Informazione
New York, 20 giu. (Adnkronos) - Il Consiglio di sicurezza dell'Onu ha votato all'unanimita' una risoluzione, la 1.820, che definisce lo stupro un'arma di guerra. Il documento descrive il deliberato uso della violenza sessuale come una tattica di guerra e una minaccia alla sicurezza internazionale. Per il segretario generale delle Nazioni Unite, Ban Ki-moon, la violenza contro le donne ha raggiunto "proporzioni indescrivibili".
Lo stupro è un arma e l'Onu ha il suo mostruoso arsenale. Seguono brevi estratti sull'argomento.
Haiti, MINUSTAH: 2005, 3 caschi blu accusati di stupro
Burundi, ONUC : 2004-2005, 5 casi accertati di abusi su minori
Costa d'Avorio, UNOCI: 2001, abusi sessuali a bambini in cambio di aiuti umanitari
Etiopia e Eritrea, UNMEE: 2003, caschi blu girano video pornografici. 2001, due soldati Onu accusati di molestie a minori
Liberia, UNMIL: 2005, 8 caschi blu accusati di molestie sessuali. 2001, abusi sessuali a bambini in cambio di aiuti umanitari
Rep. Dem. Congo, MONUC: 2005, 150 casi di abusi accertati
Sierra Leone, UNAMSIL: 2001, abusi sessuali a bambini in cambio di aiuti umanitari
Kosovo, UNMIK: nel 2000 l'80% dei clienti della prostituzione era personale delle missioni umanitarie; oggi è il 20%, ma il traffico è cresciuto dell'80%
Timor Est, UNMISET: 2003, viene aperta un'inchiesta su un traffico di prostituzione organizzato dai caschi blu
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A settembre, la rivista medica britannica “The Lancet” pubblica un rapporto sconvolgente in cui si dice che durante il colpo di stato ad Haiti, guidato dagli USA dopo la destituzione nel 2004 del presidente democraticamente eletto Jean Bertrand Aristide, 8.000 persone sono state uccise e 35.000 donne e ragazze violentate. Tra i responsabili di queste azioni compaiono la polizia haitiana, bande, e “peacekeeper” ONU.
[...] una ragazza di sedici anni ha riferito di essere stata rapita e violentata, all'interno di una base navale delle Nazioni Unite, da un militare brasiliano, quando aveva quattordici anni. I genitori della giovane hanno denunciato il fatto alle autorità dell'ONU presenti sul territorio, ma, nonostante le evidenti prove mediche, il soldato in questione è stato rimpatriato senza alcun provvedimento. Un'altra bambina ha affermato di essere stata stuprata da un peacekeeper a soli undici anni, e altri militari sono stati accusati di usufruire della prostituzione locale (anche minorile).
Una ragazzina di 13 anni ha raccontanto alla Bbc come un gruppo di 10 peacekeeper dell’Onu l’ha violentata in un campo vicino la sua casa, abbandonandola a terra sanguinante e terrorizzata. Nessuna sanzione è stata comminata ai soldati.
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L'organizzazione umanitaria britannica Save the Children, che ha effettuato alcune ricerche in Costa d'Avorio, Sudan e Haiti, ha rivelato che numerosi bambini, anche di 6 anni, nelle zone di guerra o di crisi hanno subìto violenze sessuali, da parte di operatori umanitari e peacekeeper ONU.
Le vittime sono prevalentemente orfani, o separati dai genitori, o con famiglie che dipendono dagli aiuti umanitari. A prevalere per numero sono le bambine rispetto ai maschi e l'età media delle vittime è di 14-15 anni, anche se il rapporto parla di abusi anche a danni di bambini di 6 anni. Numerose le forme di abuso descritte dagli intervistati: le più frequenti sono commenti, frasi dal pesante e volgare contenuto sessuale, cioè “abusi verbali” (sono testimoniati dal 65% degli intervistati e partecipanti ai 38 focus group di Save the Children); segue il sesso “coatto” (secondo il 55% degli intervistati), a cui i minori sono indotti magari in cambio di cibo, soldi, sapone, in rari casi di beni “di lusso” come il cellulare. Frequenti anche le molestie (attestate dal 55% degli intervistati). Benché meno frequente (denunciata dal 30% degli intervistati), la violenza sessuale di singoli ma anche di gruppi su minori emerge come la più temuta.
Per quanto riguarda il profilo o la provenienza degli abusanti, il rapporto rileva che possono appartenere a qualsiasi organizzazione, sia essa umanitaria, o di peacekeeping o di sicurezza; avere qualsiasi livello o grado, dai più bassi – guardie, autisti – ai più alti, manageriali; fare parte dello staff locale o internazionale.
