Informazione
(dichiarazione programmatica del 1. Congresso degli antifascisti dell'Europa sud-orientale, che si terrà i prossimi 29 e 30 ottobre a Bihac
- ricevuto via Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/notes/antifašistička-liga-jugoistočne-evrope/d-e-k-l-a-r-a-c-i-j-a/10150263422323921 )
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D E K L A R A C I J A
pubblicata da Antifašistička liga Jugoistočne Evrope il giorno martedì 5 luglio 2011 alle ore 0.01
Nakon dvodnevnog zasjedanja Prvog Kongres Antifašista Jugoistočne Europe, održan 29 i 30.10. 2011. godine u Bihaću donio je:
D E K L A R A C I J U
kao političko akcioni dokument u kome se iznose osnovne spoznaje o fašizmu kao povijesnom fenomenu i objašnjavaju razlozi i potreba stalne borbe protiv fašizma u sadašnjosti i u budućnosti.
I. Fašizam je složeni sociološki, psihološki, ideološki i politički fenomen, koga nije moguće jednoznačno izraziti. U sebi sjedinjuje elemente koji su različito strukturirani, podložni promjenama, ovisno o vremenu i prostoru, odnosno razvojno-sociološkim i kulturološkim uvjetima u kojima se rađa i razvija. Otud i različiti oblici fašizma. Iako pod utjecajem svoga okruženja mijenja svoje oblike, njegova bit uvijek ostaje ista.
Teorijske izvore fašizma nalazimo već u antičkoj filozofiji, pa sve do suvremenih filozofskih promišljanja, ali i u političkoj praksi svih reakcionarnih restauracija koje se temelje na koncepcijama vječnoga zakona i misticizma. No ti elementi u daljnjoj prošlosti, više su bili osmišljeni nazori nego politička praksa. Ali u svojim suvremenijim uvjetima ti nazori poprimaju elemente fašistoidnosti kao što su nacionalizam, rasizam, ksenofobija, totalitarizam, antisematizam, militarizam i imperijalizam, a u specifičnim uvjetima u kojima se našla Italija i Njemačka nakon I svjetskog rata, posloženi u sistem, doživljavaju svoju reakcionarnu kosekvenciju što jedinstvenim izrazom nazivamo nacifašizam. Fašistički pokreti organizirali su se u gotovo svim razvijenijim kapitalističkim zemljama Europe u to vrijeme, ali nisu postojali svi uvjeti i da dođu na vlast osim još u Španjolskoj.
U filozofskom smislu fašizam se pokazuje kao spiritualističko – metafizički pogled na svijet u kome je sve konačno. U sociološkom smislu, fašizam je duhovni izraz povijesno deklasiranih slojeva koji i čine njegovu političku bazu. U psihološkom smislu fašizam je izraz izgubljenosti individue, nedostatak sebe u sebi i potreba za kompenzacijom, poistovjećujući se sa stvarima iznad sebe, dakle idolatrija. U ideološkom smislu, fašizam je političko programska koncepcija sklepana sa raznim istegnutim načelima pojedinih filozofskih škola koje čak i nisu izvorno fašističke, prilagođenih kako bi se s jedne strane izrazilo nezadovoljstvo širokih masa prema postojećim prilikama, a da se istovremeno ne ugrozi vladajući kapitalistički poredak i sistem privatnoga vlasništva i nejednakosti na kome kapitalizam počiva. Čine je najmanje šest motiva, koji svaki za sebe imaju svoju funkciju, ali u njihovoj u među igri, čine specifičnost i djelotvornost fašističke ideologije, a to su; ideologija zajednice u koju se broji nacionalizam, ideologija autoriteta, koja završava načelom vođe, ideja vlasništva, vrhunac koje je militantni antikomunizam, stanoviti antikapitalizam usmjeren protiv krupnoga kapitala, ali koji su u spoju sa ideologijom vlasništva politički otupljeni, filozofija grešnoga jarca koja pruža uvjerljiva obrazloženja za sva zla svijeta i istodobno nudi masama objekt na kojima one mogu bez opasnosti rasteretiti svoju agresiju i konačno militarizam koji mase ideološki priprema za rat. Politička funkcija fašizma je novim metodama vladanja stvaranje nove masovne baze postojećeg kapitalističkog poretka koju je u krizi i nepovjerenjem masa izgubilo. Fašizam objektivno predstavlja moderni pučki, maskirani oblik građansko kapitalističke kontra revolucije, suspenzijom parlamentarne demokracije da bi se spriječila legalna pobjeda revolucije. On je blokada povijesti, anticivilizacijski i zato je tako nasilan. Fašizam kao ideološko-misaoni projekt i politička praksa uvijek se oblikuje kao diktatura u čijem sjedištu je vođa, koji se izdiže iznad društva, građana i njihovih života. U Musolinijevom fašizmu, sam život se shvaća kao borbu i jednu od presudnih vrijednosti svakog čovjeka. Čovjek je odlučujuće određen svojom pripadnošću, određenoj organskoj zajednici – svojoj naciji ili rasi, koja je mistično jedinstvo prirodnog i povijesnog. Bitna čovjekova značajka nije um, nego volja. Društvo se ustrojava tako da ljudi borbom stječu položaje – jačim nad slabijim, pa je glavno ustrojstvo društva, nadređenost jača ličnost nad slabijom, snažniji narod nad nejakim. Fašizam je i antidemokratski, jer je totalitaran i traži da država prožme život pojedinca. Država je entitet višega reda, nju ne stvara narod, nego obrnuto. Bit države koncentrira se u vođi čija je volja najviši zakon i on je ne pogrešiv. Njegovo bitno svojstvo je imperijalizam.
Sve to preuzima Hitlerov nacizam i obogatio übermensch teorijom nordijske rase i novim tehnologijama vladanja. Otud rasizam, antisemitizam, holokaust i genocid u nacizmu poprimaju krajnju konsekvenciju.
II. Iako je fašistički pokret duboko povezan sa krizom kapitalizma i njegovim spašavanjem, ne može se reći da je fašizam običan privjesak kapitala, jer on ima svoju socijalnu bazu, koja nipošto nije izvorna baza krupnog kapitala. Ali za svoj razvoj i osvajanje vlasti bila mu je potrebna podrška kapitala. Tamo gdje tu podršku nije dobio, nije ni došao na vlast. To znači da postoji uzajamna naklonost između kapitala i fašizma i da ona proizlazi iz neke zajedničke osnove, a to je ideologija vlasništva i zajednički neprijatelj komunizam. Iz toga proizlazi da je fašizam samo jedan od oblika građanske klasne vladavine, do duše najgrubljeg oblika, od liberalizma do fašizma. Njegovu socijalnu bazu rađa kapitalističko raslojavanje, a nastup osigurava kriza kapitalističke reprodukcije i strah od moguće revolucije. Zato je nenaučno i krajnje licemjerno današnje propagandističko izjednačavanje komunizma i fašizma, od strane buržoaske apologije. Ta veza postoji samo sa kapitalizmom. Naprotiv, fašizam je zajedno sa krupnim kapitalom uperen protiv Marksizma i revolucije.
U ostalom nacifašizam o kome govorimo, odnjihala je kapitalistička reakcija vjerujući da će fašizam samo blokirati promjene u zemljama u kojima je na vlasti, a na internacionalnom planu biti udarna pesnica protiv Oktobarske revolucije i SSSR. Ali fašizmu je imenentan imperijalizam i protiv je svake demokracije uključujući i građanske liberalne. Kada se nacifašističko osvajanje svijeta rasplamsalo, morala je biti uspostavljena velika antifašistička koalicija svih demokratskih snaga da se zaustavi ta nacistička neman, koja je pokrenula II svjetski rat i u kome je uz golema materijalna razaranja i patnje poginulo 50 miliona ljudi, najviše u povijesti čovječanstva. Njegove najstrašnije tekovine su holokaust i genocid.
III. Antifašizam je pokret protiv fašizma, za razvoj demokracije i mira. Istovremeno, on je značio i borbu za očuvanja nezavisnosti i oslobođenje od fašističke okupacije zemalja. Antifašizam označuje i politički i kulturni program antifašističkih organizacija u nacionalnim i svjetskim razmjerima.
Antifašizam se pojavio gotovo kada i sam fašizam. Francuski komunisti i socijalisti 1934. godine spriječili su pokušaj fašističkog prevrata u Francuskoj. U Austriji antifašistička borba bila je izražena u oružanom ustanku radništva. U Španjolskoj antifašizam pretvorio se u građanski rat ( 1936-1938 ) u kome je iskazana i međunarodna solidarnost. Komunistička Internacionala je u drugoj dekadi tridesetih godina prošloga stoljeća pokrenula stvaranje antifašističke fronte, koja je naročito došla do izražaju u Francuskoj i Poljskoj. Antifašistička udruženja pokretali su i kulturni radnici i stvaraoci. I konačno u II svjetskom ratu stvorena je velika antifašistička koalicija, Velika Britanija SAD i SSSR i brojne antifašističke i narodnooslobodilačke fronte u Jugoslaviji, Grčkoj, Poljskoj, Belgiji, Nizozemskoj, Danskoj, Norveškoj i Italiji, protiv sila osovina Rim – Berlin - Tokyo.
Nakon II svjetskog rata, antifašizam je ugrađen u temelje Zapadno europske demokracije, Narodne demokracije u zemljama Istočne Europe i socijalističkih revolucija u Jugoslaviji i Kini, te u antikolonijalistički pokret mnogih afričkih i azijskih zemalja.
Nažalost neke bitne vrijednosne komponente antifašizma, nisu se do kraja ostvarile. Nedostatak jedinstvene osnove antifašizma i različitost interesa članova Velike antifašističke koalicije, dovela ih je u međusobnu borbu oko podjele interesa, produživši se novim međusobnim ratom, ali sada ne više ne vatrenim, nego «hladnim» koji traje i do devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća. Time se antifašizam sveo pretežno na obilježavanje ratnih datuma i uspomena, a izgubio frontovsko politički karakter i antifašističku predostrožnost, koju svakako treba povratiti u novim uvjetima, stvaranjem jedinstvene ideološke osnove. Samo puna demokracija, ekonomska, socijalna i politička, u čijem je središtu čovjek može biti ideološka osnova da se to postigne i da se spriječi svaki oblik fašizacije i novog fašizma. Antifašizam, dakle mora dobiti novu suvremenu dimenziju.
IV. Ako fašizam shvaćamo kao mogući odgovor na krizu kapitalizma, onda opasnost od fašizma i dalje postoji, iako je od 1945. godine, kao oblik vladavine u Italiji i Njemačkoj i šire poražen. Kapitalistički društveni poredak, koji je u prošlosti proizveo fašizam i dalje postoji u najvećem djelu razvijenih industrijskih zemalja. Iako on stalno sofisticira svoje metode vladavine, on nije fundamentalno promijenio svoju bit, da bi fašističke konsekvencije bile sasvim isključene. Još uvijek postoje socijalni uvjeti za nastanak i djelovanje fašističkih pokreta koji u raznim oblicima postoje, koji se ne razlikuju po svojim ciljevima od pokreta dvadesetih i tridesetih godina prošloga stoljeća, jedino što se prilagođavaju novim uvjetima i što samo otežava borbu protiv njih. Svjedoci smo i dramatičnih kriza kapitalističke reprodukcije, kao i pojave lijevih antiglobalizacijskih i emancipaotirskih pokreta u pojedinim zemljama i svjetskoj razini, pa u očuvanju postojećeg kapitalističkog poretka od lijevih emancipatorkih snaga, može doći do spoja između fašistoidnih organizacija i grupa i gornjih vladajućih slojeva, što je nužno za pobjedu novog fašizma.
Čak što više nakon realnog socijalizma u Istočnoj Europi, a time i urušavanja Jugoslavije i socijalističkog samoupravljanja kao anticipacije nove budućnosti, bez obzirni nastup globalnog kapitala se pojačava, a time i povećava opasnost od kriza i načina njihovog razrješavanja. Uostalom, razvijene kapitalističke zemlje na čelu sa SDA i kao pobjednice antifašističke koalicije nisu do kraja obračunale sa ostacima fašističkog pokreta, već su ga na razne načine održavale i spremale za dnevno političke svrhe u borbi protiv socijalizma. I same su podržavale brojne fašističke diktature nakon II svjetskog rata kao konkretnog odgovora na krize u pojedinim zemljama interesne sfere i obrane svjetskog kapitalističkog poretka (Južna Koreja, Indonezija, Grčka, Čile, Argentina ) i brojne druge diktature ali i brojni lokalni ratovi uključujući i ratove na tlu Avnojske Jugoslavije.
Osim toga u suvremenim uvjetima fašističke tendencije djeluju manje vidljivo i kapilarno u fašistoidnim pojavama, koje se uvijek u kriznim uvjetima mogu spojiti u sistem. Pa i sam neoliberalni sistem koji je u osnovi diktatura kapitala i uskih oligarhijskih upravljačkih i političkih moćnih slojeva, a propagandistički viju zastavu demokracije i ljudskih prava od čega u stvarnosti gotovo da ništa nema, po mnogo čemu je fašistoidni oblik stvaranja masovne baze kapitalizmu da bi mogao opstati. Sama multinacionalna korporacija kao glavni medijator globalnog kapitalizma, u kojoj je sve lijepo posloženo i uglađeno po svojim ciljevima i funkcijama je duboko nedemokratska i fašistoidna, jer čovjeka zaposlenika potpuno podređuje jedinom cilju a to je rast korporacija kao uvjeta njenog opstanka. Antikomunistička histerija koja se u zadnje vrijeme u svijetu naročito poduzima, dobar je dokaz da fašistoidnosti i suprotstavljanju suštinskim promjenama. Komunizam koji je samo filozofski pojam i nigdje u svijetu nije oživotvoren, samo zato što označava pokret podjarmljenih radnih slojeva za ekonomsko i socijalno oslobođenje proglašava se zločinom. O faktičkim zločinima kapitalizma u njegovoj gotovo 400 godišnjoj vladavini i nemilosrdnoj eksploataciji radnih slojeva i prouzročenim ratovima, ni riječi. To je tobože samo borba za demokraciju i ljudska prava, ali je svakom pametnom vidljivo koliko je vladajuća oligarhija bliža fašistoidnim rješenjima, nego istinskoj socijalizaciji. Najveća imperijalistička sila SDA svojom nacionalnom strategijom polazeći od Wilsonove doktrine, da ono što je dobro za Ameriku, dobro je i za Svijet, uzima sebi za pravo da kontrolira svjetske resurse i sirovine i pojavu nepoželjnih emancipatorskih pokreta i poredaka, koji bi mogli ugroziti kapitalistički poredak i njenu vodeću ulogu i da vojno intervenira mimo organizacije UN i Međunarodnog prava. Po principu obožavanja njih slijedi veliki broj režima u svijetu što je po sebi fašistoidno. To je već nedopustivo veliki stupanj fašizacije međunarodnih ekonomskih i političkih odnosa i neravnopravnosti među narodima i državama.
