mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen sollte«. Wobei
>natürlich jedem der Beteiligten von vornherein klar war, daß Milosevic
>mit nichts anderem als nur mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen konnte,
>schließlich hatten EU und USA nicht umsonst mindestens 75 Millionen
>Dollar Wahlhilfe an die korrupte Opposition gezahlt und noch größere
>Versprechungen gemacht, die Jugoslawen sollten sich in der Wahl für den
>von der NATO ausgewählten Kandidaten entscheiden.
>
>Daß die militärische Friedensintervention gegen Belgrad jederzeit wieder
>aufgenommen werden kann, das macht die NATO mit ihrem Zusammenzug
>militärischer Mittel rund um Jugoslawien deutlich. Damit in Belgrad die
>Friedensbotschaft der westlichen Humanisten nicht mißverstanden wird,
>hat NATO-Generalsekretär Lord Robertson Präsident Milosevic bereits mit
>militärischen Aktionen gedroht, »falls er bei den Wahlen betrügt«. Er
>warnte, daß sich die »Truppen der westlichen Allianz auf dem Balkan in
>Alarmbereitschaft befinden«. Zu diesem Zweck hatte die NATO rechtzeitig
>zur Wahl die größte See-Armada seit ihrem ersten Angriff auf Jugoslawien
>im Mittelmeer zusammengezogen. Der britische Premier Tony Blair, der
>sich mit seinem militaristischen Humangesülze längst einen festen Platz
>im Himmel der Neuen Weltordnung gesichert hat, sandte als »Botschaft an
>Präsident Slobodan Milosevic« den britischen Flugzeugträger »Invincible«
>und den Hubschrauberträger »Ocean« ins Mittelmeer, wo sie auf eine
>amerikanische Schlachtschiffgruppe stoßen werden.
>
>Am Montag berichtete die britis<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
Von: Elmar Schmaehling <elmar_schmaehling@...>
An: adn <aktuelles@...>
Datum: Donnerstag, 28. September 2000 09:48
Betreff: Fw: YU-Wahlen
Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,
ich schicke Ihnen die Erklärung der deutschen Wahlbeobachter bei den
Jugoslawienwahlen noch einmal als doc-Datei.
Zusätzlich füge ich eine weitere Erklärung der internationalen
Beobachterkommission und einen Bericht über die Wahldurchführung in
Montenegro von Klaus Hartmann bei.
Auch die Vorlage des nun amtlichen Endergebnisses durch den
Bundeswahlausschuss ändert nichts an den Aussagen unserer Erklärung und
der Notwendigkeit beider Seiten, die Unterschiede beim Ergebnis der
Präsidentschaftskandidaten durch Offenlegen der Auswertungsunterlagen
gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit aufzuklären.
Mit freundlichen Grüßen
Elmar Schmähling
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Erklaerung der Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland
Demokratische und faire Bedingungen im Land selbst, massive
Manipulations- und Erpressungsversuche von aussen - Fazit der deutschen
Beobachter der Wahlen am 24. September 2000 in Jugoslawien
Entgegen der von Medien und Politikern im Westen verbreiteten
Informationen, dass die jugoslawischen Wahlen unter Ausschluss
unabhaengiger internationaler Beobachter stattgefunden haetten, haben
tatsaechlich 210 Wahlbeobachter aus 54 Laendern, unter ihnen 52
Abgeordnete, den Wahlverlauf verfolgt.
Als Wahlbeobachter aus Deutschland, eingeladen vom Jugoslawischen
Bundesparlament, sind wir ueberrascht, dass unsere Arbeit in der
deutschen Oeffentlichkeit nicht wahrgemommen wird, und erst recht diese
Chance zur Information aus erster Hand nicht genutzt wird.
Wir hoffen sehr, dass dies nicht seine Ursache darin hat, dass manche
interessierten Seiten schon vor Oeffnung der Wahllokale am 24. September
2000 "wissen" wollten, dass die Wahlen gefaelscht wuerden, und
"Ergebnisse" der Wahlen bereits verkuendeten, bevor die Stimmen
ausgezaehlt waren.
Wir hatten als Wahlbeobachter jede Moeglichkeit, uns frei zu bewegen,
Ueberpruefungen vor Ort vorzunehmen, die Bedingungen und den Ablauf der
Wahlen in allen Phasen zu kontrollieren. Mehrere hundert Wahllokale
wurden von den Beobachtern unangemeldet besucht. Daher stellen wir fest,
dass unsere Beobachtungen mit unseren eigenen Augen und mit eigenem
kritischen Verstand vorgenommen wurden, und dass wir daher den Wert
unserer Beobachtungen und Festellungen anders einschaetzen als jene
diversen Stellungnahmen von Politikern, die mit Informationen aus
dritter Hand in der Regel ihre vorgefasste Meinung bestaetigt sehen
wollen.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission der Wahlen am 24. September 2000
hat in einer gemeinsamen Erklaerung festgestellt, dass die Wahlen
demokratisch und fair verlaufen sind, und die Standards von
demokratischen Wahlen in anderen Laendern voll erfuellt haben. Dieser
Feststellung wie der Gesamtstellungnahme der Internationalen Kommission
schliesst sich die deutsche Beobachtergruppe voll inhaltlich an. Sie
unterstreicht dabei besonders die Kritik hinsichtlich des skandaloesen,
umfassenden Drucks (bis zur Existenzbedrohung), mit denen die Waehler in
Montenegro durch die Djukanovic-Regierung von der Ausuebung ihres
Wahlrechts abgehalten werden sollten. Dies ist mit dem Grundsatz fairer
und freier, demokratischer und rechtsstaatlich einwandfreier Wahlen
nicht in Einklang zu bringen.
Wir unterstuetzen ebenso und aus den gleichen Gruenden die Kritik an der
massiven auslaendischen Einmischung in den Wahlkampf, sei es in Form
einer 77-Millionen-US-Dollarspende an bestimmte kandidierende
Gruppierungen, sei es durch "Wahlversprechen" der EU, man werde bei ein
bestimmtes Waehlervotum durch Aufhebung von Sanktionen honorieren. Von
jedem freien, ziviliserten und demokratischen Land wuerden derartige
Versuche der politischen Einmischung und Erpressung energisch
zurueckgewiesen, und wir befuerchten, dass solche Parteinahme vor den
Wahlen die Bereitschaft beeintraechtigen koennte, den Ablauf und die
Ergebnisse der Wahlen unvoreingenommen und objektiv zur Kenntnis zu
nehmen und das Recht zur selbstaendigen Entscheidung der Bevoelkerung
ueber die eigene Zukunft zu akzeptieren.
Die Internationale Beobachterkommission insgesamt hat sich ebenso wie
wir deutschen Beobachter jede Muehe gemacht, moegliche Fehler,
Unkorrektheiten oder Faelschungsbemuehungen zu identifizieren. Wir
konnten keine diesbezueglichen Feststellungen treffen. In Einzelfaellen
war der Sichtschutz zur Sicherstellung der geheimen Stimmabgabe
mangelhaft, was dann sofort nach unserer Intervention korrigiert wurde.
In Einzelfaellen waren Wahlwillige nicht in den Waehlerlisten
verzeichnet, entsprechend den Problemen in Deutschland, wenn
Wahlberechtigte ihre Eintragung in der Waehlerliste nicht vorher
pruefen. Gehaeuft traten solche Probleme der fehlenden Verzeichnung in
den Waehlerlisten bei jenen auf, die seit Uebernahme der Verwaltung
durch UNMIK/KFOR aus Kosovo und Metohija gewaltsam vertrieben wurden.
Hier gabe es offenkundig Abstimmungsprobleme mit den Listen des Roten
Kreuzes, in denen offenbar nicht alle Vertriebenen erfasst sind.
Grundsaetzlich ist aber festzuhalten, dass - von diesen Einwaenden
abgesehen – die Wahlen in Uebereinstimmung mit den gesetzlichen
Vorschriften stattfanden, diese Vorschriften internationalen
rechtsstaatlichen Masstaeben entsprechen, und die Durchfuehrung der
Wahlen korrekt und professionell erfolgte. Wir konnten uns davon
ueberzeugen, dass es in Jugoslawien gelungen ist, trotz widriger
Umstaende - durch acht Jahre Wirtschaftssanktionen und den
voelkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg der NATO 1999 – die allgemeinen
Bedingungen fuer demokratische Wahlen zu schaffen, ebenso fuer die
Taetigkeit und das Zusammenwirken unterschiedlicher politischer Kraefte.
Die Rechtmaessigkeit und Legitimitaet der Wahlen steht somit ausser
Frage.
Zum Wahlablauf konnten wir konkret feststellen:
Die Wahlurnen in den Wahllokalen wurden bei Oeffnung der Wahllokale
versiegelt, nachdem durch den ersten Waehler festgestellt und mit
Unterschrift bestaetigt wurde, dass sie leer waren. Die Stimmzettel
wurden in abgezaehlter Stueckzahl in versiegelten Paketen unmittelbar
vor der Wahl ausgeliefert, ihr Empfang war zu quittieren, die nicht
verbrauchten Stimmzettel mussten nach Abschluss der Stimmabgabe
gezaehlt, die Zahl quittiert und als versiegeltes Paket zurueckgegeben
werden.
In allen Wahlkomitees waren Vertreter der an der Wahl teilnehmenden
Parteien / Gruppierungen, einschliesslich der Oppositionsparteien,
beteiligt. Die Auszaehlung der Stimmen erfolgte gemeinsam. Ueber die
Gueltigkeit zweifelhafter Stimmzettel wurde abgestimmt. Das Protokoll
mit dem Wahlergebnis wurde von allen Mitgliedern zu unterzeichnet.
Von diesem Protokoll wurden sechs Exemplare angefertigt. Das erste
Exemplar ging mit allen Wahlunterlagen an das Wahlkomitee des jeweiligen
Wahlkreises. Das zweite wurde an der Eingangstuer des Wahllokals
ausgehaengt. Die vier verbleibenden Exemplare wurden unmittelbar an die
Vertreter der vier Parteien / Gruppierungen ausgehaendigt, deren
Kandidaten die meisten Stimmen auf sich vereinigen konnten. Alle
uebrigen Parteien / Gruppierungen hatten Anspruch auf Aushaendigung
einer Protokoll-Kopie innerhalb von 12 Stunden.
Eine nochmalige Stimmzaehlung auf oertlicher oder Wahlkreisebene findet
nicht statt. Es gilt ausschliesslich das original im Wahllokal
festgestellte und von allen unterzeichnete Ergebnis, eine nachtraegliche
Veraenderung dieser urspruenglichen Zahlen ist somit ausgeschlossen.
Die Wahlergebnisse auf Bundeseben werden auf Basis saemtlicher Prokolle
aus den Wahllokalen von der Bundeswahlkommission in den Rechner
eingegeben. Die eingegeben Zahlen koennen eingesehen und von den
Parteivertretern, die auch einen Platz in der Bundeswahlkommission
haben, mit den Zahlen der in ihrer Hand befindlichen Einzelprotokollen
verglichen werden.
Vorsorglich hat die deutsche Beobachtergruppe stichprobenartig
Ergebnisse aus Wahllokalen notiert und mit den Eingaben im zentralen
Rechner der Bundeswahlkommission verglichen – mit dem Ergebnis, dass die
Eingaben korrekt erfolgt sind.
Aufgrund dieses festgestellten Verfahrens sind die in westlichen Medien
behaupteten "gestohlene Stimmen" oder Wahlfaelschungen technisch
praktisch nicht durchfuehrbar. Dies hat der Wahlkampfmanager der DOS,
Zoran Djindjic, auf Befragen ausdruecklich bestaetigt.
Wiederholt wurde nach der Wahl von verschiedenen Seiten das "lange
Schweigen" der Wahlkommission kritisiert, waehrend die verschiedenen
Parteien sich staendig mit neuen Siegesmeldungen zu uebertreffen
versuchten, wobei sie sich jeweils nur auf jenen Teil der von ihnen
selektiv ausgewaehlten Wahlprotokolle stuetzten.
Das Zusammenfuehren der einzelnen Wahlergebnisse in der Rechenzentrale
der Bundeswahlkommission als Grundlage offizieller Ergebnisse erklaert,
fuer die Wahlbeobachter nachvollziehbar, den beanspruchten Zeitbedarf.
Die Wahlkommission ist gesetzlich verpflichtet, das amtliche Endergebnis
binnen 72 Stunden nach Schliessung der Wahllokale bekanntzugeben. Eine
staendige Bekanntgabe nicht repraesentativer Zwischenergebnisse wuerde
nur der Tendenz zur subjektiven Interpretation im Sinne vorweggenommener
Endergebnisse Vorschub leisten. Die an die Fristen zur Bekanntgabe des
Wahlergebnisses geknuepften Spekulationen und Unterstellungen einer
Faelschungsmoeglichkeit sind unhaltbar.
Die Wahlbeobachter kritisieren, dass bestimmte Politiker der EU und der
USA ihre Missachtung der demokratischen Willensbildung der Bevoelkerung
dadurch ausgedrueckt haben, Wahlsieger zu ernennen, ohne Wahlverfahren
und die tatsaechlichen Wahlergebnisse zu kennen. Diese Einmischung ist
umso verwerflicher, als sie mit der Androhung von Sanktionen verbunden
isrt..
Die Wahlbeobachter geben ihrer Ueberzeugung Ausdruck, dass Frieden,
Stabilitaet und Partnerschaft zwischen allen Staaten nur auf der
Grundlage der Respektierung gleicher Rechte, der Souveraenitaet und
Gleichheit gedeihen koennen.
Belgrad, 26. September 2000 - Fuer die deutsche Beobachtergruppe:
gez. Klaus Hartmann, Preaesident der Weltunion der der Freidenker
Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Richter, Vors. d. Gesellschaft zum Schutz
Buergerrechte und Menschenwuerde
Ralph Hartmann, Botschafter a.D.
Elmar Schmaehling, ehem. Flottillenadmiral
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Als Wahlbeobachter unterwegs in Montenegro
Die "demokratischen" Wahlen im Djukanovic-Land
Von Klaus Hartmann
Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
machen. Die Beobachter kamen u.a. aus Bulgarien, Makedonien, Moldawien,
Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
NATO-Laendern wie Kanada, Grossbritannien und Deutschland.
Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen, fuhr die
Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
Die erste Station war die Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Kueste, und
hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar ueberdacht, aber letztlich fand
die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt – das Hotel hatte auf Weisung "von
oben" die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
der 7. Waehler von 315 seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons war auf den Tischen
ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an Wahlkabinen
gemahnte. Drei verschiedene Stimmzettel gab es – fuer die
Praesidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zu den beiden Kammern des
Bundesparlaments (die Buergerkammer wird nach Bevoelkerungsstaerke
besetzt, die Laenderkammer mit je 20 Vertretern Serbiens und 20
Montenegros - diese Regelung wurde anderslautender Westpropaganda zum
Trotz bei der juengsten Verfassungsaenderung nicht angetastet).
Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern verschiedener Parteien, die
Partei des montenegrinischen Praesidenten Djukanovic war mit zwei
offiziellen "Beobachtern" praesent. Deren "Beobachtermission" war von
besonderer Art. Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichteten ueber einen
ungeheuren Druck auf die Bevoelkerung waehrend der letzten 10 Tage,
nicht zur Wahl zu gehen, es habe persoenliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit
dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes oder der sozialen Unterstuetzung gegeben.
Dass dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
achttaegigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Freidenker-Gruppe eine Woche zuvor
in Montenegro bestaetigen. In vielen Gespraechen wurde berichtet, dass
eine staatlich organisierte massive Einschuechterungs-Kampagne begonnen
habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit Existenzgefaehrdung bedrohe.
Es wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt, wo u. a. ein Direktor eines
holzverarbeitenden Betriebes seinen Beschaeftigten ankuendigte, wer am
Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht mehr zur Arbeit zu
erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden des Landes seinem
Lehrerkollegium bekannt.
So hatten die Beobachter aus der Djukanovic-Partei eine fuer alle
Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe – jene, die trotz der Drohungen von
ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu melden und die angekuendigten
Schikanen Realitaet werden zu lassen.
Doch die "demokratische, westlich orientierte" Regierung des
NATO-Freundes Djukanovic beliess es nicht bei solchen "Beobachtern".
Kaum war unsere Beobachter-Gruppe erschienen, verliessen zwei finstere
Gestalten ihren in der Naehe geparkten Pkw, um sich mit verschraenkten
Armen rund 30 Meter vom Wahllokal aufzubauen, und zu bedeuten: Auch die
Geheimpolizei Dukanovic’ laesst diese demokratischen Wahlen und die
Waehler nicht allein.
Beim naechsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr
13 von 665 Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheim der
Jugoslawischen Flussschiffahrt, da die frueheren Wahlstellen (in der
Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden.
Auch hier wurde ueber Drohungen gegen die Waehler und potentielle
Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet, am Wahltag selbst gab es noch
keine Stoerungen. Auch hier Mitglieder verschiedener Parteien im
Komitee, und eine Besonderheit – eine Vertreterin des
DOS-Wahlbuendnisses, der "Demokratischen Opposition" Serbiens, die unter
dem Patronat von Madeleine Albright den Praesidentschaftskandidaten
Kostunica hervorbrachte – die einzige nicht kompromittierte Figur der
notorisch zerstrittenen wie NATO-hoerigen "Opposition". Doch die
Beobachterin "der DOS" war in Wirklichkeit eine Vertreterin der
Djukanovic-Partei, es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die
Wahlen boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten. Das warfen die Mitglieder des
Wahlkomitees ihr vor – und sie gab es schliesslich zu, bekraeftigte aber
zugleich ihre Unterstuetzung fuer Kostunica. Eine Unterstuetzung, die
freilich recht platonisch bleiben musste, da sie, aus dem 15 km
entfernten Petrovac stammend, ihrem angeblichen Favoriten gar nicht mit
der eigenen Stimme dienen konnte.
Beim anschliessenden Fruehstueck der Beobachter auf der Terasse des zu
Wahlzwecken verweigerten Hotels Mocren in Budva traf ich meinen Freund
Mischa wieder, den ich telefonisch ueber mein Kommen informiert hatte,
und von dem wir uns gerade eine Woche zuvor in seinem Haus verabschiedet
hatten. Ich sprach ueber das bisher Gesehene, und er meinte mit
resignierendem Kopfschuetteln, es sei eine Schande, was die Mafia-Bande
um Djukanovic Montenegro antue, das schoene Land werde der NATO und dem
Internationalen Verbrechen ausgeliefert, gleichzeitig soll das Volk von
seinen serbischen Bruedern und seinen historischen Wurzeln abgeschnitten
werden.
Ich fragte Mischa ueber einige Nachrichten, die in der Vorwoche von BBC
aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der jugoslawischen
Armee habe eine montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen – BBC nahm das
als einen Beweis fuer die "von Milosevic geplante Provokation zwecks
militaerischem Eingreifen". Mischa klaerte darueber auf, dass die
Schiesserei sich zwischen Maennern in Zivilkleidung ereignet hat,
zumindest der "Soldat" sei schon lange nicht mehr in der Armee. Man
nehme an, es handle sich um eine innermafioese Auseinandersetzung –
zumindest seien alle "politischen" Motive frei erfunden.
Doch BBC meldete auch, zur Bekraeftigung, massive Bewegung von Truppen
und Fahrzeugen der jugoslawischen Armee auf den Strassen Montenegros in
der Woche vor der Wahl. "Auch davon ist kein Wort wahr", meinte Mischa
empoert, "hier ist alles exakt genauso normal und ruhig wie Ihr es in
den Tagen vorher selbst erlebt habt". Nach dieser neuen Lektion in
Sachen "freier Medien im Westen" besuchten wir ein drittes Wahllokal in
einem Wohnviertel Budvars. Zum Abschied hatte uns Mischa versichert,
obwohl Djukanovic in seiner Funktion als Praesident (!) im Fernsehen
erklaert habe, kein anstaendiger, ehrenhafter Mensch, der fuer
Montenegro sei, duerfe zur Wahl gehen, sei es fuer ihn
selbstverstaendlich, trotz aller Einschuechterungen zur Wahl zu gehen –
"alles andere waere eine Schande".
Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mussten wir kurz
davor abbiegen – in den Schachklub, in Nebenraeumen von
"Montenegrotourist". Wieder beengte Verhaeltnisse, improvisierter
Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee, und wieder
eine "Beobachterin", die offiziell fuer Kostunica wachte, tatsaechlich
aber fuer Djukanovic die Waehlerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die
ihre Kraefte sichtlich ueberforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal
bildete sich eine grosse Waehler-"Schlange", was ein Wahlboykotteur
naturgemaess nicht sonderlich liebt. Deshalb sah sie "die Gefahr, bei
dieser Menge den Ueberblick zu verlieren und es zu Wahlfaelschungen
kommen koenne." Um 10.20 Uhr hatten in diesem Lokal rund 400 von 3.900
Waehlern ihre Stimme abgegeben, und ca. 50 warteten auf die Moeglichkeit
zur Stimmabgabe.
Auch im benachbarten Gebaeude der Stadtverwaltung war eine grosse
Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
sich zwei Exemplare der Djukanovic-Polizei in gruen-braunen
Kampfanzuegen postiert, die den Eingang des Wahllokals nicht aus den
Augen liessen. Als ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf diese
Gestalten aufmerksam machte, eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus
der Menge vor dem Wahllokal vor das Fenster der beiden, und sie machten
umgehend neuen Beobachtern in Zivil Platz. Den zurueckkehrenden
schwarzen Mann fragten wir nach seiner Funktion, worauf er meinte, er
sei Waehler, er warte nur auf seine Frau, die noch im Wahllokal sei. Als
wir uns etwas entfernt hatten, lief er unentwegt zwischen Wahllokal,
Stadtverwaltung und einer Gaststaette hin und her, sprach unablaessig
mit anderen "unauffaellig Herumlungernden", waehrend "seine Frau"
verschwunden blieb – die womoeglich als besonders schwerer Fall von
Wahlfaelschung hoechstselbst in die Wahlurne gefallen war.
Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: "Wenn Ihr mich hier nicht waehlen
lasst, fahre ich nach Serbien!", rief eine erboste Frau, die als
NATO/UCK-Vertriebene aus Kosovo und Metohija in Budva Zuflucht fand.
"Irgendwie" sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen
den Listen des Roten Kreuzes und den Waehlerlisten gekommen. Von den in
Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo-Vertriebenen sollen nur ca. 500 auf den
Waehlerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer in der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt
Podgorica, der naechsten Station unserer "Observer-Mission" - dort
sollen von 20.000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1.000 den Weg in die
Waehlerlisten gefunden haben. Eine bei der bekannten
Pro-Milosevic-Stimmung unter den Kosovo-Serben umso unverstaendlichere
"Organisationsleistung" – die waehrend des Wahltages wohl nicht mehr
geheilt werden konnte.
Zum Abschied aus Budva rief uns noch ein Waehler zu: "Berichtet, dass
dies hier keine freien Wahlen sind! Seit Wochen werden wir
eingeschuechtert und bedroht fuer den Fall, dass wir zur Wahl gehen. Im
Volk herrscht Angst, wir haben hier eine Terror-Verwaltung. Wir wollen
aber nicht von Serbien getrennt werden, wir wollen nicht in einer
Kolonie leben!"
Bei unserem Aufenthalt in Montenegro Mitte September hatte uns bereits
ein Freund, der in der Tourismus-Branche arbeitet, auf die merkwuerdige
Lage hingewiesen, dass nicht nur Rundfunk, Fernsehen und Zeitungen von
Djukanovic angewiesen worden seien, nicht ueber Wahlvorbereitungen und
Wahlkampf zu berichten – sogar bezahlte Zeitungsanzeigen, Werbespots und
offizielle Plakatierung wuerden verweigert. Bei der Fahrt von der Kueste
ueber die alte Residenzstadt Cetinje nach Podgorica sahen wir dafuer in
grosser Zahl Werbetafeln (ohne erkennbaren"Absender") mit der Parole:
"Ich weigere mich, zu waehlen. Zum Wohle von Montenegro und Serbien."
Das ist jenes Wohl, das aus der Hand der NATO kommen soll.
In Podgorica die Pressekonferenz des Landeswahlkomitees – im engen
Kolleg einer privaten Gaststaette (die grossen staatlichen Hotels hatten
ebenfalls keinen Raum fuer Wahlaktivitaeten). Information: Bis 11 Uhr
haetten rund 15% der Wahlberechtigten in Montenegro ihre Stimme
abgegeben – trotz massiver Drohungen und Behinderungen.
In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein aehnliches Bild
wie gehabt. Mitglieder der Sozialistischen Volkspartei von Momir
Bulatovic, der Serbischen Radikalen Partei von Vojislav Seselj, der
Serbischen Volkspartei und vereinzelt auch Mitglieder verschiedener
kommunistischer Parteien bildeten das Wahlkomitee, ergaenzt um ein bis
zwei Beobachter - vorgeblich der "Demokratischen Opposition" Kostunicas,
real Spione Djukanovic’. Im ersten Wahllokal hatten um 14.30 Uhr 15% von
983 Waehlern gewaehlt, im zweiten um 14.45 Uhr 20% von 809 Waehlern.
Beide Wahllokale waren in Tourismusbueros der Bundesrepublik
untergebracht.
Im dritten Wahllokal Podgoricas (Nr.61), in einem Freizeitclub der
Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eroeffnung des Lokals seien
rund um den Eingang des Lokals mehrere Polizei-Kameras im Straeuchern
installiert gewesen, um alle Waehler "festzuhalten". Nach Intervention
des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80 Meter
entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten (Kennzeichen PG 12 – 87)
sowie weitere "dickere" Fahrzeuge in der Naehe mit unablaessigen
Mobiltelefonieren.
Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich fuer die
relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein duerfte: Die
Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
erklaert! Die Beschaeftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
oeffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der groesseren staatlichen
Betriebe hatten schlicht keine Zeit fuer den Gang zum Wahllokal – wenn
sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten. Wetten, dass
ueber dieses "kleine" Detail kein Sterbenswoertchen verloren wird, wenn
die "freien westlichen Medien" triumphierend ueber den Erfolg des
Djukanovic-Boykotts berichten?
Letzte Station unserer Rundfahrt war die Stadt Kolasin im Norden
Montenegros, gelegen in jenen Bergen, die namensgebend fuer die kleine
Republik sind. Hier stellt die Sozialistische Volkspartei, die mit der
Sozialistischen Partei Serbiens verbunden ist, die lokale Regierung, und
deshalb konnte hier auch in oeffentlichen Gebaeuden gewaehlt werden. Im
ersten Wahllokal, in der Gemeindebuecherei, hatten um 17.20 40% von 720
Waehlern gewaehlt. Auch hier ein gemischtes Komitee, und ein
Djukanovic-Vertrauter. Der war sichtlich verbluefft ueber unsere Frage
nach seiner Partei, sodass ihm (unter Protest der Komitee-Mitglieder)
ein Parteifreund zurief: "Sag, dass Du Vertreter der Demokratischen
Opposition bist, sag es!" Wir haetten es aber auch so schon gewusst.
Die letzten beiden Wahllokale, die wir in Kolasin besuchten, lagen im
Buergerhaus und verzeichneten gegen 17.30 Uhr eine Wahlbeteiligung von
etwa 50%. Ein Komiteevorsitzender sagte uns, einige Arbeiter und Rentner
haetten die Drohungen der Republiksregierung wohl ernst genommen und
seien nicht erschienen, weil sie um ihre Loehne und Renten fuerchteten.
Er sei aber sicher, dass es sich um leere Drohungen handele, denn auch
der Praesident sei doch an Verfassung und Gesetz gebunden, besonders ein
Demokrat wie Milo Djukanovic. Bevor wir allzu fassungslos werden
konnten, machte uns das schallende Gelaechter der Komiteemitglieder
klar, dass ihr Vorsitzender zu scherzen beliebt. Nur der "oppositionelle
Demokrat" laechelte saeuerlich.
Da war sein Kollege im Nachbarwahllokal von anderer Statur: der
ueberschlug sich foermlich dabei, uns zu versichern, wie wunderbar die
Zusammenarbeit sei, wie gut und kontrolliert die gesamte Wahlhandlung
ablaeuft, technisch einwandfrei demokratisch voellig korrekt -
Faelschungen seien ausgeschlossen, dafuer verbuerge er sich, und bei
Bedarf koennten wir auch seinen Namen angeben.
Trotz dieser aufmunternden Worte zogen wir vor der Rueckreise nach
Belgrad das Fazit, dass diese Wahlen beim besten Willen nicht frei,
geheim und gleich genannt werden koennen. Die Wahlen, wohlgemerkt im
"westlichen Montenegro", nicht jene im "Reich des boesen Slobo". Eine
Situation der systematischen Einschuechterung und Angst stoert die neuen
Weltordner nicht die Bohne, wenn sie sich eine neue Kolonie untertan
machen wollen. Allerdings muss die jugoslawische Regierung die Frage
beantworten, ob eine allen demokratischen Normen Hohn sprechende
Wahlbehinderung auf einem Teil ihres Territoriums hingenommen werden
kann.
Klaus Hartmann
ist Praesident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in dieser Funktion
vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter eingeladen
PS- In den Nachrichten verschiedener Fernseh- und Rundfunkstationen
wurde am Abend des 25.09.2000 aus Montenegro von einer Entlassungswelle
in Betrieben und verwaltungen berichtet.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Press release
Belgrade, September 26, 2000
"A free and fair election", international observers say.
The 210 international observers from 54 countries who have come to
Yugoslavia to monitor the elections have among them current and former
parliamentarians, representatives from political parties and
organizations, as well as scholars, journalists and activists. They have
been able to view the electoral activities from rallies to the actual
voting on September 24 and many have taken the opportunity meet with the
leaders of various political parties and the different presidential
campaigns.
The observers feel strongly that they have had free, unobstructed access
to the relevant activities and particularly to the voting on the 24 when
observers visited polling stations in different parts of Yugoslavia,
including Montenegro and Kosovo.
In Montenegro, the ca 20 foreign observers witnessed an overall
atmosphere of intimidation of the voters, originating from the
government of Mr. Djukanovic which is boycotting the elections.
Everywhere there were huge billboards telling people not to vote. These
had the appearances of threats: "Don’t vote or else..." Some of those
who did vote, told the observers that they felt voting was risky for
them and could lead to the loss of jobs and other forms of harassment,
as the polling stations were watched by the police and cameras not
belonging to the media were pointed at the citizens coming to vote. In
one poll Serbian refugees from Kosovo told the observers that hundreds
of them had been left off the voters’ lists, although they had the
necessary documentation to be able to vote. (This situation was brought
to the attention of the Montenegrin Electoral Commission and a more
detailed report will be forwarded to the Federal Electoral Commission of
Yugoslavia.)
The observers note that the voting process overall was orderly and
smooth although it involved three separate ballots with multiple
choices. The voting process, in the opinion of many, was equal or
superior to the ones in their own countries.
The observers feel strongly that the so-called "international community"
has been abusive of Yugoslavia and democratic principles, in declaring
weeks ahead that the election will be "rigged" and heaping constant
abuse at the authorities in Yugoslavia who are trying to carry out a
complicated, multi-level election in stressful conditions. This abuse
has continued after the election, with leaders of Western countries
declaring only a few hours after the election that Mr. Kustunica has
won, as if they would have had privileged access to the voting results!
This leads us to wonder whether if Mr. Kustunica in fact comes first,
whether his election will also be considered fraudulent, because, after
all, "everybody knows" that the election was rigged.
The observers believe that there has been undue interference in the
Yugoslavian election by the Western powers, in particular by the United
States, which has seen fit to interfere to the tune of $77(US) million
to various opposition movements and organizations, including the
"independent" media. This is a shameful - and no doubt illegal –
intrusion into the affairs of a sovereign nation. Also the attempts by
the European Union to bribe Yugoslavian voters to vote in a certain way
in order to be "rewarded" with the lifting of sanctions and other
goodies, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
The observers leave Yugoslavia with a hightened respect for the
integrity of the political process in the country. From what we have
seen and heard, we believe that the results will truly reflect the will
and the wishes of the people of Yugoslavia. –30-
This statement has been endorsed by:
NAME COUNTRY
... ...