Un dato confermato anche dalle Nazioni Unite: sul totale delle denunce di sesso con minori a carico di operatori ONU nel 2005, 60 su 67 riguardano le truppe del Dipartimento ONU delle Operazioni di Peacekeeping (DPKO).
fonti: volontariperlosviluppo, ecplanet, lastampa
( vedi anche:Bolivia: il secessionismo... croato ha fallitoIl referendum secessionista in Bolivia è stato un totale fallimento / EVO MORALES: "IL SECESSIONISMO HA FALLITO" / Sulla vera natura del cosiddetto movimento autonomista cruceno in Bolivia / Più di 2.500 intellettuali hanno firmato l’appello in solidarietà con la Bolivia / L'ambasciatore Usa Goldberg: dal Kosovo alla Boliviasee also:La Paz - Berlin: Divide and RuleThe Conspiracy to Divide Bolivia Must Be Denouncedsiehe auch:Newsletter vom 17.06.2008 - Spalte und herrschevoir aussi:Evo Morales - "Il y a un risque de coup d'Etat"Gaston Cornejo Bascopé - Rapport sur le problème politique actuel que rencontre notre BolivieBenito Pérez - Des propriétaires prennent les armes contre la réforme agraireRomain Migus - Emission spéciale "Bolivie" sur Radio Venezuela en directNous dénonçons la conspiration pour diviser la BolivieBolivia Action Solidarity Network (BASN)The U.S. Ambassador who left Yugoslavia in a thousand pieces is now in BoliviaThu, 05/15/2008 - 20:14 — tupajBy: Wilson Garcia Meridawww.llactacracia.orgTranslation: Roberto VerdecchiaJanuary 19, 2007He presented his credentials to President Evo Morales on October 13, but three months before his arrival in Bolivia, while still in Pristina serving as head of the U.S. mission in Kosovo, it was already being said that Philip Goldberg, the new American ambassador appointed by George Bush to this Andean country, would come to take part in the separatist process that had begun to form against the Bolivian Government.On July 13, 2006, Leopoldo Vegas, a journalist with El Deber of Santa Cruz, published an article stating that "according to three political scientists consulted after the White House appointment, the experience acquired by Goldberg in Eastern Europe, where ethnic struggles occurred after the separation of the former Yugoslavia, can be used in Bolivia, given the changes the current government intends to introduce."One of those interviewed by Vegas was Róger Tuero, an academic and former director of Political Science at the 'Gabriel Rene Moreno Autonomous University' (UAGRM) in Santa Cruz, who stated that the experience of every ambassador is crucial to American diplomacy."It is not by chance that this man was transferred from Kosovo to Bolivia," said Tuero.Ambassador Goldberg is now a major political and logistical pillar of the Prefect of Cochabamba Manfred Reyes Villa, who set up the worst ethnic, social, regional and institutional crisis ever to take place in the history of Bolivia.Who is Philip Goldberg?According to the resume officially circulated by the U.S. Embassy in La Paz, Philip Goldberg participated from the beginning of the Yugoslavian civil war that erupted in the nineties, to the fall and prosecution of Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic.From 1994 to 1996, he served as a "desk officer" of the State Department in Bosnia, where the conflict between Albanian separatists and Serbian and Yugoslavian security forces arose.In that same period, he served as Special Assistant to Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, the architect of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the fall of Milosevic."In that position," the Embassy stated, "Goldberg was a member of the U.S. negotiating team in the preparation of the Dayton Peace Conference, and head of the U.S. Delegation in Dayton."Ambassador Goldberg was also a political and economic officer in Pretoria, South Africa, and a consular and political officer in the U.S. Embassy in Bogota, Colombia, where he first became interested in Latin American politics.After serving as Deputy Chief of the U.S. Embassy in Santiago de Chile from 2001 to 2004, Goldberg returned to the Balkans to head the U.S. mission in Pristina, capital of Kosovo, from where he supported the prosecution of former dictator Milosevic at the Hague Tribunal.From Kosovo to BoliviaBefore his transfer to Bolivia, Goldberg worked in Kosovo for the separation of Serbia and Montenegro, which occurred last June as the final act of the disappearance of Yugoslavia.The disintegration of Yugoslavia took place during a decade of bloody civil war led by processes of "decentralization" and "autonomy". These were finally imposed with American military intervention and the presence of troops from NATO and the UN who occupied the Balkans to pacify the region.The Yugoslavian civil war was characterized by "ethnic cleansing", consisting of the expulsion and annihilation of traditional ethnic groups who formed the territories of Yugoslavia. The most cruel racial extermination took place between Serbs and Croats.Just three months after the arrival of Ambassador Goldberg, Bolivia, like the Balkans, began to undergo an exacerbated process of racism and separatism, directed from the eastern city of Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz is governed by an elite composed of, among others, businessmen of Croatian origin who created a federalist movement called "Camba Nation."One of the main Cruceño leaders of the separatist movement is Branco Marinkovic, an agri-businessman and partner of Chilean capitalists, who in February 2007 will become the head of the Civic Committee of Santa Cruz, the organization driving the process against the government of Evo Morales.Separatist AutonomyBeside Santa Cruz, Marinkovic's "Camba Nation" encompasses the departments