Danas u svijetu postoji cijeli niz i drugih okolnosti koje objektivno mogu pridonositi fašistoidnim promišljanjima pa i rješenjima kao što su; jačanje jaza između bogatih i siromašnih zemalja, brojne tehnologije koje potpadaju pod kontrolu uskih oligarhijskih interesa i njihova moguća zloupotreba, vrlo raširena i neutaživa pohlepa za profitom i političkom moći, trka u naoružanju , terorizam kao očajnička reakcija na jednakost i ponižavanje određenih skupina i slojeva, demokratura kao oblik degradacije same liberalne demokracije pod utjecajem oligarhijske moći i tome slično.
V. Kakvu nestabilnost, nepredvidivost i do dramatičnih raspleta, ali u kojoj se ipak daju nazreti osnovne zakonitosti povijesnih kretanja, govore i događaji devedesetih, koji simboliziraju pad berlinskog zida, a naročito ono što se dogodilo na prostorima, avnojevske Jugoslavije.
Autentična socijalistička revolucija koja se tokom II svjetskog rata i poslije njega dogodila na ovim prostorima, imala je svoje uspone i blistave trenutke, prije svega u narodnooslobodilačkoj i antifašističkoj borbi, uspostavljanju nove naprednije društveno ekonomske socijalističke strukture, razvoja proizvodnih snaga društva, naročito u uspostavljanju razvoja radničkog, socijalističko i društvenog samoupravljanja na unutarnjem planu, te suprostavljanju i otporu staljinizmu u međunarodnom radničkom pokretu, te u uspostavi miroljubive koigzistencije i pokretanju nesvrstanosti na međunarodnom planu, ali i svojih padova. U svakom slučaju bio je to najviši društveno-ekonomski, socijalni i kulturni doseg razvoja ovih prostora, u svojoj povijesti i najduži period života u miru.
Radnička klasa nastala u predratnoj Kapitalističkoj Jugoslaviji, omasovljena u periodu državnog socijalizma, transformirala se u sistem udruženog rada i integralnog samoupravljanja, u slobodne proizvođače i potrošače i postala pretežni i vodeći sloj društva, pokazujući svijetu u kom pravcu procesi istinske demokracije treba da idu. Bivši neobrazovani i siromašni seljaci, koji su i dalje ostali na selu, postali su organizirani robni proizvođači i bitno unapredili kvalitetu svoga života.
Ekonomsko, politički, socijalni i moralni učinak te povijesne stvarnosti je neuništiv, a potpuni diskontinuitet nemoguć, barem ne bez teških posljedica. Nastup neoliberalnih snaga devedesetih, da se učini taj otklon, urodio je sadašnjim teškim društvenim stanjem, koje je bliže katastrofalnom, nego lošem. Naime, ovi prostori danas su ponovno prožeti rigidnim kapitalizmom i usisani u svjetski poredak klasne kapitalističke vladavine. Karakteriziraju ga prvobitna akumulacija kapitala, ogromno socijalno raslojavanje, potpuna obespravljenost radničke klase i nepostojanje djelotvornog radničkog pokreta. To naravno nije kapitalizam centra, koga karakteriziraju visoko razvijene i homogene nacionalne privrede, bazirane prije svega na unutrašnjim tržištima i jakom ekspanzijom u svijet iz koga dovlače ekstra profite i zahvaljujući tome, bez obzira na socijalne i klasne razlike, osiguravaju relativno visoku potrošnju većine kategorija stanovništva, a koga predstavlja grupa razvijenih zemalja zapada, koje ne propuštaju ostali svijet unutra, nego periferni kapitalizam, koga karaktezira posve obrnuta situacija, uslijed specijalizacije iz centra i pojačane eksploatacije i dezartikulirane privrede ovisne od centra, razvoj nerazvijenosti, relativno zaostajanje i siromaštvo, a koga čine polu razvijene i nerazvijene zemlje trećega svijeta. Time su ovi prostori iz stanja srednje industrijske razvijenosti i ubrzanog razvoja, ponovo poprimili obilježja zemalja trećega svijeta, razorene privredne i socijalne strukture i zaostajanje za zemljama razvijenog centra.
Razloge očigledne destrukcije objašnjava prosta činjenica da ove promjene devedesetih nisu bile u korespodenciji sa potrebama i razinom razvijenosti proizvodnih snaga društva i duhovnog ozračja dvadeset prvog stoljeća, već korak natrag u povijesno prevladani proizvodni društveni odnos i njemu odgovarajuće konzervativne društvene svijesti. U svakom slučaju put kojim se krenulo, nije bio pravi odgovor na krizu u kojem se jugoslavensko društvo našlo krajem osamdesetih. Destruirana Partija i tehnobirokracija koji su krizu i izazvale, nisu bile u stanju dati odgovor u pravcu istinskog jačanja samoupravljanja i vlasti radničke klase što je otvorilo vrata kontrarevoluciji. Te vladajuće strukture, ne samo da nisu bile spremne prepustiti vlast samoupravljanju, već su napustile ideju i tekovine socijalizma i velikim djelom prešle na stranu neoliberalne kontrarevolucije. Bila je to povijesna repriza termidorske kontrarevolucije koju je doživjela i građanska revolucija u Francuskoj, naravno u posve drugim uvjetima i vremenu, ali prema istim historijsko-dijalektičkim zakonitostima. Nacionalizam je svjesno postao ideologija i tehnologija vladanja, koji je omogućio, da se proces prvobitne akumulacije, koji se sastajao u pljački društvene imovine i surovoj eksploataciji i obespravljenju radničke klase, prikrije iza fraze o borbi za nacionalno oslobođenje. Izmišljajući neprijatelje nacije ili pogrešno prikazujući i objašnjavajući stvarne društvene procese, novonastali nacionalistički režimi su uspjeli postići nacionalističku homogenizaciju čitavih etnosa nakon čega je bilo lako provesti proces kapitalističke restauracije, bez opasnosti da to dovede do krupnih socijalnih sukoba. Ti sukobi su samo odloženi i oni sada dolaze do punog izražaja. Da je odgovor na krizu od socijalističkih snaga dat na vrijeme, nacionalizam ne bi imao nikakve šanse. Ovako sve je završilo u raspadu zemlje i građanskom ratu sa teškim dugoročnim posljedicama za sve narode na ovim prostorima.
Nakon svega što se dogodilo, južnoslavenske države, iako formalno nezavisne imaju manje samostalnosti nego što su imale u SFRJ iz po Ustavu iz 1974. godine. Ekonomski, socijalno i moralno su potpuno upropaštene, a politički pod čvrstom kontrolom centrala moći u Bruxellesu i Washingtonu. Nacionalni dignitet, za koga se tobože na smrt borilo nikada nije bio ugroženiji. Budućnost nikad nije bila neizvjesnija. Na teritoriju bivše SFRJ stvoreno je gotovo dvadesetak državnih i poludržavnih entiteta, što podsjeća na stanje srednjovjekovne podijeljenosti. To pogoduje uspostavljanju tržišta razvijenih kapitalističkih ekonomija, a naposlje tržišta jeftine radne snage, što služi rješavanju krize u centru, a ne razvoju lokalnih nacionalnih ekonomija. Kultura, nauka i znanje su potpuno zanemareni. Obrazovani ljudi već su otišli, a mnogi se spremaju da odu, jer teško dolaze do izražaja u državama u kojima postoji vladavina mediokriteta, političkih elita i mafije. Demokracija je poprimila karikaturne oblike, pretvorivši se u partitokratiju i demokraturu.
Vladajuće kaste teže uključivanju u Euroatlantske integracije, jer to je jedini način da očuvaju nelegitimno stečene privilegije i vlasti. Ali narodi sve više razmišljaju drugačije. U svakom slučaju ovdje su se odvili retrogradni procesi, koji produbljuju krizu i na domaćem i na svjetskom planu, a time i opasnosti od moguće fašizacije.
VI. Rat devedesetih potaknuo je, oslobodio i reafirmirao fašistoidne elemente, neofašizam i novi fašizam. Zabrinjava da ni nakon završenog rata te pojave i tendencije ne jenjavaju. Pošto su ti elementi, grupe i organizacije učestvovale za « nacionalnu stvar », one su svjesno dobile i svoje koncesije, ne samo materijalne, nego i moralne, relativizacijom fašističkih zločina, obilježavanje njihovih obljetnica iz II svjetskog rata i nesmetani javni politički nastup.
Liberalna demokracija, netom uspostavljena, postala je okvir da se slobodno djelovanje, kao tobože jednako pravni glasovi civilnoga društva, gdje se jaz između fašističkih i antifašističkih vrijednosti i ideja pokušava prikazati kao normalni sukob dviju ravnopravnih koncepcija. Vladajuće kapitalističke kaste, kao i prije II svjetskog rata, podcjenjuju te fašističke nastupe, čak što više stavljajući ih u istu ravan sa antifašizmom, što je otvoreni izraz sklonosti prema tim snagama i pojavama i prepoznatljivi instrumentarij borbe protiv opasnog nastupa ljevice, za vladajući sistem u ovim za njih opasnim vremenima. Ide se čak i dalje od toga, pa se istjeruju i izmišljaju komunistički i antifašistički zločini. Pišu se nove političke rezolucije u kojima se ratni zločinci oslobađaju krivnje i prikazuju kao žrtve.
Nestankom Jugoslavije raspala se jedinstvena interpretacija vezanih za II svjetski rat. Svaka od novo nastalih država u svojim udžbenicima povijesti nudi vlastite (re) interpretacije tog povijesnog perioda, odbacujući «nepoželjne» elemente i prihvaćajući one događaje i ličnosti i ideje koje konzerviraju mitološke osnove za novo uspostavljene nacionalne ideologije. Antifašizmu se doduše ne uskraćuju civilizacijske vrijednosti, ali se reinterpretacijom i umanjenjem uloge komunista i partizana, one otupljuju. Tako se u Hrvatskoj umanjuju zločini ustaškog pokreta, u Bosni prešućuje Handžar divizija, a u Srbiji četnički pokret prikazuje kao vojska odana kralju i otadžbini.
Ponovo oživljena mitologija i ideološka revizija tako postaju djelom historiografske, publicistike i javnoga diskursa, oblikujući nacionalne ideologije, koje historijske fakte, reintepretiraju u cilju vlastitog utemeljenja i afirmacije. Postojeći udžbenici obiluju primjerima netrepeljivosti i satanizacije drugih naroda i nacionalnih manjina, iskrivljenim historijskim podacima, paušalnim ocjenama i ideološkim konstrukcijama. Etnička indokrinacija mladih tako biva začeta unutar samog obrazovnog sistema. Odrastajući i obrazujući se u sredini koja ističe različitost, a potom i na njima utemeljen animuzitet, bez jasne predodžbe o stvarnoj prirodi fašističke ideologije, mladi pribjegavaju korištenju fašističkih simbola i veličanju onih kolaboracionističkih ideologija, koje izvore imaju u njihovoj etničkoj skupini. Nasuprot ideologiji bratstva i jedinstva naroda i prožimanja različitosti u zajedničko, što je izgurano kroz prozor, danas imamo, ideologiju mržnje prema svemu što je drugačije. Nakon neofašizma koji se porodio, dekadu nakon II svjetskog rata, nakon rata devedesetih, pred nama stoji fenomen novog fašizma kome je mržnja temeljna odlika svega. To je veliki problem koji sada stoji pred nama i cijelom civilizacijom i koji traži rješenja. Ali vladajuće kaste ta nam rješenja ne nude.
VII. Sve zabrinutije mase koje se otrežnjuju i koje sve više razmišljaju u kategorijama socijalne pravde, pune demokracije i ravnopravnosti naroda, imperativ vide prije svega u povezivanju malih i sebi ravnih naroda, a ne nadobudno utapanje u neravnopravne asocijacije krupnog europskog kapitala. Doduše nije moguće zaboraviti ili zbrisati sve ono što se ovdje dogodilo, već to treba naučno objasniti i izbjeći pogubni subjektivizam i nacionalizam. Brojni zločini koji su u proteklom ratu činjeni na ovim prostorima, ne smiju biti prepreka za suradnju onih koji u njima nisu učestvovali, niti su ih podržavali i opravdavali, jer već postoje pouzdani podaci koji potvrđuju da je vrlo mali broj lica učestvovao u njihovom planiranju, postrehavanju, izvršavanju i prikrivanju. Čitavi narodi ne smiju ispaštati zbog zločina malih skupina ljudi.
Zbližavanje i suradnja južnoslavenskih naroda i država je imperativ, u prvom redu radničke klase i radničkog pokreta, koje imaju dugu tradiciju zajedničkog življenja i čvrste političke, ekonomske i kulturne povezanosti. Ta suradnja naroda najprije će se razvijati na kulturnom, sportskom i ekonomskom planu.
Kulturna suradnja omogućavat će stvaranje šireg kulturnog prostora, koji je postojao do 1991. godine, a čiji nedostatak, kulturni radnici neprekidno osjećaju i o tom otvorno govore. Ovo je utoliko značajnije, ukoliko se zna da se radi o narodima na približno istom ili sličnom stupnju kulturnoga razvoja i koji govori istim ili sličnim jezikom.
Iako između novonastalih država postoje razlike u pogledu stupnja ekonomske razvijenosti, one ipak sve dijele sudbinu kapitalističke poluperiferije, što znači da će na svjetskom tržištu uvijek biti u podređenom položaju. Činjenica da su južnoslavenske ekonomije tehnološki zaostale za razvijenim zapadnim ekonomijama, ukazuju na potrebu da svoju konkurentnost i razvoj pokušavaju ostvariti u međusobnoj suradnji i čvršćim ekonomskim integracijama, a ne u pogubnim angažmanima s razvijenim zapadnim ekonomijama. Drugim riječima one moraju težiti stvaranju zajedničke strategije nastupa prema razvijenom zapadnom tržištu i izgradnji mehanizma i institucija planiranja i usklađivanja ekonomskog razvoja na regionalnom nivou.