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
>Liebe Leute,
>
>zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien dokumentiere ich folgende Texte:
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>Anlage 1
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 2
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>Anlage 3
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>Anlage 4
>
>WIRD JUGOSLAWIEN DIE NATO STOPPEN?
>Von Klaus von Raussendorff
>Mitteilungen der Kommunistischen Plattform der PDS Oktober/2000
>Anlage 5
>
>Mit internationalistischen Grüßen
>
>Klaus v. Raussendorff
>
>---------------------------------------------------------
>Anti-Imperialistische Korrespondenz (AIK)
>Redaktion: Klaus von Raussendorff
>Postfach 210172, 53156 Bonn
>Tel.&Fax: 0228 – 34.68.50
>Email: raussendorff@...
>
>Anti-Imperialistische Online-Korrespondenz
>Webmaster: Dieter Vogel
>http://home.t-online.de/home/aik-web/
>Email: aik-web@...
>
>Wer die AIK nicht empfangen möchte,
>schicke bitte eine Mail mit dem Betreff
>"unsubscribe" an raussendorff@...
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------
>
>Anlage 1
>
>junge Welt v. 27.09.2000
>
>FAIR, ABER NICHT FREI
>EINDRÜCKE DER INTERNATIONALEN WAHLBEOBACHTER IN JUGOSLAWIEN.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Wer hat gewonnen, hast Du Ergebnisse«, war die am Montag morgen die in
>Belgrad wohl am häufigsten gestellte Frage. Die Antwort blieb man
>schuldig, auch wenn die Oppositionszeitung Danas in dicken Lettern mit
>»Popeda! - Sieg!« titelte. Es ist kein normales Land, und es waren keine
>normale Wahlen, die am Sonntag in Jugoslawien stattfanden. Gut ein Jahr
>nach dem NATO-Krieg gegen das Balkanland waren 7861327 Wahlberechtigte,
>7417197 in Serbien und 444130 in Montenegro, aufgerufen, den künftigen
>Präsidenten zu wählen. Erstmals wird damit der Staatschef Jugoslawiens
>direkt von der Bevölkerung bestimmt. Darüber hinaus galt es, die
>Abgeordneten für die beiden Kammern des Bundesparlamentes, sowie
>Kreisräte und Kommunale Mandatsträger zu wählen.
>
>Die Wähler waren nicht wirklich frei in ihrem Votum. »Wenn die Wahlen
>nicht fair sind, werden wir Jugoslawien hermetisch isolieren«, ließ der
>US-Präsident in Washington am Vorabend des Urnenganges verlauten. Als
>»fair« und für den Westen akzeptabel gelten die Wahlen nur dann, wenn
>der gegenwärtige Präsident Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic, sein Amt
>verliert. Millionensummen wurden im Vorfeld von den USA und der
>Europäischen Union aufgebracht, ein Klima zu erzeugen, demzufolge
>Oppositionskandidat Vojislav Kostunica die Wahlen auf jeden Fall
>gewinnen würde - und sollte er es nicht, dann könne dies nicht dem
>Wählervotum geschuldet sein, sondern Manipulationen der Resultate
>seitens der Regierungsparteien SPS (Sozialistische Partei Serbiens) und
>JUL (Jugoslawische Linke). Eine leichte Position also für die
>Pro-NATO-Opposition in Belgrad.
>
>Unter der Drohung fortdauernder Sanktionen, der Sezession Montenegros
>und in Erwartung bürgerkriegsähnlicher Auseinandersetzungen im Falle
>einer Niederlage der Oppositionsparteien sowie dem Versprechen auf
>wirtschaftliche Hilfe als Belohnung für einen Sieg der »Demokratischen
>Opposition Serbiens« (DOS) galt es, über die Zukunft im kleinen wie
>einer ganzen Nation zu entscheiden. Es sind »historische Wahlen« im
>besten Sinne, und ihr Ergebnis dürfte von globaler Bedeutung sein. Wird
>die NATO von den Wählern nachträglich für ihr Bombardement Jugoslawiens
>mehrheitlich mit den Stimmen für Kostunica belohnt, oder steht der
>Großteil der Bevölkerung nach wie vor an der Seite derjenigen, die das
>Land bis dato den neokolonialen Einvernahmungs- und
>Unterordnungsambitionen des Westens entziehen konnten?
>
>Sieg oder Niederlage, demokratische Wahlen oder Manipulation, Wandel mit
>dem Kandidaten Kostunica oder ewige Despotie eines Milosevic? Dieser
>einfachen Fragestellung folgend herrscht in den großen westlichen
>Unisonomedien denn auch seit Tagen eine Art neuerliche Kriegsstimmung.
>
>Samstag, 9.02 Uhr: Die Korrespondentin des britischen Nachrichtensenders
>BBC, Jacky Rowland, vermeldet telefonisch aus Belgrad, letzten Umfragen
>zufolge habe der DOS-Kandidat Vojislav Kostunica einen Zehn-Prozent-
>Vorsprung gegenüber dem amtierenden Präsidenten Milosevic. Da seit
>Freitag 0.00 Uhr eigentlich Wahlruhe herrscht, gibt es keinerlei neue
>Daten oder Umfragen. Auch wenn diese »Vorwahlumfragen« in den westlichen
>Medien sowie der Oppositionspresse in Jugoslawien immer wieder
>präsentiert wurden, es gibt keinen seriösen Meinungsforscher, der den
>Erhebung Glauben schenkt.
>
>Die regierungsnahe jugoslawische Tageszeitung Politika titelt in ihrer
>Samstagausgabe mit der neugeschaffenen Verbindung über die Donau. In der
>Nacht zum Freitag waren alle Teile des Brückenschlusses »Varadinska
>Duga« in Novi Sad verbunden worden. Das Megaprojekt ist Teil des
>Regierungsprogramms zum Wiederaufbau und Erneuerung des Landes. Die vom
>Westen finanzierte Zeitung Glas übt sich hingegen in defätistischem
>Realismus und vermeldet auf der Titelseite den vermeintlich aktuellen
>Schwarzmarktwechselkurs von DM und Dinar, der bei eins zu 35 liegen
>soll. In der Tat war der Wert des Dinars in den Vorwahltagen
>kontinuierlich gesunken, und in den Geschäften Belgrads wurde der
>Eindruck erweckt, als ob es eine Knappheit an Grundnahrungsmitteln wie
>Öl, Zucker und Milch gäbe. Künstliche Krisenstimmung.
>
>Sonntag, 8.00: Nabil Zaki aus Kairo beginnt im Belgrader Stadtteil
>Karaburma mit seiner Arbeit. Er gehört der internationalen
>Wahlbeobachtergruppe an, die von der Belgrader Regierung eingeladen
>wurde, den Urnengang zu überwachen. 210 Mitglieder umfaßt die »election
>observing mission«, sie kommen aus mehr als 50 Ländern. Nabil Zaki ist
>Chefredakteur der ägyptischen Tageszeitung Al Ahali und Präsident der
>Abteilung für internationale Beziehungen von »Tagamo«. Die Linkspartei
>rechnet damit, bei den in vier Wochen anstehenden Parlamentswahlen in
>Ägypten die Zahl ihrer Sitze im Parlament von fünf auf zehn zu
>verdoppeln. In der Schule »Stjepan Stevo Filipovic« in der Straße
>Patrisa Lumumbe 5 gehören Zana Niksic und ihre Tochter Liljana zu den
>ersten Wählern am Morgen. Für beide ist klar, bei dem Urnengang geht es
>um die Verteidigung ihres Landes gegen eine Übernahme durch die NATO. In
>der ersten Viertelstunde nach Öffnung der Wahllokale haben bereits 40
>Wähler abgestimmt, erfährt Nabil Zaki von der Wahlkommission. Es sind
>überwiegend Rentner, die zu dieser Zeit ihre Stimme abgeben. In dem
>Klassenzimmer der Grundschule sitzen mehr Mitglieder dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission als Wähler Platz finden würden. Zwei
>jugoslawische Papierfähnchen auf die grüne Tafel geklebt markieren den
>Raum als Wahllokal. Die Stimmung ist locker, man kennt sich aus der
>Nachbarschaft. Sowohl die Kommissionsmitglieder der oppositionellen DOS
>und SPO (Serbische Erneuerungsbewegung) wie die regierenden SPS sind
>zufrieden mit der Wahlprozedur und bezeichnen sie auf Nachfrage als
>»fair«. Zwei ältere Frauen, die für die Serbische Radikale Partei (SRS)
>die Richtigkeit des Urnenganges überprüfen sollen, nicken beipflichtend
>zu. Fünf Wahlboxen sind aufgestellt, sie wurden am Morgen verplompt und
>werden nach Schließung des Wahllokals um 20 Uhr in Anwesenheit aller
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder geöffnet. Auf dem Boden einer jeden Urne liegt
>eine Wahlliste, damit soll den Anschuldigungen begegnet werden, es gebe
>eventuell einen doppelten Boden in den Boxen. In einer stundenlangen
>Prozedur werden schließlich die Stimmen gemeinsam ausgezählt, geprüft
>und gegengeprüft. Dem Westen und den Anschuldigungen der Opposition,
>Milosevic würde sich mittels Wahlmanipulationen an der Macht halten,
>sollen damit entkräftet werden. Für Gelächter wie für Verstimmung sorgt
>Nabil Zaki mit der Frage nach Wahlsymbolen für die einzelnen Parteien.
>In Ländern mit hoher Analphabetenrate soll dies den Wählern bei der
>Unterscheidung der Konkurrenten helfen. »Bei uns können alle lesen«,
>tönt eine ältere Frau aus der anderen Ecke des Raumes. Symbole auf den
>Stimmzetteln seien daher nicht notwendig.
>
>Um 8.20 Uhr ist der Wahlbeobachter bereits im Wahllokal in der
>Physik-Fakultät in der Straße Zara Dusana 13. Er gehört zum Wahlkreis
>Stari Grad und liegt im Zentrum Belgrads. Nabil Zaki interessiert sich
>für die Identifizierung der Wahlberechtigten. Stimmzettel erhält nur,
>wer mit Wahlbenachrichtigung und Personalausweis oder Paß kommt. Eine
>mehrfache Stimmabgabe ist damit nicht möglich. Die Daten werden mit dem
>Wählerverzeichnis überprüft, der DOS-Vertreter sitzt direkt daneben und
>notiert zudem die Wählernummer. Alle anderen Mitglieder auch dieser
>parteienübergreifenden Kommission können den Prozeß nachvollziehen. In
>Ägypten gebe es stets Streit darüber, ob sich die Wähler ausweisen
>müssen, Manipulationen seien damit leicht möglich, erklärt er gegenüber
>junge Welt, die als einzige Zeitung die Wahlbeochtermission begleitet.
>
>Im Wahlkreis 43, dessen Wahllokal sich im Gebäude des Serbischen Roten
>Kreuzes in der Simina 19 befindet, scheint man um halb neun am Morgen
>noch zu schlafen, fragt Nabil Zaki scherzend die gutgelaunten
>Wahlkommissionsmitglieder. Auch hier werden Kaffee und Saft
>parteiübergreifend getrunken und über das ein oder andere Witzchen
>gelacht. Als dann doch eine Wählerin auftaucht und Nabil Zaki fragt, für
>wen sie denn gestimmt habe, wird er von den Kommissionsmitgliedern
>unterbrochen. Dies dürfe in den Wahllokalen nicht erfragt werden. Die
>Abstimmung ist geheim und niemand habe sich hier für das Votum des
>Einzelnen zu interessieren. Die 40jährige Mutter dreier Kinder freilich
>läßt Zaki wissen, daß sie für den »Wechsel« gestimmt habe. Ein hagerer
>Rentner hat Pech. Da er sich nur mit seinem Gesundheitsausweis, der kein
>Foto enthält, legitimieren kann, darf er nicht abstimmen. Er wird
>gebeten, doch nach Hause zu gehen und mit seinem Personalausweis
>wiederzukommen.
>
>Um 9 Uhr inspiziert Nabil Zaki das Wahllokal 52 in der Marsala
>Birijusova 58 ganz in der Nähe der Belgrader Fußgängerzone. Von den 921
>Wahlberechtigten haben hier schon 90 ihre Stimmen abgegeben. In dem
>engen, verrauchten Raum reihen sich die Mitglieder von SPS, DOS, SPO und
>SRS dicht an dicht aneinander. Zwei weitere Mitglieder der
>Wahlkommission beharren darauf, »neutral« zu sein und keiner Partei
>anzugehören.
>
>In einer Stunde hat der 65jährige Philosoph aus Kairo damit fünf
>Wahllokale aufgesucht. Unterschiedslos äußerten sich die Vertreter der
>verschiedenen Parteien jeweils zufrieden mit dem Ablauf des
>Wahlprozesses. Es gebe keine Probleme, heißt es einmütig, von
>Manipulation könne keine Rede sein. Weder gebe es das Interesse noch die
>Möglichkeiten dafür. Nabil Zaki ist zufrieden mit seiner bisherigen
>Mission. »In Ägypten ist die Opposition häufig von der Wahlkommission
>ausgeschlossen«, kritisiert er die Demokriedefizite in seinem Land. Sie
>habe keine Möglichkeit, die Stimmabgabe und - auszählung zu überwachen
>und die Stimmung in den Wahllokalen sei häufig aggressiv. Ähnlich äußern
>sich gegenüber junge Welt im Laufe des Wahlsonntags Beobachter aus der
>Ukraine, aus Rußland, Bolivien, Argentinien und Griechenland.
>
>Pancevo, 11 Uhr: In den Räumen der Wirtschaftskammer der 15 Kilometer
>nordöstlich von Belgrad gelegenen Stadt stehen Zoran Nikolic, Präsident
>des Südbanats, und Dusan Sivsev, Präsident der Wahlkommission für die
>Region Pancevo, einer 20köpfigen Gruppe internationaler Wahlbeobachter
>Rede und Antwort. Von der Tatsache abgesehen, daß drei Wahllokale
>aufgrund technischer Probleme wenige Minuten verspätet geöffnet wurden,
>habe es in ihrem Verantwortunsbereich keine Probleme gegeben. Alle
>Parteien hätten die Wahlruhe respektiert. Laut Gesetz darf 48 Stunden
>vor dem Urnengang nicht mehr geworben werden, im Umkreis von 50 Metern
>um die Wahllokale ist zudem jede Parteiwerbung untersagt. Wahlplakate
>müssen im Zweifelsfall entfernt werden, was an den gut 100 zerrissenen
>Milosevic- Postern an einer Baustellenwand im Eingangsbereich des
>Wahllokals sichtbar wird.
>
>Die Chancen für die Opposition seien unterschiedlich, erklärt Nikolic
>auf Nachfrage. Frühestens Montag könne die Wahlkommission die Ergebnisse
>bekannt geben. Da aber alle Parteien durch eigene Mitglieder vertreten
>seien, könnten diese eigene Hochrechnungen und Stimmungsbilder
>erstellen. Seriös und zuverlässig sind diese freilich nicht, wie sich im
>Laufe des Sonntag abend und Montag zeigen wird. Im Vorfeld der Wahlen
>hat es Kritik gegeben, daß nur eine Wählerliste in den Wahllokalen
>ausliegt und nicht jede Partei eine erhält. Dusan Sivsev beruft sich auf
>die Gesetzeslage und verweist darauf, daß jeder die Möglichkeiten gehabt
>habe, die Wählerlisten einzusehen. Er unterstreicht, daß es keine
>Differenzen über diese Listen zwischen den Parteien gebe, es sei also
>eine funktional-formale, keine inhaltliche Kritik. Vitali Shibko von der
>Sozialistischen Partei der Ukraine äußert sich zufrieden mit dem bisher
>gesehenen. Für ihn wichtig ist die Kontrolle der Wahlurnen selbst. Bei
>den Wahlen in Jugoslawien sei es - im Gegensatz zu seinem Land, das vom
>Westen unterstütztwerde - nicht möglich, daß zusätzliche Stimmen in die
>Boxen geworfen werden können. Landsmann Sergio Dovgan von der
>Bauernpartei pflichtet ihm bei. Beide haben vier Wahllokale in Belgrad
>besucht und berichten von der freundlichen Atmosphäre dort. Es gebe
>keinen Druck auf die Wähler, für eine bestimmte Partei oder einen
>bestimmten Kandidaten zu stimmen.
>
>Antonio Alac aus Argentinien pflichtet den beiden bei. Im Unterschied zu
>seinem Land gebe es keine Polizei vor den Wahllokalen. »Es sind Wahlen
>des Volkes.« In Argentinien würden die Stimmen an geheimen Plätzen
>ausgezählt. Der Opposition werde im Gegensatz zu Jugoslawien die
>Partizipation an diesem Prozeß verwehrt, Wahlfälschung sei daher Teil
>des politischen Tagesgeschäftes. Es sei doch absurd, daß Jugoslawien
>ausgerechnet von den Ländern Demokratiedefizite unterstellt werden, die
>wie die USA für die Unterstützung der Diktaturen in Lateinamerika
>bekannt seien. »Unsere Gesetzgebung basiert auf westlichen Modellen«,
>erklärt der Zoran Nikolic den Wahlbeobachtern. »Ausgerechnet diese
>Länder klagen uns zur Zeit an, undemokratisch und repressiv zu sein«,
>pflichtet der serbische Politiker seinen Vorredner bei. »Wir sind daher
>sehr dankbar, daß sie nach den Wahlen in ihren Ländern Botschafter der
>Wahrheit sind.«
>
>12.30 Uhr am Rande von Pancevo: Rush-hour im Wahllokal in der
>Kikinska-Straße. Mit den zur Seite geschobenen Ausstellungstücken im
>Möbelhaus Tamis Trgovina wirkt es improvisiert. Doch es erfüllt seinen
>Zweck. 510 Wähler haben bis Mittag ihre Stimme abgegeben, 50 Prozent der
>Wahlberechtigten in diesem Kreis. Obwohl die Anzahl der Wahlkabinen von
>vier auf acht verdoppelt wurde, stehen die Wähler Schlange. »Die hohe
>Wahlbeteiligung spricht für ein hohes politisches Bewußtsein in diesem
>Land«, urteilt Nabil Zaki. »Am wichtigsten für uns ist, daß die ganze
>Wahl ordnungsgemäß verläuft. Wir wollen eine faire Abstimmung«, erklärt
>ihm die Präsidentin der lokalen Wahlkommission, Rula Zora.
>
>Daß an die Schaufensterscheiben des Möbelhauses im Laufe des Vormittags
>Otpor-Aktivisten ihre Parolen zur Unterstützung der Opposition gesprüht
>haben und nebenan fleißig Anti-Regierungsplakate der Soros-Foundation
>geklebt wurden, nehmen beide schulterzuckend zur Kenntnis. Was dagegen
>tun? - Wären indes Plakate der SPS neben dem Wahllokal nicht rechtzeitig
>abgerissen worden, »unabhängige Wahlbeobachter« würden von Manipulation
>und »Unregelmäßigkeiten in Pancevo« sprechen.
>
>Belgrad am Nachmittag: Im Stundenrhythmus gibt CeSID, das vom
>Multimilliardär George Soros unterstützte »Zentrum für freie Wahlen und
>Demokratie«, im Media-Centar eine Pressekonferenz. Sein Zentrum werde
>davon abgehalten, die Wahlen zu beobachten, erklärt Marko Blagojevic vor
>der internationalen Presse. Auch DOS-Vertreter dürften die Wahllokale
>nicht aufsuchen, so die CeSID-Behauptung. Die richtige und langersehnte
>Information für die Sendezentralen in den westlichen Hauptstädten. Gegen
>16 Uhr weiß das ZDF von »Unregelmäßigkeiten« bei den Wahlen in
>Jugoslawien zu berichten und spricht von »Befürchtungen« der Opposition,
>daß es Manipulationen gebe.
>
>Vrsac, 16.30 Uhr: Das Städtchen an der jugoslawisch- rumänischen Grenze
>ist wohlhabend und aufgeräumt. Mit den zwei Konditorei-Fabriken, etwas
>chemischer und pharmazeutischer Industrie sowie dem Wein vom Fruska Gora
>bringen es die Einwohnern von Vrsac zu einigem Wohlstand. 23 nationale
>Minderheiten und Nationen leben neben- und miteinander hier im Nordosten
>der Vojvodina. Die Rumänen stellen mit 13 Prozent die größte Minderheit.
>In den Schulen erhalten sie muttersprachlichen Unterricht, am Rathaus
>sind die Eingangstafeln dreisprachig - serbisch, rumänisch und ungarisch
>- gehalten. Ebenso wie die Stimmzettel, erklärt der Präsident der
>Wahlkommission, Milorad Vidulevic. Auf die von jW angesprochenen
>Anschuldigungen der ausländischen Medien, die Wahlen würden mittels der
>Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge und der Armeeangehörigen gefälscht, läßt
>Vidulevic einen Packen versiegelter Umschläge bringen. 102
>Wahlberechtigte von Vrsac leisteten zur Zeit ihren Militärdienst. Sie
>seien in Kasernen in ganz Serbien untergebracht. Am vergangenen Dienstag
>haben sie von ihm per Post die Wahlunterlagen erhalten und bis Freitag
>zurückgeschickt. Die Umschläge werden am Abend nach Schließung der
>Wahllokale in Anwesenheit der kompletten Wahlkommission geöffnet. Die
>Stimmzettel, jeweils in separaten, neutralen und verschlossenen
>Umschlägen verpackt, werden in die jeweiligen Urnen - für die
>Präsidentschaftswahlen, die Kammern des Bundesparlamentes und die
>Kommunen - geworfen. Vor der Gruppe der Wahlbeobachter öffnet Vidulevic
>zwei Umschläge, um die Ausführungen zu untermauern. In jedem Umschlag
>liegt separat zudem die Wahlbenachrichtigung, so daß auf den
>Wählerlisten vermerkt werden könne, wer am Votum teilgenommen habe und
>wer nicht.
>
>Die Stimmen der Kosovo-Flüchtlinge werden ebenfalls vor Ort in
>Anwesenheit aller Parteienvertreter ausgezählt. Die Ergebnisse werden
>anschließend den Wahlbezirken Vranje und Prokuplj zugerechnet.
>Wahllokale für Kosovo-Vertriebene gibt es in jeder Stadt, in der mehr
>als 100 Wahlberechtigte aus der südserbischen Provinz leben. 350000
>Menschen, überwiegend Serben, wurden seit Einmarsch der KFOR- Soldaten
>im Juni 1999 aus dem Kosovo vertrieben. Von einigen wenigen serbischen
>Enklaven und dem Norden der Provinz abgesehen, konnten im Kosovo die
>Wahlen nicht organisiert werden. »Nur diejenigen, die Angst haben zu
>verlieren, sprechen zu diesem Zeitpunkt von Manipulation«, weißt
>Vidulevic die Anschuldigungen der westlichen Medien und von CeSID
>zurück.
>
>17.50 Uhr: Im Wahllokal 23 im Gymnasium für Chemie und Textiltechnik in
>Vrsac herrscht reger Andrang. Bis 18 Uhr haben 609 von 925
>Wahlberechtigten ihre Stimme abgegeben. DOS-Vertreter Dusan Dulejan
>kritisiert, daß internationale Beobachter nur von der Regierung
>eingeladen worden seien. Ihm fehlen »unabhängige« Monitore von der OSZE.
>Dennoch, auf Nachfrage von jW äußert er sich zufrieden über den
>Wahlprozeß »in diesem Raum«. Er weiß aber von Manipulationen in Nis im
>Süden Serbiens zu berichten. Woher die Information, so die Nachfrage.
>Während des Mittagessens habe er zu Hause »Deutsche Welle« gehört und es
>im Internet gelesen. Daher die »gesicherte Information«.
>
>Belgrad, 21 Uhr: Auf dem Trg Republike, dem Platz der Republik, im
>Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt, haben SPS und JUL ein »Konzert
>des Volkes« organisiert. Einige Parteiaufrechte schwenken ihre
>Parteifahnen im Wind, auf der Bühne wird Folklore und traditionelles
>Liedgut geboten. Eine schlechte Propagandashow für RTS, das serbische
>Staatsfernsehen. Der Großteil der Anwesenden, Anhänger der Opposition,
>pfeift die Künstler nieder. DOS selbst spricht eine Stunde nach
>Schließung der Wahllokale nur 200 Meter neben dem Konzert, auf dem Platz
>Terazije, vor gut 5000 Unterstützern von »Sieg«. Die »Ära Milosevic«
>wird als beendet gefeiert. Ergebnisse gibt es freilich zu diesem
>Zeitpunkt noch nicht. CNN sendet aus dem Haus nebenan live in die USA
>und alle Welt über die »Wahlparty der Opposition«. Im Hintergrund die
>wartenden DOS-Fans. Später positionieren sich vielleicht zwei Dutzend
>Polizisten zwischen den beiden Gruppen - SPS-Folklore-Anhänger hie und
>aggressiv-siegeslustige Jungwähler da. Mit ihren Helmen und Knüppeln an
>der Seite wirken die Sicherheitskräfte entsprechend martialisch, die
>Bilder fürs Abendprogramm in den USA und die Morgenmagazine in
>Deutschland sind perfekt - Milosevics Regime bleibt repressiv.
>Übergriffe oder Festnahmen gab es freilich nicht. Ebensowenig wie
>sichere Wahlergebnisse. Die liegen auch am Montag mittag noch nicht vor,
>beide Lager beanspruchen allerdings für sich den Sieg bei den
>Präsidentschaftswahlen. Trotz aller Unsicherheit in Jugoslawien, in den
>deutschen, britischen und US-Medien werden Kostunica als Wahlgewinner
>gehandelt und die Gerüchte über Manipulation gepflegt.
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------
>
>Anlage 2
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>DJINDJIC SETZT AUF GEWALT DER STRAßE
>OPPOSITION WIRFT WAHLKOMMISSION JUGOSLAWIENS MANIPULATION VOR.
>Von Rüdiger Göbel, Belgrad
>
>Jugoslawien wird in den nächsten vier Jahren eine Linksregierung haben.
>Der nächste Präsident des Balkanlandes wird in einem zweiten Wahlgang
>bestimmt werden müssen. Dies geht aus den am Dienstag abend
>veröffentlichten vorläufigen Ergebnissen der Bundeswahlkommission
>hervor. Demnach haben nach den Wahlen am vergangenen Sonntag die
>Sozialistische Partei Serbiens (SPS), die Jugoslawische Linke (JUL) und
>die montenegrinische Sozialistische Volkspartei (SNP) in beiden Kammern
>des Bundesparlamentes die absolute Mehrheit der Abgeordnetensitze. Auf
>kommunaler Ebene müssen die Linksparteien Serbiens indes aufgrund des
>Mehrheitswahlprinzips eine gnadenlose Niederlage hinnehmen. Zwei Drittel
>der Städte werden künftig von der DOS regiert, ein Drittel von der
>SPS/JUL.
>Überraschend war vor allem aber das schlechte Abschneiden von Slobodan
>Milosevic, der mit 2026478 Wählerstimmen deutlich entfernt von einer
>absoluten Mehrheit bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen liegt. Auch wenn der
>Gegenkandidat der »Demokratischen Opposition Serbiens« (DOS), Vojislav
>Kostunica, mit 48,22 Prozent der Wählerstimmen deutlich vor dem im
>Westen verhaßten jugoslawischen Präsidenten Milosevic (40,23 Prozent)
>führt, die absolute Mehrheit im ersten Wahlgang konnte er laut
>Bundeswahlkommission nicht gewinnen. Am 8. Oktober steht somit die
>zweite Runde an. Unklar ist allerdings, ob Kostunica an dieser
>teilnehmen wird.
>
>Am späten Dienstag abend hatte Zoran Djindjic, Wahlkampfleiter der DOS,
>vor der Presse in Belgrad erklärt, sein Anti-Milosevic-Bündnis werde die
>Ergebnisse der Bundeswahlkommission nicht akzeptieren und die »Bürger
>Serbiens« zur »Verteidigung« ihres »Sieges« auf die Straße rufen. Im
>DOS-Hauptquartier im Zentrum der jugoslawischen Hauptstadt sowie in
>Washington, London und Berlin sowie den großen Westmedien war Vojislav
>Kostunica bereits unmittelbar nach Schließung der Wahllokale am Sonntag
>zum Sieger und damit nächsten Präsidenten Jugoslawiens erklärt worden.
>Das Wort Manipulation und Wahlbetrug machte am Dienstag denn auch
>schnell die Runde. Uneinig ist man sich bei der DOS indes im Umgang mit
>den Resultaten der Wahlen zum Bundesparlament. Während DOS-Sprecher
>Cedomir Jovanovic für alle Wahlen den Sieg der Opposition reklamiert,
>räumte Wahlkampfleiter Djindjic die Führung der Linksparteien bei den
>politisch wichtigen Parlamentswahlen ein.
>
>Doch den Sieg Vojislav Kostunicas wolle man sich nicht nehmen lassen.
>Für Mittwoch abend hatten DOS und die mit ihr verbundene neoliberale
>Ökonomengruppe G-17-Plus zu einer Großkundgebung vor der Skupstina, dem
>Parlament im Herzen Belgrads, aufgerufen. Vojislav Kostunica wollte dort
>seinen Anspruch auf den Präsidentenposten proklamieren, ganze 24 Stunden
>vor der Bekanntgabe des endgültigen Wahlergebnisses durch die
>Bundeswahlkommission. In den folgenden Tagen sollen Demonstrationen
>folgen. Die internationalen Nachrichtensender BBC und CNN stimmten ihre
>Zuschauer bereits im Laufe des Mittwoch auf blutige Auseinandersetzungen
>am Abend ein. Eine Verantwortung für eine mögliche Gewalteskalation in
>Belgrad will DOS allerdings nicht übernehmen, erklärte Djindjic auf
>junge Welt-Nachfrage. Doch genau die Verantwortung - einen Bürgerkrieg
>in Jugoslawien zu verhindern - kommt ihr zu. Es liegt in ihren Händen,
>ihre im Siegestaumel schwelgenden Anhänger auf den Boden der Realität
>zurückzuholen. Denn selbst wenn Vojislav Kostunica der nächste Präsident
>Jugoslawiens sein sollte, Slobodan Milosevic wird - ganz legal - ein
>wichtiger Faktor im Land bleiben. »Gotov je - Er ist am Ende«, diese
>während des Wahlkampfes ausgegebene Parole wurde zu früh gebrüllt.
>
>--------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>Anlage 3
>junge Welt 28.09.2000
>
>WAHLEN IM DJUKANOVIC-LAND
>ALS WAHLBEOBACHTER UNTERWEGS IN MONTENEGRO.
>Von Klaus Hartmann
>
>Am 24. September 2000 begab sich eine Gruppe von rund 30 Wahlbeobachtern
>von Belgrad aus nach Montenegro, um sich ein Bild von den
>Wahlbedingungen und dem Wahlablauf in der jugoslawischen Teilrepublik zu
>machen. Die Beobachter kamen unter anderem aus Bulgarien, Makedonien,
>Moldawien, Georgien und der Ukraine, aus Indien und dem Tschad sowie aus
>den NATO-Ländern Kanada, Großbritannien und Deutschland.
>
>Auf dem Flughafen von Tivat in der Kotor-Bucht angekommen fuhr die
>Gruppe mit dem Bus zu Wahllokalen in verschiedenen Teilen des Landes.