of Beni, Pando and Tarija (home to the biggest natural gas deposits in Bolivia), whose populations voted for departmental autonomy in a referendum held in July 2006. Together, they form the so-called "Crescent" region of the eastern half of the country.The western departments of La Paz, Chuquisaca, Potosi, Oruro and Cochabamba voted No to this autonomy, maintaining their direct link with the central government of Evo Morales and distancing themselves from the four departments of the autonomy-seeking "Crescent".This movement of separatist "autonomy" intensified through an impromptu decision by the government of former president Carlos Mesa in 2004, when "Camba Nation" pressured for the direct election of Prefects (departmental governors) through town meetings and strikes. Previously, prefects were appointed directly by the President to maintain the unity of the Executive Branch. Now, new President Evo Morales is not able to exercise this power and is instead forced to govern almost separately from the four autonomic Prefects.In Cochabamba – a Department located directly between the eastern and western regions of the country – prefect Manfred Reyes Villa, abusing his elected status, tried to ignore the results of the July 2 referendum and force a new one that would unite Cochabamba with the 'Crescent', breaking the fragile balance between those for "autonomy" and those against. An alternative to separatism was in fact beginning to take shape in Cochabamba – an 'integrative megaregional' approach that contrasted with the model of Departmental autonomies.The Attack in Cochabamba Despite having already been decided by the ballot-box, Reyes Villa tried to force through this new autonomy referendum, mobilizing the most conservative urban sectors of Cochabamba society.The popular movement and particularly the agricultural and indigenous organizations of the 16 provinces of this Department who had been demandingnpeasant co-management in the prefectural administration instead of then exclusive and corrupt way that Reyes Villa had ruled from the city of Cochabamba (the Department capital), arrived in the city to demand changes to the Prefect's policy.Ignoring the just demand of the provinces, Reyes Villa promoted the organization of fascist youth groups, aided by the Cruceñista Youth Union which operates in Santa Cruz, in order to "expel the native indians from the city." This is how the fateful day of January 11 erupted, when a violent raid took place that ended with two people dead and 120 seriously wounded, most of them peasants. On this day, when thousands of "Sons of the Fatherland" armed with truncheons, baseball bats, golf clubs, iron pipes and even firearms made their attack, Reyes Villa left the city and went to La Paz to meet with the four autonomic Prefects and representatives of the American Embassy.After those tragic events, the September 14 Plaza (the seat of the Prefecture and Departmental symbol of power) was occupied by more than 50,000 indigenous people from the 16 provinces demanding the resignation of Reyes Villa.Although the government opened all possible opportunities for dialogue, Reyes Villa systematically refused to meet with provincial representatives, and instead "exiled himself" in Santa Cruz, from where he now seeks to turn the problem into an explosive national conflict, threatening the stability and democracy of this country governed by an Indian President.The CIA and Reyes VillaThe influence of the CIA and of Ambassador Goldberg in the political conduct of Reyes Villa (a former Army captain linked to the dictatorship of Banzer and Garcia Meza) is unequivocal.The separatist Prefect has systematically prevented the peaceful settlement of the conflict and his people have developed a malicious disinformation campaign that seeks to create the conditions for a confrontation at the national level.The American Embassy is deploying a plan of collective indoctrination against the indigenous uprising, promoting a racial and separatist hatred that was clearly demonstrated on January 11. They are also working in conjunction with business organizations like the Chamber of Industry and Commerce (Cainco) of Santa Cruz, who openly supports Reyes Villa and his "advisers".But American interference in this conflict occurs not only within the far Right, but also through infiltration into the MAS government itself.Last weekend, La Razon newspaper in La Paz published a photograph that revealed that food belonging to the state Civil Defense agency, normally used for victims of natural disasters, was being diverted to the peasant masses concentrated in the September 14 Plaza.It was proven later that Juan Carlos Chavez, a former agent of NASDEA (the logistical and financial body of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency) and an adviser to the Ministry of Justice, had interfered in the Civil Defense agency without having any jurisdiction in that area, in order to carry out this diversion of State resources. Curiously enough, the photograph taken of this illegal act was published by a paper in La Paz, more than 650 kilometers away from Cochabamba.Chavez was removed immediately, but how a former DEA agent exercised such a high influence within the Ministry of Justice must still be clarified.The media smear campaign against the indigenous mobilization of Cochabamba is part of a psychological war typical of the CIA, and is a mainstay in the separatist strategy directed from Santa Cruz by Manfred Reyes Villa, who is still the Cochabamba Prefect.The balkanization of Bolivia appears to be starting.llactacracia @...
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