Političke integracije bit će moguće u mjeri u kojoj slabi razjareni nacionalizam. Nasuprot političkim strukturama EU, koji dovode do nedemokratske vladavine euro birokracije nužne su regionalne integracije, koje neće ugrožavati samostalnost i samobitnost jugoslavenskih naroda i država, nego će omogućiti da oni međusobno i zajednici sa sebi ravnim narodima postignu istinsku demokraciju i ekonomski napredak. One će se događati po mjeri nužnosti borbe malih naroda i država za pravo i vlastiti samostalni put ka postizavanju optimalnog društveno ekonomskog i duhovnog razvoja.
VIII. Antifašiste Jugoistočne Europe (bivše Jugoslavije) spaja potreba obaveza i htjenje u očuvanju tekovina slavne antifašističke borbe za oslobođenje svojevremeno zajedničke zemlje od okupatora i domaćih kvislinga i socijalnog i političkog preobražaja, ali i velikih tekovina u izgradnji novog socijalističkog društva i sveukupnog društvenog napretka poslije II svjetskog rata, a napose samoupravljanja na domaćem planu i antikolonijalizma, miroljubive koegzistencije i nesvrstanosti na međunarodnom planu. To je bila prije svega velika narodna epopeja i pobjeda sa puno žrtava, kojima moramo odavati trajno poštovanje i mnogo heroja i pojedinačnih imena među kojima je zasigurno najveće ime, ime Josipa Broza Tita, maršala i državnika svjetskih dimenzija. Ali jednako tako zbog posljedica građanskog rata i restauracijom kapitalizma, ovo područje ponovno je postalo bure baruta i nadmetanje svjetskih multinacionalnih i imperijalističkih interesa i utjecaja reafirmacije nastajanja i širenja neofašističkih pojava i tendencija i otud potreba da se bratski držimo za ruke u zajedničkoj borbi protiv svih negativnih unutrašnjih i vanjskih tendencija, kako bi osvijetlili i spriječili nove podjele, mržnje i ratove i osigurali mir i napredak. U tom smislu Antifašisti Jugoistočne Europe utvrđuju da je u njihovom zajedničkom interesu:
• Stabilizacija odnosa među svim južno slavenskim narodima i bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama na svim poljima međusobne suradnje.
• Pokušaj degradacije i potpune eliminacije šovinističkih ideologija na ovim prostorima kao izvora sukoba nesreća i patnji svih naroda i narodnosti.
• Suradnja sa svim društvima, udrugama i udruženjima antifašističke programske deklaracije u Europi i svijetu, kao i sa svim srodnim organizacijama, pokretima i udruženjima slične programske orijentacije na prostoru Jugoistočne Europe, a posebno objedinjavanje svih antifašista na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije.
• Razvijanje i gajenje antifašizma, humanizma i pune demokracije, istinske tolerancije među građanima, narodima i regijama, a na demokratskim principima solidarnosti i socijalne pravde, te poticanje i podržavanje naprednih, humanističkih ideja i pokreta
• Njegovanje patriotizma i pripadnosti svojoj naciji i državi svakog pojedinca, a time ne omalovažavajući druge i drugačije da čine isto, i pri tome poštujući sve različitosti koje čine bogatstvo među kulturama, narodima Europe i Svijeta.
• Čuvanje i zaštita tekovina NOR-a 1941 – 1945., radi očuvanja antifašističkih ideja na kojima počiva poslijeratna Europa i Svijet.
• Oživljavanje sjećanja kakav je ugled u Titovo vrijeme uživala Jugoslavija, koliko je bila cijenjena njena uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i koliko je u svijetu bio cijenjen i poštovan doprinos Josipa Broza Tita.
• Čuvanje istine o vremenu i dostignućima socijalističke izgradnje i razvoja društva ne neprolaznim vrijednostima, jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i sloge, te razvijanju neposredne, samoupravne demokracije, humanizma, socijalne pravde, kulturnog preporoda, sigurnosti i dostojanstva svih građana i naroda.
• Zajedničko organiziranje naučnih istraživanja, kritičkih rasprava, javnih skupova, obilježavanje historijskih događaja i datuma vezanih za ime Josipa Broza Tita i tekovina Antifašističke koalicije iz II svjetskog rata, a posebno ukazivanje na vrijednost odluka AVNOJ-a, donesenih u Bihaću i Jajcu, 1942 i 1943 godine
• Posebno se zalagati zajedničkim djelovanje na punoj državnosti bivših Republika u njihovim Avnojevskim granicama i punoj međudržavnoj suradnji na svim poljima.
• Zajednički je interes Antifašista i naroda Jugoistočne Evrope (bivše SFRJ) ukidanje granica medju AVNOJ-evskim državama na način kako to funkcioniše u EU.
• Ni u jednoj AVNOJ-evskoj državi niti jedan narod sa prostora Jugoistočne Evrope (bivše SFRJ) nebi smio da bude nacionalna manjina, a u svim AVNOJ-evskim zemljama treba biti omogućeno svim gradjanima da se mogu slobodno izjasniti kaojugosloveni ukoliko to žele ili se tako osjećaju, a da pri tom ne budu tretirani kao nacionalna manjina ili narod bez države kao što je to slučaj nakon 90-tih godina.
• U zajedničkom je interesu svih naroda i svih novonastalih država na prostoru Jugoistočne Evrope zajedničko djelovanje na vojnom planu što uključuje postizanje i potpisivanje sporazuma o medjusobnom trajnom miru medju državama i narodima Jugoistočne Evrope (bivše SFRJ), a posebno je u zajedničkom interesu proglasiti sve ratove koji su vodjeni nakon 1990 godine na prostoru SFRJ izmedju naroda i izmedju južnoslavenskih država nepotrebnim obzirom da je Ustav SFRJ iz 1974 godine garantovao veću samostalnost AVNOJ-evskim državama i narodima nego što su to dobili izlaskom iz SFRJ.
IX. Naprijed obrazložena poimanja fašizma i povijesno politička konstelacija ne samo da opravdava, već i nalaže daljnje djelovanje antifašista protiv svih neofašističkih pojavnosti ma u kakvom se obliku očitovale. Nažalost antifašizam je danas ideja koju ne plediraju politički sistemi, odnosno njihove institucije i predstavnici, već samo dio populacije i veterani, koji ne žele da se stvari ponove. Drugim riječima nema potrebne antifašističke fronte, postoje samo pojedinci koji se ne misle pomiriti sa fašizmom, koji znaju da život može biti nešto više od mržnje, tjeskobe i rata.
U središtu pozornosti antifašističkih aktivnosti treba biti čovjek i demokracija kao čovjekokracija, a to će reći sloboda, pravna i socijalna sigurnost, ravnopravnost, mirno rješavanje sporova, uzajamnost, solidarnost i druge vrijednosti dostojne čovjeka i ljudskih zajednica, ali njegov odnos prema prirodi kao svom životnom okolišu.
Antifašisti se moraju zalagati za otklanjane uzroka i uvjeta pod kojima se rađaju fašistoidi. To dalje pretpostavlja potrebu obogaćivanja programa antifašističkih udruženjima, novim sadržajima, oblicima i metodama djelovanja koji odgovaraju današnjem vremenu. Nije dovoljno samo čuvati antifašističke vrijednosti i braniti ih od njihova iskrivljavanja, već ih je nužno dalje razvijati i neposredno širiti. Samo jedan najširi masovni pokret koji integrira sve progresivne vrijednosti političkih stranaka, ali ih i nadilazi, ma kako se zvao, mogao bi imati snage i vjerodostojnosti da spriječi rat, terorizam, bijedu i nepravdu, siromaštvo u svijetu kao i opasnosti koje prijete od samouništenja ljudskog roda na ovoj planeti. To bi morao biti pokret za punu demokraciju – političku, ekonomsku i socijalnu. On bi morao biti usmjeren protiv svakog ekstremizma, militarizma, totalitarizma neokolonijalizma, hegemonizma i svih drugih negativnih pojavnosti ne samo političke nego i privredne, socijalne, ekološke i moralne prirode i to na svim razinama i stupnjevima društvene organiziranosti i opće razvijenosti svijeta. Antifašizam se naprosto treba prihvatiti kao jedno od mjerila civilizacijske razvijenosti, te političko-demokratsko-kulturološke zrelosti. Za vjerovati je, a antifašisti će se za to zalagati, da čovječanstvo krene pravim putem od raskrižja na kome se danas nalazi. Misli se na put koji vodi u društvo blagostanja, prema novoj humanijoj zdravstvenoj civilizaciji visoko obrazovanih i kulturnih ljudi i tako izbjeći opasno kretanje putem koji vodi u samouništenje ljudskog roda i svih povijesno kulturnih vrijednosti koje su postignute u dosadašnjem razvoju čovječanstva uključivo i njegov odnos prema prirodi koja ga okružuje i čiji je sastavni dio – podruštvljena očovječena priroda. Antifašisti Jugoistočne Europe tako snažnu antifašističku frontu započet će ostvarivati na ovim prostorima i širiti taj utjecaj prema Europi i svijetu.
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Voice of Russia - June 15, 2011
Human organ trafficking scandal unveils in Kosovo
Voice of Russia - June 15, 2011
Human organ trafficking scandal unveils in Kosovo
Yekaterina Kudashkina and Dan Moody
Today we shall talk about Kosovo and the investigation into the organ trafficking story dating back to the late 1990s.
Several people in Pristina have been charged with organ trafficking. “Similar offences,” the Council of Europe says, “have been committed in the late 1990s.” That was the subject of the report filed by Dick Marty, the reporter of the Council of Europe.
So, has there been any investigation into the facts unveiled in the Marty report? What consequences could the Kosovo leaders face and why?
We discussed these issues with some help from our guest speaker, Cedomir Antic, leading researcher with the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade, Serbia.
In fact, we were reminded of the whole human organ trafficking scandal in Kosovo after today the news appeared that Kosovo's European Union justice mission has charged a Turk and an Israeli citizen with illegally trafficking organs at a clinic in Pristina which is the capital of Kosovo, a Balkan state which declared independence from Serbia in 2008.
Now, according to the report which was filed by the EU's police and justice mission EULEX, the District Court in Pristina has issued warrants for the arrest of a Turkish surgeon, called Yusuf Ercin Sonmez, and a citizen of Israel by the name of Moshe Harel.
So, now they are also subject to international wanted notices issued by Interpol.
These two people are charged with trafficking in persons, unlawful medical activity and organized crime, so it is like a full spectrum.
In fact, there is a whole group of people, and they are all Kosovo citizens, who have been charged by EULEX on the same case with similar offences, and they all are waiting for their trials to begin. But when I heard the news, my first thought was that those were the offences referred to by Dick Marty’s report.
You mean the one which actually made the news in December of last year?
That is right, but, however, it appeared that my impression was wrong, because these cases you have mentioned date back to the year 2008.
Which is obviously a different story.
We could remind our listeners of this report.
Back in December 2010 Swiss senator Dick Marty, who is also a reporter for the Council of Europe Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, presented a draft report which claimed that Prime Minister of Kosovo Mr. [Hashim] Thaçi had headed a mafia-style organized crime ring in the late 1990s that engaged in assassinations, beatings, organ trafficking and other crimes.
That are really serious offences.
This is an extremely serious offence, especially when we are talking about a head of state.
If we are talking about Dick Marty’s report, then things are moving quite slowly.
Now I suppose it is the right time to move to the Burning Point Press Desk.
Blic, which is a Serbian English-language daily, said that EULEX finally conducted “the tender for election of a seven-member team that shall investigate claims over body organ trade under the EULEX authority. The names of judges and prosecutors to investigate abductions, murders and organ trade as well as the involvement of the Kosovo Liberation Army leadership in those activities are still not known. However, as things are now, the former chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal, Carla Del Ponte, who recommended herself to lead the investigation and got support by Serbian prosecution, is not going to be a part of that team.” Which is quite strange, isn’t it?
It really takes them so long - almost six months after the facts have been made public.
This is not the first year that we have heard about these suspicious claims.
Then there were allegations, but I believe that Dick Marty has dug up some facts. So, he listed them in a report, and then it takes them almost six months to appoint judges.
According to Blic, this new team is going to have seven members including a special prosecutor. The special prosecutor is from one of the EU countries and has not been working within the EULEX until so far. That means that the prosecutor in question cannot be Del Ponte since Switzerland is not a member of the EU. The newly established team of prosecutors and judges would join the already formed EULEX team leading the preliminary investigation which has been going on since January.
This might actually mean that things are moving in the right direction, though slowly. But the reality is more complicated.
According to the same Blic, to its unofficial sources, “The investigation being led by the EULEX since January is stuck and is mainly focused on unsuccessful attempts of coming into possession of material pieces of evidence which would confirm doubts contained in the report by the Council of Europe. The success of the investigation depends on the testimony of eyewitnesses that Dick Marty talked with. That is why Marty insisted on several occasions that the EULEX should not lead the investigation because it does not have the capacity to protect witnesses. By the way, both Dick Marty and the Serbian side insisted on a team that should be capable of protecting witnesses in Kosovo.”
It is an important point, because if you cannot guarantee that witnesses are going to be protected even after the trial then you are not going to get people willing to testify.
If we remember the whole security situation in Kosovo is rather difficult and besides that some authorities at least used to belong to a mafia, do you think you could really protect witnesses in Kosovo?
I think if I was a witness in Kosovo I certainly would not be testifying.
It is interesting that Del Ponte was surprised at the whole issue because she actually publically brought the issue up in her book which was published three years ago. So, she is allegedly surprised by news that a competition was announced for the selection of a seven-member team which is obviously going to investigate the case within the UN mission in Kosovo. Mrs. Del Ponte said, “I know nothing about that but let us wait and see what is going to happen in the days to come.” She also added that she was ready to take part in that investigation at any time.
It is also interesting that she was not even aware of something that was going on in the case which she actually unveiled, [about which] she was the first one to ring the bell. It does seem a little bit inadequate. So, there is a whole series of inadequacies, something just does not fit. Besides there are also questions, as far as I know, related to EULEX.
There was something on Balkaninsight.com; they are saying that EULEX has not been efficient enough, particularly in the north. “The EULEX deputy head Andy Sparkes told Pristina daily newspaper Zeri that EULEX was not efficient enough, particularly in the north, but added that the biggest responsibility for success and failures falls on local institutions.”