>Die erste Station war der Jaz-Strand vor Budva an der Adria-Küste, und
>hier gab es bereits den ersten markanten Eindruck von den
>Wahlbedingungen: Das Wahllokal war zwar überdacht, aber letztlich fand
>die Wahl unter freiem Himmel statt - das Hotel hatte auf Weisung »von
>oben« die Bereitstellung eines Raumes verweigert. Um 8.15 Uhr gab gerade
>der siebte Wähler von 315 Wahlberechtigten seine Stimme ab. Mit Kartons
>war auf den Tischen ein Sichtschutz improvisiert worden, der entfernt an
>Wahlkabinen erinnerte. Das Wahlkomitee bestand aus Vertretern
>verschiedener Parteien. Auch die Partei des montenegrinischen
>Präsidenten Milo Djukanovic war mit zwei offiziellen »Beobachtern«
>präsent. Deren »Beobachtermission« war von besonderer Art. Mitglieder
>des Wahlkomitees berichteten über einen ungeheuren Druck auf die
>Bevölkerung während der letzten zehn Tage, nicht zur Wahl zu gehen. Es
>habe persönliche Bedrohung, Drohungen mit dem Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes
>oder der sozialen Unterstützung gegeben.
>
>Daß dies nicht aus der Luft gegriffen war, kann ich aufgrund meines
>achttägigen Aufenthaltes mit einer Gruppe der Freidenker eine Woche
>zuvor in Montenegro bestätigen. In vielen Gesprächen wurde uns
>berichtet, daß eine staatlich organisierte massive
>Einschüchterungskampagne begonnen habe, die alle Wahlwilligen mit
>Existenzgefährdung bedrohe. Uns wurden konkrete Beispiele genannt: Der
>Direktor eines holzverarbeitenden Betriebes kündigte seinen
>Beschäftigten an, wer am Sonntag zur Wahl gehe, brauche am Montag nicht
>mehr zur Arbeit zu erscheinen. Das Gleiche gab ein Schulleiter im Norden
>des Landes seinem Lehrerkollegium bekannt. So hatten die Beobachter aus
>der Djukanovic-Partei eine für alle Beteiligten offenkundige Aufgabe -
>jene, die trotz der Drohungen von ihrem Wahlrecht Gebrauch machten, zu
>melden und die angekündigten Schikanen Realität werden zu lassen.
>
>Beim nächsten Wahllokal im Strandbereich von Budva hatten um 8.40 Uhr 13
>von 665 Wählern ihre Stimme abgegeben. Das Wahllokal befand sich in
>einem engen Raum des derzeit ungenutzten Erholungsheimes der
>Jugoslawischen Flußschiffahrt, da die früheren Wahlstellen (in der
>Schule und im Hotel Mocren) von der Djukanovic-dominierten
>Stadtverwaltung verweigert wurden. Auch hier wurde über Drohungen gegen
>die Wähler und potentielle Mitglieder des Wahlkomitees berichtet. Am
>Wahltag selbst gab es keine Störungen. Auch hier saßen Mitglieder
>verschiedener Parteien im Komitee und - eine Besonderheit - eine
>Vertreterin des DOS-Wahlbündnisses, der »Demokratischen Opposition
>Serbiens«. Doch die »Beobachterin der DOS« war in Wirklichkeit eine
>Vertreterin der Djukanovic-Partei der Demokratischen Sozialisten (DPS),
>es machte sich aber besser, nicht im Namen einer die Wahlen
>boykottierenden Partei aufzutreten.
>
>Beim anschließenden Frühstück der Beobachter traf ich meinen Freund
>Mischa wieder. Ich befragte ihn zu einigen Nachrichten, die in der
>Vorwoche von BBC aus Montenegro kolportiert worden waren: Ein Soldat der
>jugoslawischen Armee habe einen montenegrinischen Polizisten erschossen.
>Das britische Fernsehen nahm das als einen Beweis für die »von Milosevic
>geplante Provokation zwecks militärischem Eingreifen«. Mischa klärte
>darüber auf, daß sich die Schießerei zwischen Männern in Zivilkleidung
>ereignet hat, zumindest der »Soldat« sei schon lange nicht mehr in der
>Armee. Man nehme an, es handle sich um eine Auseinandersetzung in der
>Mafia - zumindest seien alle »politischen« Motive frei erfunden. Nach
>dieser neuen Lektion in Sachen »freier Medien im Westen« besuchten wir
>ein drittes Wahllokal in einem Wohnviertel Budvars.
>
>Wir steuerten direkt auf die Stadtverwaltung zu, doch mußten wir kurz
>davor abbiegen - in den Schachklub in Nebenräumen von
>»Montenegrotourist«. Wieder beengte Verhältnisse, improvisierter
>Sichtschutz, wieder ein politisch gemischtes Wahlkomitee und wieder eine
>»Beobachterin«, die offiziell für Kostunica wachte, tatsächlich aber für
>Djukanovic die Wählerliste inspizierte. Eine Aufgabe, die ihre Kräfte
>sichtlich überforderte, denn in und vor dem Wahllokal bildete sich eine
>große Wählerschlange, was ein Wahlboykotteur naturgemäß nicht sonderlich
>liebt. Deshalb sah sie »die Gefahr, bei dieser Menge den Überblick zu
>verlieren, und daß es so zu Wahlfälschungen kommen könne«.
>
>Auch im benachbarten Gebäude der Stadtverwaltung war eine große
>Betriebsamkeit festzustellen. An einem Fenster im ersten Stock hatten
>sich zwei Angehörige der montenegrinischen Polizei in grün-braunen
>Kampfanzügen postiert, um den Eingang des Wahllokals zu observieren. Als
>ich eine Reihe meiner Mitbeobachter auf die beiden aufmerksam machte,
>eilte ein schwarz gekleideter Zivilist aus der Menge vor dem Wahllokal
>vor das Fenster der beiden. In der Folge machten sie umgehend neuen
>Beobachtern in Zivilkleidung Platz.
>
>Weitere Aufregung vor dem Wahllokal: »Wenn ihr mich hier nicht wählen
>laßt, fahre ich nach Serbien!« rief eine erboste Frau, die als
>NATO-UCK-Vertriebene aus dem Kosovo in Budva Zuflucht fand. »Irgendwie«
>sei es nach Angaben von Umstehenden zu Differenzen zwischen den Listen
>des Roten Kreuzes und den Wählerverzeichnissen gekommen. Von den in
>Budva lebenden rund 1000 Kosovo- Vertriebenen sollen nur etwa 500 auf
>den Wählerlisten stehen. Noch schlimmer, in der montenegrinischen
>Hauptstadt Podgorica, der nächsten Station unserer »Observer-Mission«,
>sollen von 20000 Vertriebenen gar nur 1000 Aufnahme in die Wählerlisten
>gefunden haben.
>
>In den Wahllokalen der montenegrinischen Hauptstadt ein ähnliches Bild
>wie gehabt. Im Wahllokal Nr. 61 in Podgorica, in einem Freizeitclub der
>Jugoslawischen Armee untergebracht, berichtete man uns von massiven
>Provokationen der Djukanovic-Polizei. Bei Eröffnung des Lokals seien
>rund um den Eingang mehrere Polizeikameras installiert gewesen. Nach
>Intervention des Wahlkomitees wurden sie zwar entfernt, jedoch parkte 80
>Meter entfernt ein grauer Golf mit zwei Polizisten sowie weitere
>»dickere« Fahrzeuge in der Nähe mit unablässigen Mobiltelefonierern.
>Hier erfuhren wir auch von einem Faktor, der nicht unerheblich für die
>relative Wirksamkeit des Boykotts gewesen sein dürfte: Die
>Djukanovic-Regierung hatte den Wahlsonntag kurzerhand zum Arbeitstag
>erklärt. Die Beschäftigten im Gesundheitswesen und im gesamten
>öffentlichen Dienst, auch die Arbeiter der größeren staatlichen
>Betriebe, hatten schlicht keine Zeit für den Gang zum Wahllokal, wenn
>sie ihren Arbeitsplatz nicht unerlaubt verlassen wollten.
>
>* Klaus Hartmann ist Präsident der Weltunion der Freidenker und wurde in
>dieser Funktion vom jugoslawischen Bundesparlament als Wahlbeobachter
>nach Belgrad eingeladen
>---------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
>
>Anlage 4
>junge Welt v.26.09.2000
>
>NATO-STAATEN SCHLIEßEN DEN RING
>TRUPPEN WERDEN UM JUGOSLAWIEN KONZENTRIERT. DROHUNG MIT MILITÄRSCHLAG
>Von Rainer Rupp
>
>Schon vor Abschluß der Wahl in Jugoslawien am Sonntag riefen NATO und EU
>gemeinsam mit der von ihnen teuer bezahlten jugoslawischen Opposition
>»Wahlbetrug«. Denn falls der NATO-Kandidat Kostunica verlieren sollte,
>dann wäre die Wahl von Milosevic manipuliert und könne folglich von EU
>und NATO nicht anerkannt werden. Um dies auch durchzusetzen - so die
>Überlegung der westlichen Wertegemeinschaft - mußte die NATO erneut ihre
>humanitäre Kriegsmaschine rund um Jugoslawien konzentrieren und in
>Alarmbereitschaft versetzen.
>
>Der französische Außenminister ließ Sonntag nacht noch über Radio Monte
>Carlo wissen, daß seine EU-Amtskollegen noch spätabends in einer
>Telefonkonferenz beraten hätten, wie zu reagieren sei, »falls Präsident
>Milosevic die Wahlen mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen sollte«. Wobei
>natürlich jedem der Beteiligten von vornherein klar war, daß Milosevic
>mit nichts anderem als nur mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen konnte,
>schließlich hatten EU und USA nicht umsonst mindestens 75 Millionen
>Dollar Wahlhilfe an die korrupte Opposition gezahlt und noch größere
>Versprechungen gemacht, die Jugoslawen sollten sich in der Wahl für den
>von der NATO ausgewählten Kandidaten entscheiden.
>
>Daß die militärische Friedensintervention gegen Belgrad jederzeit wieder
>aufgenommen werden kann, das macht die NATO mit ihrem Zusammenzug
>militärischer Mittel rund um Jugoslawien deutlich. Damit in Belgrad die
>Friedensbotschaft der westlichen Humanisten nicht mißverstanden wird,
>hat NATO-Generalsekretär Lord Robertson Präsident Milosevic bereits mit
>militärischen Aktionen gedroht, »falls er bei den Wahlen betrügt«. Er
>warnte, daß sich die »Truppen der westlichen Allianz auf dem Balkan in
>Alarmbereitschaft befinden«. Zu diesem Zweck hatte die NATO rechtzeitig
>zur Wahl die größte See-Armada seit ihrem ersten Angriff auf Jugoslawien
>im Mittelmeer zusammengezogen. Der britische Premier Tony Blair, der
>sich mit seinem militaristischen Humangesülze längst einen festen Platz
>im Himmel der Neuen Weltordnung gesichert hat, sandte als »Botschaft an
>Präsident Slobodan Milosevic« den britischen Flugzeugträger »Invincible«
>und den Hubschrauberträger »Ocean« ins Mittelmeer, wo sie auf eine
>amerikanische Schlachtschiffgruppe stoßen werden.
>
>Am Montag berichtete die britis<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
L'OCCIDENTE ADESSO HA PAURA CHE KOSTUNICA VINCA PER DAVVERO
L'interesse dell'Occidente e' solo nello scoppio di disordini
all'interno del paese. Per questo non vogliono andare al ballottaggio,
che con la partecipazione al voto dei montenegrini e con l'appoggio di
tutte le destre sarebbe vinto da Kostunica con una larga maggioranza.
* Risultati finali e reazioni ufficiali
* Un clamoroso boomerang per l'Occidente
* Il discorso di Kostunica, le dichiarazioni della opposizione
liberal-nazionalista sulle interferenze occidentali, Seselj salta sul
carro di Kostunica
* Auf Deutsch:
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/481
Zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien
Dichiarazioni degli osservatori tedeschi, valutazioni da "Junge Welt"
(http://www.jungewelt.de) e dalla "Kommunistische Plattform" della PDS.
---
RUSULTATI FINALI UFFICIALI
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 28 September 2000 No. 3191
S P E C I A L I S S U E
FEDERAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION ANNOUNCES FINAL RESULTS OF
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) The Federal Electoral
Commission
announced early on Thursday the final results of the Yugoslav
presidential
election, which show that none of the candidates has won over 50 percent
of
the votes and that a runoff election will therefore have to be held.
According to the Federal Parliament Press Service, the
elections
were democratic and fair and the Commission had received no complaints
from
any of the polling stations regarding the regularity of the presidential
election.
At its session late on Wednesday, the Commission adopted a
decision on determining the results of the federal presidential
election.
According to the results from 10,673 polling stations, the
turnout
was 69.7 percent, or 5,053,428 voters out of the total electorate of
7,249,831, and the percentage of invalid ballots was 2.68.
The presidential candidates won the following number of votes:
Miodrag Vidojkovic 46,421 or 0.92 percent
Vojislav Kostunica 2,474,392 or 48.96 percent
Slobodan Milosevic 1,951,761 or 38.62 percent
Vojislav Mihailovic 146,585 or 2.90 percent
Tomislav Nikolic 292,759 or 5.79 percent
On the basis of these results, the Commission took note that
none
of the candidates won the necessary majority of votes in the first round
and ruled that a runoff election will be held according to law.
The two candidates with the highest number of votes Vojislav
Kostunica and Slobodan Milosevic will run in the second round, that the
Commission scheduled for Sunday, October 8, 2000.
YUGOSLAVIA WILL PURSUE POLICY OF EQUALITY AND COOPERATION JOVANOVIC
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Foreign Minister
Zivadin
Jovanovic said late on Wednesday that the victory of the leftists'
coalition of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the Yugoslav Left
(JUL)
and the Socialist National Party of Montenegro (SNP) at the
parliamentary
elections guarantees that the policy of defending freedom, independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity and of cooperation with all
countries
on the basis of equality will continue to be pursued.
Speaking for RadioTelevision Serbia (RTS), Jovanovic said that
media and political pressure against Yugoslavia by both foreign and
domestic, socalled independent media, intensifies, all in order to
present
the situation as it suits them.
"It is wellknown that the US policy in countries such as
Yugoslavia is based on the people and organizations that materially
depend
on the United States," said Jovanovic.
Discussing the international policy, he stressed that
Yugoslavia
has intensive contacts and friendly relations with representatives of
countries all around the world.
"The majority of countries gladly accept Yugoslavia as a friend
and a partner in bilateral cooperation at the international scene," said
Jovanovic.
Our policy the policy of defending freedom, independence and
respect of principles, of equal cooperation with all countries, above
all
our neighbours, is highly respected, stressed Jovanovic noting that "
the
process of normalization of Yugoslavia's status in many international
organizations is moving forward."
---
Sulle notizie (false e/o tendenziose) riportate dai nostri media:
Notizia falsa:
- La Repubblica Federale Jugoslava è una Repubblica Presidenziale in cui
il
Presidente eletto ha pieni poteri (modello Usa - P2).
Ne conseguirebbe una decisiva importanza dell'esito delle votazioni
presidenziali. In quest'ottica, nessun dato viene diffuso e commentato
sull'esito delle elezioni politiche che hanno eletto i membri del
Parlamento. I
servizi sulla Jugoslavia (più spesso detta Serbia tout court, o come Rai
3 che
riesce a dire "elezioni in ex-Jugoslavia - dove, in Slovenia?), ora
passati in
secondo o terzo piano, insistono sui presunti brogli, sullo 'scippo'
del
ballottaggio presidenziale, sui democratici ricatti dell'occidente al
despota
balcanico, ma si guardano bene dal raccontare a dovere esiti e
prospettive
del voto politico.
Realtà:
- La RFJ è una Repubblica parlamentare il cui Parlamento elegge il Primo
Ministro, che detiene il Governo del Paese.
Ne consegue che con i dati attuali delle elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, le
Camere avranno una maggioranza di sinistra (partiti Socialista -
Comunista -
Socialista del Montenegro) che esprimerà il Primo ministro. E' nella
loro
facoltà legittima e democratica, ad esempio, eleggere Milosevic a capo
del
Governo...
Ne consegue inoltre che con Kostunica presidente o meno, con
ballottaggio
o meno, il governo non sarà comunque filooccidentale (e nemmeno
Kostunica potrebbe 'tradire' i suoi molti elettori ipernazionalisti e
monarchici), checchè ne dica la Nato e i suoi/nostri media, ai quali non
resta
che soffiare sul fuoco della protesta di piazza e sulla 'speranza'
indotta di
un'evoluzione violenta che sfoci in una guerra civile, per far poi
intervenire i
'democraticizzatori' presenti in forze nell'Adriatico.
Queste elezioni, che volevano essere sfruttate per risolvere una volta
per
tutte l'"anomalia jugoslava", si sono trasformate per l'occidente in un
boomerang. Gli è andata male, la Jugoslavia vivrà.
(G. Ellero, da pck-yugoslavia@...)
---
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/kostunica2.html
ANTIWAR, Wednesday, September 27, 2000
We Will Defend Ourselves
by Vojislav Kostunica (9/27/00)
Editorial note: What follows is the full text of Vojislav Kostunica's
[September 27] speech a crowd of more than 200,000 in Belgrade,
Yugoslavia.
Dear, brave fellow-citizens, free people, we have won! We have won in
spite of lies and Slobodan Milosevic's violence. We have won despite the
sanctions we have lived under for years, despite the NATO bombs which
fell last year, despite some democrats in Serbia and Montenegro who have
turned their backs on us. There lies our strength, and perhaps our
stubbornness, but this is the real Serbia.
All of us on Sunday said what kind of Serbia we want to live in. They
have once more tried to sneer at the will of the people, they have tried
again to steal the elections; they have tried to bargain on the second
round, but we are saying to them: there will be no second round, there
is no bargaining. We are fighting for democracy and democracy is based
on truth, not on lies. The truth is that we have won this election. If
we were to bargain with them we would be recognizing lies instead of the
truth. In any case, democracy is based on the will of the people, on the
will of the majority. Who are they? How many of them are left? They are
a minority, a minority of those around him. The majority of the
Socialists don't want to take part in the fraud. They don't want to be
destroyed with him.
We are strong at this moment because we have the support of the world.
Of Russia, of the European Union. This support is important but it is
not decisive: what is decisive is our strength, our will, our
determination to stop whims of one man. There will be no sacred
individuals in this country; only the will of the people and the law
will be sacred. My message to the Socialists is that we will not act as
did your leaders; we will not hound people who have opposing opinions;
we will not burst into other people's houses; we will not buy ruined
companies; we will not remove the property of the people from the
country.
My message to the army and the police is that we are one: the army and
the police are part of the people, the part which defends the country, a
part which should not defend only one man and his family.
Slobodan Milosevic is a tyrant who has lost his strength and the only
thing left for him is to grasp one simple fact. If he did not understand
it while he was in power, then he will understand it when we divorce him
from power. We will defend the country, we will defend ourselves,
because we have freed ourselves. September 24 was the confirmation of
our deliverance.
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=203564
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
BELGRADE, Sep 27, 2000 -- (Reuters) Serbian opposition leaders and
ordinary
Belgraders on Tuesday said a warning by Britain to Slobodan Milosevic
would
hurt, not help, their struggle to oust the embattled Yugoslav leader.
"We do not need their help. Statements like this are not helping the
opposition at all," said Gordana, a 35-year-old civil engineer.
"If they want Milosevic to leave, they should keep quiet," she said.
"They should remember that although the majority of citizens are against
Milosevic, we have not forgotten that they bombed us."
"They should stay out of this. Elections are our internal affair," said
Milan, a waiter in a Belgrade restaurant. "The dispute over election
results
should be resolved just like Kostunica said - with reason and in a
democratic
manner."
Serb opposition officials also made clear that they could do without
statements like British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's warning to
Milosevic
not to use "naked power" to cling to office.
"I am begging some unhinged world leaders to spare us any
counterproductive
help because so far they have made many promises and done many things
which
have only caused the suffering of our people," said Momcilo Perisic,
leader
of the tiny opposition Movement for Democratic Serbia.
"And I beg them to finally realize that they should not settle their
accounts with Milosevic, or he with them, at the expense of the lives of
our
citizens," he told Reuters.
TROOPS AT HAND
Cook, speaking at the annual conference of Britain's ruling Labor Party,
also said on Tuesday that Western powers had plenty of military might
near
Serbia.
Britain has 15 warships in the Mediterranean, with 5,000 sailors, Royal
Marines and aircrew. Tens of thousands of NATO-led troops are securing
peace
in Bosnia and Kosovo. And hundreds of U.S. troops took part in a joint
assault on an Adriatic island off Croatia on Tuesday.
Asked about Cook's remarks, Goran Svilanovic of the Civic Alliance of
Serbia
said: "There is no need for anyone from the outside to participate in
the
process of peaceful change of power and no one can benefit from
statements
such as these."
Perisic's and Svilanovic's parties are members of the Democratic
Opposition of
Serbia bloc, which says its presidential candidate Vojislav Kostunica
won a
first round victory in Sunday's presidential elections.
Milosevic and his backers have showed no sign of admitting defeat, with
his
Socialist Party insisting their candidate won.
The Federal Election Commission said the official results would be
announced
on Thursday.
During the election campaign, the Belgrade authorities had branded their
domestic opponents NATO lackeys plotting to destroy Serbia under Western
instructions.
Reflecting this, Kostunica has distanced himself from the West,
criticizing
especially U.S. policy in the Balkans and the UN tribunal that has
indicted
Milosevic for war crimes.
JUGOSLAVIA: CONGRATULAZIONI SESELJ A KOSTUNICA, HAI VINTO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 28 SET - Il leader del Partito radicale serbo (Srs),
l'ultranazionalista Vojslav Seselj, si e' congratulato con il candidato
dell'Opposizione democratica serba (Dos) alle elezioni presidenziali
jugoslave Vojislav Kostunica per ''la vittoria al primo turno'' nella
consultazione. Per il Srs, ha sottolineato Seselj sconfessando il
ballotaggio indetto dalla commissione elettorale centrale, ''le elezioni
sono finite''. ''Sono avvenuti pesanti brogli'', ha aggiunto il leader
ultranazionalista. Seselj ha poi detto di ''essere aperto'' all'ipotesi
di
aprire assieme al leader del Movimento per il rinnovamento serbo Vuk
Draskovic una grisi nel parlamento repubblicano serbo, dove i due
partiti
avrebbero assieme la maggioranza. ''Milosevic per 13 anni e' stato una
figura chiave per la Serbia, ha fatto molti errori politici ed e'
diventato
fastidioso per il popolo serbo'', ha aggiunto Seselj. (ANSA)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
L'interesse dell'Occidente e' solo nello scoppio di disordini
all'interno del paese. Per questo non vogliono andare al ballottaggio,
che con la partecipazione al voto dei montenegrini e con l'appoggio di
tutte le destre sarebbe vinto da Kostunica con una larga maggioranza.
* Risultati finali e reazioni ufficiali
* Un clamoroso boomerang per l'Occidente
* Il discorso di Kostunica, le dichiarazioni della opposizione
liberal-nazionalista sulle interferenze occidentali, Seselj salta sul
carro di Kostunica
* Auf Deutsch:
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/481
Zu den Wahlen in Jugoslawien
Dichiarazioni degli osservatori tedeschi, valutazioni da "Junge Welt"
(http://www.jungewelt.de) e dalla "Kommunistische Plattform" della PDS.
---
RUSULTATI FINALI UFFICIALI
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 28 September 2000 No. 3191
S P E C I A L I S S U E
FEDERAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION ANNOUNCES FINAL RESULTS OF
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) The Federal Electoral
Commission
announced early on Thursday the final results of the Yugoslav
presidential
election, which show that none of the candidates has won over 50 percent
of
the votes and that a runoff election will therefore have to be held.
According to the Federal Parliament Press Service, the
elections
were democratic and fair and the Commission had received no complaints
from
any of the polling stations regarding the regularity of the presidential
election.
At its session late on Wednesday, the Commission adopted a
decision on determining the results of the federal presidential
election.
According to the results from 10,673 polling stations, the
turnout
was 69.7 percent, or 5,053,428 voters out of the total electorate of
7,249,831, and the percentage of invalid ballots was 2.68.
The presidential candidates won the following number of votes:
Miodrag Vidojkovic 46,421 or 0.92 percent
Vojislav Kostunica 2,474,392 or 48.96 percent
Slobodan Milosevic 1,951,761 or 38.62 percent
Vojislav Mihailovic 146,585 or 2.90 percent
Tomislav Nikolic 292,759 or 5.79 percent
On the basis of these results, the Commission took note that
none
of the candidates won the necessary majority of votes in the first round
and ruled that a runoff election will be held according to law.
The two candidates with the highest number of votes Vojislav
Kostunica and Slobodan Milosevic will run in the second round, that the
Commission scheduled for Sunday, October 8, 2000.
YUGOSLAVIA WILL PURSUE POLICY OF EQUALITY AND COOPERATION JOVANOVIC
BELGRADE, September 28 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Foreign Minister
Zivadin
Jovanovic said late on Wednesday that the victory of the leftists'
coalition of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), the Yugoslav Left
(JUL)
and the Socialist National Party of Montenegro (SNP) at the
parliamentary
elections guarantees that the policy of defending freedom, independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity and of cooperation with all
countries
on the basis of equality will continue to be pursued.
Speaking for RadioTelevision Serbia (RTS), Jovanovic said that
media and political pressure against Yugoslavia by both foreign and
domestic, socalled independent media, intensifies, all in order to
present
the situation as it suits them.
"It is wellknown that the US policy in countries such as
Yugoslavia is based on the people and organizations that materially
depend
on the United States," said Jovanovic.
Discussing the international policy, he stressed that
Yugoslavia
has intensive contacts and friendly relations with representatives of
countries all around the world.
"The majority of countries gladly accept Yugoslavia as a friend
and a partner in bilateral cooperation at the international scene," said
Jovanovic.
Our policy the policy of defending freedom, independence and
respect of principles, of equal cooperation with all countries, above
all
our neighbours, is highly respected, stressed Jovanovic noting that "
the
process of normalization of Yugoslavia's status in many international
organizations is moving forward."
---
Sulle notizie (false e/o tendenziose) riportate dai nostri media:
Notizia falsa:
- La Repubblica Federale Jugoslava è una Repubblica Presidenziale in cui
il
Presidente eletto ha pieni poteri (modello Usa - P2).
Ne conseguirebbe una decisiva importanza dell'esito delle votazioni
presidenziali. In quest'ottica, nessun dato viene diffuso e commentato
sull'esito delle elezioni politiche che hanno eletto i membri del
Parlamento. I
servizi sulla Jugoslavia (più spesso detta Serbia tout court, o come Rai
3 che
riesce a dire "elezioni in ex-Jugoslavia - dove, in Slovenia?), ora
passati in
secondo o terzo piano, insistono sui presunti brogli, sullo 'scippo'
del
ballottaggio presidenziale, sui democratici ricatti dell'occidente al
despota
balcanico, ma si guardano bene dal raccontare a dovere esiti e
prospettive
del voto politico.
Realtà:
- La RFJ è una Repubblica parlamentare il cui Parlamento elegge il Primo
Ministro, che detiene il Governo del Paese.
Ne consegue che con i dati attuali delle elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, le
Camere avranno una maggioranza di sinistra (partiti Socialista -
Comunista -
Socialista del Montenegro) che esprimerà il Primo ministro. E' nella
loro
facoltà legittima e democratica, ad esempio, eleggere Milosevic a capo
del
Governo...
Ne consegue inoltre che con Kostunica presidente o meno, con
ballottaggio
o meno, il governo non sarà comunque filooccidentale (e nemmeno
Kostunica potrebbe 'tradire' i suoi molti elettori ipernazionalisti e
monarchici), checchè ne dica la Nato e i suoi/nostri media, ai quali non
resta
che soffiare sul fuoco della protesta di piazza e sulla 'speranza'
indotta di
un'evoluzione violenta che sfoci in una guerra civile, per far poi
intervenire i
'democraticizzatori' presenti in forze nell'Adriatico.
Queste elezioni, che volevano essere sfruttate per risolvere una volta
per
tutte l'"anomalia jugoslava", si sono trasformate per l'occidente in un
boomerang. Gli è andata male, la Jugoslavia vivrà.
(G. Ellero, da pck-yugoslavia@...)
---
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/kostunica2.html
ANTIWAR, Wednesday, September 27, 2000
We Will Defend Ourselves
by Vojislav Kostunica (9/27/00)
Editorial note: What follows is the full text of Vojislav Kostunica's
[September 27] speech a crowd of more than 200,000 in Belgrade,
Yugoslavia.
Dear, brave fellow-citizens, free people, we have won! We have won in
spite of lies and Slobodan Milosevic's violence. We have won despite the
sanctions we have lived under for years, despite the NATO bombs which
fell last year, despite some democrats in Serbia and Montenegro who have
turned their backs on us. There lies our strength, and perhaps our
stubbornness, but this is the real Serbia.
All of us on Sunday said what kind of Serbia we want to live in. They
have once more tried to sneer at the will of the people, they have tried
again to steal the elections; they have tried to bargain on the second
round, but we are saying to them: there will be no second round, there
is no bargaining. We are fighting for democracy and democracy is based
on truth, not on lies. The truth is that we have won this election. If
we were to bargain with them we would be recognizing lies instead of the
truth. In any case, democracy is based on the will of the people, on the
will of the majority. Who are they? How many of them are left? They are
a minority, a minority of those around him. The majority of the
Socialists don't want to take part in the fraud. They don't want to be
destroyed with him.
We are strong at this moment because we have the support of the world.
Of Russia, of the European Union. This support is important but it is
not decisive: what is decisive is our strength, our will, our
determination to stop whims of one man. There will be no sacred
individuals in this country; only the will of the people and the law
will be sacred. My message to the Socialists is that we will not act as
did your leaders; we will not hound people who have opposing opinions;
we will not burst into other people's houses; we will not buy ruined
companies; we will not remove the property of the people from the
country.
My message to the army and the police is that we are one: the army and
the police are part of the people, the part which defends the country, a
part which should not defend only one man and his family.
Slobodan Milosevic is a tyrant who has lost his strength and the only
thing left for him is to grasp one simple fact. If he did not understand
it while he was in power, then he will understand it when we divorce him
from power. We will defend the country, we will defend ourselves,
because we have freed ourselves. September 24 was the confirmation of
our deliverance.
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=203564
We Don't Need Your Help, Opposition Serbs Tell West
BELGRADE, Sep 27, 2000 -- (Reuters) Serbian opposition leaders and
ordinary
Belgraders on Tuesday said a warning by Britain to Slobodan Milosevic
would
hurt, not help, their struggle to oust the embattled Yugoslav leader.
"We do not need their help. Statements like this are not helping the
opposition at all," said Gordana, a 35-year-old civil engineer.
"If they want Milosevic to leave, they should keep quiet," she said.
"They should remember that although the majority of citizens are against
Milosevic, we have not forgotten that they bombed us."
"They should stay out of this. Elections are our internal affair," said
Milan, a waiter in a Belgrade restaurant. "The dispute over election
results
should be resolved just like Kostunica said - with reason and in a
democratic
manner."
Serb opposition officials also made clear that they could do without
statements like British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's warning to
Milosevic
not to use "naked power" to cling to office.
"I am begging some unhinged world leaders to spare us any
counterproductive
help because so far they have made many promises and done many things
which
have only caused the suffering of our people," said Momcilo Perisic,
leader
of the tiny opposition Movement for Democratic Serbia.
"And I beg them to finally realize that they should not settle their
accounts with Milosevic, or he with them, at the expense of the lives of
our
citizens," he told Reuters.
TROOPS AT HAND
Cook, speaking at the annual conference of Britain's ruling Labor Party,
also said on Tuesday that Western powers had plenty of military might
near
Serbia.
Britain has 15 warships in the Mediterranean, with 5,000 sailors, Royal
Marines and aircrew. Tens of thousands of NATO-led troops are securing
peace
in Bosnia and Kosovo. And hundreds of U.S. troops took part in a joint
assault on an Adriatic island off Croatia on Tuesday.
Asked about Cook's remarks, Goran Svilanovic of the Civic Alliance of
Serbia
said: "There is no need for anyone from the outside to participate in
the
process of peaceful change of power and no one can benefit from
statements
such as these."
Perisic's and Svilanovic's parties are members of the Democratic
Opposition of
Serbia bloc, which says its presidential candidate Vojislav Kostunica
won a
first round victory in Sunday's presidential elections.
Milosevic and his backers have showed no sign of admitting defeat, with
his
Socialist Party insisting their candidate won.
The Federal Election Commission said the official results would be
announced
on Thursday.
During the election campaign, the Belgrade authorities had branded their
domestic opponents NATO lackeys plotting to destroy Serbia under Western
instructions.
Reflecting this, Kostunica has distanced himself from the West,
criticizing
especially U.S. policy in the Balkans and the UN tribunal that has
indicted
Milosevic for war crimes.
JUGOSLAVIA: CONGRATULAZIONI SESELJ A KOSTUNICA, HAI VINTO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 28 SET - Il leader del Partito radicale serbo (Srs),
l'ultranazionalista Vojslav Seselj, si e' congratulato con il candidato
dell'Opposizione democratica serba (Dos) alle elezioni presidenziali
jugoslave Vojislav Kostunica per ''la vittoria al primo turno'' nella
consultazione. Per il Srs, ha sottolineato Seselj sconfessando il
ballotaggio indetto dalla commissione elettorale centrale, ''le elezioni
sono finite''. ''Sono avvenuti pesanti brogli'', ha aggiunto il leader
ultranazionalista. Seselj ha poi detto di ''essere aperto'' all'ipotesi
di
aprire assieme al leader del Movimento per il rinnovamento serbo Vuk
Draskovic una grisi nel parlamento repubblicano serbo, dove i due
partiti
avrebbero assieme la maggioranza. ''Milosevic per 13 anni e' stato una
figura chiave per la Serbia, ha fatto molti errori politici ed e'
diventato
fastidioso per il popolo serbo'', ha aggiunto Seselj. (ANSA)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Brogli elettorali? Si, ma nella FYROM! (Italo Slavo)
* Impede the civil war which is being instigated by Kostunica and the
West (International Leninist Current)
* U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS (International Action Center)
* Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
(Jared Israel)
* NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia (George Szamuely)
* Pristina: Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic (L. Kleveman)
GRAVE IMBARAZZO NELLA NATO PER IL DOPO-ELEZIONI: KOSTUNICA E' PIU'
NAZIONALISTA DI MILOSEVIC, SE VINCE PER DAVVERO COME FACCIAMO A SPACCARE
LA FEDERAZIONE?
* Yugoslavia After Milosevic (LORD DAVID OWEN)
* KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN (MARTIN SIEFF, UPI)
---
I BROGLI ELETTORALI VERI SONNO AVVENUTI NELLA
REPUBBLICA EX-JUGOSLAVIA DI MACEDONIA (FYROM),
ED INFATTI NESSUN GIORNALE NE PARLA.
La scorsa domenica 24/9, mentre nella vicina RF di Jugoslavia si
tenevano le elezioni, nella FYROM si sono nuovamente svolte le
consultazioni amministrative. Gia' contestate per la maniera in cui si
erano svolte due settimane prima, nella loro seconda tornata queste
consultazioni sono state nuovamente viziate da irregolarita' e brogli
evidenti, denunciati anche dagli osservatori dell'OSCE che pure hanno
dichiarato che l'atmosfera e' stata "un po' migliore" di quella
dell'occasione precedente, perche' stavolta non ci sarebbero stati
episodi di violenza...
Notoriamente pero' i mezzi di dis/informazione dei paesi occidentali
e la NATO in particolare non prestano attenzione ai brogli, alle
violenze, alle intimidazioni ed alle irregolarita' reali, preferendo
concentrarsi su quelle presunte che, a detta loro, avverrebbero in certi
paesi, ostili alle magnifiche sorti e progressive della globalizzazione
imperialista. Tra questi paesi c'e' anche la Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia, che UE e NATO non sono ancora riusciti a comprare, e cercano
allora di distruggere squartandola nelle sue residue componenti: Kosovo,
Montenegro, Vojvodina.
Pertanto, le nostre democraticissime anime belle non levano ne'
leveranno mai alcuna voce critica sul modo in cui le destre di governo
della FYROM - nazionalisti filobulgari, che controllano soprattutto la
parte orientale del paese, e mafiosi irredentisti pan-albanesi, che
controllano la parte occidentale -, ampiamente foraggiate proprio dalla
NATO, e gia' responsabili di brogli alle ultime elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, stanno devastando ogni prerogativa di democrazia nel
paese. D'altronde, l'attuale presidente Boris Trajkovski, anche in
qualita' di capo delle Forze armate, ha dichiarato il suo appoggio alla
entrata del paese nella NATO: il "Programma nazionale " del governo
macedone affermerebbe espicitamente le stesse intenzioni ("PROGRAM FOR
NATO MEMBERSHIP-CONFIRMATION OF MACEDONIA'S DETERMINATION", Fonte:
Macedonian Information Agency, 26.9.00).
Ecco perche' la NATO non solo non parla dei brogli nella FYROM, ma
viceversa li sollecita e li sostiene, cosi' come ha gia' fatto in
precedenza in Bosnia (nel 1996 i votanti hanno ampiamente superato il
100% degli aventi diritto), in Albania (per consentire l'ascesa di
Berisha al potere), in Montenegro (in occasione della elezione di
Djukanovic), In Ucraina (per le presidenziali all'inizio del 2000),
insomma in tutti i paesi dell'Europa centro-orientale che hanno bisogno
di una "spintarella" verso la svolta liberista ed atlantista. Non a caso
tali svolte sono sempre attuate dalle classi politiche piu'
nazionaliste, reazionarie, e sempre legate alla criminalita' mafiosa.
Italo Slavo
---
Subject: Impede the civil war which is being instigated by
Kostunica and the West
Date: Thu, 28 Sep 2000 02:59:42 +0200
From: "ILC" <ilc@...>
The election campaign in Yugoslavia was accompanied by massive
interferences
of the West. They not only supported the opposition with a tremendous
amount
of money, promised the lifting of the vicious sanctions in case their
candidate will win, conducted a powerful media campaign around the globe
but
also exercised military threats against Yugoslavia by holding manoeuvres
in
Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria as well a deploying their navy to the
Adriatic
sea – let alone the political, economic and military aggression of the
past
ten years with the aim to destroy the resistance of the Yugoslavian and
Serbian people. In this sense and under these condition no free and fair
democratic election could be carried out.
We are not able to verify the correctness of the announced electoral
results, but what we indeed know is, that imperialism is manipulating
elections and organising frauds all around the world in order to keep
its
puppets in power. With its media machine they use to whitewash also the
most
notorious dictatorships like that of Fujimori in Peru. Therefore there
is no
reason to believe in the truth of their cries of fraud even more as
monitors
from all around the world (except the Nato aggressor counties) reported
the
elections to have been carried out without major irregularities.
The very fact that Kostunica and the bourgeois opposition is not willing
to
go to the second round of elections prove their fear of loosing them.
With
the support of their Western masters they have chosen to attack
boycotting
the elections, calling for a mass movement in the streets and for a
general
strike to bring down Milosevic. In this way they try to precipitate the
exhausted people into a bloody and fratricide civil war. Further
weakening
the country and its ability to resist to the New World Order a civil war
would be in the sole interest of imperialism and its local bourgeois
agents.
This shows the complicity of Kostunica with imperialism and Nato which
he
had been hiding behind a nationalist façade claiming to have been
against
the Nato war and in favour of the Serbian recuperation of Kosovo.
However,
his opposition block is composed of the most open and notorious Nato
puppets
like Djindjic. The real character of Kostunica has not only be
highlighted
by the paramount flow of finances for him but also by his advocacy and
support of the so-called G17 proposals that are nothing else than a
blueprint of the IMF, WTO and WB programme which will suck out the
country
in the same semi-colonial way as it is already taking place in Bulgaria
or
Russia. But even if Serbia will obey to the dictate of the New Order as
Kostunica is planning it this will not bring any help or relieve to the
Yugoslav masses shaken by the impact of the Western aggression. The goal
of
imperialism is to destroy Yugoslavia and Serbia as the main strategic
obstacle for their rule over and penetration into the Balkans.
It is true that Milosevic has led the country into a crisis. This is
expressed in the Dayton agreements (conceding big parts of Bosnia to
imperialism with the vane hope to therewith avoid a confrontation), in
the
corruption of the leading strata, in its enrichment by privatisations
and
last but not least in the dangerous confrontation of today: The
constitutional change in favour of a presidentialist system was a big
mistake and had to provoke the clash that could have been avoided by a
president elected by parliament. However, the social block in power
could
preserve Yugoslavia as an independent state opposed to the imperialist
New
World Order as well as some important social gains of the peasants,
workers
and the popular masses in general and the multinational character of the
society.
The clash between the bourgeois opposition and the governmental block of
SPS
is therefore at the same time both a confrontation between imperialism
and
an oppressed people as well as a class conflict. It is a continuation of
an
imperialist aggression already lasting for tens years but which could
not
reach its goal of the complete subjugation and destruction of Yugoslavia
and
Serbia – even not by the war of last year. The fact that Milosevic has
led
the struggle of the Yugoslav and Serbian masses into an impasse does not
change the progressive and anti-imperialist character of the popular
block
led by him.
The anti-imperialist, revolutionary and communist forces in Yugoslavia
and
around the world have to support those who:
· Impede the civil war being instigated by the Kostunica, the opposition
and
the West
· Defend the resistance and independence of Yugoslavia and Serbia
against
the Nato and its New World Order and strive for the full implementation
of
UN resolution 1244 and later the recuperation of Kosovo by Yugoslavia
· Stand for social justice and equality refusing the neo-liberal recipes
of
IMF, WTO and WB
· Secure the multinational character of Yugoslavia
while creating on this very base an independent popular movement.
Executive Committee of the ILC
Vienna, September 27, 2000
***************************************
International Leninist Current (ILC)
Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
ilc@...
www.comports.com/ilc
www.antiimperialista.com
---
Subject: U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS
Date: Wed, 27 Sep 2000 22:39:27 -0400
From: iacenter@...
U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS--
Soft Money and Hard Threats
By Sara Flounders, Co-Director, International Action Center
September 27, 2000
On Sept. 26 the State Election Commission in Yugoslavia announced the
results of the Sept. 24 elections. The candidate backed by the U.S.
government and the European Union, Vojislav Kostunica, received 48
percent of the vote to President Slobodan Milosevic’s 40 percent.
Since neither candidate received more than 50 percent, a run-off
election has
been set for Oct. 8.
Kostunica’s immediate reaction was to reject participation in a run-off
election and demand that Milosevic concede defeat. Bill Clinton,
Britain’s
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook and other NATO leaders who bombed
Yugoslavia in 1999 also demanded Milosevic concede.
The first point for the whole international movement that opposed NATO
war against Yugoslavia to keep in mind is that the Yugoslav elections
were
not “free and fair.” Imperialism stole the election through its blatant
pressure,
bribery and interference.
The elections raise a vital question. Will Yugoslavia be turned over to
the
Western banks and corporations? Will the assets of industrial
enterprises be
broken up and sold off, as they have been in every other country in
Eastern
Europe, Russia and the former Soviet Republics? Will the majority of the
population be relegated to living below the poverty line?
The Sept. 24 elections involved three layers of voting. Besides the
presidential vote, there were also municipal elections, in which the
U.S.-
backed opposition won many cities and towns.
There was also an election for the Yugoslav Federal Parliament. The
coalition
of the United Left, the Socialist Party and the SP’s sister party in
Montenegro won a strong majority of both houses. In Montenegro it was
unopposed, as the pro-Western government abstained from the election.
Under Yugoslav law, Parliament has more rights than the president and
directs the government, electing the prime minister.
But a setback for Milosevic in the presidential election puts more at
risk than
the future of one individual. He was the main target of the war carried
out by
U.S. and NATO—the imperialist world powers—and because of that he has
come to symbolize Yugoslav resistance. In addition, he was at the center
of
the coalition of forces that led Yugoslavia during the 78 days of
bombing.
All the social gains of an independent country that had broken free of
imperialist enslavement and held out during years of encirclement and
war
are now endangered.
WESTERN INTERFERENCE DISTORTED ELECTION
In this election the U.S. and European Union governments used every
possible dirty trick, corrupt practice and payoff, and then bragged
about
them. Threats of bombing, promises to end nine years of sanctions,
intimidation and military maneuvers heightened the tension.
On election day the Pentagon and Croatia held their largest joint
military
exercises ever--a joint landing on an island in the Adriatic near
Montenegro,
part of Yugoslavia, to simulate an invasion. Fifteen British war ships
have
now moved into the Mediterranean. A U.S. aircraft carrier in the
Adriatic Sea
has moved closer to Montenegro.
The major media here—the New York Times on Sept. 20 and the Washington
Post on Sept. 19--have described in detail the exact amounts funneled
into
the opposition parties, radio and TV stations and newspapers. The U.S.
Congress publicly voted on $77 million in open interference. Then on
Sept.
25, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill to send another $105
million to aid anti-Milosevic forces in Serbia and Montenegro.
These articles describe suitcases of cash handed over at the border,
endless
supplies of computers, fax machines, cell phones and the trainers to use
them. These goods have been passed to the opposition through front
organizations, NGOs and media outlets.
Weeks before the election, Western-funded polling organizations
announced
that Kostunica would win a sweeping victory. For the West’s media
monopoly beaming into Yugoslavia, there were only two options. Either
Milosevic would lose or there would be massive fraud.
The U.S. State Department announced that even if Milosevic won by
overwhelming odds, Washington would refuse to accept the results.
HOW SHOULD MOVEMENT EVALUATE THESE EVENTS?
Those who opposed NATO bombing in 1999 and all the militant activists
who have taken on the International Monetary Fund, World Bank,
globalization and sweatshops have a stake in what happens next in
Yugoslavia.
Are they ready to stand in solidarity with whatever steps are necessary
to
keep another country from being forced under the boot of the IMF and
World Bank?
Washington, London, Paris and Berlin have openly intervened and bragged
of it. In the face of these admissions, those in office in Yugoslavia
have
every right to void the elections and disqualify the opposition.
In the United States, France, Britain or Germany, would such an election
have
been allowed to continue? In the United States no political organization
is
permitted to accept funds from another government for political purposes
unless it publicly registers as an agent of a foreign power. The U.S.
ruling
class is determined that only it should control the electoral process.
Any U.S. politician found accepting contributions, bribes or payments of
any
kind from a foreign government is disgraced, attacked and could face
criminal
indictment.
Just the allegation that the Clinton administration accepted a
contribution
from an ethnically Chinese businessperson who might have had contact
with
China sent every politician running for cover.
CORRUPTION AND TREASON
It is important to recognize that the Yugoslav government has the moral
right
to nullify this election on the basis of outrageous outside
interference. It has
every right to refuse to proceed with further elections under conditions
of
war, sanctions and occupation.
The Parliament has every right to establish a criminal inquiry into the
funding
sources of the opposition. Government prosecutors have every right to
indict and jail the politicians and publications that have corrupted the
election process.
The masses have every right to go into the streets and denounce the
opposition parties and publications as agents of a foreign power.
Kostunica, until now a minor politician considered a Serb nationalist
with a
long history of anti-Communism, consistently maintains that he has not
accepted any money from the West. He has even criticized the NATO
bombing and sanctions. No Yugoslav politician could win significant
votes if
seen as a NATO stooge.
It may be true that he personally has not pocketed any money. But
Kostunica has surrounded himself with political parties and
organizations
that are toadies to the NATO countries. His whole campaign has been
publicized by radio and television stations and newspapers wholly and
openly financed by grants from Washington and Berlin.
He is supported by the U.S. and European imperialist powers because his
political program, even if it criticizes NATO, embraces the very
policies that
NATO is demanding. He is the easiest of the politicians to make into a
pawn
because he has no personal base. He is the candidate of a bloc of 18
small
feuding political parties that have no common interests or ideology.
They are
united only by opposition to the government and their willingness to
accept
foreign funds.
U.S. ENGINEERED COUPS AND COUNTERREVOLUTIONS
The big U.S. monopolies and banks and Washington itself have never
accepted an election as “free and fair” if it put their class interests
in danger
or brought the masses onto the scene. Since the end of World War II the
U.S. has organized the overthrow of more than 50 governments.
In Chile in 1973 the CIA organized a military coup to drown the
progressive
legally elected government in blood. It did the same in Iran in 1953 and
in
Guatemala in 1954.
In 1990 the U.S. orchestrated the overthrow of the Sandinistas in
Nicaragua.
Washington had cobbled together a 20-party coalition whose only aim was
to overthrow the government and restore the old propertied class. It
promised to end the “Contra” war and sanctions and provide massive aid
if
the popular Sandinistas were defeated.
In this situation, much like the one today in Yugoslavia, Washington
succeeded in manipulating the election to drive out the Sandinistas. But
the
U.S. never came through with the aid, and now some of the lowest-paid
sweatshops in the world operate in the “Free Trade Zones” of Nicaragua.
‘FREE ELECTIONS’ IN A COUNTRY UNDER SIEGE?
Yugoslavia, like Nicaragua, illustrates the dangers of holding an
election in
the midst of an unrelenting war, sanctions and occupation of part of the
country by foreign armies. With their dominance of the world media, the
lure
of material goods, the bribes and the threat of further punishment,
these
powers were able to reach right into the country.
President Milosevic was trying to get a mandate by calling a vote when
the
opposition seemed divided, weak, discredited. But the imperialists
quickly
strengthened them using tactics refined over decades of interventions.
Yugoslavia, a small, beleaguered country maneuvering to survive, has
allowed dozens of openly pro-imperialist parties to maintain offices,
staff,
publish newspapers, organize and to participate in elections. These
concessions have only further emboldened the enemies of the Yugoslav
workers.
Even though the imperialists complained that they were not allowed to
monitor the elections, hundreds of foreigners did come in as election
observers and certified that they were “free and fair”--that the
government
honestly and legally abided by all election procedures. But this shifted
attention from the actual fraud taking place: the massive intervention
and
intimidation by imperialism.
The political opposition was allowed to engage in practically
unrestrained
acceptance of foreign assistance, advice and media hype. The whole
process
was corrupted by an army of Western advisors and pollsters.
WILL U.S./NATO FORCES SUCCEED?
Reports from election observers and even the big-business media show
there
is a hard core of working-class support for Milosevic from those who see
him
as a defender of the country against NATO. Even among those who naively
voted for Kostunica out of anger against Milosevic, there are many who
want to resist Western imperialism.
The question facing the Yugoslav masses now is will the Western
multinationals, on the basis of this election distorted by intervention,
be able
to capture the state apparatus and open the door to super-exploitation?
Will the enemy that failed to break Yugoslavia’s resistance with 78 days
of
bombing be able to take over by manipulation of an election--or will the
government be able to resist?
If the left organizations and patriotic parties in Yugoslavia resist,
will the
progressive and working-class and anti-war movements in the West defend
them against an inevitable propaganda blitz from the West and a possible
new military campaign?
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
One contribution to this effort could be a Commission of Inquiry to
examine
the corrupting role that the U.S. government, the European Union, their
NATO military arm and their international financial organizations played
in
the Yugoslav election.
This Inquiry could gather and publicize information on these
institutions’
efforts to subvert and overthrow the Yugoslav government. It could also
gather information on the open and secret funding of political parties,
organizations and publications by U.S. government agencies.
The Inquiry could deepen international understanding of Yugoslavia’s
problem by incorporating testimony and reports on U.S. intervention in
the
internal affairs of other governments. This would include the overthrow
of
other popular governments in Guatemala, Panama, Chile, Iran and
Indonesia
and also intervention in elections in Italy, Haiti, Nicaragua, Guyana
and
others.
Activists in other NATO countries could organize their own Commissions
of
Inquiry and public hearings to examine how this latest intervention
violated
their laws. Similar information came to light earlier when hearings and
tribunals in many countries put U.S. and NATO leaders on trial for war
crimes
against Yugoslavia.
The importance of international solidarity should never be
underestimated.
Yugoslavia must not stand alone.
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
web: www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT THE NEW SITE www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
---
Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
by Jared Israel (9-26-2000)
Below we have reprinted the preliminary Election Commission returns, as
posted by Tanjug, the Yugoslav news agency. The amazing thing is that
despite every sort of meddling, the U.S. has failed to bring down the
Yugoslav government. Indeed, the government coalition now has a majority
in
both houses of Parliament, which governYugoslavia.
This election has been quite something. Everyone admits that the
"democratic" opposition is massively funded by US government agencies.
The
only difference between this funding and what the CIA used to do in the
1950s, 1960s and 1970s is that in this case some of the funding is
open.
But some of it is not so open, with money smuggled into Yugoslavia in
suitcases full of cash.(1)
The U.S. has subjected the Yugoslav people to the most extreme kind of
intimidation. The 6th fleet is off the shore of Croatia conducting
"maneuvers". Remember, Yugoslavia has been subjected to attacks by the
U.S. and its allies and proxy forces for ten years, including 78 days of
bombing. So the people have reason to be concerned about the 6th fleet.
While holding this military stick over Yugoslav heads, the West has
promised to lift sanctions and embrace Yugoslavia, if only the Yugoslavs
get rid of Milosevich. This is a false promise. Several recent articles
on
Emperor's Clothes ( www.tenc.net ) deal with the punitive treatment
Yugoslavia could expect if the US government gets its local agents in
power.
Today, the US House of Representatives voted to give the "independent
democratic" opposition $105 MILLION to continue what the U.S. press is
now
calling its "populist" struggle. Not bad. They get to be populists plus
millions of dollars to line their pockets because note that this money
is
not going to solve the problems of ordinary Yugoslavs, it is going to
reward "democratic" opposition organizations and individuals. It is
bribe
money. The U.S. Establishment likes to get something for its bribes, in
this case political control.
$105 million is a lot of money in Yugoslavia. First of all, it's a
small
country with 1/25th of the U.S. population. And it is very poor,
compared
to the U.S. $150 (US) a month is an OK salary in Yugoslavia; you can
live
on $150 about as well as someone making about $2000 in the U.S.
So to get an idea of the effect of $105 million in U.S. terms, multiply
by
25 (for population) and 13.333 (for salary.) This means that in
equivalent
US dollars, Congress just voted to pay $35 BILLION to the "independent"
opposition.
So the U.S. government is holding out a big (though entirely deceptive)
carrot and a big stick. What a spirit of resistance, that under these
circumstances the Yugoslavs would give a majority of seats in both
houses
of Parliament to the parties the U.S .wants them to dump. This spirit of
resistance is what the U.S. and Germany have been trying to destroy for
ten
long years. Indeed, Germany has been trying to break the Serbian spirit
for
a hundred years, if not more.
Parliamentary Returns
The most important elections are those for the two houses of
Parliament.
There, the Government Coalition of the Socialist Party, the JUL and
Montenegrin SNP have gained an absolute majority in Parliament.
Presidential Returns Give Kostunica a Plurality, Requiring a Runoff
Election
In the Presidential race, the Election Commission returns give both
Milosevich and Kostunica under 40 and 48% respectively. Since both are
under 50%, a run-off is required.
But a run-off would be bad for the DOS. Milosevich will most likely
fare
better in a run-off than he did in round one. Why? For one thing, he
will
get most of the Radical Party vote. More important, many of the more
nationalist Serbs didn't vote in round one because they didn't want to
vote
for Milosevich, but they will vote for him in round two because they see
Kostunica's coalition as tied to the U.S. Kostunica's absolute numbers
may
go up, but his percentlocas of the total could well go down.
The U.S. has a problem. Even if Kostunica were to win the Presidential
vote, the government is controlled by Parliament, and Parliament is
solidly
in the hands of the Governing coalition. Therefore the US is using its
"democratic" opposition to try and destabilize the situation and bring
the
government down.
Djindjic Attacks Official Returns, Followed by Kostunica
At approximately 3:00 Eastern U.S. time Democratic Party leader Zoran
Djindjic publicly attacked the Election Commission returns, claiming
they
were false. He provided no evidence. This is consistent, of course.
Prior
to the elections, Djindjic and the State Department and Robin Cook and
every Western newsman assured us that Milosevich would "steal" the
elections, but never indicated how, so why provide evidence now that
"the
deed has been done"?
Djindjic said his coalition would demand to see the official returns
and
"compare them with ours, one by one if necessary" and that they would
reject a runoff because "we will respect the result that was registered
on
September 24." ('Reuters, 9-26-2000, 3.08 PM)
An hour later, the official candidate of the "democratic" coalition
spoke
up. Vojislav Kostunica followed Djindjic's lead, echoing the charges of
fraud and the refusal to participate in the runoff. ('Reuters,
9-26-2000,
4.10 PM)
Kostunica was picked to be the "democratic" coalition's candidate
because
he had not been discredited (like Mr. Djindjic) as an agent of the U.S.
government. But as we have pointed out, (2) Kostunica's character is not
the issue because Kostunica is not the master of his fate. He relies on
the
DOS coalition and various "democratic" organizations, like the Group of
17
economists. They in turn rely on the U.S. government. How can Kostunica
buck these forces? They have the U.S. money; they have the
organizations;
and they have the media. He has Kostunica and a tiny political party.
The Golden Rule: He Who Has the Gold Makes The Rules
The U.S. has given tens of millions of dollars to the "democratic"
opposition. Kostunica says he has taken none of this money. If this is
true, then Zoran Djindjic and the other "independent" democrats are
getting
it all. Djindjic has an organization able to smuggle cash across the
border
("in suitcases" according to the N.Y. Times) (1) And the G-17
economists, a
leading component of the US-funded opposition, has the ties to the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
So Zoran Djindjic speaks at 3pm and Vojislav Kostunica echoes him at 4.
There you have it: a small example but one that reflects the true
relation
of forces. Whatever Mr. Kostunica really is, whatever he really wants,
whatever he has convinced himself he is doing, he is only the tail. The
dog
is Zoran Djindjic, the G-17 economists, Vesna Pesic, Radio B292 and the
rest of the independent democratic civil society peace activist
opposition,
and they all work for the USA
(1) Here is the quote from the 'NY Times' on how "democratic"
opposition
money gets into Yugoslavia:
"The money from the West is going to most of the institutions
that the government attacks for receiving it - sometimes in
direct aid, sometimes in indirect aid like computers and
broadcasting equipment, and sometimes in suitcases of cash
carried across the border between Yugoslavia and Hungary
or Serbia and Montenegro. Most of those organizations and
news media could not exist without foreign aid."
('N.Y. Times', 9-20-2000.
For the complete 'N.Y. Times' story and a commentary from Emperor's
Clothes, see "'NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in
Yugoslavia"
at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
(2) See 'US ARROGANCE AND YUGSOLASV ELECTIONS' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia
by George Szamuely (9-27-2000)
It is entirely appropriate that US policymakers, their British parrots,
and
assorted NATO toadies are already debating the future course of
Yugoslavia.
Having first denounced last Sunday's elections as totally meaningless
since
they would inevitably be "stolen" by President Slobodan Milosevic, they
then turned around and decided, before any results had been announced,
that
Vojislav Kostunica had won outright on the first ballot. So much then
for
Milosevic's chicanery. NATO's high-fives at the election results are
reminiscent of the inane rejoicing that followed the end of the Kosovo
bombing last year. It had taken 11 weeks to defeat a tiny power like
Yugoslavia. And even then it was NATO that had to make the concessions,
not
Milosevic. Yet the Brits and the Americans celebrated, as if it were
VE-Day
all over again. The election results show a far from convincing win in
the
first round of voting for Kostunica, as well as a victory for the
Government coalition in the Yugoslav parliament. NATO claims
vindication.
But if it has indeed "won"-and this is by no means clear-then it is only
after a massive and unprecedented effort at
intimidation. The Serbs were first bribed to vote the "right" way-thus
the
proverbial "carrot". And if that failed to do the trick, there was the
threat of military action-the "stick".
It is hard to take any elections seriously under such circumstances.
How
can you cast a vote for the candidate of your choice if there is a
chance
of cruise missiles blowing up your home if you vote the "wrong" way? The
best NATO can boast is that it avoided total humiliation. Incidentally,
it
is meaningless to talk of NATO any longer-today it is nothing more than
an
echo chamber for yapping Pentagon and State Department officials, and
their
fierce little pups in London. Here is the glorious record of NATO
heroism:
$75 million from Washington to bankroll the Yugoslav opposition.
Millions
more to aid municipalities deemed not under Milosevic's control.
Millions
to line Montenegrin President Milo Djuakonovic's pockets. US and EU
promises to lift sanctions if Milosevic is voted out. Then there are the
threats: Any result other than a defeat for Milosevic will be considered
by
Washington to be the product of fraud. The US reserves the right to
intervene to prevent such a calamity.
Today, the United States is demanding that Milosevic steps down, even
though the Yugoslav Federal Electoral Commission is saying that
Kostunica
did not receive 50 percent of the vote. The US Government is accepting
without question the claims of the Democratic Opposition that Kostunica
won
55 percent to Milosevic's 35 percent. Yet these figures are not based on
any vote count, but on the reports of opposition poll watchers-hardly a
disinterested bunch of observers. There were no American observers at
the
polls. The Russians were there. They claim they witnessed no election
irregularities. Clearly, the orders emanating from Washington, and
relayed
through Budapest, is that the "opposition" take to the streets and
demand
Milosevic's resignation. Such protests could well elicit a violent
response. This, in turn, could be seized on by the United States as a
threat to the region, justifying military intervention. Alternatively,
the
"opposition" may be encouraged to boycott a run-off and establish a
Government in exile-perhaps in Podgorica. Such a Government would enjoy
diplomatic recognition and would in due course, act as a NATO stooge
urging
an invasion of Yugoslavia to remove the "illegitimate" Government in
Belgrade.
In the meantime, military threats are increasing. "We...need to make
sure
that Milosevic understands there is very substantial capacity in the
region"-thus British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook Britain has 15
warships
in the Mediterranean near Yugoslavia operating in two training groups.
They
are manned by 5,000 sailors, Royal Marines and aircrew. They include the
aircraft carrier Invincible, which carries Harrier jump-jet fighters,
the
destroyer HMS Liverpool, helicopter assault ship HMS Ocean, the
amphibious
assault ship HMS Fearless and 10 more ships including minesweepers, a
tanker, a store ship and Northumberland, a type-23 frigate. US and Croat
forces are holding joint naval exercises 150 miles northwest of
Montenegro.
They include a simulated Marine landing on an island in the Adriatic
Sea.
On September 28, Romania and Bulgaria are planning a joint exercise at
the
Romanian Danube port of Turnu Magurele. The plan includes the
construction
of a pontoon bridge across the Danube and the evacuation of the local
population.
On Monday, the US House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing
$500
million in financial aid for opposition groups in Yugoslavia. $500
million
is a huge amount of money in a country as small, impoverished and as
burdened by economic sanctions as Yugoslavia. Funds of this magnitude
cannot but corrupt the most virtuous of nations. Remember, this is a
Republican-controlled House of Representatives, which normally protests
foreign aid, debt relief, and handouts in general.
It is not hard to imagine what the future holds in store for
Yugoslavia.