“It’s not the job of the international community to achieve success or failure. This is the job that Kosovars have to do with our help,” Sparkes was quoted by Zeri as saying.
Again something is just not making sense.
It would seem logical that the international community should be a part of any investigation process.
Besides it is rather strange to me that the main responsibility should be assigend to local authorities. Responsibility in what? In investigating what the highest authorities actually did in 1990s?
It seems odd.
Serbian analysts actually talk of a double-standard policy that the international bodies have been applying to the Serbian region. And now we are joined by Cedomir Antic, researcher with the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade.
I believe that international justice in the case of the latest Yugoslav wars is just perceived as some kind of war instrument, as regarding the parts in the war there was no understanding for punishing war crimes. I would say that in Serbia, in the former Yugoslavia, in Croatia, in Bosnia, in Kosovo, even though all governments were democratically elected they were not interested in prosecuting war crimes, especially those war crimes which were committed by their own national armies which were involved in those wars.
The international community was not inspired by some kind of universal Nuremberg justice, but they established a tribunal in the Hague which was only concentrated on the Yugoslav wars, and, as a matter of fact, it was obvious that the international court was actually involved in post-war efforts to reshape the outcome of the war.
And only the Serbian political leadership and Serbian high command was prosecuted. Ethnic Albanians and ethnic Bosnians were not prosecuted; there are only few of their people who were accused and later on sentenced for war crimes.
In Kosovo that situation was and actually is very obvious. Your audience might remember that at the beginning of NATO aggression against Serbia and the Serbian nation it was officially stated by high officials of the United States and its NATO allies that more than 100 thousand ethnic Albanians were killed and more than 500 thousand were banished from Serbia; later on it was revealed that out of 12 thousand people who were killed during the war more than 2600 were ethnic Serbs, which means that ethnic Serbs were victims twice more frequently according to total numbers than ethnic Albanians who were allegedly identified as the only victims.
When Carla Del Ponte revealed the affair related to internal organs [trafficking], she did it when she was no longer chief prosecutor; it was some kind of her last official address to the international public because she put it in her memoirs, and it was important for history but not for those victims and for the actual situation in Kosovo and in Serbia.
And then the Council of Europe asked Mr. Dick Marty to produce a report, that report was produced, and then Mr. Dick Marty was isolated, he was attacked from all sides, and now we are about to forget that report and EULEX would like to avoid greater instability in Kosovo region: Mr. Thaçi, who was mentioned in that report as someone who was involved, he is now the most influential person in Kosovo and he had full support from the United States and from the European Union.
I believe that this decision of EULEX to appoint some international judges to take this case it is a part of efforts to stop that course of events which was unintentionally published by Mrs. Del Ponte and which was in a very honest way presented to the international community by Mr. Dick Marty. I do not have much hope about EULEX justice because we have seen the deeds of EULEX in last three years. I do not believe that with Mrs. Del Ponte something would be better and would be different. Mr. Dick Marty was something of a bright spot of the European Union in the Kosovo situation, in the Kosovo crisis; Mrs. Del Ponte would not be, by my humble opinion, remembered as a good prosecutor and as a person who committed to reconciliation and justice in Serbia.
So, do I get you right that what we are witnessing now is again a case of double standards, because if we have sufficient evidence that the crime has been there and that some key officials, not only Hashim Thaçi, but also some of his closest allies, were involved in organ trafficking, and still the international bodies are just trying to cover it up? So, what is the point actually because what they are getting in a result is a small state run by criminals? So, what could be their logic?
That was an outcome of very narrow-minded policy of the United States in 1998-1999. They supported the extremists and semi-criminals in 1998.
...
Mr. Holbrooke was the one who negotiated with Milošević in those negotiations which led to bombing, and not only allies of Milošević were bombed but the entire nation was bombed, the nation which was against Milošević, which was involved possibly by support of the United States of America in elections which were forced. And what to say about those people? They established during the war the international court of law; only the main purpose of that court was political, not legal. And what now to say about their protégés? It was obvious even before they were involved in illegal activities.
Do I get you right now that you believe that no matter what the results could the investigation produce, the present team is likely to remain in power in Kosovo? Is my understanding correct?
By all means, because the entire nation is behind them, and you should know that in Kosovo during the last twelve years more than 940 Serbs have been killed while more than 250 Albanians, mostly political active, were killed as well. I believe that it was some kind of criminal engineering of political scene in Kosovo. The international community, especially the United States and some European states, even divided Serbs in Kosovo, and we now have one tiny minority, but this minority took part in parliamentary elections which attracted 20% of total lot among ethnic Serbs who support Thaçi. It was a great project, Mr. Thaçi and his party – they were a great project. We can see the same situation with Haradinaj, one of former Kosovo prime ministers, who was allegedly involved into war crimes, during his trial nine witnesses were killed, and he was released. When he was accused as a war criminal, he was prime minister, and then the international
representative in Kosovo received him, took a cup of coffee with him, said him farewell. Mrs. Del Ponte actually wrote it in her book that in Germany the federal government wanted even to make him reception of honor in the airport even though he was in his journey to The Hague. It was a part of political activity which is partially or even mainly aimed against vital interests of Republic of Serbia and the Serbian nation. It is obvious, and I do not say that ethnic Serbs were innocent; I do not say that the international community should not create international court of law, but this court of law is not the way. The nternational court of law which now exists for other countries which is financed by the United States while the United States decided not to hold its own citizens for that court, that court is not the way for international justice, because there is one great power which believes that it is above the international law.
But it is exceptional, right?
For me it is not.
It believes that it is exceptional?
Yes, it is exceptional.
Do you see that this strategy is still being applied to the region now?
I hope that the independence of Kosovo, the process which actually started in 1990, is stopped. However, it is obvious that in Northern and South-Western Serbia there are movements for autonomy and in future that would be the movements for independence which enjoy some kind of support of the international community. I would like to mention the region of Novi Pazar, so called Sanjak: there about 130 thousand ethnic Bosnians live, and they want to unite six municipalities in which more than 110 thousand ethnic Serbs live, and they would like to create some kind of autonomy and later on probably a federal republic inside of Serbia. They do not have an open support of the EU, but some European states and the USA created groups for Sanjak. And now I would ask why then for more than 110 thousand Serbs in Croatia who live in Krajina and who are much more threatened than Bosnians in Sanjak, why there is no group for Krajina, or group for Knin? It is the exact
truth that there are double standards. Not to mention Vojvodina. For example, in Vojvodina more than 70% of the population are ethnic Serbs, and there is a tiny group of ethnic Serbs predominantly who want autonomy because they want to have power, and they are supported by several institutions of the EU, even though they do not have support of people, but they use some kind of split which exists in ruling party of Serbia, Democratic Party, which was elected on the ground of some social and democratic issues, not national issues. In Vojvodina that tiny minority which represents maybe just 10% of electorate, when they want an independent electrical company for Vojvodina, when they want police, nobody said anything, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina where 90% of Serbs want to preserve the autonomy, when that autonomy is attacked by high representative of the United Nations, nobody with exceptions in some circles of Serbia and in Russia, nobody intervenes,
nobody reacts. Why? Because there are double standards, and we used to live with double standards, we do not want to accept that true is false.
What is your forecast? How do you see the security situation is going to develop in the region?
I hope that it will be better in future. As you know, we are now in the process of negotiating of technical issues between the government of Kosovo, so-called Republic of Kosovo, and Republic of Serbia. On the other hand, I believe that the majority of people in Serbia are firmly concentrated to our constitution of 2006. In Bosnia, even though the situation is fragile now, there is some kind of balance of power between Republic of Serbska and, on the other hand, higher representative of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I hope that the European Union would keep that balance of power, would not try to challenge it, because we should be a part of the European Union but with knowing the truth about the situation in this region. It is not only impossible, it is injustice to resolve Serbia as a state and, on the other hand, to establish some kind of unitary Bosnia - artificially and against the will of majority of its people. I believe that the European
Union and the United States of America should recognize and approve the situation which was established when the peace was established in this region, because even though this peace came after the wars, after heavy negotiations, after bitter compromise, I hope that this peace agreement and this peaceful period of 10 years and even 15 had some good points, had some good angles which should be preserved.
Right, let us hope that they finally abandoned their double standard approach.
It would be very nice, and I hope that now their attention would be attracted by Africa and Middle East, and that we would not be so interested for them.
Mr. Antic, thank you very much!
To sum up what we have been talking about in this program, it really looks like the international community is still pursuing a double-standard policy in regards to Serbia and other former Yugoslavian regions.
Their approach is not new, and it usually back fires. The famous saying “Somoza may be a son of a bitch but he is our son of the bitch” has been attributed to a number of US presidents but the message it sends is clear. We have seen that in Latin America, in Africa, in Iraq, in Afghanistan – just to name a few; we have seen some of that in the Middle East which is now scorching in the hit of Arab Spring revolutions.
However, Mr. Antic said that in a long-run security situation in former Yugoslavia might turn for the better for the simple reason that the US is now taking more interest in Africa than in the Balkans.
But could security situation really improve in countries ruled by former mafia leaders? I have my doubts, but time will tell.
Today we shall talk about Kosovo and the investigation into the organ trafficking story dating back to the late 1990s.
Several people in Pristina have been charged with organ trafficking. “Similar offences,” the Council of Europe says, “have been committed in the late 1990s.” That was the subject of the report filed by Dick Marty, the reporter of the Council of Europe.
So, has there been any investigation into the facts unveiled in the Marty report? What consequences could the Kosovo leaders face and why?
We discussed these issues with some help from our guest speaker, Cedomir Antic, leading researcher with the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade, Serbia.
In fact, we were reminded of the whole human organ trafficking scandal in Kosovo after today the news appeared that Kosovo's European Union justice mission has charged a Turk and an Israeli citizen with illegally trafficking organs at a clinic in Pristina which is the capital of Kosovo, a Balkan state which declared independence from Serbia in 2008.
Now, according to the report which was filed by the EU's police and justice mission EULEX, the District Court in Pristina has issued warrants for the arrest of a Turkish surgeon, called Yusuf Ercin Sonmez, and a citizen of Israel by the name of Moshe Harel.
So, now they are also subject to international wanted notices issued by Interpol.
These two people are charged with trafficking in persons, unlawful medical activity and organized crime, so it is like a full spectrum.
In fact, there is a whole group of people, and they are all Kosovo citizens, who have been charged by EULEX on the same case with similar offences, and they all are waiting for their trials to begin. But when I heard the news, my first thought was that those were the offences referred to by Dick Marty’s report.
You mean the one which actually made the news in December of last year?
That is right, but, however, it appeared that my impression was wrong, because these cases you have mentioned date back to the year 2008.
Which is obviously a different story.
We could remind our listeners of this report.
Back in December 2010 Swiss senator Dick Marty, who is also a reporter for the Council of Europe Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, presented a draft report which claimed that Prime Minister of Kosovo Mr. [Hashim] Thaçi had headed a mafia-style organized crime ring in the late 1990s that engaged in assassinations, beatings, organ trafficking and other crimes.
That are really serious offences.
This is an extremely serious offence, especially when we are talking about a head of state.
If we are talking about Dick Marty’s report, then things are moving quite slowly.
Now I suppose it is the right time to move to the Burning Point Press Desk.
Blic, which is a Serbian English-language daily, said that EULEX finally conducted “the tender for election of a seven-member team that shall investigate claims over body organ trade under the EULEX authority. The names of judges and prosecutors to investigate abductions, murders and organ trade as well as the involvement of the Kosovo Liberation Army leadership in those activities are still not known. However, as things are now, the former chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal, Carla Del Ponte, who recommended herself to lead the investigation and got support by Serbian prosecution, is not going to be a part of that team.” Which is quite strange, isn’t it?
It really takes them so long - almost six months after the facts have been made public.
This is not the first year that we have heard about these suspicious claims.
Then there were allegations, but I believe that Dick Marty has dug up some facts. So, he listed them in a report, and then it takes them almost six months to appoint judges.
According to Blic, this new team is going to have seven members including a special prosecutor. The special prosecutor is from one of the EU countries and has not been working within the EULEX until so far. That means that the prosecutor in question cannot be Del Ponte since Switzerland is not a member of the EU. The newly established team of prosecutors and judges would join the already formed EULEX team leading the preliminary investigation which has been going on since January.
This might actually mean that things are moving in the right direction, though slowly. But the reality is more complicated.
According to the same Blic, to its unofficial sources, “The investigation being led by the EULEX since January is stuck and is mainly focused on unsuccessful attempts of coming into possession of material pieces of evidence which would confirm doubts contained in the report by the Council of Europe. The success of the investigation depends on the testimony of eyewitnesses that Dick Marty talked with. That is why Marty insisted on several occasions that the EULEX should not lead the investigation because it does not have the capacity to protect witnesses. By the way, both Dick Marty and the Serbian side insisted on a team that should be capable of protecting witnesses in Kosovo.”
It is an important point, because if you cannot guarantee that witnesses are going to be protected even after the trial then you are not going to get people willing to testify.
If we remember the whole security situation in Kosovo is rather difficult and besides that some authorities at least used to belong to a mafia, do you think you could really protect witnesses in Kosovo?
I think if I was a witness in Kosovo I certainly would not be testifying.
It is interesting that Del Ponte was surprised at the whole issue because she actually publically brought the issue up in her book which was published three years ago. So, she is allegedly surprised by news that a competition was announced for the selection of a seven-member team which is obviously going to investigate the case within the UN mission in Kosovo. Mrs. Del Ponte said, “I know nothing about that but let us wait and see what is going to happen in the days to come.” She also added that she was ready to take part in that investigation at any time.
It is also interesting that she was not even aware of something that was going on in the case which she actually unveiled, [about which] she was the first one to ring the bell. It does seem a little bit inadequate. So, there is a whole series of inadequacies, something just does not fit. Besides there are also questions, as far as I know, related to EULEX.
There was something on Balkaninsight.com; they are saying that EULEX has not been efficient enough, particularly in the north. “The EULEX deputy head Andy Sparkes told Pristina daily newspaper Zeri that EULEX was not efficient enough, particularly in the north, but added that the biggest responsibility for success and failures falls on local institutions.”
“It’s not the job of the international community to achieve success or failure. This is the job that Kosovars have to do with our help,” Sparkes was quoted by Zeri as saying.
Again something is just not making sense.