Suppose the United States gets what it wants. Slobodan Milosevic steps
aside and Kostunica takes over. There is a peaceful transition, and both
the United States and the European Union lift sanctions as promised. In
no
time at all, the United States will demand the surrender of Milosevic to
The Hague. Indeed, it will be an election issue, with George W. Bush
baiting the Clinton Administration for being insufficiently zealous in
its
pursuit of Milosevic. Kostunica will probably refuse these demands. Soon
the media will fall into lockstep parroting the line that as long as
Milosevic is residing in Belgrade, he is the one who is really running
the
show. Every day journalists will be informing us that Kostunica is
nothing
more than Milosevic's puppet. Congress will then vote to cut off all
further funds to Yugoslavia. The EU will follow suit. At that point,
US-financed demonstrations will take place in Belgrade and other major
cities. The protesters will demand that Milosevic be handed over to the
Tribunal. If the US gets lucky, there will be some violence. At that
point,
Washington will summon Kostunica and tell him that he is jeopardizing
Balkan stability. If he wants to stay in power, he will have to play
ball
with the United States. Milosevic must be handed over. The Rambouillet
Accords will be put back on the table, along with Appendix B and the
referendum on Kosovo independence. And while we are at it, Vojvodina
will
have to be offered a "special" status.
One thing is for sure, the United States will not simply permit
Yugoslavia
to walk away and happily enjoy the prestige that comes from having
defied
the world's greatest powers for over 10 years. Yugoslavia will be made
to
pay.
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
---
Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic
By LUTZ KLEVEMAN
PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA
Wednesday 27 September 2000
The many bars and cafes along the main road in Mitrovica, a drab
industrial
town in the north of Kosovo, were packed on Monday night with bearded
Serbs
watching the evening news from Belgrade. Many nodded in sombre
satisfaction
when the newsreader on RTS state television reported "a clear lead" for
President Slobodan Milosevic midway through the vote-counting. Mr
Milosevic may have sent their sons into four deadly wars, impoverished
them, beaten them and taken them hostage in an isolated pariah state,
but
that is not how millions of Serbs see his 13-year rule. Random exit
polls
in the "other" Serbia outside the opposition stronghold, Belgrade,
showed
widespread support for the Serb strongman, casting doubts on Western
beliefs that put Mr Milosevic's popularity down solely to propaganda and
fear.
"Of course I voted for Milosevic because he defends the freedom of our
country," said one voter leaving a polling station. The villain in the
people's mind is NATO, not Mr Milosevic. While the nationalist frenzy of
the early 1990s might be abating, Serbs are still deeply divided between
Western-oriented, mostly urban, democratic reformers and strong Slavic
do-it-alone patriots.
Members of the first camp feel that by bombing the country and imposing
economic sanctions, the West has not made life easier for them. "Nothing
has helped Milosevic and hurt the chances for democracy in Serbia more
than
the bombing," said Milan Samardzic, a student activist. Alexander Mitic,
a
Belgrade-based journalist, explained: "The experiences of the last 10
years, the wars and the poverty, have made Serbs a very fearful people.
They cling on to whatever seems a certainty - including Milosevic."
Serbs have become obsessed with even the most outlandish conspiracy
theories. A front-page story in one tabloid blamed Yugoslavia's
unusually
hot summer on NATO planes blowing away clouds with laser rays to torture
the population. The issue was sold out within hours. Even most Serbs in
Kosovo, who have felt the disastrous consequences of Mr Milosevic's
policies most painfully, still support him. Father Sava Janjic of the
Gracanica Monastery recalled: "He appeared like a savior to the Serbs in
Kosovo - and he still does, despite all."
-TELEGRAPH- Copyright © The Age Company Ltd 2000
******************************************************************
"The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo.
Mr. Kostunica will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to
accept independence for Kosovo -- yet the Albanians will settle
for nothing else. The key is to offer the Serbs territorial
compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and that means looking in a
wider Balkan context at the international borders that have not
won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve Balkan-wide stability."
September 26, 2000 - The Wall Street Journal
Yugoslavia After Milosevic
By David Owen.
The wisest course for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries
to
take in the immediate aftermath of the Yugoslav presidential elections
would be to refrain from pontificating and gesturing. If past form
serves
as a guide, such actions only make it more difficult for the Serbian
people
to bring about an end to the Milosevic regime. Instead, the West should
allow Vojislav Kostunica, the undoubted winner, to guide them on his
post-election strategy.
In Mr. Kostunica, at long last, we have a credible Serb leader. He is
too
nationalistic, inevitably, but was fortunately never a Communist. We
must
givehim the political leeway he needs to heal political wounds and bind
Serbia together.
Early today, the Milosevic government will go through the charade of
announcing the election
results, and the West will be certain to condemnthe inevitable rigging
of
the ballot. But the reactions of the Serbian people, and the strategies
they adoptin their struggle to oust Mr. Milosevic, are likely to be less
predictable.
The key, in the next few days and weeks, will be the loyaltiesof the
armed
forces, which could be broken by prolonged peaceful demonstrations. But
the
police force, which has been turned into a paramilitary body by Mr.
Milosevic, is unlikely to bend to demonstrators. They have been singled
out
by Mr. Milosevic for special treatment for more than a decade, and are
relatively well-paid and well-equipped. I would expect them to stay
loyal
to Mr. Milosevic. I fear they will, as usual, try to engender panic by
savagely attacking some demonstrators. A lot will depend on whether they
show more restraint than has hitherto been their wont.
Two months ago, Mr. Milosevic changed the constitution to have direct
elections for the Yugoslav presidency, scrapping the previous system of
indirect elections by the federal parliament.
He expected the opposition to remain divided. But he miscalculated, and
the
17 opposition parties came together to support Mr. Kostunica. The
Montenegrin government decided to boycott the election, leaving the
result
to be determined by Serbs, whether in Montenegro or in Serbia itself. In
United Nations-administered Kosovo, polling stations for the election
were
open, but there were few Serbs left to vote. The truth inYugoslavia for
many years has been that it doesn't matter who votes, but rather, who
counts the votes.
Why did the Milosevic regime highlight the constitutional provision that
a
new president would only take office next summer? It is almost certain
that
Mr. Milosevic considered the possibility that he might be defeated by
such
a large margin that even he would not be able to escape its message. In
such circumstances, it would be typical of him to aim to stay on for
another nine months in the belief that he could broker a graceful exit.
Mr. Milosevic is at his most inventive when cornered. He is, after all,
the
man who went to war with NATO well aware that all he could expect to do
was
to negotiate after a period of fighting. He knew the Yugoslav forces
could
not win, but he also knew that the Serb parliament would never have
accepted the terms of the Rambouillet accord.
The fact that Secretary of State Madeleine Albright advised President
Clinton that Mr. Milosevic would fold after a few days of bombing was a
testament to how little she understood Serbian intransigence. After 98
days
of bombing, Mr. Clinton negotiated a settlement with Russian involvement
under which -- in contrast to Rambouillet -- the U.N., not NATO,
administered Kosovo. Furthermore, NATO troops did not enter Kosovo
through
Serbia, and the provisions on returning indicted war criminals were
toned
down. Many of the Serb tank commanders rolled out of Kosovo still eager
to
have a go at NATO, but Mr. Milosevic judged it was better to keep his
armed
forces virtually intact. We in NATO were spared any casualties.
Apart from former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, I have probably spent
more hours negotiating with Mr. Milosevic than any other Western
politician. Everything is negotiable, but he will provoke a civil war
rather than end up facing trial for war crimes in The Hague.
I suspect that it will take all of Mr. Clinton's renowned political
instincts to script an exit for Mr. Milosevic, one in which a civil war
is
avoided in Montenegro, or in Serbia itself. The Serb president will
cling
to office like a limpet. Mr. Clinton would be well advised to consult
closely with Vladimir Putin. Moscow knows the Serb mindset far better
than
Washington.
The outlines of a settlement are not hard to discern. Mr. Milosevic has
to
accept that Mr. Kostunica has won the election, and that the latter must
become president soon. Mr. Kostunica has already said he will not send
Mr.
Milosevic to The Hague, and the West should have enough common sense not
to
push him on this point.
That does not require the Hague court to grant an amnesty, but it would
mean that NATO countries would refrain from applying sanctions against
the
Kostunica government if it were to allow Mr. Milosevic to stay on
Yugoslav
territory without being arrested. Perhaps the best solution would be for
Mr. Milosevic to be sent as Ambassador to the Yugoslav embassy in
Beijing.
China would not object.
In view of the massacre at Srebrenica, for which he bears personal
responsibility, I cannot see how the West can avoid demanding that Gen.
Ratko Mladic be sent to The Hague. Gen. Mladic, a hero of the Serbian
armed
forces, lives quite openly in Belgrade, and has been seen attending
soccer
matches in the city. His extradition would prove deeply unpopular with
the
army, so we may have to acquiesce in the existing head of the Yugoslav
armed forces, Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, being spared an international
trial.
Loud objections will be heard, of course, which assert that any
settlement
that does not involve Mr. Milosevic's head would be a sell-out. Yet the
price of peace in the Balkans may well be that high, though like most
people, it sticks in my gullet that Mr. Milosevic might escape trial.
Recovery could be quite quick in a new Yugoslavia, provided the West
really
does help in its reconstruction and that Mr. Milosevic does not
destabilize
the country. The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo. Mr. Kostunica
will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to accept independence for
Kosovo - yet the Albanians will settle for nothing else. The key is to
offer the Serbs territorial compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and
that
means looking in a wider Balkan context at the international borders
that
have not won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve
Balkan-wide stability.
(Lord Owen has served as Britain's foreign secretary and as the European
Union's peace envoy to Yugoslavia.)
---
"From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble
with Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately
express the democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be."
Is that the reason Clinton Administration is doing everything to
save http://www.egroups.com/message/sorabia/8800 it's silent
partner who lost elections?
Or because Mr. Kostunica translated "The Federalist Papers"
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/federal/fed.htm into Serbian?
-----------------------------------------------------------
September 25, 2000
Analysis:
KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN
By MARTIN SIEFF, UPI senior news analyst
UPI ANALYSIS Vojislav Kostunica's claimed success in the first
Round of the Yugoslav presidential election Sunday was an unpleasant
shock to both incumbent Slobodan Milosevic and the Clinton
administration, which is trying to topple him.
Kostunica's alliance of 18 opposition parties claimed Monday that he
was leading Milosevic - Serbia's ruler for the past 13 years - by a
landslide margin of 17 percent, 53 percent to 36 percent, across the
mountainous nation of 23 million people. Even his rivals, the
ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party, put him ahead by almost the
same margin, 53.5 percent to 37.9 percent.
Kostunica is the joker in the pack of Balkan politics. He is the far
from charismatic, unfashionable candidate whom neither Milosevic nor
the U.S. government took seriously at first and whose popularity
neither of them was prepared for.Milosevic was convinced that the
democratic opposition fostered by the U.S. government was so fractious,
disorganized and argumentative that no one in his country would take
them seriously. He was right.Milosevic also calculated that the
opposition activists favored by the Clinton administration would be
seen by most of the Serbian people as either traitors or nave puppets
of Washington who would sell their country into the hands of
the United States and its allies. These countries, in Serb eyes,
had showed their true colors by bombing Yugoslavia into submission last
year, Milosevic believed. He was right about that, too.
But what Milosevic never counted on was the challenge of an opponent
who would demand an end to confrontation with the West but also
condemn the NATO bombing of his country last year and the subsequent
occupation of Kosovo province by NATO forces to Milosevic's
ethnic-cleansing forces there.
Kostunica, a 56-year-old law professor at Belgrade University, did
All of that. And in so doing, he removed the only trump card Milosevic
had left to attract any genuine popular support -- the argument that he
and only he stood between the people of Serbia and the dissolution of
their state.
But Kostunica's rise has proven to be far from welcome to the Clinton
administration, especially to Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright.Albright has spearheaded the efforts to make an example of
Milosevic by having him handed over to the International Court of
Justice in The Hague, capital of the Netherlands, and tried there as a
war criminal. But Kostunica implacably opposes having Milosevic or any
other prominent Serb tried as a war criminal, no matter how terrible was
their conduct during the last nine years of conflict in the Fragmented
former communist federal state. He also regularly denounces the NATO
bombing of Yugoslavia last year as "criminal." And he flatly opposes
granting Kosovo province, with its more than 90 percent Albanian Muslim
majority, any independence from Orthodox Christian Serbia.
In many respects, if Kostunica does win, he will present the Clinton
administration - or its successor, whether Vice President Al Gore or
Texas Gov. George W Bush - with a far trickier problem than
Milosevic does.
U.S. leaders - Republican and Democrat alike - are now used to
attacking Milosevic as, if not a Hitler, then at least a Saddam
Hussein figure. They have made clear they hope that a pro-American
opposition candidate will eventually succeed him and agreed to
U.S.-mediated solutions to Bosnia and Kosovo.
But Kostunica is not pro-American.* He is as virulent a critic of
recent U.S. policies as Milosevic himself. And he has said he is
determined to not to give an inch on the Kosovo issue. Yet he had
nothing to do with Serbian ethnic-cleansing activities in Kosovo or
any previous acts of aggression, mass murder or ethnic-cleansing in
the 1991-95 Bosnia conflict.
He even opposes the operation of the ICJ in The Hague that U.S.
officials now believe is essential to serve as a deterrent to any
future European leaders who might contemplate such massive state
crimes.
>From Washington's point of view, a Kostunica victory would leave
Serbia under the control of a tough, implacable nationalist for
another political cycle and many more years to come.
It would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad settlement to
Yugoslav issues on Washington's terms. And it would even remove
whatever optimism remained before that Milosevic was the only
obstacle to the desired U.S. outcome because he was standing in
the way of the democratic aspirations of his own people.
>From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble with
Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately express the
democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be.
/fair use only/
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Impede the civil war which is being instigated by Kostunica and the
West (International Leninist Current)
* U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS (International Action Center)
* Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
(Jared Israel)
* NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia (George Szamuely)
* Pristina: Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic (L. Kleveman)
GRAVE IMBARAZZO NELLA NATO PER IL DOPO-ELEZIONI: KOSTUNICA E' PIU'
NAZIONALISTA DI MILOSEVIC, SE VINCE PER DAVVERO COME FACCIAMO A SPACCARE
LA FEDERAZIONE?
* Yugoslavia After Milosevic (LORD DAVID OWEN)
* KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN (MARTIN SIEFF, UPI)
---
I BROGLI ELETTORALI VERI SONNO AVVENUTI NELLA
REPUBBLICA EX-JUGOSLAVIA DI MACEDONIA (FYROM),
ED INFATTI NESSUN GIORNALE NE PARLA.
La scorsa domenica 24/9, mentre nella vicina RF di Jugoslavia si
tenevano le elezioni, nella FYROM si sono nuovamente svolte le
consultazioni amministrative. Gia' contestate per la maniera in cui si
erano svolte due settimane prima, nella loro seconda tornata queste
consultazioni sono state nuovamente viziate da irregolarita' e brogli
evidenti, denunciati anche dagli osservatori dell'OSCE che pure hanno
dichiarato che l'atmosfera e' stata "un po' migliore" di quella
dell'occasione precedente, perche' stavolta non ci sarebbero stati
episodi di violenza...
Notoriamente pero' i mezzi di dis/informazione dei paesi occidentali
e la NATO in particolare non prestano attenzione ai brogli, alle
violenze, alle intimidazioni ed alle irregolarita' reali, preferendo
concentrarsi su quelle presunte che, a detta loro, avverrebbero in certi
paesi, ostili alle magnifiche sorti e progressive della globalizzazione
imperialista. Tra questi paesi c'e' anche la Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia, che UE e NATO non sono ancora riusciti a comprare, e cercano
allora di distruggere squartandola nelle sue residue componenti: Kosovo,
Montenegro, Vojvodina.
Pertanto, le nostre democraticissime anime belle non levano ne'
leveranno mai alcuna voce critica sul modo in cui le destre di governo
della FYROM - nazionalisti filobulgari, che controllano soprattutto la
parte orientale del paese, e mafiosi irredentisti pan-albanesi, che
controllano la parte occidentale -, ampiamente foraggiate proprio dalla
NATO, e gia' responsabili di brogli alle ultime elezioni politiche e
presidenziali, stanno devastando ogni prerogativa di democrazia nel
paese. D'altronde, l'attuale presidente Boris Trajkovski, anche in
qualita' di capo delle Forze armate, ha dichiarato il suo appoggio alla
entrata del paese nella NATO: il "Programma nazionale " del governo
macedone affermerebbe espicitamente le stesse intenzioni ("PROGRAM FOR
NATO MEMBERSHIP-CONFIRMATION OF MACEDONIA'S DETERMINATION", Fonte:
Macedonian Information Agency, 26.9.00).
Ecco perche' la NATO non solo non parla dei brogli nella FYROM, ma
viceversa li sollecita e li sostiene, cosi' come ha gia' fatto in
precedenza in Bosnia (nel 1996 i votanti hanno ampiamente superato il
100% degli aventi diritto), in Albania (per consentire l'ascesa di
Berisha al potere), in Montenegro (in occasione della elezione di
Djukanovic), In Ucraina (per le presidenziali all'inizio del 2000),
insomma in tutti i paesi dell'Europa centro-orientale che hanno bisogno
di una "spintarella" verso la svolta liberista ed atlantista. Non a caso
tali svolte sono sempre attuate dalle classi politiche piu'
nazionaliste, reazionarie, e sempre legate alla criminalita' mafiosa.
Italo Slavo
---
Subject: Impede the civil war which is being instigated by
Kostunica and the West
Date: Thu, 28 Sep 2000 02:59:42 +0200
From: "ILC" <ilc@...>
The election campaign in Yugoslavia was accompanied by massive
interferences
of the West. They not only supported the opposition with a tremendous
amount
of money, promised the lifting of the vicious sanctions in case their
candidate will win, conducted a powerful media campaign around the globe
but
also exercised military threats against Yugoslavia by holding manoeuvres
in
Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria as well a deploying their navy to the
Adriatic
sea – let alone the political, economic and military aggression of the
past
ten years with the aim to destroy the resistance of the Yugoslavian and
Serbian people. In this sense and under these condition no free and fair
democratic election could be carried out.
We are not able to verify the correctness of the announced electoral
results, but what we indeed know is, that imperialism is manipulating
elections and organising frauds all around the world in order to keep
its
puppets in power. With its media machine they use to whitewash also the
most
notorious dictatorships like that of Fujimori in Peru. Therefore there
is no
reason to believe in the truth of their cries of fraud even more as
monitors
from all around the world (except the Nato aggressor counties) reported
the
elections to have been carried out without major irregularities.
The very fact that Kostunica and the bourgeois opposition is not willing
to
go to the second round of elections prove their fear of loosing them.
With
the support of their Western masters they have chosen to attack
boycotting
the elections, calling for a mass movement in the streets and for a
general
strike to bring down Milosevic. In this way they try to precipitate the
exhausted people into a bloody and fratricide civil war. Further
weakening
the country and its ability to resist to the New World Order a civil war
would be in the sole interest of imperialism and its local bourgeois
agents.
This shows the complicity of Kostunica with imperialism and Nato which
he
had been hiding behind a nationalist façade claiming to have been
against
the Nato war and in favour of the Serbian recuperation of Kosovo.
However,
his opposition block is composed of the most open and notorious Nato
puppets
like Djindjic. The real character of Kostunica has not only be
highlighted
by the paramount flow of finances for him but also by his advocacy and
support of the so-called G17 proposals that are nothing else than a
blueprint of the IMF, WTO and WB programme which will suck out the
country
in the same semi-colonial way as it is already taking place in Bulgaria
or
Russia. But even if Serbia will obey to the dictate of the New Order as
Kostunica is planning it this will not bring any help or relieve to the
Yugoslav masses shaken by the impact of the Western aggression. The goal
of
imperialism is to destroy Yugoslavia and Serbia as the main strategic
obstacle for their rule over and penetration into the Balkans.
It is true that Milosevic has led the country into a crisis. This is
expressed in the Dayton agreements (conceding big parts of Bosnia to
imperialism with the vane hope to therewith avoid a confrontation), in
the
corruption of the leading strata, in its enrichment by privatisations
and
last but not least in the dangerous confrontation of today: The
constitutional change in favour of a presidentialist system was a big
mistake and had to provoke the clash that could have been avoided by a
president elected by parliament. However, the social block in power
could
preserve Yugoslavia as an independent state opposed to the imperialist
New
World Order as well as some important social gains of the peasants,
workers
and the popular masses in general and the multinational character of the
society.
The clash between the bourgeois opposition and the governmental block of
SPS
is therefore at the same time both a confrontation between imperialism
and
an oppressed people as well as a class conflict. It is a continuation of
an
imperialist aggression already lasting for tens years but which could
not
reach its goal of the complete subjugation and destruction of Yugoslavia
and
Serbia – even not by the war of last year. The fact that Milosevic has
led
the struggle of the Yugoslav and Serbian masses into an impasse does not
change the progressive and anti-imperialist character of the popular
block
led by him.
The anti-imperialist, revolutionary and communist forces in Yugoslavia
and
around the world have to support those who:
· Impede the civil war being instigated by the Kostunica, the opposition
and
the West
· Defend the resistance and independence of Yugoslavia and Serbia
against
the Nato and its New World Order and strive for the full implementation
of
UN resolution 1244 and later the recuperation of Kosovo by Yugoslavia
· Stand for social justice and equality refusing the neo-liberal recipes
of
IMF, WTO and WB
· Secure the multinational character of Yugoslavia
while creating on this very base an independent popular movement.
Executive Committee of the ILC
Vienna, September 27, 2000
***************************************
International Leninist Current (ILC)
Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
ilc@...
www.comports.com/ilc
www.antiimperialista.com
---
Subject: U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS
Date: Wed, 27 Sep 2000 22:39:27 -0400
From: iacenter@...
U.S./NATO STEAL YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS--
Soft Money and Hard Threats
By Sara Flounders, Co-Director, International Action Center
September 27, 2000
On Sept. 26 the State Election Commission in Yugoslavia announced the
results of the Sept. 24 elections. The candidate backed by the U.S.
government and the European Union, Vojislav Kostunica, received 48
percent of the vote to President Slobodan Milosevic’s 40 percent.
Since neither candidate received more than 50 percent, a run-off
election has
been set for Oct. 8.
Kostunica’s immediate reaction was to reject participation in a run-off
election and demand that Milosevic concede defeat. Bill Clinton,
Britain’s
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook and other NATO leaders who bombed
Yugoslavia in 1999 also demanded Milosevic concede.
The first point for the whole international movement that opposed NATO
war against Yugoslavia to keep in mind is that the Yugoslav elections
were
not “free and fair.” Imperialism stole the election through its blatant
pressure,
bribery and interference.
The elections raise a vital question. Will Yugoslavia be turned over to
the
Western banks and corporations? Will the assets of industrial
enterprises be
broken up and sold off, as they have been in every other country in
Eastern
Europe, Russia and the former Soviet Republics? Will the majority of the
population be relegated to living below the poverty line?
The Sept. 24 elections involved three layers of voting. Besides the
presidential vote, there were also municipal elections, in which the
U.S.-
backed opposition won many cities and towns.
There was also an election for the Yugoslav Federal Parliament. The
coalition
of the United Left, the Socialist Party and the SP’s sister party in
Montenegro won a strong majority of both houses. In Montenegro it was
unopposed, as the pro-Western government abstained from the election.
Under Yugoslav law, Parliament has more rights than the president and
directs the government, electing the prime minister.
But a setback for Milosevic in the presidential election puts more at
risk than
the future of one individual. He was the main target of the war carried
out by
U.S. and NATO—the imperialist world powers—and because of that he has
come to symbolize Yugoslav resistance. In addition, he was at the center
of
the coalition of forces that led Yugoslavia during the 78 days of
bombing.
All the social gains of an independent country that had broken free of
imperialist enslavement and held out during years of encirclement and
war
are now endangered.
WESTERN INTERFERENCE DISTORTED ELECTION
In this election the U.S. and European Union governments used every
possible dirty trick, corrupt practice and payoff, and then bragged
about
them. Threats of bombing, promises to end nine years of sanctions,
intimidation and military maneuvers heightened the tension.
On election day the Pentagon and Croatia held their largest joint
military
exercises ever--a joint landing on an island in the Adriatic near
Montenegro,
part of Yugoslavia, to simulate an invasion. Fifteen British war ships
have
now moved into the Mediterranean. A U.S. aircraft carrier in the
Adriatic Sea
has moved closer to Montenegro.
The major media here—the New York Times on Sept. 20 and the Washington
Post on Sept. 19--have described in detail the exact amounts funneled
into
the opposition parties, radio and TV stations and newspapers. The U.S.
Congress publicly voted on $77 million in open interference. Then on
Sept.
25, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill to send another $105
million to aid anti-Milosevic forces in Serbia and Montenegro.
These articles describe suitcases of cash handed over at the border,
endless
supplies of computers, fax machines, cell phones and the trainers to use
them. These goods have been passed to the opposition through front
organizations, NGOs and media outlets.
Weeks before the election, Western-funded polling organizations
announced
that Kostunica would win a sweeping victory. For the West’s media
monopoly beaming into Yugoslavia, there were only two options. Either
Milosevic would lose or there would be massive fraud.
The U.S. State Department announced that even if Milosevic won by
overwhelming odds, Washington would refuse to accept the results.
HOW SHOULD MOVEMENT EVALUATE THESE EVENTS?
Those who opposed NATO bombing in 1999 and all the militant activists
who have taken on the International Monetary Fund, World Bank,
globalization and sweatshops have a stake in what happens next in
Yugoslavia.
Are they ready to stand in solidarity with whatever steps are necessary
to
keep another country from being forced under the boot of the IMF and
World Bank?
Washington, London, Paris and Berlin have openly intervened and bragged
of it. In the face of these admissions, those in office in Yugoslavia
have
every right to void the elections and disqualify the opposition.
In the United States, France, Britain or Germany, would such an election
have
been allowed to continue? In the United States no political organization
is
permitted to accept funds from another government for political purposes
unless it publicly registers as an agent of a foreign power. The U.S.
ruling
class is determined that only it should control the electoral process.
Any U.S. politician found accepting contributions, bribes or payments of
any
kind from a foreign government is disgraced, attacked and could face
criminal
indictment.
Just the allegation that the Clinton administration accepted a
contribution
from an ethnically Chinese businessperson who might have had contact
with
China sent every politician running for cover.
CORRUPTION AND TREASON
It is important to recognize that the Yugoslav government has the moral
right
to nullify this election on the basis of outrageous outside
interference. It has
every right to refuse to proceed with further elections under conditions
of
war, sanctions and occupation.
The Parliament has every right to establish a criminal inquiry into the
funding
sources of the opposition. Government prosecutors have every right to
indict and jail the politicians and publications that have corrupted the
election process.
The masses have every right to go into the streets and denounce the
opposition parties and publications as agents of a foreign power.
Kostunica, until now a minor politician considered a Serb nationalist
with a
long history of anti-Communism, consistently maintains that he has not
accepted any money from the West. He has even criticized the NATO
bombing and sanctions. No Yugoslav politician could win significant
votes if
seen as a NATO stooge.
It may be true that he personally has not pocketed any money. But
Kostunica has surrounded himself with political parties and
organizations
that are toadies to the NATO countries. His whole campaign has been
publicized by radio and television stations and newspapers wholly and
openly financed by grants from Washington and Berlin.
He is supported by the U.S. and European imperialist powers because his
political program, even if it criticizes NATO, embraces the very
policies that
NATO is demanding. He is the easiest of the politicians to make into a
pawn
because he has no personal base. He is the candidate of a bloc of 18
small
feuding political parties that have no common interests or ideology.
They are
united only by opposition to the government and their willingness to
accept
foreign funds.
U.S. ENGINEERED COUPS AND COUNTERREVOLUTIONS
The big U.S. monopolies and banks and Washington itself have never
accepted an election as “free and fair” if it put their class interests
in danger
or brought the masses onto the scene. Since the end of World War II the
U.S. has organized the overthrow of more than 50 governments.
In Chile in 1973 the CIA organized a military coup to drown the
progressive
legally elected government in blood. It did the same in Iran in 1953 and
in
Guatemala in 1954.
In 1990 the U.S. orchestrated the overthrow of the Sandinistas in
Nicaragua.
Washington had cobbled together a 20-party coalition whose only aim was
to overthrow the government and restore the old propertied class. It
promised to end the “Contra” war and sanctions and provide massive aid
if
the popular Sandinistas were defeated.
In this situation, much like the one today in Yugoslavia, Washington
succeeded in manipulating the election to drive out the Sandinistas. But
the
U.S. never came through with the aid, and now some of the lowest-paid
sweatshops in the world operate in the “Free Trade Zones” of Nicaragua.
‘FREE ELECTIONS’ IN A COUNTRY UNDER SIEGE?
Yugoslavia, like Nicaragua, illustrates the dangers of holding an
election in
the midst of an unrelenting war, sanctions and occupation of part of the
country by foreign armies. With their dominance of the world media, the
lure
of material goods, the bribes and the threat of further punishment,
these
powers were able to reach right into the country.
President Milosevic was trying to get a mandate by calling a vote when
the
opposition seemed divided, weak, discredited. But the imperialists
quickly
strengthened them using tactics refined over decades of interventions.
Yugoslavia, a small, beleaguered country maneuvering to survive, has
allowed dozens of openly pro-imperialist parties to maintain offices,
staff,
publish newspapers, organize and to participate in elections. These
concessions have only further emboldened the enemies of the Yugoslav
workers.
Even though the imperialists complained that they were not allowed to
monitor the elections, hundreds of foreigners did come in as election
observers and certified that they were “free and fair”--that the
government
honestly and legally abided by all election procedures. But this shifted
attention from the actual fraud taking place: the massive intervention
and
intimidation by imperialism.
The political opposition was allowed to engage in practically
unrestrained
acceptance of foreign assistance, advice and media hype. The whole
process
was corrupted by an army of Western advisors and pollsters.
WILL U.S./NATO FORCES SUCCEED?
Reports from election observers and even the big-business media show
there
is a hard core of working-class support for Milosevic from those who see
him
as a defender of the country against NATO. Even among those who naively
voted for Kostunica out of anger against Milosevic, there are many who
want to resist Western imperialism.
The question facing the Yugoslav masses now is will the Western
multinationals, on the basis of this election distorted by intervention,
be able
to capture the state apparatus and open the door to super-exploitation?
Will the enemy that failed to break Yugoslavia’s resistance with 78 days
of
bombing be able to take over by manipulation of an election--or will the
government be able to resist?
If the left organizations and patriotic parties in Yugoslavia resist,
will the
progressive and working-class and anti-war movements in the West defend
them against an inevitable propaganda blitz from the West and a possible
new military campaign?
WHAT CAN BE DONE?
One contribution to this effort could be a Commission of Inquiry to
examine
the corrupting role that the U.S. government, the European Union, their
NATO military arm and their international financial organizations played
in
the Yugoslav election.
This Inquiry could gather and publicize information on these
institutions’
efforts to subvert and overthrow the Yugoslav government. It could also
gather information on the open and secret funding of political parties,
organizations and publications by U.S. government agencies.
The Inquiry could deepen international understanding of Yugoslavia’s
problem by incorporating testimony and reports on U.S. intervention in
the
internal affairs of other governments. This would include the overthrow
of
other popular governments in Guatemala, Panama, Chile, Iran and
Indonesia
and also intervention in elections in Italy, Haiti, Nicaragua, Guyana
and
others.
Activists in other NATO countries could organize their own Commissions
of
Inquiry and public hearings to examine how this latest intervention
violated
their laws. Similar information came to light earlier when hearings and
tribunals in many countries put U.S. and NATO leaders on trial for war
crimes
against Yugoslavia.
The importance of international solidarity should never be
underestimated.
Yugoslavia must not stand alone.
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
web: www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT THE NEW SITE www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
---
Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics
by Jared Israel (9-26-2000)
Below we have reprinted the preliminary Election Commission returns, as
posted by Tanjug, the Yugoslav news agency. The amazing thing is that
despite every sort of meddling, the U.S. has failed to bring down the
Yugoslav government. Indeed, the government coalition now has a majority
in
both houses of Parliament, which governYugoslavia.