It would seem logical that the international community should be a part of any investigation process.
Besides it is rather strange to me that the main responsibility should be assigend to local authorities. Responsibility in what? In investigating what the highest authorities actually did in 1990s?
It seems odd.
Serbian analysts actually talk of a double-standard policy that the international bodies have been applying to the Serbian region. And now we are joined by Cedomir Antic, researcher with the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade.
I believe that international justice in the case of the latest Yugoslav wars is just perceived as some kind of war instrument, as regarding the parts in the war there was no understanding for punishing war crimes. I would say that in Serbia, in the former Yugoslavia, in Croatia, in Bosnia, in Kosovo, even though all governments were democratically elected they were not interested in prosecuting war crimes, especially those war crimes which were committed by their own national armies which were involved in those wars.
The international community was not inspired by some kind of universal Nuremberg justice, but they established a tribunal in the Hague which was only concentrated on the Yugoslav wars, and, as a matter of fact, it was obvious that the international court was actually involved in post-war efforts to reshape the outcome of the war.
And only the Serbian political leadership and Serbian high command was prosecuted. Ethnic Albanians and ethnic Bosnians were not prosecuted; there are only few of their people who were accused and later on sentenced for war crimes.
In Kosovo that situation was and actually is very obvious. Your audience might remember that at the beginning of NATO aggression against Serbia and the Serbian nation it was officially stated by high officials of the United States and its NATO allies that more than 100 thousand ethnic Albanians were killed and more than 500 thousand were banished from Serbia; later on it was revealed that out of 12 thousand people who were killed during the war more than 2600 were ethnic Serbs, which means that ethnic Serbs were victims twice more frequently according to total numbers than ethnic Albanians who were allegedly identified as the only victims.
When Carla Del Ponte revealed the affair related to internal organs [trafficking], she did it when she was no longer chief prosecutor; it was some kind of her last official address to the international public because she put it in her memoirs, and it was important for history but not for those victims and for the actual situation in Kosovo and in Serbia.
And then the Council of Europe asked Mr. Dick Marty to produce a report, that report was produced, and then Mr. Dick Marty was isolated, he was attacked from all sides, and now we are about to forget that report and EULEX would like to avoid greater instability in Kosovo region: Mr. Thaçi, who was mentioned in that report as someone who was involved, he is now the most influential person in Kosovo and he had full support from the United States and from the European Union.
I believe that this decision of EULEX to appoint some international judges to take this case it is a part of efforts to stop that course of events which was unintentionally published by Mrs. Del Ponte and which was in a very honest way presented to the international community by Mr. Dick Marty. I do not have much hope about EULEX justice because we have seen the deeds of EULEX in last three years. I do not believe that with Mrs. Del Ponte something would be better and would be different. Mr. Dick Marty was something of a bright spot of the European Union in the Kosovo situation, in the Kosovo crisis; Mrs. Del Ponte would not be, by my humble opinion, remembered as a good prosecutor and as a person who committed to reconciliation and justice in Serbia.
So, do I get you right that what we are witnessing now is again a case of double standards, because if we have sufficient evidence that the crime has been there and that some key officials, not only Hashim Thaçi, but also some of his closest allies, were involved in organ trafficking, and still the international bodies are just trying to cover it up? So, what is the point actually because what they are getting in a result is a small state run by criminals? So, what could be their logic?
That was an outcome of very narrow-minded policy of the United States in 1998-1999. They supported the extremists and semi-criminals in 1998.
...
Mr. Holbrooke was the one who negotiated with Milošević in those negotiations which led to bombing, and not only allies of Milošević were bombed but the entire nation was bombed, the nation which was against Milošević, which was involved possibly by support of the United States of America in elections which were forced. And what to say about those people? They established during the war the international court of law; only the main purpose of that court was political, not legal. And what now to say about their protégés? It was obvious even before they were involved in illegal activities.
Do I get you right now that you believe that no matter what the results could the investigation produce, the present team is likely to remain in power in Kosovo? Is my understanding correct?
By all means, because the entire nation is behind them, and you should know that in Kosovo during the last twelve years more than 940 Serbs have been killed while more than 250 Albanians, mostly political active, were killed as well. I believe that it was some kind of criminal engineering of political scene in Kosovo. The international community, especially the United States and some European states, even divided Serbs in Kosovo, and we now have one tiny minority, but this minority took part in parliamentary elections which attracted 20% of total lot among ethnic Serbs who support Thaçi. It was a great project, Mr. Thaçi and his party – they were a great project. We can see the same situation with Haradinaj, one of former Kosovo prime ministers, who was allegedly involved into war crimes, during his trial nine witnesses were killed, and he was released. When he was accused as a war criminal, he was prime minister, and then the international
representative in Kosovo received him, took a cup of coffee with him, said him farewell. Mrs. Del Ponte actually wrote it in her book that in Germany the federal government wanted even to make him reception of honor in the airport even though he was in his journey to The Hague. It was a part of political activity which is partially or even mainly aimed against vital interests of Republic of Serbia and the Serbian nation. It is obvious, and I do not say that ethnic Serbs were innocent; I do not say that the international community should not create international court of law, but this court of law is not the way. The nternational court of law which now exists for other countries which is financed by the United States while the United States decided not to hold its own citizens for that court, that court is not the way for international justice, because there is one great power which believes that it is above the international law.
But it is exceptional, right?
For me it is not.
It believes that it is exceptional?
Yes, it is exceptional.
Do you see that this strategy is still being applied to the region now?
I hope that the independence of Kosovo, the process which actually started in 1990, is stopped. However, it is obvious that in Northern and South-Western Serbia there are movements for autonomy and in future that would be the movements for independence which enjoy some kind of support of the international community. I would like to mention the region of Novi Pazar, so called Sanjak: there about 130 thousand ethnic Bosnians live, and they want to unite six municipalities in which more than 110 thousand ethnic Serbs live, and they would like to create some kind of autonomy and later on probably a federal republic inside of Serbia. They do not have an open support of the EU, but some European states and the USA created groups for Sanjak. And now I would ask why then for more than 110 thousand Serbs in Croatia who live in Krajina and who are much more threatened than Bosnians in Sanjak, why there is no group for Krajina, or group for Knin? It is the exact
truth that there are double standards. Not to mention Vojvodina. For example, in Vojvodina more than 70% of the population are ethnic Serbs, and there is a tiny group of ethnic Serbs predominantly who want autonomy because they want to have power, and they are supported by several institutions of the EU, even though they do not have support of people, but they use some kind of split which exists in ruling party of Serbia, Democratic Party, which was elected on the ground of some social and democratic issues, not national issues. In Vojvodina that tiny minority which represents maybe just 10% of electorate, when they want an independent electrical company for Vojvodina, when they want police, nobody said anything, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina where 90% of Serbs want to preserve the autonomy, when that autonomy is attacked by high representative of the United Nations, nobody with exceptions in some circles of Serbia and in Russia, nobody intervenes,
nobody reacts. Why? Because there are double standards, and we used to live with double standards, we do not want to accept that true is false.
What is your forecast? How do you see the security situation is going to develop in the region?
I hope that it will be better in future. As you know, we are now in the process of negotiating of technical issues between the government of Kosovo, so-called Republic of Kosovo, and Republic of Serbia. On the other hand, I believe that the majority of people in Serbia are firmly concentrated to our constitution of 2006. In Bosnia, even though the situation is fragile now, there is some kind of balance of power between Republic of Serbska and, on the other hand, higher representative of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I hope that the European Union would keep that balance of power, would not try to challenge it, because we should be a part of the European Union but with knowing the truth about the situation in this region. It is not only impossible, it is injustice to resolve Serbia as a state and, on the other hand, to establish some kind of unitary Bosnia - artificially and against the will of majority of its people. I believe that the European
Union and the United States of America should recognize and approve the situation which was established when the peace was established in this region, because even though this peace came after the wars, after heavy negotiations, after bitter compromise, I hope that this peace agreement and this peaceful period of 10 years and even 15 had some good points, had some good angles which should be preserved.
Right, let us hope that they finally abandoned their double standard approach.
It would be very nice, and I hope that now their attention would be attracted by Africa and Middle East, and that we would not be so interested for them.
Mr. Antic, thank you very much!
To sum up what we have been talking about in this program, it really looks like the international community is still pursuing a double-standard policy in regards to Serbia and other former Yugoslavian regions.
Their approach is not new, and it usually back fires. The famous saying “Somoza may be a son of a bitch but he is our son of the bitch” has been attributed to a number of US presidents but the message it sends is clear. We have seen that in Latin America, in Africa, in Iraq, in Afghanistan – just to name a few; we have seen some of that in the Middle East which is now scorching in the hit of Arab Spring revolutions.
However, Mr. Antic said that in a long-run security situation in former Yugoslavia might turn for the better for the simple reason that the US is now taking more interest in Africa than in the Balkans.
But could security situation really improve in countries ruled by former mafia leaders? I have my doubts, but time will tell.
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NATO in Belgrade and in the Balkans
1) Američke vojne baze na Balkanu
2) NATO in Belgrade (13-15.6.2011) and in the Balkans:
- Serbia: Opposition protests held over NATO conference in Belgrade
- NATO conference begins in Belgrade
- Security tightened in Belgrade over NATO conference
- Libya aggression discussed at NATO Conference in Belgrade
- Montenegro receives support to become the 29th NATO alliance member
- Serbians not too keen on joining NATO
- Minister: Conference has military significance
- Serbian Patriarch condemns NATO
- Serbia taking part to joint Bulgarian-US exercises
- NATO Secretary General visits Montenegro and calls for Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans
- Western Balkans: moving closer to Euro-Atlantic integration
Per altre informazioni sul vertice NATO svoltosi a Belgrado a metà giugno e sulla opposizione alla NATO in Serbia:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7091
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7081
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7042
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/6647
http://www.slobodanjovanovic.org/2010/01/11/tekst-proglasa-o-referendumu-o-nato/?lang=lat
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/6620
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7091
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7081
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7042
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/6647
http://www.slobodanjovanovic.org/2010/01/11/tekst-proglasa-o-referendumu-o-nato/?lang=lat
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/6620
=== 1 ===
Američke vojne baze na Balkanu
U drugoj polovini 20. veka na teritoriji Zapadne Nemačke bilo je stacionirano oko 900.000 vojnika NATO snaga od čega 500.000 Amerikanaca. Ujedinjenjem Nemačke i raspadom Varšavskog pakta u njoj je ostalo oko 100.000 vojnika. Godine 2004. SAD su odlučile da zatvore skoro polovinu od svojih 589 vojnih baza u Evropi. U ovom trenutku, smatraju vojni stručnjaci, Amerika je više zainteresovana ne za klasične vojne baze, već za „punktove zajedničke bezbednosti“, koji bi trebalo da budu razmešteni u prvom redu u zemljama oko Crnog mora, pre svega u Rumuniji i Bugarskoj.
Bosna
Potreba za vojnim angažovanjem Amerike aktuelizovana je ponovo u građanskom ratu u Bosni. Posle potpisivanja Dejtonskog sporazuma 21. novembra 1995. godine odlučeno je da snage NATO budu stacionirane u Bosni. Prvi kontingent od ukupno 20.000 američkih vojnika u sastavu IFOR, a kasnije i SFOR dolaze u BiH početkom januara 1996. godine. Daljom stabilizacijom prilika taj broj je negde 2004. godine bio smanjen na 6.000 da bi već početkom 2006. Amerikance u Bosni zamenile bezbednosne snage EU. U BiH, američke vojne baze su formirane u bosanskoj Posavini i širem rejonu Tuzle. Najveća baza upravo je formirana na aerodromu „ Dubrava“ kod Tuzle gde je bila smeštena operativna grupa „ Orao“ i gde se nalazila komanda koja je pokrivala američki sektor u BiH. Baza je do samog zatvaranja sredinom 2006. godine bila pretvorena u pravu tvrđavu u kojoj su bile smeštene dve snažne helikopterske eskadrile od čega je jedna bila eskadrila naoružana „apačima“. Amerikanci su u Bosni napravili i dve manje baze: „Mekgarven“ i kod „Bratunca“ kapaciteta oko 150 vojnika. Aktivan je i vojna baza „Butmir“.
Kosmet
Okončanjem agresije NATO pakta i potpisivanjem Vojnotehničkog sporazuma u Kumanovu juna 1999. godine stvoreni su prvi uslovi za dugotrajnije stacioniranje američkih vojnika na prostoru Kosova i Metohije. Amerikanci su napravili novu bazu 35 kilometara južno od Prištine, kod Uroševca na površini od 75 hektara. Kamp „Bondstil“, kako je zovu smatra se najvećom vojnom bazom na Balkanu. Izgradnjom ove baze Pentagon je ostvario uslove da američke vojne efektive iz Zapadne Evrope budu preseljene na Balkan do kraja 2010. godine, a počev od 2004.
„Bondstil“ se dalje vodi kao privremena baza armije SAD. Baza ima kapacitet za prijem 7.000 vojnika. Amerikanci su na Kosovu izgradili još dve manje baze u sektoru koji pokrivaju, a to su „ Montif“ pored Gnjilana kapaciteta 2.000 vojnika i baza kod Vitine kapaciteta 3.000 vojnika.
Ostale snage NATO su u svojim sektorima takođe gradile vojne baze jer je na početku misije KFOR trebalo smestiti preko 40.000 vojnika. Zato su Nemci u Kačaniku izgradili veliki artiljerijski centar, koji pokriva zonu Prizrena. U italijanskom sektoru u okolini Peći i Đakovice izgrađena je baza gde je smešten obaveštajno-bezbednosni centar . U selu Balovac kod Podujeva Englezi su izgradili bazu za 1.000 vojnika, a na obroncima planine Kopaonik sa kosovske strane izgrađena je helikopterska baza.
Makedonija
Amerikanci su u Makedoniji vojno prisutni od kraja 1992. godine. Na aerodromu „ Petrovec“ kod Skoplja 1994. godine formirana je vojna baza sa zadatkom da štiti interese SAD u Makedoniji. Kapacitet ove baze povećava se dolaskom KFOR, izgrađen je novi heliodrom, baza opremljena za PVO odbranu osmatračkim radarima i PVO raketnim sistemima „ houk“. U okviru plana razmeštanja vojnika SAD zauzet je i nekadašnji vojni poligon „Krivolak“ gde se vršila obuka NATO snaga i jedinica Partnerstva za mir. U Kumanovu je uspostavljena špijunsko-satelitska baza i logistički centar KFOR, koji su izbijanjem sukoba sa Albancima u proleće 2001. iseljeni.
Grčka
Danas u Grčkoj postoji samo jedna vojna baza SAD na ostrvu Krit u Egejskom moru. Baza „Suda zaliv“ je poslednja od četiri nekadašnje operativne baze armije SAD, koja je ostala operativna posle gašenja preostale tri početkom devedesetih prošlog veka. „ Suda zaliv“ je izgrađena 1953. godine kao podrška američkim pomorskim snagama u Sredozemlju. U ovoj bazi smešteno je 200 vojnika i pista za poletanje izvidničkih aviona. NATO je zadržao u svom sastavu i avio-bazu „ Larisa“, koja je modernizovana krajem 2002. godine izgradnjom podzemnih kaponira i modernizacijom piste, a NATO je u nju prebacio i deo svoje komande za ovaj deo Evrope.
Rumunija i Bugarska
Ulaskom Rumunije i Bugarske u NATO kao zalog naši istočni susedi su ponudili crnomorske luke Konstancu i Varnu kao baze za NATO flotu. Bugari su Amerikancima dali na korišćenje i avio-bazu Graf Ignjatijevo blizu Plovdiva u koju će biti prebačeni vazdušni kapaciteti armije SAD iz Nemačke. Osim ove dve baze u planu su još tri i to Jambol, Sliven i Veliko Trnovo. Pentagon planira da do kraja ove godine iskešira oko 110 miliona dolara za obnovu vojnih baza u Bugarskoj i Rumuniji. Planom je predviđeno da baze postanu operativne posle obnove infrastrukture i ulaganje do 2012. godine u kojima će biti stacionirano više od 4.000 vojnika armije SAD. U Rumuniji se predviđa smeštanje 1.600 vojnika, a u Bugarskoj 2.500.
Usložnjavanjem vojnopolitičke situacije na Balkanu i izbijanjem sukoba na Kosmetu 1998, i 1999. godine u službu Amerikanaca stavljena je i bivša avio-baza“Tasar“ u Mađarskoj odakle su pre NATO agresije u jesen i zimu 1998. godine poletale bespilotne letelice nad SRJ, a tokom agresije i lovci-bombarderi FA-18, a za iste svrhe poslužila je i baza u Italiji „Avijano“.
U drugoj polovini 20. veka na teritoriji Zapadne Nemačke bilo je stacionirano oko 900.000 vojnika NATO snaga od čega 500.000 Amerikanaca. Ujedinjenjem Nemačke i raspadom Varšavskog pakta u njoj je ostalo oko 100.000 vojnika. Godine 2004. SAD su odlučile da zatvore skoro polovinu od svojih 589 vojnih baza u Evropi. U ovom trenutku, smatraju vojni stručnjaci, Amerika je više zainteresovana ne za klasične vojne baze, već za „punktove zajedničke bezbednosti“, koji bi trebalo da budu razmešteni u prvom redu u zemljama oko Crnog mora, pre svega u Rumuniji i Bugarskoj.
Bosna
Potreba za vojnim angažovanjem Amerike aktuelizovana je ponovo u građanskom ratu u Bosni. Posle potpisivanja Dejtonskog sporazuma 21. novembra 1995. godine odlučeno je da snage NATO budu stacionirane u Bosni. Prvi kontingent od ukupno 20.000 američkih vojnika u sastavu IFOR, a kasnije i SFOR dolaze u BiH početkom januara 1996. godine. Daljom stabilizacijom prilika taj broj je negde 2004. godine bio smanjen na 6.000 da bi već početkom 2006. Amerikance u Bosni zamenile bezbednosne snage EU. U BiH, američke vojne baze su formirane u bosanskoj Posavini i širem rejonu Tuzle. Najveća baza upravo je formirana na aerodromu „ Dubrava“ kod Tuzle gde je bila smeštena operativna grupa „ Orao“ i gde se nalazila komanda koja je pokrivala američki sektor u BiH. Baza je do samog zatvaranja sredinom 2006. godine bila pretvorena u pravu tvrđavu u kojoj su bile smeštene dve snažne helikopterske eskadrile od čega je jedna bila eskadrila naoružana „apačima“. Amerikanci su u Bosni napravili i dve manje baze: „Mekgarven“ i kod „Bratunca“ kapaciteta oko 150 vojnika. Aktivan je i vojna baza „Butmir“.
Kosmet
Okončanjem agresije NATO pakta i potpisivanjem Vojnotehničkog sporazuma u Kumanovu juna 1999. godine stvoreni su prvi uslovi za dugotrajnije stacioniranje američkih vojnika na prostoru Kosova i Metohije. Amerikanci su napravili novu bazu 35 kilometara južno od Prištine, kod Uroševca na površini od 75 hektara. Kamp „Bondstil“, kako je zovu smatra se najvećom vojnom bazom na Balkanu. Izgradnjom ove baze Pentagon je ostvario uslove da američke vojne efektive iz Zapadne Evrope budu preseljene na Balkan do kraja 2010. godine, a počev od 2004.
„Bondstil“ se dalje vodi kao privremena baza armije SAD. Baza ima kapacitet za prijem 7.000 vojnika. Amerikanci su na Kosovu izgradili još dve manje baze u sektoru koji pokrivaju, a to su „ Montif“ pored Gnjilana kapaciteta 2.000 vojnika i baza kod Vitine kapaciteta 3.000 vojnika.
Ostale snage NATO su u svojim sektorima takođe gradile vojne baze jer je na početku misije KFOR trebalo smestiti preko 40.000 vojnika. Zato su Nemci u Kačaniku izgradili veliki artiljerijski centar, koji pokriva zonu Prizrena. U italijanskom sektoru u okolini Peći i Đakovice izgrađena je baza gde je smešten obaveštajno-bezbednosni centar . U selu Balovac kod Podujeva Englezi su izgradili bazu za 1.000 vojnika, a na obroncima planine Kopaonik sa kosovske strane izgrađena je helikopterska baza.
Makedonija
Amerikanci su u Makedoniji vojno prisutni od kraja 1992. godine. Na aerodromu „ Petrovec“ kod Skoplja 1994. godine formirana je vojna baza sa zadatkom da štiti interese SAD u Makedoniji. Kapacitet ove baze povećava se dolaskom KFOR, izgrađen je novi heliodrom, baza opremljena za PVO odbranu osmatračkim radarima i PVO raketnim sistemima „ houk“. U okviru plana razmeštanja vojnika SAD zauzet je i nekadašnji vojni poligon „Krivolak“ gde se vršila obuka NATO snaga i jedinica Partnerstva za mir. U Kumanovu je uspostavljena špijunsko-satelitska baza i logistički centar KFOR, koji su izbijanjem sukoba sa Albancima u proleće 2001. iseljeni.
Grčka
Danas u Grčkoj postoji samo jedna vojna baza SAD na ostrvu Krit u Egejskom moru. Baza „Suda zaliv“ je poslednja od četiri nekadašnje operativne baze armije SAD, koja je ostala operativna posle gašenja preostale tri početkom devedesetih prošlog veka. „ Suda zaliv“ je izgrađena 1953. godine kao podrška američkim pomorskim snagama u Sredozemlju. U ovoj bazi smešteno je 200 vojnika i pista za poletanje izvidničkih aviona. NATO je zadržao u svom sastavu i avio-bazu „ Larisa“, koja je modernizovana krajem 2002. godine izgradnjom podzemnih kaponira i modernizacijom piste, a NATO je u nju prebacio i deo svoje komande za ovaj deo Evrope.
Rumunija i Bugarska
Ulaskom Rumunije i Bugarske u NATO kao zalog naši istočni susedi su ponudili crnomorske luke Konstancu i Varnu kao baze za NATO flotu. Bugari su Amerikancima dali na korišćenje i avio-bazu Graf Ignjatijevo blizu Plovdiva u koju će biti prebačeni vazdušni kapaciteti armije SAD iz Nemačke. Osim ove dve baze u planu su još tri i to Jambol, Sliven i Veliko Trnovo. Pentagon planira da do kraja ove godine iskešira oko 110 miliona dolara za obnovu vojnih baza u Bugarskoj i Rumuniji. Planom je predviđeno da baze postanu operativne posle obnove infrastrukture i ulaganje do 2012. godine u kojima će biti stacionirano više od 4.000 vojnika armije SAD. U Rumuniji se predviđa smeštanje 1.600 vojnika, a u Bugarskoj 2.500.
Usložnjavanjem vojnopolitičke situacije na Balkanu i izbijanjem sukoba na Kosmetu 1998, i 1999. godine u službu Amerikanaca stavljena je i bivša avio-baza“Tasar“ u Mađarskoj odakle su pre NATO agresije u jesen i zimu 1998. godine poletale bespilotne letelice nad SRJ, a tokom agresije i lovci-bombarderi FA-18, a za iste svrhe poslužila je i baza u Italiji „Avijano“.
=== 2 ===
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Source of the following texts in english is the Stop NATO e-mail list
Source of the following texts in english is the Stop NATO e-mail list
Archives and search engine:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato/messages
Website and articles:
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com
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Website and articles:
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com
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http://www.adnkronos.com/IGN/Aki/English/Politics/Serbia-Opposition-protests-held-over-NATO-conference-in-Belgrade_312126044829.html
ADN Kronos International - June 13, 2011
Serbia: Opposition protests held over NATO conference in Belgrade
Belgrade: Several opposition parties protested on Monday against a NATO conference on a “strategic military partnership”, hosted by the Serbian ministry of defence, which opens in Belgrade on Tuesday.
About one hundred officials and members of parliament from the... Serbian Radical Party (SRS) protested in front of the Serbian state presidency building, burning NATO flags and calling pro-European President Boris Tadic a “traitor”.
Sunday evening several hundreds attended a protest rally organised by the opposition Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), headed by former prime minister Vojislav Kostunica.
NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 to push Serbian forces out of breakaway Kosovo province...
As a result, Kosovo declared independence in February 2008.
Apart from huge material damages, over 2,000 people were killed in the bombing and animosities are still high against western military alliance. Serbia is striving for membership in the European Union, but has taken a neutral stand towards any military bloc and two thirds of the population oppose membership in NATO.
SRS protesters said that holding a NATO conference in Belgrade was like a “criminal returning to the scene of crime”. They accused Tadic of “betraying state and national interests” and of having tacitly approved Kosovo independence.
The conference will be attended by chiefs of general staff of NATO countries and NATO's Partnership for Peace, of which Serbia is a member. A total of sixty countries, including Serbia’s ally Russia, will attend Belgrade meeting.
...
ADN Kronos International - June 13, 2011
Serbia: Opposition protests held over NATO conference in Belgrade
Belgrade: Several opposition parties protested on Monday against a NATO conference on a “strategic military partnership”, hosted by the Serbian ministry of defence, which opens in Belgrade on Tuesday.
About one hundred officials and members of parliament from the... Serbian Radical Party (SRS) protested in front of the Serbian state presidency building, burning NATO flags and calling pro-European President Boris Tadic a “traitor”.
Sunday evening several hundreds attended a protest rally organised by the opposition Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), headed by former prime minister Vojislav Kostunica.
NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 to push Serbian forces out of breakaway Kosovo province...
As a result, Kosovo declared independence in February 2008.
Apart from huge material damages, over 2,000 people were killed in the bombing and animosities are still high against western military alliance. Serbia is striving for membership in the European Union, but has taken a neutral stand towards any military bloc and two thirds of the population oppose membership in NATO.
SRS protesters said that holding a NATO conference in Belgrade was like a “criminal returning to the scene of crime”. They accused Tadic of “betraying state and national interests” and of having tacitly approved Kosovo independence.
The conference will be attended by chiefs of general staff of NATO countries and NATO's Partnership for Peace, of which Serbia is a member. A total of sixty countries, including Serbia’s ally Russia, will attend Belgrade meeting.
...
---
http://en.trend.az/news/nato/1890945.html
Trend News Agency - June 13, 2011
NATO conference begins in Belgrade
NATO opened its annual Strategic Military Partner Conference on Monday in the Serbian capital of Belgrade. Military representatives of about 70 countries will participate in three days of workshops and discussions, aimed at sharing perspectives on strategic issues, Xinhua reported.
The agenda of the conference's theme "Post Lisbon: Delivering Transformation" is expected to follow three major topics: Innovative Approaches to Effective Capability Development, Assured Access to the Global Commons, and finally Training, Partnerships and Outreach.
According to a NATO press release, this annual conference is a "core event"
within its military engagement campaign. As a strategic level conference it will be used to inform members and partners of NATO's transformational efforts and provide a forum for the discussion these ideas from national military points of view.
...
Serbia's main opposition political parties held a rally on Monday to protest the conference. Members of the...Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), demanding that Serbia remain militarily neutral, hung banners "No to NATO" and "Never in NATO" from the bridges over the River Sava, linking the old town with the towers of New Belgrade.
As Serbia moves toward EU integration, membership in NATO remains an emotional and politically divisive issue.
In 1999, NATO forces bombed Serbia, forcing its army to leave its southern
province of Kosovo. In the aftermath, Kosovo unilaterally declared independence and has been recognized by most members of NATO. As many as 3,500 people were killed and 12,500 wounded; with damage to infrastructure estimated between 30 million and 100 million U.S. dollars.
http://en.trend.az/news/nato/1890945.html
Trend News Agency - June 13, 2011
NATO conference begins in Belgrade
NATO opened its annual Strategic Military Partner Conference on Monday in the Serbian capital of Belgrade. Military representatives of about 70 countries will participate in three days of workshops and discussions, aimed at sharing perspectives on strategic issues, Xinhua reported.
The agenda of the conference's theme "Post Lisbon: Delivering Transformation" is expected to follow three major topics: Innovative Approaches to Effective Capability Development, Assured Access to the Global Commons, and finally Training, Partnerships and Outreach.
According to a NATO press release, this annual conference is a "core event"
within its military engagement campaign. As a strategic level conference it will be used to inform members and partners of NATO's transformational efforts and provide a forum for the discussion these ideas from national military points of view.
...
Serbia's main opposition political parties held a rally on Monday to protest the conference. Members of the...Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), demanding that Serbia remain militarily neutral, hung banners "No to NATO" and "Never in NATO" from the bridges over the River Sava, linking the old town with the towers of New Belgrade.
As Serbia moves toward EU integration, membership in NATO remains an emotional and politically divisive issue.