This election has been quite something. Everyone admits that the
"democratic" opposition is massively funded by US government agencies.
The
only difference between this funding and what the CIA used to do in the
1950s, 1960s and 1970s is that in this case some of the funding is
open.
But some of it is not so open, with money smuggled into Yugoslavia in
suitcases full of cash.(1)
The U.S. has subjected the Yugoslav people to the most extreme kind of
intimidation. The 6th fleet is off the shore of Croatia conducting
"maneuvers". Remember, Yugoslavia has been subjected to attacks by the
U.S. and its allies and proxy forces for ten years, including 78 days of
bombing. So the people have reason to be concerned about the 6th fleet.
While holding this military stick over Yugoslav heads, the West has
promised to lift sanctions and embrace Yugoslavia, if only the Yugoslavs
get rid of Milosevich. This is a false promise. Several recent articles
on
Emperor's Clothes ( www.tenc.net ) deal with the punitive treatment
Yugoslavia could expect if the US government gets its local agents in
power.
Today, the US House of Representatives voted to give the "independent
democratic" opposition $105 MILLION to continue what the U.S. press is
now
calling its "populist" struggle. Not bad. They get to be populists plus
millions of dollars to line their pockets because note that this money
is
not going to solve the problems of ordinary Yugoslavs, it is going to
reward "democratic" opposition organizations and individuals. It is
bribe
money. The U.S. Establishment likes to get something for its bribes, in
this case political control.
$105 million is a lot of money in Yugoslavia. First of all, it's a
small
country with 1/25th of the U.S. population. And it is very poor,
compared
to the U.S. $150 (US) a month is an OK salary in Yugoslavia; you can
live
on $150 about as well as someone making about $2000 in the U.S.
So to get an idea of the effect of $105 million in U.S. terms, multiply
by
25 (for population) and 13.333 (for salary.) This means that in
equivalent
US dollars, Congress just voted to pay $35 BILLION to the "independent"
opposition.
So the U.S. government is holding out a big (though entirely deceptive)
carrot and a big stick. What a spirit of resistance, that under these
circumstances the Yugoslavs would give a majority of seats in both
houses
of Parliament to the parties the U.S .wants them to dump. This spirit of
resistance is what the U.S. and Germany have been trying to destroy for
ten
long years. Indeed, Germany has been trying to break the Serbian spirit
for
a hundred years, if not more.
Parliamentary Returns
The most important elections are those for the two houses of
Parliament.
There, the Government Coalition of the Socialist Party, the JUL and
Montenegrin SNP have gained an absolute majority in Parliament.
Presidential Returns Give Kostunica a Plurality, Requiring a Runoff
Election
In the Presidential race, the Election Commission returns give both
Milosevich and Kostunica under 40 and 48% respectively. Since both are
under 50%, a run-off is required.
But a run-off would be bad for the DOS. Milosevich will most likely
fare
better in a run-off than he did in round one. Why? For one thing, he
will
get most of the Radical Party vote. More important, many of the more
nationalist Serbs didn't vote in round one because they didn't want to
vote
for Milosevich, but they will vote for him in round two because they see
Kostunica's coalition as tied to the U.S. Kostunica's absolute numbers
may
go up, but his percentlocas of the total could well go down.
The U.S. has a problem. Even if Kostunica were to win the Presidential
vote, the government is controlled by Parliament, and Parliament is
solidly
in the hands of the Governing coalition. Therefore the US is using its
"democratic" opposition to try and destabilize the situation and bring
the
government down.
Djindjic Attacks Official Returns, Followed by Kostunica
At approximately 3:00 Eastern U.S. time Democratic Party leader Zoran
Djindjic publicly attacked the Election Commission returns, claiming
they
were false. He provided no evidence. This is consistent, of course.
Prior
to the elections, Djindjic and the State Department and Robin Cook and
every Western newsman assured us that Milosevich would "steal" the
elections, but never indicated how, so why provide evidence now that
"the
deed has been done"?
Djindjic said his coalition would demand to see the official returns
and
"compare them with ours, one by one if necessary" and that they would
reject a runoff because "we will respect the result that was registered
on
September 24." ('Reuters, 9-26-2000, 3.08 PM)
An hour later, the official candidate of the "democratic" coalition
spoke
up. Vojislav Kostunica followed Djindjic's lead, echoing the charges of
fraud and the refusal to participate in the runoff. ('Reuters,
9-26-2000,
4.10 PM)
Kostunica was picked to be the "democratic" coalition's candidate
because
he had not been discredited (like Mr. Djindjic) as an agent of the U.S.
government. But as we have pointed out, (2) Kostunica's character is not
the issue because Kostunica is not the master of his fate. He relies on
the
DOS coalition and various "democratic" organizations, like the Group of
17
economists. They in turn rely on the U.S. government. How can Kostunica
buck these forces? They have the U.S. money; they have the
organizations;
and they have the media. He has Kostunica and a tiny political party.
The Golden Rule: He Who Has the Gold Makes The Rules
The U.S. has given tens of millions of dollars to the "democratic"
opposition. Kostunica says he has taken none of this money. If this is
true, then Zoran Djindjic and the other "independent" democrats are
getting
it all. Djindjic has an organization able to smuggle cash across the
border
("in suitcases" according to the N.Y. Times) (1) And the G-17
economists, a
leading component of the US-funded opposition, has the ties to the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
So Zoran Djindjic speaks at 3pm and Vojislav Kostunica echoes him at 4.
There you have it: a small example but one that reflects the true
relation
of forces. Whatever Mr. Kostunica really is, whatever he really wants,
whatever he has convinced himself he is doing, he is only the tail. The
dog
is Zoran Djindjic, the G-17 economists, Vesna Pesic, Radio B292 and the
rest of the independent democratic civil society peace activist
opposition,
and they all work for the USA
(1) Here is the quote from the 'NY Times' on how "democratic"
opposition
money gets into Yugoslavia:
"The money from the West is going to most of the institutions
that the government attacks for receiving it - sometimes in
direct aid, sometimes in indirect aid like computers and
broadcasting equipment, and sometimes in suitcases of cash
carried across the border between Yugoslavia and Hungary
or Serbia and Montenegro. Most of those organizations and
news media could not exist without foreign aid."
('N.Y. Times', 9-20-2000.
For the complete 'N.Y. Times' story and a commentary from Emperor's
Clothes, see "'NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in
Yugoslavia"
at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
(2) See 'US ARROGANCE AND YUGSOLASV ELECTIONS' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia
by George Szamuely (9-27-2000)
It is entirely appropriate that US policymakers, their British parrots,
and
assorted NATO toadies are already debating the future course of
Yugoslavia.
Having first denounced last Sunday's elections as totally meaningless
since
they would inevitably be "stolen" by President Slobodan Milosevic, they
then turned around and decided, before any results had been announced,
that
Vojislav Kostunica had won outright on the first ballot. So much then
for
Milosevic's chicanery. NATO's high-fives at the election results are
reminiscent of the inane rejoicing that followed the end of the Kosovo
bombing last year. It had taken 11 weeks to defeat a tiny power like
Yugoslavia. And even then it was NATO that had to make the concessions,
not
Milosevic. Yet the Brits and the Americans celebrated, as if it were
VE-Day
all over again. The election results show a far from convincing win in
the
first round of voting for Kostunica, as well as a victory for the
Government coalition in the Yugoslav parliament. NATO claims
vindication.
But if it has indeed "won"-and this is by no means clear-then it is only
after a massive and unprecedented effort at
intimidation. The Serbs were first bribed to vote the "right" way-thus
the
proverbial "carrot". And if that failed to do the trick, there was the
threat of military action-the "stick".
It is hard to take any elections seriously under such circumstances.
How
can you cast a vote for the candidate of your choice if there is a
chance
of cruise missiles blowing up your home if you vote the "wrong" way? The
best NATO can boast is that it avoided total humiliation. Incidentally,
it
is meaningless to talk of NATO any longer-today it is nothing more than
an
echo chamber for yapping Pentagon and State Department officials, and
their
fierce little pups in London. Here is the glorious record of NATO
heroism:
$75 million from Washington to bankroll the Yugoslav opposition.
Millions
more to aid municipalities deemed not under Milosevic's control.
Millions
to line Montenegrin President Milo Djuakonovic's pockets. US and EU
promises to lift sanctions if Milosevic is voted out. Then there are the
threats: Any result other than a defeat for Milosevic will be considered
by
Washington to be the product of fraud. The US reserves the right to
intervene to prevent such a calamity.
Today, the United States is demanding that Milosevic steps down, even
though the Yugoslav Federal Electoral Commission is saying that
Kostunica
did not receive 50 percent of the vote. The US Government is accepting
without question the claims of the Democratic Opposition that Kostunica
won
55 percent to Milosevic's 35 percent. Yet these figures are not based on
any vote count, but on the reports of opposition poll watchers-hardly a
disinterested bunch of observers. There were no American observers at
the
polls. The Russians were there. They claim they witnessed no election
irregularities. Clearly, the orders emanating from Washington, and
relayed
through Budapest, is that the "opposition" take to the streets and
demand
Milosevic's resignation. Such protests could well elicit a violent
response. This, in turn, could be seized on by the United States as a
threat to the region, justifying military intervention. Alternatively,
the
"opposition" may be encouraged to boycott a run-off and establish a
Government in exile-perhaps in Podgorica. Such a Government would enjoy
diplomatic recognition and would in due course, act as a NATO stooge
urging
an invasion of Yugoslavia to remove the "illegitimate" Government in
Belgrade.
In the meantime, military threats are increasing. "We...need to make
sure
that Milosevic understands there is very substantial capacity in the
region"-thus British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook Britain has 15
warships
in the Mediterranean near Yugoslavia operating in two training groups.
They
are manned by 5,000 sailors, Royal Marines and aircrew. They include the
aircraft carrier Invincible, which carries Harrier jump-jet fighters,
the
destroyer HMS Liverpool, helicopter assault ship HMS Ocean, the
amphibious
assault ship HMS Fearless and 10 more ships including minesweepers, a
tanker, a store ship and Northumberland, a type-23 frigate. US and Croat
forces are holding joint naval exercises 150 miles northwest of
Montenegro.
They include a simulated Marine landing on an island in the Adriatic
Sea.
On September 28, Romania and Bulgaria are planning a joint exercise at
the
Romanian Danube port of Turnu Magurele. The plan includes the
construction
of a pontoon bridge across the Danube and the evacuation of the local
population.
On Monday, the US House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing
$500
million in financial aid for opposition groups in Yugoslavia. $500
million
is a huge amount of money in a country as small, impoverished and as
burdened by economic sanctions as Yugoslavia. Funds of this magnitude
cannot but corrupt the most virtuous of nations. Remember, this is a
Republican-controlled House of Representatives, which normally protests
foreign aid, debt relief, and handouts in general.
It is not hard to imagine what the future holds in store for
Yugoslavia.
Suppose the United States gets what it wants. Slobodan Milosevic steps
aside and Kostunica takes over. There is a peaceful transition, and both
the United States and the European Union lift sanctions as promised. In
no
time at all, the United States will demand the surrender of Milosevic to
The Hague. Indeed, it will be an election issue, with George W. Bush
baiting the Clinton Administration for being insufficiently zealous in
its
pursuit of Milosevic. Kostunica will probably refuse these demands. Soon
the media will fall into lockstep parroting the line that as long as
Milosevic is residing in Belgrade, he is the one who is really running
the
show. Every day journalists will be informing us that Kostunica is
nothing
more than Milosevic's puppet. Congress will then vote to cut off all
further funds to Yugoslavia. The EU will follow suit. At that point,
US-financed demonstrations will take place in Belgrade and other major
cities. The protesters will demand that Milosevic be handed over to the
Tribunal. If the US gets lucky, there will be some violence. At that
point,
Washington will summon Kostunica and tell him that he is jeopardizing
Balkan stability. If he wants to stay in power, he will have to play
ball
with the United States. Milosevic must be handed over. The Rambouillet
Accords will be put back on the table, along with Appendix B and the
referendum on Kosovo independence. And while we are at it, Vojvodina
will
have to be offered a "special" status.
One thing is for sure, the United States will not simply permit
Yugoslavia
to walk away and happily enjoy the prestige that comes from having
defied
the world's greatest powers for over 10 years. Yugoslavia will be made
to
pay.
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
---
Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic
By LUTZ KLEVEMAN
PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA
Wednesday 27 September 2000
The many bars and cafes along the main road in Mitrovica, a drab
industrial
town in the north of Kosovo, were packed on Monday night with bearded
Serbs
watching the evening news from Belgrade. Many nodded in sombre
satisfaction
when the newsreader on RTS state television reported "a clear lead" for
President Slobodan Milosevic midway through the vote-counting. Mr
Milosevic may have sent their sons into four deadly wars, impoverished
them, beaten them and taken them hostage in an isolated pariah state,
but
that is not how millions of Serbs see his 13-year rule. Random exit
polls
in the "other" Serbia outside the opposition stronghold, Belgrade,
showed
widespread support for the Serb strongman, casting doubts on Western
beliefs that put Mr Milosevic's popularity down solely to propaganda and
fear.
"Of course I voted for Milosevic because he defends the freedom of our
country," said one voter leaving a polling station. The villain in the
people's mind is NATO, not Mr Milosevic. While the nationalist frenzy of
the early 1990s might be abating, Serbs are still deeply divided between
Western-oriented, mostly urban, democratic reformers and strong Slavic
do-it-alone patriots.
Members of the first camp feel that by bombing the country and imposing
economic sanctions, the West has not made life easier for them. "Nothing
has helped Milosevic and hurt the chances for democracy in Serbia more
than
the bombing," said Milan Samardzic, a student activist. Alexander Mitic,
a
Belgrade-based journalist, explained: "The experiences of the last 10
years, the wars and the poverty, have made Serbs a very fearful people.
They cling on to whatever seems a certainty - including Milosevic."
Serbs have become obsessed with even the most outlandish conspiracy
theories. A front-page story in one tabloid blamed Yugoslavia's
unusually
hot summer on NATO planes blowing away clouds with laser rays to torture
the population. The issue was sold out within hours. Even most Serbs in
Kosovo, who have felt the disastrous consequences of Mr Milosevic's
policies most painfully, still support him. Father Sava Janjic of the
Gracanica Monastery recalled: "He appeared like a savior to the Serbs in
Kosovo - and he still does, despite all."
-TELEGRAPH- Copyright © The Age Company Ltd 2000
******************************************************************
"The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo.
Mr. Kostunica will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to
accept independence for Kosovo -- yet the Albanians will settle
for nothing else. The key is to offer the Serbs territorial
compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and that means looking in a
wider Balkan context at the international borders that have not
won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve Balkan-wide stability."
September 26, 2000 - The Wall Street Journal
Yugoslavia After Milosevic
By David Owen.
The wisest course for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries
to
take in the immediate aftermath of the Yugoslav presidential elections
would be to refrain from pontificating and gesturing. If past form
serves
as a guide, such actions only make it more difficult for the Serbian
people
to bring about an end to the Milosevic regime. Instead, the West should
allow Vojislav Kostunica, the undoubted winner, to guide them on his
post-election strategy.
In Mr. Kostunica, at long last, we have a credible Serb leader. He is
too
nationalistic, inevitably, but was fortunately never a Communist. We
must
givehim the political leeway he needs to heal political wounds and bind
Serbia together.
Early today, the Milosevic government will go through the charade of
announcing the election
results, and the West will be certain to condemnthe inevitable rigging
of
the ballot. But the reactions of the Serbian people, and the strategies
they adoptin their struggle to oust Mr. Milosevic, are likely to be less
predictable.
The key, in the next few days and weeks, will be the loyaltiesof the
armed
forces, which could be broken by prolonged peaceful demonstrations. But
the
police force, which has been turned into a paramilitary body by Mr.
Milosevic, is unlikely to bend to demonstrators. They have been singled
out
by Mr. Milosevic for special treatment for more than a decade, and are
relatively well-paid and well-equipped. I would expect them to stay
loyal
to Mr. Milosevic. I fear they will, as usual, try to engender panic by
savagely attacking some demonstrators. A lot will depend on whether they
show more restraint than has hitherto been their wont.
Two months ago, Mr. Milosevic changed the constitution to have direct
elections for the Yugoslav presidency, scrapping the previous system of
indirect elections by the federal parliament.
He expected the opposition to remain divided. But he miscalculated, and
the
17 opposition parties came together to support Mr. Kostunica. The
Montenegrin government decided to boycott the election, leaving the
result
to be determined by Serbs, whether in Montenegro or in Serbia itself. In
United Nations-administered Kosovo, polling stations for the election
were
open, but there were few Serbs left to vote. The truth inYugoslavia for
many years has been that it doesn't matter who votes, but rather, who
counts the votes.
Why did the Milosevic regime highlight the constitutional provision that
a
new president would only take office next summer? It is almost certain
that
Mr. Milosevic considered the possibility that he might be defeated by
such
a large margin that even he would not be able to escape its message. In
such circumstances, it would be typical of him to aim to stay on for
another nine months in the belief that he could broker a graceful exit.
Mr. Milosevic is at his most inventive when cornered. He is, after all,
the
man who went to war with NATO well aware that all he could expect to do
was
to negotiate after a period of fighting. He knew the Yugoslav forces
could
not win, but he also knew that the Serb parliament would never have
accepted the terms of the Rambouillet accord.
The fact that Secretary of State Madeleine Albright advised President
Clinton that Mr. Milosevic would fold after a few days of bombing was a
testament to how little she understood Serbian intransigence. After 98
days
of bombing, Mr. Clinton negotiated a settlement with Russian involvement
under which -- in contrast to Rambouillet -- the U.N., not NATO,
administered Kosovo. Furthermore, NATO troops did not enter Kosovo
through
Serbia, and the provisions on returning indicted war criminals were
toned
down. Many of the Serb tank commanders rolled out of Kosovo still eager
to
have a go at NATO, but Mr. Milosevic judged it was better to keep his
armed
forces virtually intact. We in NATO were spared any casualties.
Apart from former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, I have probably spent
more hours negotiating with Mr. Milosevic than any other Western
politician. Everything is negotiable, but he will provoke a civil war
rather than end up facing trial for war crimes in The Hague.
I suspect that it will take all of Mr. Clinton's renowned political
instincts to script an exit for Mr. Milosevic, one in which a civil war
is
avoided in Montenegro, or in Serbia itself. The Serb president will
cling
to office like a limpet. Mr. Clinton would be well advised to consult
closely with Vladimir Putin. Moscow knows the Serb mindset far better
than
Washington.
The outlines of a settlement are not hard to discern. Mr. Milosevic has
to
accept that Mr. Kostunica has won the election, and that the latter must
become president soon. Mr. Kostunica has already said he will not send
Mr.
Milosevic to The Hague, and the West should have enough common sense not
to
push him on this point.
That does not require the Hague court to grant an amnesty, but it would
mean that NATO countries would refrain from applying sanctions against
the
Kostunica government if it were to allow Mr. Milosevic to stay on
Yugoslav
territory without being arrested. Perhaps the best solution would be for
Mr. Milosevic to be sent as Ambassador to the Yugoslav embassy in
Beijing.
China would not object.
In view of the massacre at Srebrenica, for which he bears personal
responsibility, I cannot see how the West can avoid demanding that Gen.
Ratko Mladic be sent to The Hague. Gen. Mladic, a hero of the Serbian
armed
forces, lives quite openly in Belgrade, and has been seen attending
soccer
matches in the city. His extradition would prove deeply unpopular with
the
army, so we may have to acquiesce in the existing head of the Yugoslav
armed forces, Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, being spared an international
trial.
Loud objections will be heard, of course, which assert that any
settlement
that does not involve Mr. Milosevic's head would be a sell-out. Yet the
price of peace in the Balkans may well be that high, though like most
people, it sticks in my gullet that Mr. Milosevic might escape trial.
Recovery could be quite quick in a new Yugoslavia, provided the West
really
does help in its reconstruction and that Mr. Milosevic does not
destabilize
the country. The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo. Mr. Kostunica
will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to accept independence for
Kosovo - yet the Albanians will settle for nothing else. The key is to
offer the Serbs territorial compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and
that
means looking in a wider Balkan context at the international borders
that
have not won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to
achieve
Balkan-wide stability.
(Lord Owen has served as Britain's foreign secretary and as the European
Union's peace envoy to Yugoslavia.)
---
"From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble
with Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately
express the democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be."
Is that the reason Clinton Administration is doing everything to
save http://www.egroups.com/message/sorabia/8800 it's silent
partner who lost elections?
Or because Mr. Kostunica translated "The Federalist Papers"
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/federal/fed.htm into Serbian?
-----------------------------------------------------------
September 25, 2000
Analysis:
KOSTUNICA NOT CLINTON ADMINISTRATION MAN
By MARTIN SIEFF, UPI senior news analyst
UPI ANALYSIS Vojislav Kostunica's claimed success in the first
Round of the Yugoslav presidential election Sunday was an unpleasant
shock to both incumbent Slobodan Milosevic and the Clinton
administration, which is trying to topple him.
Kostunica's alliance of 18 opposition parties claimed Monday that he
was leading Milosevic - Serbia's ruler for the past 13 years - by a
landslide margin of 17 percent, 53 percent to 36 percent, across the
mountainous nation of 23 million people. Even his rivals, the
ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party, put him ahead by almost the
same margin, 53.5 percent to 37.9 percent.
Kostunica is the joker in the pack of Balkan politics. He is the far
from charismatic, unfashionable candidate whom neither Milosevic nor
the U.S. government took seriously at first and whose popularity
neither of them was prepared for.Milosevic was convinced that the
democratic opposition fostered by the U.S. government was so fractious,
disorganized and argumentative that no one in his country would take
them seriously. He was right.Milosevic also calculated that the
opposition activists favored by the Clinton administration would be
seen by most of the Serbian people as either traitors or nave puppets
of Washington who would sell their country into the hands of
the United States and its allies. These countries, in Serb eyes,
had showed their true colors by bombing Yugoslavia into submission last
year, Milosevic believed. He was right about that, too.
But what Milosevic never counted on was the challenge of an opponent
who would demand an end to confrontation with the West but also
condemn the NATO bombing of his country last year and the subsequent
occupation of Kosovo province by NATO forces to Milosevic's
ethnic-cleansing forces there.
Kostunica, a 56-year-old law professor at Belgrade University, did
All of that. And in so doing, he removed the only trump card Milosevic
had left to attract any genuine popular support -- the argument that he
and only he stood between the people of Serbia and the dissolution of
their state.
But Kostunica's rise has proven to be far from welcome to the Clinton
administration, especially to Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright.Albright has spearheaded the efforts to make an example of
Milosevic by having him handed over to the International Court of
Justice in The Hague, capital of the Netherlands, and tried there as a
war criminal. But Kostunica implacably opposes having Milosevic or any
other prominent Serb tried as a war criminal, no matter how terrible was
their conduct during the last nine years of conflict in the Fragmented
former communist federal state. He also regularly denounces the NATO
bombing of Yugoslavia last year as "criminal." And he flatly opposes
granting Kosovo province, with its more than 90 percent Albanian Muslim
majority, any independence from Orthodox Christian Serbia.
In many respects, if Kostunica does win, he will present the Clinton
administration - or its successor, whether Vice President Al Gore or
Texas Gov. George W Bush - with a far trickier problem than
Milosevic does.
U.S. leaders - Republican and Democrat alike - are now used to
attacking Milosevic as, if not a Hitler, then at least a Saddam
Hussein figure. They have made clear they hope that a pro-American
opposition candidate will eventually succeed him and agreed to
U.S.-mediated solutions to Bosnia and Kosovo.
But Kostunica is not pro-American.* He is as virulent a critic of
recent U.S. policies as Milosevic himself. And he has said he is
determined to not to give an inch on the Kosovo issue. Yet he had
nothing to do with Serbian ethnic-cleansing activities in Kosovo or
any previous acts of aggression, mass murder or ethnic-cleansing in
the 1991-95 Bosnia conflict.
He even opposes the operation of the ICJ in The Hague that U.S.
officials now believe is essential to serve as a deterrent to any
future European leaders who might contemplate such massive state
crimes.
>From Washington's point of view, a Kostunica victory would leave
Serbia under the control of a tough, implacable nationalist for
another political cycle and many more years to come.
It would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad settlement to
Yugoslav issues on Washington's terms. And it would even remove
whatever optimism remained before that Milosevic was the only
obstacle to the desired U.S. outcome because he was standing in
the way of the democratic aspirations of his own people.
>From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble with
Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately express the
democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.
The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the
Clinton administration would like them to be.
/fair use only/
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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------------------------------------------------------------
UN DITTATORE REGOLARMENTE ELETTO
Secondo Edward Luttwak, consigliere strategico alla Casa Bianca e
rappresentante ufficiale di quest'ultima presso i mezzi di informazione
italiani, Milosevic e' "un dittatore regolarmente eletto".
Con questo ossimoro imbecille - da aggiungere a "guerra umanitaria" ed
altre scemenze - l'alto esponente statunitense riconosce che la RF di
Jugoslavia e' un paese democratico, anche se con l'avvento di Kostunica
lo sara' "un pochino di piu'", poiche' notoriamente una elezione e'
tanto piu' democratica quanto siamo noi a vincerla, ed un paese e'
veramente democratico solo se e' servo nostro.
(Fonte: intervento di Luttwak ad un convegno a Gorizia il 27/9/2000,
citato su "Il Piccolo" del 28/9/2000)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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------------------------------------------------------------
Secondo Edward Luttwak, consigliere strategico alla Casa Bianca e
rappresentante ufficiale di quest'ultima presso i mezzi di informazione
italiani, Milosevic e' "un dittatore regolarmente eletto".
Con questo ossimoro imbecille - da aggiungere a "guerra umanitaria" ed
altre scemenze - l'alto esponente statunitense riconosce che la RF di
Jugoslavia e' un paese democratico, anche se con l'avvento di Kostunica
lo sara' "un pochino di piu'", poiche' notoriamente una elezione e'
tanto piu' democratica quanto siamo noi a vincerla, ed un paese e'
veramente democratico solo se e' servo nostro.
(Fonte: intervento di Luttwak ad un convegno a Gorizia il 27/9/2000,
citato su "Il Piccolo" del 28/9/2000)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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------------------------------------------------------------
ADESSO SI CHE IN SERBIA SI RESPIRA!
Nell'edizione odierna (28/9/2000) i giornali riportano piccole foto
della manifestazione della opposizione "democratica" a Belgrado la notte
scorsa, nelle quali si intravvedono personaggi con cappelletti e barboni
cetnici salutare con il segno del nazionalismo serbo (le "tre dita") la
vittoria del candidato Kostunica. Contemporaneamente, ad esempio su
"Repubblica", vengono riportate le dichiarazioni del nazionalista
albanese Ibrahim Rugova e del mafioso montenegrino Milo Djukanovic,
secondo le quali dopo la vittoria di Kostunica si avvicina il momento
della secessione dei rispettivi territori.
PS. Kostunica ringrazia i giornali della sinistra italiana, in
particolare "Il Manifesto", nonche' "Liberazione" e l'ARCI (si vedano le
manchettes pubblicitarie "Via Milosevic! Milosevic sei finito!"), per la
cortese campagna elettorale gratuitamente offerta presso il loro
pubblico.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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------------------------------------------------------------
Nell'edizione odierna (28/9/2000) i giornali riportano piccole foto
della manifestazione della opposizione "democratica" a Belgrado la notte
scorsa, nelle quali si intravvedono personaggi con cappelletti e barboni
cetnici salutare con il segno del nazionalismo serbo (le "tre dita") la
vittoria del candidato Kostunica. Contemporaneamente, ad esempio su
"Repubblica", vengono riportate le dichiarazioni del nazionalista
albanese Ibrahim Rugova e del mafioso montenegrino Milo Djukanovic,
secondo le quali dopo la vittoria di Kostunica si avvicina il momento
della secessione dei rispettivi territori.
PS. Kostunica ringrazia i giornali della sinistra italiana, in
particolare "Il Manifesto", nonche' "Liberazione" e l'ARCI (si vedano le
manchettes pubblicitarie "Via Milosevic! Milosevic sei finito!"), per la
cortese campagna elettorale gratuitamente offerta presso il loro
pubblico.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
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------------------------------------------------------------
RISULTATI UFFICIALI PARZIALI DELLA COMMISSIONE ELETTORALE
composta da rappresentanti di tutti i candidati alle elezioni
> http://www.gov.yu/e2000/index.html
THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION STATEMENT
September 26. 2000.
At today's meeting of The Federal Elections
Commission, over which Borivoje Vukicevic
presided, it was concluded that
according to the processed votes until
this moment, we are able to announce the
first preliminary results of the presidential
elections held in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
From a total of 7,848,818 voters on the polling list,
5,036,478 or 64.16% of the total voted. Each of
the presidential candidate receive the
following number of votes:
- Miroljub Vidojkovic 40,765 (0.80%)
- Vojislav Ko?tunica 2,428,714 (48.22%)
- Slobodan Milo?evic 2,026,478 (40.23%)
- Vojislav Mihajlovic 130,598 (2.59%)
- Tomislav Nikolic 256,876 (5.10%)
3% of the ballots slips
were invalid.
Taking this into account, it maybe concluded that
there will be a second round in the presidential
election.
Also, the first preliminary results of
the elections for deputies in the Chamber
of Citizens and the Chamber of Republics of
the Federal Assembly, are as follows:
Chamber of Citizens:
- DOS: 59 seats
- SPS-JUL: 44 seats
- SNP: 28 seats
Chamber of Republics:
- SNP: 19 seats
- DOS: 10 seats
- SPS-JUL: 7 seats
- SRS: 2 seats
- SPO: 1 seat
- SNS: 1 seat
Federal Elections Commission will
announce the final official results of the
presidential and parliamentary elections
in due time in accordance with the Law.
ALTRI RISULTATI E COMMENTI SU:
> http://www.tanjug.co.yu/Arhiva/2000/Sep%20-%2000/27-09e04.html
TANJUG NEWS 27/9/2000
===
JUGOSLAVIA: CROAZIA; MANOVRE CROATO-USA, SBARCO ISOLA ZIRJE
(ANSA-REUTERS-AFP) - A BORDO DELLA PORTAEREI USA AUSTIN, 26 SET - Forze
militari di Zagabria e navi della sesta flotta Usa hanno compiuto oggi
un
assalto all'isola di Zirje, al largo di Sebenico (sud della costa
adriatica
croata) nell'ambito delle manovre croato-americane iniziate ieri, e
mentre
l'occidente sta in guardia aspettando gli sviluppi delle elezioni
jugoslave. L'attacco, sferrato con mezzi anfibi, navi da guerra,
elicotteri
e caccia, e con un migliaio di soldati 700 dei quali americani, ha
costituito una delle maggiori manovre previste delle esercitazioni, che
si
concluderanno il 29 settembre. Tali esercitazioni, hanno ribadito oggi
funzionari della difesa croata e americani, non hanno nulla a che vedere
con le elezioni in Jugoslavia, i cui risultati ancora non ufficialmente
espressi, e le cui conseguenze possibili tengono il paese balcanico ma
anche il resto del mondo col fiato sospeso. Le manovre erano state
previste
per giugno, hanno detto oggi funzionari croati e americani sulla
portaerei
Austin, e poi posposte su richiesta di Zagabria, preoccupata delle
ricadute
negative che esse avrebbero potuto avere sul turismo, in estate.
MITSOTAKIS SULLA REGOLARITA' DELLE ELEZIONI
Secondo un dispaccio del Athen's News Agency(Agenzia di informazione
greca) del
26/9/2000 delle ore 14.03:
l'ex Primo Ministro greco, ed uno dei massimi dirigenti del partito
moderato di centro destra
"Nuova Democrazia",Costantinos Mitsotakis ha dichiarato che" le elezioni
in
Yugoslavia,come risulta da tutte le informazioni,si sono svolte
regolarmente"ed ha
sottolineato che " il popolo serbo deve essere lasciato indisturbato a
risolvere i suoi
problemi interni.Inoltre si deve porre fine all'embargo e alla politica
della persecuzione a
senso unico per i crimini di guerra."
Agenzia raccolta da Giorgio Apostolou e-mail:ApoGL@...
JUGOSLAVIA: CON OPPOSIZIONE NON CAMBIA NULLA,RUSSO SELEZNIOV
(ANSA) - MOSCA, 26 SET - Anche in caso di vittoria dell'opposizione,
''alla
guida della Jugoslavia ci sara' una persona che non permettera' alla
Nato
di spadroneggiare nei Balcani''. Lo ha dichiarato oggi il presidente
della
duma russa Ghennadi Selezniov che ha definito ''vane'' le speranze
dell'occidente di condizionare la Jugoslavia con l'uscita di scena del
presidente Slobodan Milosevic. Lo riferisce l'agenzia Itar-Tass. ''Non
penso che in caso di vittoria del candidato dell'opposizione questi
spalanchera' le porte alla Nato'', ha proseguito Selezniov aggiungendo
che
Vojislav Kostunica potrebbe essere ''piu' complicato per l'Occidente
dello
stesso Milosevic''. (ANSA).
ANCORA DICHIARAZIONI AUTOCONTRADDITTORIE DALLE UE
STRASBURGO - Anche in caso di vittoria di Milosevic al ballottaggio le
sanzioni nei confronti della Jugoslavia verranno revocate. Lo ha
confermato
il segretario generale del Consiglio d'Europa Walter Schwimmer che si è
detto favorevole alla "rapida revoca" delle sanzioni.
("La Repubblica", 27/9/2000)
MINISTRY: INCORRECT REPORTS BY FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS FROM YUGOSLAVIA
BELGRADE, Sept 26 (Tanjug) The Yugoslav Ministry of
Information
said on Tuesday that it has been observed that certain foreign
correspondents from Yugoslavia report statements made by Yugoslav
citizens
incorrectly and deliberately altered.
"Translations which are presented to the foreign public have
the
completely opposite meaning and stand than that presented by the
citizens,"
the statement said, pointing out that this was obviously abuse of
reporter's credentials.
The Ministry said all the necessary conditions for unhindered
work
by foreign reporters had been secured. It warned that it would be forced
to
suspend credentials for further work if certain correspondents continued
their present practice.
MOSCOW URGES INSTANT LIFTING OF SANCTIONS AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, Sept 26 (Tanjug) According to preliminary results, the
first round of presidential elections in Yugoslavia may be considered
valid, the Russian foreign ministry said on Tuesday, and urged instant
lifting of sanctions against Yugoslavia.
The sanctions should be lifted immediately, regardless of the
outcome of the elections, the ministry's statement said.
According to the statement, the first round of presidential
elections revealed Yugoslavia's significant democratic potential.
Speaking about the elections on Monday, Foreign Minister Igor
Ivanov urged the Western countries to lift the sanctions without delay,
and
end their isolation of Yugoslavia.
The Ukrainian foreign ministry also said the 70percent turnout
in
the Yugoslav presidential and parliamentary elections reflected the
political responsibility of the Yugoslav people and major political
parties.
The ministry's spokesman refused to comment on preliminary
election results, explaining that officials results were not available
yet.
DEPUTY DUMA SPEAKER CRITICIZES EU OVER YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, Sep 25 (Tanjug). Russian State Duma Deputy Speaker
Vladimir Lukin criticized Monday the European Union for its wrong and
unfarsighted decisions which have worsened the situation in Yugoslavia.
The EU accusations against Yugoslav president for alleged
election
fraud, made in advance, have contributed to making the situation in
Yugoslavia tense, Lukin said.
He asked all principal parties on Yugoslavia's political scene
to
start a dialogue and thus avoid further tensions.
According to Lukin, Russia's role regarding the current
situation
in Yugoslavia is very delicate. Russia should direct its endeavors
towards
a dialogue between concerned parties in Yugoslavia in order to see an
objective picture of election outcome, he said.
YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS CONDUCTED IN BEST ORDER, BEZBORODOV SAYS
MOSCOW, Sept 26 (Tanjug) Russian State Duma defense committee
deputychairman Nikolai Bezborodov said Monday evening to Russian
television
that Sunday's elections in Yugoslavia had passed in the best order.
Bezborodov, who monitored Yugoslav elections, said in a news
program of All Russian Television (ORT) that his opinion was shared by
other 200 observers from 52 countries.
"All participants in the Yugoslav elections think the same,"
said
Bezborodov, adding that despite such an unified opinion, the West
deliberately destorts the facts and conducts a poisonous campaign aimed
at
discrediting the elections and creating a crisis situation.
CHINA RESPECTS YUGOSLAV PEOPLE'S CHOICE
BEIJING, Sept 26 (Tanjug) The Yugoslav elections are its
internal
affair, said Chinese Foreign Ministry official Sun Yuxi, stressing
China's
consistent attitude about inadmissible interference in internal affairs
of
other countries.
Sun said at a press conference that China "respects the choice
of
the Yugoslav people." He also voiced hope that Yugoslavia will preserve
its
political stability and achieve economic and state prosperity," and that
Yugoslav and Chinese ties will develop.
The Chinese press criticized ahead of the elections the
interference of the United States and the West in the free will of the
Yugoslav people, and NATO's attempts to put pressure on Yugoslav voters.
Chinese media reported Tuesday about the preliminary election
results announced at the leftparty press conference held on Monday. The
leading Chinese paper Renmin Ribao said that according to those results
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic was leading by 45 percent, as
compared to the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) candidate Vojislav
Kostunica who obtained 40 percent of the total number of votes.
JUGOSLAVIA: CAMERA USA STANZIA FONDI PER OPPOSIZIONE
(ANSA) - WASHINGTON, 25 SET - Nel tentativo di aumentare la
pressione sul presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic, la Camera
dei rappresentanti Usa ha varato uno stanziamento per l'
opposizione jugoslava in Serbia e Montenegro.
Approvato ieri con una maggioranza di due terzi, lo
stanziamento offre 500 milioni di dollari (oltre 1.100 miliardi
di lire) alle opposizioni anti-Milosevic, tra cui 50 milioni
volti a finanziare gruppi pro-democrazia e dissidenti.
''La legge autorizza assistenza democratica a coloro che
lottano per il cambiamento in Serbia, se Milosevic non lascera'
il potere. Al tempo stesso, ci da' la flessibilita' per reagire
in fretta ai risultati elettorali, se saranno positivi. Prevede
anche l'allentamento delle sanzioni'', ha detto il deputato
repubblicano Christopher Smith.
Il provvedimento chiede che vengano mantenute le sanzioni
contro la Serbia finche' non sia iniziata la trasformazione
democratica, e esprime sostegno agli sforzi del Tribunale penale
internazionale dell'Aja (Tpi) per processare Milosevic per
crimini di guerra. Una legge simile e' gia' stata passata dal
Senato. (ANSA). 26/09/2000 01:42
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composta da rappresentanti di tutti i candidati alle elezioni
> http://www.gov.yu/e2000/index.html
THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION STATEMENT
September 26. 2000.
At today's meeting of The Federal Elections
Commission, over which Borivoje Vukicevic
presided, it was concluded that
according to the processed votes until
this moment, we are able to announce the
first preliminary results of the presidential
elections held in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
From a total of 7,848,818 voters on the polling list,
5,036,478 or 64.16% of the total voted. Each of
the presidential candidate receive the
following number of votes:
- Miroljub Vidojkovic 40,765 (0.80%)
- Vojislav Ko?tunica 2,428,714 (48.22%)
- Slobodan Milo?evic 2,026,478 (40.23%)
- Vojislav Mihajlovic 130,598 (2.59%)
- Tomislav Nikolic 256,876 (5.10%)
3% of the ballots slips
were invalid.
Taking this into account, it maybe concluded that
there will be a second round in the presidential
election.
Also, the first preliminary results of
the elections for deputies in the Chamber
of Citizens and the Chamber of Republics of
the Federal Assembly, are as follows:
Chamber of Citizens:
- DOS: 59 seats
- SPS-JUL: 44 seats
- SNP: 28 seats
Chamber of Republics:
- SNP: 19 seats
- DOS: 10 seats
- SPS-JUL: 7 seats
- SRS: 2 seats
- SPO: 1 seat
- SNS: 1 seat
Federal Elections Commission will
announce the final official results of the
presidential and parliamentary elections
in due time in accordance with the Law.
ALTRI RISULTATI E COMMENTI SU:
> http://www.tanjug.co.yu/Arhiva/2000/Sep%20-%2000/27-09e04.html
TANJUG NEWS 27/9/2000
===
JUGOSLAVIA: CROAZIA; MANOVRE CROATO-USA, SBARCO ISOLA ZIRJE
(ANSA-REUTERS-AFP) - A BORDO DELLA PORTAEREI USA AUSTIN, 26 SET - Forze
militari di Zagabria e navi della sesta flotta Usa hanno compiuto oggi
un
assalto all'isola di Zirje, al largo di Sebenico (sud della costa
adriatica
croata) nell'ambito delle manovre croato-americane iniziate ieri, e
mentre
l'occidente sta in guardia aspettando gli sviluppi delle elezioni
jugoslave. L'attacco, sferrato con mezzi anfibi, navi da guerra,
elicotteri
e caccia, e con un migliaio di soldati 700 dei quali americani, ha
costituito una delle maggiori manovre previste delle esercitazioni, che
si
concluderanno il 29 settembre. Tali esercitazioni, hanno ribadito oggi
funzionari della difesa croata e americani, non hanno nulla a che vedere
con le elezioni in Jugoslavia, i cui risultati ancora non ufficialmente
espressi, e le cui conseguenze possibili tengono il paese balcanico ma
anche il resto del mondo col fiato sospeso. Le manovre erano state
previste
per giugno, hanno detto oggi funzionari croati e americani sulla
portaerei
Austin, e poi posposte su richiesta di Zagabria, preoccupata delle
ricadute
negative che esse avrebbero potuto avere sul turismo, in estate.
MITSOTAKIS SULLA REGOLARITA' DELLE ELEZIONI
Secondo un dispaccio del Athen's News Agency(Agenzia di informazione
greca) del
26/9/2000 delle ore 14.03:
l'ex Primo Ministro greco, ed uno dei massimi dirigenti del partito
moderato di centro destra
"Nuova Democrazia",Costantinos Mitsotakis ha dichiarato che" le elezioni
in
Yugoslavia,come risulta da tutte le informazioni,si sono svolte
regolarmente"ed ha
sottolineato che " il popolo serbo deve essere lasciato indisturbato a
risolvere i suoi
problemi interni.Inoltre si deve porre fine all'embargo e alla politica
della persecuzione a
senso unico per i crimini di guerra."
Agenzia raccolta da Giorgio Apostolou e-mail:ApoGL@...
JUGOSLAVIA: CON OPPOSIZIONE NON CAMBIA NULLA,RUSSO SELEZNIOV
(ANSA) - MOSCA, 26 SET - Anche in caso di vittoria dell'opposizione,
''alla
guida della Jugoslavia ci sara' una persona che non permettera' alla
Nato
di spadroneggiare nei Balcani''. Lo ha dichiarato oggi il presidente
della
duma russa Ghennadi Selezniov che ha definito ''vane'' le speranze
dell'occidente di condizionare la Jugoslavia con l'uscita di scena del
presidente Slobodan Milosevic. Lo riferisce l'agenzia Itar-Tass. ''Non
penso che in caso di vittoria del candidato dell'opposizione questi
spalanchera' le porte alla Nato'', ha proseguito Selezniov aggiungendo
che
Vojislav Kostunica potrebbe essere ''piu' complicato per l'Occidente
dello
stesso Milosevic''. (ANSA).
ANCORA DICHIARAZIONI AUTOCONTRADDITTORIE DALLE UE
STRASBURGO - Anche in caso di vittoria di Milosevic al ballottaggio le
sanzioni nei confronti della Jugoslavia verranno revocate. Lo ha
confermato
il segretario generale del Consiglio d'Europa Walter Schwimmer che si è
detto favorevole alla "rapida revoca" delle sanzioni.
("La Repubblica", 27/9/2000)
MINISTRY: INCORRECT REPORTS BY FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS FROM YUGOSLAVIA
BELGRADE, Sept 26 (Tanjug) The Yugoslav Ministry of
Information
said on Tuesday that it has been observed that certain foreign
correspondents from Yugoslavia report statements made by Yugoslav
citizens
incorrectly and deliberately altered.
"Translations which are presented to the foreign public have
the
completely opposite meaning and stand than that presented by the
citizens,"
the statement said, pointing out that this was obviously abuse of
reporter's credentials.
The Ministry said all the necessary conditions for unhindered
work
by foreign reporters had been secured. It warned that it would be forced
to
suspend credentials for further work if certain correspondents continued
their present practice.
MOSCOW URGES INSTANT LIFTING OF SANCTIONS AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, Sept 26 (Tanjug) According to preliminary results, the
first round of presidential elections in Yugoslavia may be considered
valid, the Russian foreign ministry said on Tuesday, and urged instant
lifting of sanctions against Yugoslavia.
The sanctions should be lifted immediately, regardless of the
outcome of the elections, the ministry's statement said.
According to the statement, the first round of presidential
elections revealed Yugoslavia's significant democratic potential.
Speaking about the elections on Monday, Foreign Minister Igor
Ivanov urged the Western countries to lift the sanctions without delay,
and
end their isolation of Yugoslavia.
The Ukrainian foreign ministry also said the 70percent turnout
in
the Yugoslav presidential and parliamentary elections reflected the
political responsibility of the Yugoslav people and major political
parties.
The ministry's spokesman refused to comment on preliminary
election results, explaining that officials results were not available
yet.
DEPUTY DUMA SPEAKER CRITICIZES EU OVER YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, Sep 25 (Tanjug). Russian State Duma Deputy Speaker
Vladimir Lukin criticized Monday the European Union for its wrong and
unfarsighted decisions which have worsened the situation in Yugoslavia.
The EU accusations against Yugoslav president for alleged
election
fraud, made in advance, have contributed to making the situation in
Yugoslavia tense, Lukin said.
He asked all principal parties on Yugoslavia's political scene
to
start a dialogue and thus avoid further tensions.
According to Lukin, Russia's role regarding the current
situation
in Yugoslavia is very delicate. Russia should direct its endeavors
towards
a dialogue between concerned parties in Yugoslavia in order to see an
objective picture of election outcome, he said.
YUGOSLAV ELECTIONS CONDUCTED IN BEST ORDER, BEZBORODOV SAYS
MOSCOW, Sept 26 (Tanjug) Russian State Duma defense committee
deputychairman Nikolai Bezborodov said Monday evening to Russian
television
that Sunday's elections in Yugoslavia had passed in the best order.
Bezborodov, who monitored Yugoslav elections, said in a news
program of All Russian Television (ORT) that his opinion was shared by
other 200 observers from 52 countries.
"All participants in the Yugoslav elections think the same,"
said
Bezborodov, adding that despite such an unified opinion, the West
deliberately destorts the facts and conducts a poisonous campaign aimed
at
discrediting the elections and creating a crisis situation.
CHINA RESPECTS YUGOSLAV PEOPLE'S CHOICE
BEIJING, Sept 26 (Tanjug) The Yugoslav elections are its
internal
affair, said Chinese Foreign Ministry official Sun Yuxi, stressing
China's
consistent attitude about inadmissible interference in internal affairs
of
other countries.
Sun said at a press conference that China "respects the choice
of
the Yugoslav people." He also voiced hope that Yugoslavia will preserve
its
political stability and achieve economic and state prosperity," and that
Yugoslav and Chinese ties will develop.
The Chinese press criticized ahead of the elections the
interference of the United States and the West in the free will of the
Yugoslav people, and NATO's attempts to put pressure on Yugoslav voters.
Chinese media reported Tuesday about the preliminary election
results announced at the leftparty press conference held on Monday. The
leading Chinese paper Renmin Ribao said that according to those results
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic was leading by 45 percent, as
compared to the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) candidate Vojislav
Kostunica who obtained 40 percent of the total number of votes.
JUGOSLAVIA: CAMERA USA STANZIA FONDI PER OPPOSIZIONE
(ANSA) - WASHINGTON, 25 SET - Nel tentativo di aumentare la
pressione sul presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic, la Camera
dei rappresentanti Usa ha varato uno stanziamento per l'
opposizione jugoslava in Serbia e Montenegro.
Approvato ieri con una maggioranza di due terzi, lo
stanziamento offre 500 milioni di dollari (oltre 1.100 miliardi
di lire) alle opposizioni anti-Milosevic, tra cui 50 milioni
volti a finanziare gruppi pro-democrazia e dissidenti.
''La legge autorizza assistenza democratica a coloro che
lottano per il cambiamento in Serbia, se Milosevic non lascera'
il potere. Al tempo stesso, ci da' la flessibilita' per reagire
in fretta ai risultati elettorali, se saranno positivi. Prevede
anche l'allentamento delle sanzioni'', ha detto il deputato
repubblicano Christopher Smith.
Il provvedimento chiede che vengano mantenute le sanzioni
contro la Serbia finche' non sia iniziata la trasformazione
democratica, e esprime sostegno agli sforzi del Tribunale penale
internazionale dell'Aja (Tpi) per processare Milosevic per
crimini di guerra. Una legge simile e' gia' stata passata dal
Senato. (ANSA). 26/09/2000 01:42
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/472
Yugoslavia Amid the Maelstrom (G. Elich)
Lungo reportage da un viaggio in Jugoslavia - in inglese
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/473
NATO Must Be Abolished (J. Catalinotto)
Analisi della strategia NATO per lo squartamento della RFSJ e della RFJ
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/469
The Economist: The next Balkan War
> http://forum.asiaco.com/philippines/91.shtml
Backing up Globalization with Military Might
by Karen Talbot
> http://www.starfarm.it/casd/home/html/body_a75-eng.htm
Italian Interests and Policies in Central-Eastern Europe and in the
Balkans (Carlo Jean)
> http://www.iacenter.org/bosnia/elich_strike.htm oppure
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/425
NATO PREPARING NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS (G. Elich)
> http://brook.edu/comm/transcripts/19990406b.htm
A New NATO For a New Century - A Brookings National Issues Forum
> http://ns.cnlcontact.com/delorca/engram/chomsky.htm
Rambouillet of activists and radical intellectuals
Debate about Chomsky and Milosevic
> http://ns.cnlcontact.com/delorca/french/homef.htm
RESISTANCE
Géographie des Injustices et Ethique de la Résistance
Informations alternatives: Yougoslavie
> http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/nu6_00/6-kosovo.htm
[n]uova [u]nita' n.6/2000 - Speciale Kosovo
L'AGGRESSIONE ALLA YUGOSLAVIA AD UN ANNO DALLA FINE DEI BOMBARDAMENTI
di Enrico Vigna
> http://www.transnational.org/new/index.html
TFF's site - broad scope, dynamic and committed to peace
NEW: Sept 25: 1242 letters & signatures. THANKS to you ALL
> http://www.suc.org/news/duga/tema.html
POGLED IZ DIPLOMATSKE LOZE
VELJKO KNEZEVIC, BIVSI JUGOSLOVENSKI AMBASADOR U HRVATSKOJ O
VREMENU U KOME JE TUDJMAN BRZO ZABORAVLJEN
ISTINA O KLAVIRU TEREZE KESOVIJE
(Duga avgust 11 2000)
> http://blair.library.rhodes.edu/ishtmls/russia.html
Links a fonti di informazione sull'Europa orientale ed i Balcani
===
> http://www.inaffairs.org.yu
JUGOSLAV INTERNATIONAL POLICY
PERIODICAL AVAILABLE ON INTERNET
International Action Center paper included —"NATO must be abolished"
11 Jul 2000
On June 10, the editorial office of the Yugoslav periodical
"International
Policy," marked the prestigious magazine’s 50th anniversary by
presenting
a new issue that was entirely devoted to the causes and consequences of
NATO's aggression (March-June 1999) on Yugoslavia.
A presentation entitled "NATO Must Be Abolished," made at a March 24-27
Institute of International Politics and Economics symposium in Belgrade
by
International Action Center representative John Catalinotto, is included
among the contributions to the latest issue of "International Policy."
This contribution is reproduced below.
Along with analytical articles of more than ten authors from the world
and
country the periodical gives an insight into developments that preceded
the aggression, the genocide over Serbs conducted by the largest
military
machinery in the world, and the devastating results of the international
security presence in Kosovo and Metohija.
The periodical has over 5,000 subscribers in the world, and the director
and editor-in-chief, Prof. Jelica Stefanovic-Stambuk, informed
journalists
that as of this issue, International Policy editions in Serbian and in
English will be available on the Internet (http://www.inaffairs.org.yu).
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/473
NATO Must Be Abolished (J. Catalinotto)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Yugoslavia Amid the Maelstrom (G. Elich)
Lungo reportage da un viaggio in Jugoslavia - in inglese
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/473
NATO Must Be Abolished (J. Catalinotto)
Analisi della strategia NATO per lo squartamento della RFSJ e della RFJ
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/469
The Economist: The next Balkan War
> http://forum.asiaco.com/philippines/91.shtml
Backing up Globalization with Military Might
by Karen Talbot
> http://www.starfarm.it/casd/home/html/body_a75-eng.htm
Italian Interests and Policies in Central-Eastern Europe and in the
Balkans (Carlo Jean)
> http://www.iacenter.org/bosnia/elich_strike.htm oppure
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/425
NATO PREPARING NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS (G. Elich)
> http://brook.edu/comm/transcripts/19990406b.htm
A New NATO For a New Century - A Brookings National Issues Forum
> http://ns.cnlcontact.com/delorca/engram/chomsky.htm
Rambouillet of activists and radical intellectuals
Debate about Chomsky and Milosevic
> http://ns.cnlcontact.com/delorca/french/homef.htm
RESISTANCE
Géographie des Injustices et Ethique de la Résistance
Informations alternatives: Yougoslavie
> http://www.marx2001.org/nuovaunita/nu6_00/6-kosovo.htm
[n]uova [u]nita' n.6/2000 - Speciale Kosovo
L'AGGRESSIONE ALLA YUGOSLAVIA AD UN ANNO DALLA FINE DEI BOMBARDAMENTI
di Enrico Vigna
> http://www.transnational.org/new/index.html
TFF's site - broad scope, dynamic and committed to peace
NEW: Sept 25: 1242 letters & signatures. THANKS to you ALL
> http://www.suc.org/news/duga/tema.html
POGLED IZ DIPLOMATSKE LOZE
VELJKO KNEZEVIC, BIVSI JUGOSLOVENSKI AMBASADOR U HRVATSKOJ O
VREMENU U KOME JE TUDJMAN BRZO ZABORAVLJEN
ISTINA O KLAVIRU TEREZE KESOVIJE
(Duga avgust 11 2000)
> http://blair.library.rhodes.edu/ishtmls/russia.html
Links a fonti di informazione sull'Europa orientale ed i Balcani
===
> http://www.inaffairs.org.yu
JUGOSLAV INTERNATIONAL POLICY
PERIODICAL AVAILABLE ON INTERNET
International Action Center paper included —"NATO must be abolished"
11 Jul 2000
On June 10, the editorial office of the Yugoslav periodical
"International
Policy," marked the prestigious magazine’s 50th anniversary by
presenting
a new issue that was entirely devoted to the causes and consequences of
NATO's aggression (March-June 1999) on Yugoslavia.
A presentation entitled "NATO Must Be Abolished," made at a March 24-27
Institute of International Politics and Economics symposium in Belgrade
by
International Action Center representative John Catalinotto, is included
among the contributions to the latest issue of "International Policy."
This contribution is reproduced below.
Along with analytical articles of more than ten authors from the world
and
country the periodical gives an insight into developments that preceded
the aggression, the genocide over Serbs conducted by the largest
military
machinery in the world, and the devastating results of the international
security presence in Kosovo and Metohija.
The periodical has over 5,000 subscribers in the world, and the director
and editor-in-chief, Prof. Jelica Stefanovic-Stambuk, informed
journalists
that as of this issue, International Policy editions in Serbian and in
English will be available on the Internet (http://www.inaffairs.org.yu).
> http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/473
NATO Must Be Abolished (J. Catalinotto)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
VIVA LA FACCIA
http://www.airdisaster.com/cgi_bin/view_details.cgi?date=06271980&airline=Itavia
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.airdisaster.com/cgi_bin/view_details.cgi?date=06271980&airline=Itavia
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
GUERRA PSICOLOGICA: "SE NON ABBIAMO VINTO NOI ALLORA NON VALE"
> http://www.tanjug.co.yu/Arhiva/2000/Sep%20-%2000/25-09e04.html
TANJUG NEWS 25/9/2000
> http://www.gov.yu/e2000/index.html
ELECTIONS 2000:
Offical Schedulings of Elections
Instructions for Foreign Observers
Info
Results of Elections
Federal Elections Committee (STATEMENT 24/9/2000)
> http://www.ansa.it/fattidelgiorno/20000926134057783/20000926134057783.shtml
Dispacci ANSA
===
Monday, September 25, 2000 11:06 PM
Subject: En direct de Belgrade: Kostunica, Djindjic et Washington
tiendraient-ils leurs
promesses?
Belgrade, 25 septembre 2000, 15h.
Kostunica, Djindjic et Washington tiendraient-ils leurs
promesses?
Analyse d'un observateur belge des elections en Yougoslavie
MICHEL COLLON
(Avec mes excuses pour les fautes de frappe dues a l'utilisation d'un
clavier serbe sans accent)
BELGRADE - LUNDI, 15 HEURES. Selon un scenario que nous avions annonce,
tous les medias
occidentaux se sont precipites pour annoncer que Kostunica, le candidat
de l'opposition, avait
gagne l'election presidentielle. Il etait pourtant evident que les
chiffres etaient encore minimes et
que ceci faisait partie d'une bataille psychologique. Actuellement,
chaque parti revendique la
victoire, mais en se basant sur 37% des votes, la coalition Milosevic
revendique 45% contre 40%
a Ko
Des elections tout a fait regulieres
En tout cas, ceci devrait mettre un terme a toute la campagne mediatique
assez hysterique
declenchee depuis des semaines aux Etats Unis et en Occident, selon
laquelle Milosevic allait
manipuler inevitablement les elections qui ne pourraient etre que
frauduleuses.
J'etais invite a controler la regularite de ces elections en compagnie
de deux cents personnalites
internationales venues de plus de cinquante pays. Nous avons pu nous
rendre partout ou nous
voulions, dans tout le pays. Nous avons visite des centaines de bureaux
de vote, interroge des
electeurs et les membres des bureaux de vote, nous avons pu constater
que les operations s'y
deroulaient comme dans bien d'autres pays. Chaque vote etant controle
par les representants des
divers partis, opposition comprise
Tous nous ont confirme que les operations etaient parfaitement
regulieres. A Vranje, une
representante de l'opposition et militante du mouvement etudiant Otpor
(soutenu par les
Etats-Unis) est venue nous trouver au bureau central pour se plaindre
d'irregularites graves au
bureau 19. Nous nous y sommes rendus avec une equipe d'une dizaine
d'observateurs. Mais
toutes les personnes presentes nous ont dit au contraire qu'il n'y avait
aucun probleme.
A Subotica, un representant du parti hongrois est aussi venu se
plaindre, mais mon collegue
observateur hongrois est alle verifier et ses plaintes n'etaient pas
fondees. Il a eu comme moi
l'impression que ces fausses plaintes faisaient partie d'une tactique
coordonnee pour jeter le
discredit si Milosevic gagnait.
Le camp de la fierte et le camp de la soumission
Il reste indeniable que Kostunica a obtenu beaucoup de voix, et qu'on a
de grandes chances
d'assister a un deuxieme tour. D'ou l'importance d'eclairer l'enjeu.
En quoi s'opposent les deux camps? Milosevic incarne la resistance a
l'Otan, il a obtenu un
soutien enorme durant la guerre et aussi un certain prestige avec la
reconstruction rapide des
ponts, des routes et d'une partie des usines detruites. Les dirigeants
classiques de l'opposition
(Draskovic et Djindjic) auraient certainement perdu s'ils s'etaient
presentes contre lui car ils
s'etaient compromis du cote de l'Otan et la grande majorite des
Yougoslaves reste farouchement
attachee a l'independance du pays
La Yougoslavie va-t-elle devenir un pays d'esclaves, une colonie? Je le
crains si les dirigeants
des partis d'opposition peuvent appliquer leur programme. Certes,
Monsieur Kostunica a multiplie
les declarations "critiques" a l'egard des Etats-Unis et de l'Otan; il
devait le faire s'il voulait
garder ses chances dans un pays comme celui-ci. Seulement, bien qu'il
reste tres vague sur son
programme economique et social, il convient justement d'examiner ce
programme de pres...
Le programme de Kostunica est celui d'un groupe d'economistes
yougoslaves tres a droite, connu
sous le nom de "G 17". Il prevoit:
1. L'introduction du deutsche mark comme monnaie nationale!
2. Une forte reduction du budget militaire, ce qui priverait lepays des
moyens de se defendre
contre de nouvelles agressions.
3. L'alignement sur les recettes anti-sociales que veut imposer le Fonds
Monetaire International.
Apres une annee de 'sursis'.
Ce sont les memes reformes qui ont deja devaste l'economie de pays comme
la Bulgarie, l'Albanie
ou la Roumanie. Un observateur roumain me confiait ce matin: "On nous a
promis qu'apres la
chute de Ceaucescu, le capitalisme sans freins apporterait la
prosperite. Mais, aujourdhui,
l'economie est en ruines. Nous avons ramasse dix milliards de dollars de
dettes, mais on ne voit
pas un seul investissement. Les batiments en cours de construction sous
Ceaucescu ne sont
toujours pas acheves"
Effectivement, il y a lieu de reflechir. Beaucoup de Yougoslaves ont
vote Kostunica, esperant
qu'en changeant de dirigeants, ils seraient debarrasses des sanctions
internationales qui
etranglent leur pays et les obligent a vivre tres difficilement. Mais la
victoire de Kostunica
va-t-elle reellement leur apporter un soulagement et la stabilite?
On peut apporter trois elements de reponse:
1. Ou ira l'argent?
2. L'exemple d'un precedent comme le Nicaragua.
3. Qu'a apporte l'Ouest, d'ores et deja, au Kosovo?
Avec Kostunica, Djindjic et le FMI, la population serait-elle soulagee?
1. Sans doute de l'argent occidental irait dans certaines poches de ce
pays. Le vrai chef de
l'opposition, Zoran Djindjic - l'homme qui tire les ficelles de
Kostunica - a recu des millions de
dollars pour faire le travail de Washington. Et une nouvelle classe
d'hommes d'affaires s'est
developpee et elle trepigne d'impatience. Elle veut recevoir toutes
libertes de mettre fin aux
protections sociales et aux conditions de travail reglementees. Afin de
pouvoir exploiter au
maximum la main d'oeuvre yougoslave.
Bref, travailler sous le regne de la peur, comme dans les pays dits
'avances' ou une grande partie
des travailleurs se creve au boulot, de plus en plus stresses tandis que
l'autre partie deprime au
chomage. Voila le sort qui attendrait le peuple yougoslave. Sans compter
que la dereglementation
chere au 'G-17' leur permettrait surement de jouir des avantages comme
une viande atteinte de la
maladie de la vache folle ou bien bourree d'hormones et de dioxine, et
autres pollutions...
Une grande illusion domine actuellement la jeunesse yougoslave, car
c'est elle surtout qui nourrit
le plus d'illusions envers les promesses de l'Occident. La grande
illusion, c'est de croire qu'en
acceptant les volontes des multinationales et des dirigeants
occidentaux, la prosperite viendra
recompenser la population yougoslave.