In 1999, NATO forces bombed Serbia, forcing its army to leave its southern
province of Kosovo. In the aftermath, Kosovo unilaterally declared independence and has been recognized by most members of NATO. As many as 3,500 people were killed and 12,500 wounded; with damage to infrastructure estimated between 30 million and 100 million U.S. dollars.
---
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/14/51675975.html
Voice of Russia - June 14, 2011
Security tightened in Belgrade over NATO conference
Security has been tightened in Belgrade in view of a NATO conference on strategic military partnership that’s due to get under way in the Serbian capital today.
Hundreds of Serbs held a rally outside President Boris Tadic’s office yesterday night. The posters they held read “Never to NATO”.
They accused the Serbian leader of high treason and burnt down the NATO flag. The protesters see the arrival in Serbia of “criminals that bombed Serbia in 1999” and tore away Kosovo as inadmissible.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/14/51675975.html
Voice of Russia - June 14, 2011
Security tightened in Belgrade over NATO conference
Security has been tightened in Belgrade in view of a NATO conference on strategic military partnership that’s due to get under way in the Serbian capital today.
Hundreds of Serbs held a rally outside President Boris Tadic’s office yesterday night. The posters they held read “Never to NATO”.
They accused the Serbian leader of high treason and burnt down the NATO flag. The protesters see the arrival in Serbia of “criminals that bombed Serbia in 1999” and tore away Kosovo as inadmissible.
---
http://www.adnkronos.com/IGN/Aki/English/Politics/Libya-Prolonged-Nato-operation-may-run-into-financial-problems_312130197082.html
ADN Kronos International - June 14, 2011
Libya: Prolonged Nato operation 'may run into financial problems'
Belgrade: A high-ranking Nato official said on Tuesday said he believed in the success of the military coalition's operation in Libya, but cautioned that a drawn out mission could cause the alliance to run into financial difficulty.
“At this point the allied forces have enough means and I’m convinced that the operation in Libya will be successful,” General Stephane Abrial, Nato's Supreme Allied Commander for Transformation, told a Nato conference in Belgrade.
“But if the operation is prolonged, of course the question of finances will become an issue,” the French general said.
He echoed a concern expressed buy the US Secretary of defence Robert Gates last week that only eight Nato's 28 members were actively taking part in the aerial operations against Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.
Abrial opened the first Nato conference in Belgrade, attended by chiefs of general staff of member countries and participants in the Partnership for Peace program. The Partnership for Peace is a programme of practical bilateral cooperation between individual partner countries and Nato. A total of 56 countries, including Russia, are attending.
The meeting is held under tight security measures, amid opposition protests against Nato - which bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 - over what was called a “humanitarian catastrophe” and mass exodus of Albanians from breakaway Kosovo province, which declared independence in 2008.
Two thirds of Serbian citizens oppose the country’s membership in Nato...
But defence minister Dragan Sutanovac told the meeting Serbia was actively cooperating with Nato through the Partnership for Peace program and was ready to take part in peace-keeping missions under the umbrella of the United Nations.
“Fully aware of the emotions provoked by Nato in Serbia, we have assumed the responsibility to organize this meeting because we deeply believe that it is in the general interest and good for the future,” Sutanovac said.
ADN Kronos International - June 14, 2011
Libya: Prolonged Nato operation 'may run into financial problems'
Belgrade: A high-ranking Nato official said on Tuesday said he believed in the success of the military coalition's operation in Libya, but cautioned that a drawn out mission could cause the alliance to run into financial difficulty.
“At this point the allied forces have enough means and I’m convinced that the operation in Libya will be successful,” General Stephane Abrial, Nato's Supreme Allied Commander for Transformation, told a Nato conference in Belgrade.
“But if the operation is prolonged, of course the question of finances will become an issue,” the French general said.
He echoed a concern expressed buy the US Secretary of defence Robert Gates last week that only eight Nato's 28 members were actively taking part in the aerial operations against Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.
Abrial opened the first Nato conference in Belgrade, attended by chiefs of general staff of member countries and participants in the Partnership for Peace program. The Partnership for Peace is a programme of practical bilateral cooperation between individual partner countries and Nato. A total of 56 countries, including Russia, are attending.
The meeting is held under tight security measures, amid opposition protests against Nato - which bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 - over what was called a “humanitarian catastrophe” and mass exodus of Albanians from breakaway Kosovo province, which declared independence in 2008.
Two thirds of Serbian citizens oppose the country’s membership in Nato...
But defence minister Dragan Sutanovac told the meeting Serbia was actively cooperating with Nato through the Partnership for Peace program and was ready to take part in peace-keeping missions under the umbrella of the United Nations.
“Fully aware of the emotions provoked by Nato in Serbia, we have assumed the responsibility to organize this meeting because we deeply believe that it is in the general interest and good for the future,” Sutanovac said.
---
http://www.balkans.com/open-news.php?uniquenumber=108494
Balkans Business News - June 14, 2011
Montenegro receives support to become the 29th NATO alliance member
http://www.balkans.com/open-news.php?uniquenumber=108494
Balkans Business News - June 14, 2011
Montenegro receives support to become the 29th NATO alliance member
"Montenegro is an important partner to NATO and you have our full support to become the 29th Alliance member," the NATO Parliamentary Assembly president Karl Lamers told Montenegro's Prime Minister Igor Lukšić at their meeting on 12 June in Budva, Montenegro.
Mr Lamers said he has deep appreciation for PM Lukšić’s policy and commended Montenegro’s commitment to EU and NATO integration. He welcomed Montenegro’s involvement in Afghanistan..
Mr Lamers also made a favourable assessment of Montenegro’s EU accession process, at the same time underlining that “Germany gives full support to both the EU and NATO integration of Montenegro.”
PM Lukšić stressed that Montenegro will continue to work diligently on venerating the European and Euro-Atlantic principles not only for the sake of joining the organisations but primarily to ensure better quality of life for its citizens.
Mr Lamers said he has deep appreciation for PM Lukšić’s policy and commended Montenegro’s commitment to EU and NATO integration. He welcomed Montenegro’s involvement in Afghanistan..
Mr Lamers also made a favourable assessment of Montenegro’s EU accession process, at the same time underlining that “Germany gives full support to both the EU and NATO integration of Montenegro.”
PM Lukšić stressed that Montenegro will continue to work diligently on venerating the European and Euro-Atlantic principles not only for the sake of joining the organisations but primarily to ensure better quality of life for its citizens.
---
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/14/51703227.html
Voice of Russia - June 14, 2011
Serbians not too keen on joining NATO
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/14/51703227.html
Voice of Russia - June 14, 2011
Serbians not too keen on joining NATO
Alexander Vatutin
An overwhelming majority of the Serbians have a negative opinion of the plans of their leadership to start the process of joining NATO. This was obviously demonstrated on Monday, ahead of the NATO conference on strategic military partnership in Belgrade. Hundreds of people went into the streets to protest against President Boris Tadic’s pro-NATO policy.
For ordinary Serbians NATO is first of all associated with devastating bombings of Belgrade in 1999. According to public opinion polls, 75% of Serbian citizens do not accept the policy of joining the alliance.
Many people believe that holding a NATO conference so soon after the extradition of General Ratko Mladic to the Hague is an act of national humiliation. Instead of suing NATO in the International Court for numerous victims and the collapse of Yugoslavia, the authorities are developing a close military cooperation with the bloc.
Moreover, the Serbian Defence Ministry has declared that “holding the conference will raise the clout of the country on the international arena”. This is not a very politically correct explanation for their own people, believes the head of the Centre for Studying the Current Balkan Crisis Yelena Guskova:
“People have not forgotten the bombings, deprivations, grief and isolation of the country. This is why they march in the streets protesting against NATO. The country’s leadership is sure that holding the conference in Belgrade is a sign of a good attitude to Serbia. But if Serbia, which was bombed in the past, joins NATO, this will be the justification of the NATO policy in that period and Serbia will pass its own indictment.”
Serbians who live in Kosovo and Metohija are also utterly disappointed. Serbia lost its lands exactly because of the NATO policy. Serbian politician Marko Jaksic calls the decision of the Serbian authorities to host the NATO conference “masochistic”:
“NATO bombed Yugoslavia for 79 days. Over 800 children were killed, the number of cancer patients has increased by six times because the alliance used shells with depleted uranium, and the country suffered damage of more than $200 billion. In the end, it was due to NATO that Serbia lost Kosovo which makes up 15% of its territory. This is how the alliance contributed to the good of our country”.
However, it would be wrong to say that all Serbians are against integration with Europe. They support cooperation with the EU and joining it in the future, but they do not want to join NATO. This is what Alexander Karasiov, the head of a department of the Institute of Slavonic Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences, says:
“There is a consensus about joining the EU. Most Serbians are in favour of this, joining the EU is important for both intellectuals and businessmen. As for relations with NATO, the problem is much more complicated. We can see a definite rift here. The majority of those who want the country to join the EU are against Serbia joining NATO”.
An overwhelming majority of the Serbians have a negative opinion of the plans of their leadership to start the process of joining NATO. This was obviously demonstrated on Monday, ahead of the NATO conference on strategic military partnership in Belgrade. Hundreds of people went into the streets to protest against President Boris Tadic’s pro-NATO policy.
For ordinary Serbians NATO is first of all associated with devastating bombings of Belgrade in 1999. According to public opinion polls, 75% of Serbian citizens do not accept the policy of joining the alliance.
Many people believe that holding a NATO conference so soon after the extradition of General Ratko Mladic to the Hague is an act of national humiliation. Instead of suing NATO in the International Court for numerous victims and the collapse of Yugoslavia, the authorities are developing a close military cooperation with the bloc.
Moreover, the Serbian Defence Ministry has declared that “holding the conference will raise the clout of the country on the international arena”. This is not a very politically correct explanation for their own people, believes the head of the Centre for Studying the Current Balkan Crisis Yelena Guskova:
“People have not forgotten the bombings, deprivations, grief and isolation of the country. This is why they march in the streets protesting against NATO. The country’s leadership is sure that holding the conference in Belgrade is a sign of a good attitude to Serbia. But if Serbia, which was bombed in the past, joins NATO, this will be the justification of the NATO policy in that period and Serbia will pass its own indictment.”
Serbians who live in Kosovo and Metohija are also utterly disappointed. Serbia lost its lands exactly because of the NATO policy. Serbian politician Marko Jaksic calls the decision of the Serbian authorities to host the NATO conference “masochistic”:
“NATO bombed Yugoslavia for 79 days. Over 800 children were killed, the number of cancer patients has increased by six times because the alliance used shells with depleted uranium, and the country suffered damage of more than $200 billion. In the end, it was due to NATO that Serbia lost Kosovo which makes up 15% of its territory. This is how the alliance contributed to the good of our country”.
However, it would be wrong to say that all Serbians are against integration with Europe. They support cooperation with the EU and joining it in the future, but they do not want to join NATO. This is what Alexander Karasiov, the head of a department of the Institute of Slavonic Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences, says:
“There is a consensus about joining the EU. Most Serbians are in favour of this, joining the EU is important for both intellectuals and businessmen. As for relations with NATO, the problem is much more complicated. We can see a definite rift here. The majority of those who want the country to join the EU are against Serbia joining NATO”.
---
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=06&dd=14&nav_id=74904&version=print
B92/Tanjug News Agency - June 14, 2011
Minister: Conference has military significance
BELGRADE: Defense Minister Dragan Šutanovac says the Strategic Military Partner Conference in Belgrade has considerable military, but not political significance.
...
Šutanovac stressed that, while making a decision to host the gathering, the Serbian Defense Ministry was aware of the emotions that NATO provokes in Serbia.
....
"The conference has an extremely important military, not political character," Šutanovac stressed, adding that the goal of the meeting is to show that Serbia is a dependable partner that can be relied on not only by NATO, but also by other countries attending the conference.
Šutanovac said that Serbia will continue strengthening its defense forces and raising international reputation through its presence in peacekeeping missions.
He underscored that two recently signed agreements with the EU will establish the legal framework for Serbia's participation in the EU peacekeeping operations.
"In this way, we will confirm our commitment to Serbia's European perspective and the universal system of values fostered in the modern world," he said.
The aim of the Strategic Military Partner Conference is to exchange experience and opinions on major strategic issues of common interest. The conference is attended by representatives of member states of NATO, the Partnership for Peace, Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, as well as high EU and NATO officials.
The gathering, bringing together NATO and its partner countries, was opened today by NATO Commander of Allied Command Transformation Stephane Abrial.
Dragan Šutanovac and Miloje Miletić, chief of the VS general staff, were present.
Representatives of some 60 countries are taking part in the event that started at the Hyatt Hotel in Belgrade.
Ahead of the official start of the conference, participants attended a reception at the Guard House in Topčider.
The conference will last through June 15.
It is organized by NATO's Allied Command Transformation, and gathered members of this western military alliance, its Partnership for Peace program, the Mediterranean Dialogue and the Istanbul Initiative.
Security culture
Serbia is recognized as a partner country that shares a common security culture of the contemporary world Stephane Abrial has been quoted as saying ahead of the conference.
Abrial met with Dragan Šutanovac in Belgrade on Monday.
Abrial praised the Serbian Defense Ministry and the army (VS) for a successful organization and extraordinary cooperation in the preparation of the Strategic Military Partner Conference, co-organized with the Allied Command Transformation, the Defense Ministry said in a website release.
Šutanovac informed his guest about the results achieved in the defense system reforms that have been key conditions to put Serbia among countries with the capacity to contribute to international peace and security.
Trust is also being earned by such conferences, and credibility gained by readiness to reform a country's defense system in a way that it can respond to national, regional and global security challenges, Šutanovac said.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=06&dd=14&nav_id=74904&version=print
B92/Tanjug News Agency - June 14, 2011
Minister: Conference has military significance
BELGRADE: Defense Minister Dragan Šutanovac says the Strategic Military Partner Conference in Belgrade has considerable military, but not political significance.
...
Šutanovac stressed that, while making a decision to host the gathering, the Serbian Defense Ministry was aware of the emotions that NATO provokes in Serbia.
....
"The conference has an extremely important military, not political character," Šutanovac stressed, adding that the goal of the meeting is to show that Serbia is a dependable partner that can be relied on not only by NATO, but also by other countries attending the conference.
Šutanovac said that Serbia will continue strengthening its defense forces and raising international reputation through its presence in peacekeeping missions.
He underscored that two recently signed agreements with the EU will establish the legal framework for Serbia's participation in the EU peacekeeping operations.
"In this way, we will confirm our commitment to Serbia's European perspective and the universal system of values fostered in the modern world," he said.
The aim of the Strategic Military Partner Conference is to exchange experience and opinions on major strategic issues of common interest. The conference is attended by representatives of member states of NATO, the Partnership for Peace, Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, as well as high EU and NATO officials.
The gathering, bringing together NATO and its partner countries, was opened today by NATO Commander of Allied Command Transformation Stephane Abrial.
Dragan Šutanovac and Miloje Miletić, chief of the VS general staff, were present.
Representatives of some 60 countries are taking part in the event that started at the Hyatt Hotel in Belgrade.
Ahead of the official start of the conference, participants attended a reception at the Guard House in Topčider.
The conference will last through June 15.
It is organized by NATO's Allied Command Transformation, and gathered members of this western military alliance, its Partnership for Peace program, the Mediterranean Dialogue and the Istanbul Initiative.
Security culture
Serbia is recognized as a partner country that shares a common security culture of the contemporary world Stephane Abrial has been quoted as saying ahead of the conference.
Abrial met with Dragan Šutanovac in Belgrade on Monday.
Abrial praised the Serbian Defense Ministry and the army (VS) for a successful organization and extraordinary cooperation in the preparation of the Strategic Military Partner Conference, co-organized with the Allied Command Transformation, the Defense Ministry said in a website release.
Šutanovac informed his guest about the results achieved in the defense system reforms that have been key conditions to put Serbia among countries with the capacity to contribute to international peace and security.
Trust is also being earned by such conferences, and credibility gained by readiness to reform a country's defense system in a way that it can respond to national, regional and global security challenges, Šutanovac said.
---
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/15/51720388.html
Voice of Russia - June 15, 2011
Serbian Patriarch condemns NATO
The head of the Serbian Orthodox Church Patriarch Irenaeus condemned the holding of a NATO conference in Belgrade. According to him, the wounds inflicted by the alliance on the Serbian people have not yet healed.
In March 1999, NATO countries, led by the United States, began a bombing campaign in Yugoslavia, mainly in Serbia and Montenegro.
Due to the fact that aircraft used shells with depleted uranium cores the local residents who were in the areas of the bombing have seen a dramatic increase in mortality rates and an increased number of congenital diseases in children.
The NATO operation, undertaken without UN sanctions, continued for about three months. Its purpose was to protect Kosovar Albanians from the Serbian authorities, who started a military operation against the militant Albanian terrorist organization "The Kosovo Liberation Army."
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/15/51720388.html
Voice of Russia - June 15, 2011
Serbian Patriarch condemns NATO
The head of the Serbian Orthodox Church Patriarch Irenaeus condemned the holding of a NATO conference in Belgrade. According to him, the wounds inflicted by the alliance on the Serbian people have not yet healed.
In March 1999, NATO countries, led by the United States, began a bombing campaign in Yugoslavia, mainly in Serbia and Montenegro.
Due to the fact that aircraft used shells with depleted uranium cores the local residents who were in the areas of the bombing have seen a dramatic increase in mortality rates and an increased number of congenital diseases in children.
The NATO operation, undertaken without UN sanctions, continued for about three months. Its purpose was to protect Kosovar Albanians from the Serbian authorities, who started a military operation against the militant Albanian terrorist organization "The Kosovo Liberation Army."
---
http://paper.standartnews.com/en/article.php?d=2011-06-16&article=36543
Standart News - June 16, 2011
US Marines Come to Bulgaria from Afghanistan
Standart News - June 16, 2011
US Marines Come to Bulgaria from Afghanistan
Georgi Manginov
Serbian troops that came to Bulgaria to take part in the joint US-Bulgarian military exercise were given brand new Kalashnikov automatic rifles.
The gala inauguration ceremony of the Black Sea Rotation Force 2011 was held in the Novo Selo base. For the first time a unit of the Serbian army will partake in such a large-scale military training in Bulgarian territory.
A platoon of the Bulgarian western neighbor, however, arrived without being armed. Bulgarian, Serbian and American marines lined up at one of the training grounds of Novo Selo. The flag hoisting ceremony was headed by current commander Lieutenant Colonel Nelson Cardella of the US Marines. “Our troops will be trained to improve the interoperability of our staffs,” he said.
The top USMC commanding officer underscored that most of the US SEALS have arrived in Novo Selo straight from Afghanistan.
“This is a very good range with excellent conditions for training and monoeuvring,” the US officer said.
The Standart daily learnt that US Marines arrived by Hercules-C-130 personnel carrier, which in the next two weeks will be at the disposal of paratroopers from the Bulgarian Army.
In the last two years Serbia sent observers to the joint Bulgarian-US exercise. This year it will participate with proper subdivisions and it is expected that next year the Black Sea Rotation Force exercise will take place in Serbia.
It is scheduled 2012 Bulgarian-US trainings to include subdivisions from some other Balkan countries.
During Black Sea Rotation Force 2011 several basic actions will be drilled, staff officers said.
Serbian troops that came to Bulgaria to take part in the joint US-Bulgarian military exercise were given brand new Kalashnikov automatic rifles.
The gala inauguration ceremony of the Black Sea Rotation Force 2011 was held in the Novo Selo base. For the first time a unit of the Serbian army will partake in such a large-scale military training in Bulgarian territory.
A platoon of the Bulgarian western neighbor, however, arrived without being armed. Bulgarian, Serbian and American marines lined up at one of the training grounds of Novo Selo. The flag hoisting ceremony was headed by current commander Lieutenant Colonel Nelson Cardella of the US Marines. “Our troops will be trained to improve the interoperability of our staffs,” he said.
The top USMC commanding officer underscored that most of the US SEALS have arrived in Novo Selo straight from Afghanistan.
“This is a very good range with excellent conditions for training and monoeuvring,” the US officer said.
The Standart daily learnt that US Marines arrived by Hercules-C-130 personnel carrier, which in the next two weeks will be at the disposal of paratroopers from the Bulgarian Army.
In the last two years Serbia sent observers to the joint Bulgarian-US exercise. This year it will participate with proper subdivisions and it is expected that next year the Black Sea Rotation Force exercise will take place in Serbia.
It is scheduled 2012 Bulgarian-US trainings to include subdivisions from some other Balkan countries.
During Black Sea Rotation Force 2011 several basic actions will be drilled, staff officers said.
---
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/news_75568.htm
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - June 29, 2011
NATO Secretary General visits Montenegro and calls for Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans
The NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen visited Budva, Montenegro on Wednesday, 29th June 2011. During his visit, the Secretary General met with President Filip Vujanovic and with Prime Minister Igor Luksic.
They discussed progress made in the first year of Montenegro’s Membership Action Plan (MAP), the situation in the Western Balkans as well as NATO-led operations in Afghanistan and Libya. In a joint press conference with the Prime Minister, Mr. Rasmussen thanked Montenegro for substantial contributions to the Alliance’s operation in Afghanistan.
...
The Secretary General also commended the participation of Montenegro in the Adriatic Charter initiative aimed at providing trainers to Afghanistan.
...
Mr. Rasmussen stressed that the joint Adriatic Charter initiative "is an excellent example of how we can produce security in the future”.
...
Mr. Rasmussen also commended Montenegro for the constructive role it has played in promoting security and stability in the region.
"It is my vision to see all countries in the Western Balkans improve their relationship with NATO and the EU in the future", he emphasised.
The Secretary General praised the Government of Montenegro for "its efforts to reform the Montenegrin society."
“Your first year in the MAP process has been a great success. Montenegro has achieved a lot of progress in its reform process".
The Secretary General underlined that nevertheless "there is still some work to do when it comes to fight against organised crime and corruption" and concluded: "I welcome the strong commitment of the Government to continue the reform work".
In his address to the Adriatic Charter Conference, the Secretary General urged the leaders of the region to focus on the common ground and the common good.
“My message to all the political leaders, of all the countries in this region, is clear. You are responsible for breaking with the past, and focusing on the future. For taking your countries forward. And into Europe and the Euro-Atlantic community of nations”, he said.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - June 29, 2011
NATO Secretary General visits Montenegro and calls for Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans
The NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen visited Budva, Montenegro on Wednesday, 29th June 2011. During his visit, the Secretary General met with President Filip Vujanovic and with Prime Minister Igor Luksic.
They discussed progress made in the first year of Montenegro’s Membership Action Plan (MAP), the situation in the Western Balkans as well as NATO-led operations in Afghanistan and Libya. In a joint press conference with the Prime Minister, Mr. Rasmussen thanked Montenegro for substantial contributions to the Alliance’s operation in Afghanistan.
...
The Secretary General also commended the participation of Montenegro in the Adriatic Charter initiative aimed at providing trainers to Afghanistan.
...
Mr. Rasmussen stressed that the joint Adriatic Charter initiative "is an excellent example of how we can produce security in the future”.
...
Mr. Rasmussen also commended Montenegro for the constructive role it has played in promoting security and stability in the region.
"It is my vision to see all countries in the Western Balkans improve their relationship with NATO and the EU in the future", he emphasised.
The Secretary General praised the Government of Montenegro for "its efforts to reform the Montenegrin society."
“Your first year in the MAP process has been a great success. Montenegro has achieved a lot of progress in its reform process".
The Secretary General underlined that nevertheless "there is still some work to do when it comes to fight against organised crime and corruption" and concluded: "I welcome the strong commitment of the Government to continue the reform work".
In his address to the Adriatic Charter Conference, the Secretary General urged the leaders of the region to focus on the common ground and the common good.
“My message to all the political leaders, of all the countries in this region, is clear. You are responsible for breaking with the past, and focusing on the future. For taking your countries forward. And into Europe and the Euro-Atlantic community of nations”, he said.
---
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/SID-E8B5B9BE-D6311B7F/natolive/news_76329.htm
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - July 11, 2011
Western Balkans: moving closer to Euro-Atlantic integration
For nearly two decades, NATO [has been active] in the Western Balkans. In that time, the region’s engagement with NATO has been shifting increasingly from peacekeeping and crisis management towards Euro-Atlantic integration.
“We want to see the whole of this region sharing the stability and the well-being of the Euro-Atlantic community of nations,” said NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen during a speech in Montenegro on 29 June...
Within a few years of having deployed its first peacekeeping mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina in December 1995, NATO mobilized to intervene in the Kosovo crisis...and deployed the NATO-led Kosovo Force in 1999. In 2001, NATO along with the European Union came to the assistance of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ [sic], facilitating the end of an internal conflict...
While the mission in Kosovo is ongoing, the focus of relations with partners in the region has shifted towards developing cooperation to promote reform and Euro-Atlantic integration. NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme has had a major impact, engaging partner countries in political dialogue and helping them with reform challenges, especially in the defence sector.
The Secretary General stressed that NATO would continue supporting the entire region on the way to Euro-Atlantic integration and that the Alliance’s door is open...
Members and partners
An important indicator of the progress that has already been made in the region is that some former partners have joined the Alliance, namely Albania (2009), Croatia (2009) and Slovenia (2004).
Three partners in the Western Balkans are membership aspirants. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹, will be invited to start accession talks when a solution to the issue over the country’s name has been reached.
Montenegro joined the MAP in 2009 and Bosnia and Herzegovina was invited to MAP in 2010, pending the resolution of a key issue concerning immovable defence property.
While Serbia does not currently aspire to join NATO, it is seeking to deepen cooperation with the Alliance and further its European Union integration goals.
No longer “security consumers”
Another important measure of progress in the Western Balkans is the fact that partners that were previously “security consumers” are now themselves contributing to international security by supporting peace-support operations abroad.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ has been contributing to the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan since 2002, Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2009, and Montenegro since 2010.
1. Turkey recognizes the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - July 11, 2011
Western Balkans: moving closer to Euro-Atlantic integration
For nearly two decades, NATO [has been active] in the Western Balkans. In that time, the region’s engagement with NATO has been shifting increasingly from peacekeeping and crisis management towards Euro-Atlantic integration.
“We want to see the whole of this region sharing the stability and the well-being of the Euro-Atlantic community of nations,” said NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen during a speech in Montenegro on 29 June...
Within a few years of having deployed its first peacekeeping mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina in December 1995, NATO mobilized to intervene in the Kosovo crisis...and deployed the NATO-led Kosovo Force in 1999. In 2001, NATO along with the European Union came to the assistance of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ [sic], facilitating the end of an internal conflict...
While the mission in Kosovo is ongoing, the focus of relations with partners in the region has shifted towards developing cooperation to promote reform and Euro-Atlantic integration. NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme has had a major impact, engaging partner countries in political dialogue and helping them with reform challenges, especially in the defence sector.
The Secretary General stressed that NATO would continue supporting the entire region on the way to Euro-Atlantic integration and that the Alliance’s door is open...
Members and partners
An important indicator of the progress that has already been made in the region is that some former partners have joined the Alliance, namely Albania (2009), Croatia (2009) and Slovenia (2004).
Three partners in the Western Balkans are membership aspirants. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹, will be invited to start accession talks when a solution to the issue over the country’s name has been reached.
Montenegro joined the MAP in 2009 and Bosnia and Herzegovina was invited to MAP in 2010, pending the resolution of a key issue concerning immovable defence property.
While Serbia does not currently aspire to join NATO, it is seeking to deepen cooperation with the Alliance and further its European Union integration goals.
No longer “security consumers”
Another important measure of progress in the Western Balkans is the fact that partners that were previously “security consumers” are now themselves contributing to international security by supporting peace-support operations abroad.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ has been contributing to the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan since 2002, Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2009, and Montenegro since 2010.
1. Turkey recognizes the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.
Non temiamo alcun confronto: Tiscali ha l'Adsl più veloce d'Italia!
Risparmia con Tutto Incluso Light: Voce + Adsl 20 mega a soli 17,95 € al mese per 12 mesi!
http://abbonati.tiscali.it/telefono-adsl/prodotti/tc/tuttoincluso_light/?WT.mc_id=01fw
(Sul ripugnante intreccio tra mondo universitario e "expertise" militare in Germania, dove la aggressione imperialista alla Jugoslavia è portata ad esempio per le tecniche di destabilizzazione di paesi terzi)
Ein gewisser Way of Life
18.07.2011
Honorarprofessor
Weniger Brunnen bauen, mehr schießen
Neue Gefahren
Praxisnah
Krieg ist Frieden