Mais d'ou provient la richesse de ces multinationales occidentales? Du
fait qu'elles ne paient
pratiquement pas les matieres premieres qu'elles enlevent au tiers
monde. Et que dans tous les
pays du monde ou elles exploitent des travailleurs, elles font tout pour
maintenir les salaires de
ceux-ci au plus bas. C'est d'ailleurs une regle economique que le
systeme de la concurrence
capitaliste les oblige a appliquer: si elles ne le faisaient pas, elles
seraient battues et eliminees
par leurs concurrents.
Bref, si les societes des pays riches sont riches, c'est parce qu'elles
volent en realite les pays
pauvres. Aussi quand elles promettent a un pays pauvre qu'en se
soumettant, il pourra rejoindre le
club des pays riches, c'est un mensonge. Cette promesse ne saurait etre
tenue car, s'il n'y a plus
d'exploites qui se font voler, il n'y aura plus d'exploiteurs qui
s'enrichissent. La seule solution est
un monde sans exploiteurs et sans exploites, un monde de reelle
cooperation internationale basee
sur la solidarite.
2. Ensuite, peut-on croire les promesses des Etats-Unis? Je viens de
discuter avec un
observateur nicaraguayen: "Je suis frappe par la ressemblance entre la
situation de la Yougoslavie
aujourd'hui et celle du Nicaragua en 1990. A l'epoque, pour renverser
notre gouvernement
progressiste, celui des sandinistes, les Etats-Unis avaient egalement
combine deux methodes.
D'un cote, ils avaient arme des bandes appelees "contras" qui
massacraient et terrorisaient la
population, comme l'UCK. De l'autre cote, ils agitaient l'alternative
électorale. Mais les
promesses n'ont pas ete tenues et aujourd'hui, la situation du peuple
nicaraguayen a enormement
empire. Dans ce pays de quatre millions d'habitants, le chomage a grimpe
a 40%, et avec lui la
delinquance, la prostitution, le trafic de drogue. Aux feux rouges, vous
rencontrez plein d'enfants
qui mendient. La sante s'est degradee, on assiste au retour de maladies
que la revolution avait
eliminees, comme la pneunomie; la mortalite (surtout infantile)
augmente. Idem pour
l'analphabetisme. Voila ce qui arrive quand on fait confiance aux
promesses des Etats-Unis.
Mais j'ai bonne confiance que la gauche sandiniste gagnera les
prochaines elections en novembre;
les sondages lui accordent 42% contre 23%."
3. Un troisieme element de reponse pour savoir si on peut faire
confiance aux promesses de
l'Occident, c'est de regarder ce qui a été fait au Kosovo.
L'Ouest avait promis d'y instaurer la paix, la democratie et la
tolerance entre nationalites. Ou en
est-on? Plus de 5.OOO actes terroristes ont ete commis en un an, tuant
un millier de personnes.
350.000 Serbes, Juifs, Roms, Musulmans et autres membres de minorites
nationales ont ete
chasses sous les yeux et avec l'aide de l'Otan. Resultat: la maffia
albanaise a transforme cette
region en une tete de pont pour le trafic de drogue, de voitures volees
et de prostituees. Un celebre
criminologue de l'universite de Paris 2, Xavier Rauffer, denonce "un
enorme trafic d'etres
humains, une prostitution gigantesque qui maintenant envahit toute
l'Europe, une prostitution
dirigee par des proxenetes albanais. On assiste a l'heure actuelle a une
inondation de toute
l'Europe occidentale d'heroine qui vient des Balkans." (RTBF, 24 mars
2000). On sait que de
grosses banques europeennes blanchissent secretement les fortunes
accumulees par ces trafics.
L'Otan reussira-t-elle a transformer tous les Balkans en une
"gangocratie"? La jeunesse
yougoslave et europeenne se verra-t-elle livree de plus en plus a ce
fleau de la drogue?
Colonisation ne signifie pas stabilite
La colonisation de la Yougoslavie et des Balkans par l'Ouest
n'apporterait pas la stabilite. Si les
inegalites sociales et la misere augmentent, les peuples prendront
conscience qu'ils ont ete
trompes, ils se revolteront afin de regagner leur independance. On verra
alors que les bases
militaires de l'Otan ont pour fonction non seulement des objectifs
strategiques a l'encontre de la
Russie, du petrole du Caucase et du Moyen-Orient, mais aussi le role de
reprimer les peuples des
Balkans.
Aujourd'hui, le mecontentement augmente dans des pays comme la Macedoine
ou la Roumanie et
les observateurs de ces pays m'ont confie que les prochaines elections
pourraient voir un retour
de la gauche. En Yougoslavie aussi, si Kostunica - c'est-a-dire Djindjic
- venait au pouvoir, il ne
faudrait sans doute pas tres longtemps au peuple yougoslave pour
comprendre qu'il a ete trompe.
Pour briser et detourner les revoltes, les Etats-Unis et leurs amis
essayeraient certainement a
nouveau d'exciter des affrontements.
La resistance est donc la seule voie possible pour assurer la paix et le
developpement social dans
les Balkans. Milosevic a declare dans son dernier grand discours
electoral: "Si nous devenions
une colonie, nous ne serions jamais liberes des sanctions (l'embargo),
car etre une colonie c'est
la pire forme de sanctions. Si nous devenions une colonie, nous
n'aurions aucune chance de
developpement, ni a court, ni a long terme."
Sur ce point, on ne peut que lui donner raison.
La responsabilite des jeunes du monde
A l'heure actuelle, il est impossible de predire ce qui va se passer
ici. Plusieurs elections se
deroulaient simultanement et on manque encore de chiffres suffisants. En
outre, il s'agissait
d'elections parlementaires au niveau de la federation Serbie-Montenegro.
Les elections pour le
parlement serbe se derouleront dans un an.
D'ici la, les pressions et ingerences des Etats-Unis ne manqueront pas
mais aussi, le debat
politique. Et la resistance des secteurs progressistes qui aspirent a
une autre societe que le
capitalisme feroce a l'assaut du monde. Et beaucoup de retournements
peuvent encore se
produire.
Dans ce debat, la jeunesse progressiste des pays "riches" et celle des
pays exploites de l'Est et
du tiers monde ont un role tres important a jouer. Faire prendre
conscience que le monde n'est pas
ce que pretendent la TV et la pub, qu'il n'est pas possible que tous les
peuples du monde
recoivent en cadeau leur ticket pour entrer dans le club des voleurs,
que seule la solidarite - et
non la colonisation - permettra le developpement. Pour vivre et se
developper dans la dignite, on
ne peut compter sur les promesses.
A propos des 77 millions de dollars
pour "imposer la democratie"
Plus vous etes "independant", plus Washington vous paie.
Que veut donc dire ce mot "independant"?
MICHEL COLLON
Que diriez-vous si Moscou offrait deux ou trois milliards a un parti
belge pour acheter des
dirigeants de partis politiques et les aider a remporter les elections?
Vous parleriez de corruption
et vous auriez raison.
Eh bien, c'est ce qui se passe ici. Les Etats-Unis ont verse 77 millions
de dollars a l'opposition.
Est-cela le critere de la democratie? Plus on verse de dollars, plus les
elections sont "libres"?
===
Unser Kandidat hat gewonnen oder es gibt Krieg
(von Rainer Rupp)
Wolfgang Gehrke, verantwortlich für Außenpolitik in der
PDS-Bundestagsfraktion des Bundestags, hatte kürzlich im "Neuen
Deutschland" der NATO und der EU vorgeworfen, auf Grund ihrer
offensichtlichen Einmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten Jugoslawiens
vor den Wahlen am 24. September überhaupt nicht an einem Frieden auf dem
Balkan interessiert zu sein. In der Tat drohen EU und NATO sogar mit
einem neuen Krieg, nur damit ihre Kandidaten auf jeden Fall die Wahl in
Jugoslawien gewinnen.
Schon vor Ende der Wahl schrieen NATO und EU gemeinsam mit der von
ihnen teuer bezahlten jugoslawischen Opposition "Wahlbetrug". Denn wenn
der NATO-Kandidat Kostunica verlieren sollte, dann war die Wahl von
Milosevic manipuliert und sie kann folglich von EU und NATO nicht
anerkannt werden. Um dies auch durchzusetzen, - so die Überlegung der
westlichen Wertegemeinschaft, die sich in der Welt moralisch selbst am
höchsten stellt - musste die NATO erneut ihre humanitäre Kriegsmaschine
rund um Jugoslawien konzentrieren und in Alarmbereitschaft versetzen.
Der französische Außenminister ließ Sonntag Nacht noch über Radio Monte
Carlo wissen, dass seine EU-Amtskollegen noch spät in einer
Telephonkonferenz beraten hätten, wie zu reagieren sei, "falls Präsident
Milosevic die Wahlen mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen sollte." Wobei
natürlich jedem der Beteiligten von vorn herein klar war, dass Milosevic
mit nichts anderem als nur mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen konnte,
schließlich hatten EU und USA nicht umsonst mindestens $75 Millionen
Wahlhilfe an die korrupte Opposition gezahlt und noch größere
Versprechungen gemacht, wenn die Jugoslawen sich in der Wahl für den von
der NATO ausgewählten Kandidaten entscheiden.
Dass die militärischen Friedensintervention gegen Belgrad jederzeit
wieder aufgenommen werden kann, das macht die NATO mit ihrem
beeindruckenden Zusammenzug militärischer Mittel rund um Jugoslawien
deutlich. Damit in Belgrad die Friedensbotschaft der westlichen
humanitären Krieger nicht missverstanden wird, hat NATO Generalsekretär
Lord Robertson einer Reutersmeldung vom Sonntag zufolge Präsident
Milosevic bereits mit militärischen Aktionen gedroht, "falls er bei den
Wahlen betrügt". Er warnte, dass die "Truppen der westlichen Allianz auf
dem Balkan sich in Alarmbereitschaft befinden". ("EU leaders in
consultation over Yugoslav election", Paris, Reuters 24.9.00)
Zu diesem Zweck hatte die NATO rechtzeitig zur Wahl die größte Seearmada
seit ihrem ersten Angriff auf Jugoslawien im Mittelmeer zusammen
gezogen. Der britische Premier Toni Blair, der sich mit seinem
militaristischen Humangesülze längst einen festen Platz im Himmel der
Neuen Weltordnung gesichert hat, hat als "Botschaft an Präsident
Slobodan Milosevic" den britischen Flugzeugträger "Invincible" und den
Hubschrauberträger "Ocean" ins Mittelmeer geschickt, wo sie auf eine
amerikanische Schlachtgruppe stoßen werden.
Am Montag berichtete die britische Tageszeitung "The Independent", dass
unlängst während einer Beratung einer britischen Luftlandebrigade, die
Teil der Schnellen Eingriffstruppe der NATO ist, darum ging, die Chancen
für eine militärische Operation in Montenegro zu erörtern, wozu auch die
Einnahme von Flugplätzen und anderen strategisch wichtigen Punkten ging.
"Nato sends strong message to Milosevic", By Vesna Peric Zimonjik in
Belgrade, Kim Sengupta in London and Steve Crawshaw in Podgorica, The
Independent, 25 September 2000).
In den nächsten Tagen soll außerdem ein gemeinsames
kroatisch-amerikanisches Seemanöver vor der montenegrinisch-kroatischen
Küste stattfinden, bei dem die US-Marines auch amphibische Landungen
üben sollen. Weitere Manöver sind für französische und holländische
Schiffe geplant. Zugleich halten sich hartnäckig aus Bulgarien kommende
Gerüchte im Internet, dass die USA im Rahmen des groß angelegten
NATO-Manövers "Trans-Carpathia 2000" unter Beteiligung der
NATO-Verbündeten Ungarn und Poland und neun weiterer "NATO
Partnerländer" einschließlich Kroatiens und Rumänien von bulgarischem
Territorium aus Angriffe auf Südserbien planen, um von dort aus zu den
im südöstlichen Kosovo stationierten US-Einheiten durch zu stoßen.
"Trans-Carpathia 2000" begann am 20. 9. und soll bis 29. 9. dauern.
Mit diesen beindruckenden militärischen Drohgebärde wollen die
westlichen Vorkämpfer des Friedens ihrer Opposition in Belgrad unbedingt
an die Macht verhelfen. Dafür scheinen die NATO-Humanisten nicht einmal
vor einem neuen Krieg auf dem Balkan zurück zu schrecken.
Saarburg den 25.9.00
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
> http://www.tanjug.co.yu/Arhiva/2000/Sep%20-%2000/25-09e04.html
TANJUG NEWS 25/9/2000
> http://www.gov.yu/e2000/index.html
ELECTIONS 2000:
Offical Schedulings of Elections
Instructions for Foreign Observers
Info
Results of Elections
Federal Elections Committee (STATEMENT 24/9/2000)
> http://www.ansa.it/fattidelgiorno/20000926134057783/20000926134057783.shtml
Dispacci ANSA
===
Monday, September 25, 2000 11:06 PM
Subject: En direct de Belgrade: Kostunica, Djindjic et Washington
tiendraient-ils leurs
promesses?
Belgrade, 25 septembre 2000, 15h.
Kostunica, Djindjic et Washington tiendraient-ils leurs
promesses?
Analyse d'un observateur belge des elections en Yougoslavie
MICHEL COLLON
(Avec mes excuses pour les fautes de frappe dues a l'utilisation d'un
clavier serbe sans accent)
BELGRADE - LUNDI, 15 HEURES. Selon un scenario que nous avions annonce,
tous les medias
occidentaux se sont precipites pour annoncer que Kostunica, le candidat
de l'opposition, avait
gagne l'election presidentielle. Il etait pourtant evident que les
chiffres etaient encore minimes et
que ceci faisait partie d'une bataille psychologique. Actuellement,
chaque parti revendique la
victoire, mais en se basant sur 37% des votes, la coalition Milosevic
revendique 45% contre 40%
a Ko
Des elections tout a fait regulieres
En tout cas, ceci devrait mettre un terme a toute la campagne mediatique
assez hysterique
declenchee depuis des semaines aux Etats Unis et en Occident, selon
laquelle Milosevic allait
manipuler inevitablement les elections qui ne pourraient etre que
frauduleuses.
J'etais invite a controler la regularite de ces elections en compagnie
de deux cents personnalites
internationales venues de plus de cinquante pays. Nous avons pu nous
rendre partout ou nous
voulions, dans tout le pays. Nous avons visite des centaines de bureaux
de vote, interroge des
electeurs et les membres des bureaux de vote, nous avons pu constater
que les operations s'y
deroulaient comme dans bien d'autres pays. Chaque vote etant controle
par les representants des
divers partis, opposition comprise
Tous nous ont confirme que les operations etaient parfaitement
regulieres. A Vranje, une
representante de l'opposition et militante du mouvement etudiant Otpor
(soutenu par les
Etats-Unis) est venue nous trouver au bureau central pour se plaindre
d'irregularites graves au
bureau 19. Nous nous y sommes rendus avec une equipe d'une dizaine
d'observateurs. Mais
toutes les personnes presentes nous ont dit au contraire qu'il n'y avait
aucun probleme.
A Subotica, un representant du parti hongrois est aussi venu se
plaindre, mais mon collegue
observateur hongrois est alle verifier et ses plaintes n'etaient pas
fondees. Il a eu comme moi
l'impression que ces fausses plaintes faisaient partie d'une tactique
coordonnee pour jeter le
discredit si Milosevic gagnait.
Le camp de la fierte et le camp de la soumission
Il reste indeniable que Kostunica a obtenu beaucoup de voix, et qu'on a
de grandes chances
d'assister a un deuxieme tour. D'ou l'importance d'eclairer l'enjeu.
En quoi s'opposent les deux camps? Milosevic incarne la resistance a
l'Otan, il a obtenu un
soutien enorme durant la guerre et aussi un certain prestige avec la
reconstruction rapide des
ponts, des routes et d'une partie des usines detruites. Les dirigeants
classiques de l'opposition
(Draskovic et Djindjic) auraient certainement perdu s'ils s'etaient
presentes contre lui car ils
s'etaient compromis du cote de l'Otan et la grande majorite des
Yougoslaves reste farouchement
attachee a l'independance du pays
La Yougoslavie va-t-elle devenir un pays d'esclaves, une colonie? Je le
crains si les dirigeants
des partis d'opposition peuvent appliquer leur programme. Certes,
Monsieur Kostunica a multiplie
les declarations "critiques" a l'egard des Etats-Unis et de l'Otan; il
devait le faire s'il voulait
garder ses chances dans un pays comme celui-ci. Seulement, bien qu'il
reste tres vague sur son
programme economique et social, il convient justement d'examiner ce
programme de pres...
Le programme de Kostunica est celui d'un groupe d'economistes
yougoslaves tres a droite, connu
sous le nom de "G 17". Il prevoit:
1. L'introduction du deutsche mark comme monnaie nationale!
2. Une forte reduction du budget militaire, ce qui priverait lepays des
moyens de se defendre
contre de nouvelles agressions.
3. L'alignement sur les recettes anti-sociales que veut imposer le Fonds
Monetaire International.
Apres une annee de 'sursis'.
Ce sont les memes reformes qui ont deja devaste l'economie de pays comme
la Bulgarie, l'Albanie
ou la Roumanie. Un observateur roumain me confiait ce matin: "On nous a
promis qu'apres la
chute de Ceaucescu, le capitalisme sans freins apporterait la
prosperite. Mais, aujourdhui,
l'economie est en ruines. Nous avons ramasse dix milliards de dollars de
dettes, mais on ne voit
pas un seul investissement. Les batiments en cours de construction sous
Ceaucescu ne sont
toujours pas acheves"
Effectivement, il y a lieu de reflechir. Beaucoup de Yougoslaves ont
vote Kostunica, esperant
qu'en changeant de dirigeants, ils seraient debarrasses des sanctions
internationales qui
etranglent leur pays et les obligent a vivre tres difficilement. Mais la
victoire de Kostunica
va-t-elle reellement leur apporter un soulagement et la stabilite?
On peut apporter trois elements de reponse:
1. Ou ira l'argent?
2. L'exemple d'un precedent comme le Nicaragua.
3. Qu'a apporte l'Ouest, d'ores et deja, au Kosovo?
Avec Kostunica, Djindjic et le FMI, la population serait-elle soulagee?
1. Sans doute de l'argent occidental irait dans certaines poches de ce
pays. Le vrai chef de
l'opposition, Zoran Djindjic - l'homme qui tire les ficelles de
Kostunica - a recu des millions de
dollars pour faire le travail de Washington. Et une nouvelle classe
d'hommes d'affaires s'est
developpee et elle trepigne d'impatience. Elle veut recevoir toutes
libertes de mettre fin aux
protections sociales et aux conditions de travail reglementees. Afin de
pouvoir exploiter au
maximum la main d'oeuvre yougoslave.
Bref, travailler sous le regne de la peur, comme dans les pays dits
'avances' ou une grande partie
des travailleurs se creve au boulot, de plus en plus stresses tandis que
l'autre partie deprime au
chomage. Voila le sort qui attendrait le peuple yougoslave. Sans compter
que la dereglementation
chere au 'G-17' leur permettrait surement de jouir des avantages comme
une viande atteinte de la
maladie de la vache folle ou bien bourree d'hormones et de dioxine, et
autres pollutions...
Une grande illusion domine actuellement la jeunesse yougoslave, car
c'est elle surtout qui nourrit
le plus d'illusions envers les promesses de l'Occident. La grande
illusion, c'est de croire qu'en
acceptant les volontes des multinationales et des dirigeants
occidentaux, la prosperite viendra
recompenser la population yougoslave.
Mais d'ou provient la richesse de ces multinationales occidentales? Du
fait qu'elles ne paient
pratiquement pas les matieres premieres qu'elles enlevent au tiers
monde. Et que dans tous les
pays du monde ou elles exploitent des travailleurs, elles font tout pour
maintenir les salaires de
ceux-ci au plus bas. C'est d'ailleurs une regle economique que le
systeme de la concurrence
capitaliste les oblige a appliquer: si elles ne le faisaient pas, elles
seraient battues et eliminees
par leurs concurrents.
Bref, si les societes des pays riches sont riches, c'est parce qu'elles
volent en realite les pays
pauvres. Aussi quand elles promettent a un pays pauvre qu'en se
soumettant, il pourra rejoindre le
club des pays riches, c'est un mensonge. Cette promesse ne saurait etre
tenue car, s'il n'y a plus
d'exploites qui se font voler, il n'y aura plus d'exploiteurs qui
s'enrichissent. La seule solution est
un monde sans exploiteurs et sans exploites, un monde de reelle
cooperation internationale basee
sur la solidarite.
2. Ensuite, peut-on croire les promesses des Etats-Unis? Je viens de
discuter avec un
observateur nicaraguayen: "Je suis frappe par la ressemblance entre la
situation de la Yougoslavie
aujourd'hui et celle du Nicaragua en 1990. A l'epoque, pour renverser
notre gouvernement
progressiste, celui des sandinistes, les Etats-Unis avaient egalement
combine deux methodes.
D'un cote, ils avaient arme des bandes appelees "contras" qui
massacraient et terrorisaient la
population, comme l'UCK. De l'autre cote, ils agitaient l'alternative
électorale. Mais les
promesses n'ont pas ete tenues et aujourd'hui, la situation du peuple
nicaraguayen a enormement
empire. Dans ce pays de quatre millions d'habitants, le chomage a grimpe
a 40%, et avec lui la
delinquance, la prostitution, le trafic de drogue. Aux feux rouges, vous
rencontrez plein d'enfants
qui mendient. La sante s'est degradee, on assiste au retour de maladies
que la revolution avait
eliminees, comme la pneunomie; la mortalite (surtout infantile)
augmente. Idem pour
l'analphabetisme. Voila ce qui arrive quand on fait confiance aux
promesses des Etats-Unis.
Mais j'ai bonne confiance que la gauche sandiniste gagnera les
prochaines elections en novembre;
les sondages lui accordent 42% contre 23%."
3. Un troisieme element de reponse pour savoir si on peut faire
confiance aux promesses de
l'Occident, c'est de regarder ce qui a été fait au Kosovo.
L'Ouest avait promis d'y instaurer la paix, la democratie et la
tolerance entre nationalites. Ou en
est-on? Plus de 5.OOO actes terroristes ont ete commis en un an, tuant
un millier de personnes.
350.000 Serbes, Juifs, Roms, Musulmans et autres membres de minorites
nationales ont ete
chasses sous les yeux et avec l'aide de l'Otan. Resultat: la maffia
albanaise a transforme cette
region en une tete de pont pour le trafic de drogue, de voitures volees
et de prostituees. Un celebre
criminologue de l'universite de Paris 2, Xavier Rauffer, denonce "un
enorme trafic d'etres
humains, une prostitution gigantesque qui maintenant envahit toute
l'Europe, une prostitution
dirigee par des proxenetes albanais. On assiste a l'heure actuelle a une
inondation de toute
l'Europe occidentale d'heroine qui vient des Balkans." (RTBF, 24 mars
2000). On sait que de
grosses banques europeennes blanchissent secretement les fortunes
accumulees par ces trafics.
L'Otan reussira-t-elle a transformer tous les Balkans en une
"gangocratie"? La jeunesse
yougoslave et europeenne se verra-t-elle livree de plus en plus a ce
fleau de la drogue?
Colonisation ne signifie pas stabilite
La colonisation de la Yougoslavie et des Balkans par l'Ouest
n'apporterait pas la stabilite. Si les
inegalites sociales et la misere augmentent, les peuples prendront
conscience qu'ils ont ete
trompes, ils se revolteront afin de regagner leur independance. On verra
alors que les bases
militaires de l'Otan ont pour fonction non seulement des objectifs
strategiques a l'encontre de la
Russie, du petrole du Caucase et du Moyen-Orient, mais aussi le role de
reprimer les peuples des
Balkans.
Aujourd'hui, le mecontentement augmente dans des pays comme la Macedoine
ou la Roumanie et
les observateurs de ces pays m'ont confie que les prochaines elections
pourraient voir un retour
de la gauche. En Yougoslavie aussi, si Kostunica - c'est-a-dire Djindjic
- venait au pouvoir, il ne
faudrait sans doute pas tres longtemps au peuple yougoslave pour
comprendre qu'il a ete trompe.
Pour briser et detourner les revoltes, les Etats-Unis et leurs amis
essayeraient certainement a
nouveau d'exciter des affrontements.
La resistance est donc la seule voie possible pour assurer la paix et le
developpement social dans
les Balkans. Milosevic a declare dans son dernier grand discours
electoral: "Si nous devenions
une colonie, nous ne serions jamais liberes des sanctions (l'embargo),
car etre une colonie c'est
la pire forme de sanctions. Si nous devenions une colonie, nous
n'aurions aucune chance de
developpement, ni a court, ni a long terme."
Sur ce point, on ne peut que lui donner raison.
La responsabilite des jeunes du monde
A l'heure actuelle, il est impossible de predire ce qui va se passer
ici. Plusieurs elections se
deroulaient simultanement et on manque encore de chiffres suffisants. En
outre, il s'agissait
d'elections parlementaires au niveau de la federation Serbie-Montenegro.
Les elections pour le
parlement serbe se derouleront dans un an.
D'ici la, les pressions et ingerences des Etats-Unis ne manqueront pas
mais aussi, le debat
politique. Et la resistance des secteurs progressistes qui aspirent a
une autre societe que le
capitalisme feroce a l'assaut du monde. Et beaucoup de retournements
peuvent encore se
produire.
Dans ce debat, la jeunesse progressiste des pays "riches" et celle des
pays exploites de l'Est et
du tiers monde ont un role tres important a jouer. Faire prendre
conscience que le monde n'est pas
ce que pretendent la TV et la pub, qu'il n'est pas possible que tous les
peuples du monde
recoivent en cadeau leur ticket pour entrer dans le club des voleurs,
que seule la solidarite - et
non la colonisation - permettra le developpement. Pour vivre et se
developper dans la dignite, on
ne peut compter sur les promesses.
A propos des 77 millions de dollars
pour "imposer la democratie"
Plus vous etes "independant", plus Washington vous paie.
Que veut donc dire ce mot "independant"?
MICHEL COLLON
Que diriez-vous si Moscou offrait deux ou trois milliards a un parti
belge pour acheter des
dirigeants de partis politiques et les aider a remporter les elections?
Vous parleriez de corruption
et vous auriez raison.
Eh bien, c'est ce qui se passe ici. Les Etats-Unis ont verse 77 millions
de dollars a l'opposition.
Est-cela le critere de la democratie? Plus on verse de dollars, plus les
elections sont "libres"?
===
Unser Kandidat hat gewonnen oder es gibt Krieg
(von Rainer Rupp)
Wolfgang Gehrke, verantwortlich für Außenpolitik in der
PDS-Bundestagsfraktion des Bundestags, hatte kürzlich im "Neuen
Deutschland" der NATO und der EU vorgeworfen, auf Grund ihrer
offensichtlichen Einmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten Jugoslawiens
vor den Wahlen am 24. September überhaupt nicht an einem Frieden auf dem
Balkan interessiert zu sein. In der Tat drohen EU und NATO sogar mit
einem neuen Krieg, nur damit ihre Kandidaten auf jeden Fall die Wahl in
Jugoslawien gewinnen.
Schon vor Ende der Wahl schrieen NATO und EU gemeinsam mit der von
ihnen teuer bezahlten jugoslawischen Opposition "Wahlbetrug". Denn wenn
der NATO-Kandidat Kostunica verlieren sollte, dann war die Wahl von
Milosevic manipuliert und sie kann folglich von EU und NATO nicht
anerkannt werden. Um dies auch durchzusetzen, - so die Überlegung der
westlichen Wertegemeinschaft, die sich in der Welt moralisch selbst am
höchsten stellt - musste die NATO erneut ihre humanitäre Kriegsmaschine
rund um Jugoslawien konzentrieren und in Alarmbereitschaft versetzen.
Der französische Außenminister ließ Sonntag Nacht noch über Radio Monte
Carlo wissen, dass seine EU-Amtskollegen noch spät in einer
Telephonkonferenz beraten hätten, wie zu reagieren sei, "falls Präsident
Milosevic die Wahlen mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen sollte." Wobei
natürlich jedem der Beteiligten von vorn herein klar war, dass Milosevic
mit nichts anderem als nur mit unfairen Mitteln gewinnen konnte,
schließlich hatten EU und USA nicht umsonst mindestens $75 Millionen
Wahlhilfe an die korrupte Opposition gezahlt und noch größere
Versprechungen gemacht, wenn die Jugoslawen sich in der Wahl für den von
der NATO ausgewählten Kandidaten entscheiden.
Dass die militärischen Friedensintervention gegen Belgrad jederzeit
wieder aufgenommen werden kann, das macht die NATO mit ihrem
beeindruckenden Zusammenzug militärischer Mittel rund um Jugoslawien
deutlich. Damit in Belgrad die Friedensbotschaft der westlichen
humanitären Krieger nicht missverstanden wird, hat NATO Generalsekretär
Lord Robertson einer Reutersmeldung vom Sonntag zufolge Präsident
Milosevic bereits mit militärischen Aktionen gedroht, "falls er bei den
Wahlen betrügt". Er warnte, dass die "Truppen der westlichen Allianz auf
dem Balkan sich in Alarmbereitschaft befinden". ("EU leaders in
consultation over Yugoslav election", Paris, Reuters 24.9.00)
Zu diesem Zweck hatte die NATO rechtzeitig zur Wahl die größte Seearmada
seit ihrem ersten Angriff auf Jugoslawien im Mittelmeer zusammen
gezogen. Der britische Premier Toni Blair, der sich mit seinem
militaristischen Humangesülze längst einen festen Platz im Himmel der
Neuen Weltordnung gesichert hat, hat als "Botschaft an Präsident
Slobodan Milosevic" den britischen Flugzeugträger "Invincible" und den
Hubschrauberträger "Ocean" ins Mittelmeer geschickt, wo sie auf eine
amerikanische Schlachtgruppe stoßen werden.
Am Montag berichtete die britische Tageszeitung "The Independent", dass
unlängst während einer Beratung einer britischen Luftlandebrigade, die
Teil der Schnellen Eingriffstruppe der NATO ist, darum ging, die Chancen
für eine militärische Operation in Montenegro zu erörtern, wozu auch die
Einnahme von Flugplätzen und anderen strategisch wichtigen Punkten ging.
"Nato sends strong message to Milosevic", By Vesna Peric Zimonjik in
Belgrade, Kim Sengupta in London and Steve Crawshaw in Podgorica, The
Independent, 25 September 2000).
In den nächsten Tagen soll außerdem ein gemeinsames
kroatisch-amerikanisches Seemanöver vor der montenegrinisch-kroatischen
Küste stattfinden, bei dem die US-Marines auch amphibische Landungen
üben sollen. Weitere Manöver sind für französische und holländische
Schiffe geplant. Zugleich halten sich hartnäckig aus Bulgarien kommende
Gerüchte im Internet, dass die USA im Rahmen des groß angelegten
NATO-Manövers "Trans-Carpathia 2000" unter Beteiligung der
NATO-Verbündeten Ungarn und Poland und neun weiterer "NATO
Partnerländer" einschließlich Kroatiens und Rumänien von bulgarischem
Territorium aus Angriffe auf Südserbien planen, um von dort aus zu den
im südöstlichen Kosovo stationierten US-Einheiten durch zu stoßen.
"Trans-Carpathia 2000" begann am 20. 9. und soll bis 29. 9. dauern.
Mit diesen beindruckenden militärischen Drohgebärde wollen die
westlichen Vorkämpfer des Friedens ihrer Opposition in Belgrad unbedingt
an die Macht verhelfen. Dafür scheinen die NATO-Humanisten nicht einmal
vor einem neuen Krieg auf dem Balkan zurück zu schrecken.
Saarburg den 25.9.00
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
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