Informazione
Milosevic antwortet
(versione italiana:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2741
english version:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/engleski/slobaE170803.htm or
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2729
verzija na srpskohrvatskom:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2725 )
Milosevic antwortet
(Junge Welt, 4/10/2003)
Der frühere jugoslawische Präsident muß sich nun nicht nur in Den Haag,
sondern auch in Serbien selbst gegen Anklagen verteidigen, die ihm
schwere Verbrechen zur Last legen
Da der Prozeß vor dem UN-Tribunal in Den Haag nicht zur Zufriedenheit
der Strafverfolger verläuft, wurde der ehemalige jugoslawische
Präsident Slobodan Milosevic am 24. September auch in Serbien selbst
angeklagt. Milosevic wird der Anstiftung zur Ermordung des früheren
serbischen Präsidenten Ivan Stambolic und des fehlgeschlagenen
Attentats auf den ehemaligen Oppositionsführer Vuk Draskovic
beschuldigt.
Vorwürfe, Milosevic habe Stambolic ermorden lassen, waren sofort nach
dessen unaufgeklärtem Verschwinden im August 2000 laut geworden. Der
damalige Präsident in Belgrad, so sagen seine Kritiker, sei mit
Stambolic seit den achtziger Jahren verfeindet gewesen, als beide um
den Vorsitz der Kommunisten in Serbien rivalisierten und Milosevic
schließlich seinen politischen Ziehvater nach einem harten Machtkampf
verdrängen konnte.
Nach dem Fund der Leiche des früheren Spitzenpolitikers im März dieses
Jahres hatte die neue Regierung in Belgrad ein strafrechtliches
Vorgehen gegen Milosevic angekündigt. Als zusätzliches Indiz wurde nun
angeführt, Milosevic habe die Entführungs- und Mordaktion angeordnet,
um einen gefährlichen Rivalen für die Präsidentschaftswahlen im
September 2000 zu beseitigen. Dieses Argument war allerdings von Anfang
an nicht plausibel, da zum Zeitpunkt des Verschwindens Stambolics
bereits der spätere Wahlsieger Vojislav Kostunica seine Kandidatur
angemeldet hatte. Hätte Milosevic sein Wahlchancen verbessern wollen,
hätte er diesen beseitigen lassen müssen.
Vermutlich deswegen wird in der nun veröffentlichten Anklageschrift
Milosevic auch nicht mehr beschuldigt, die Bluttaten „befohlen“ oder
„angeordnet“ zu haben. Stattdessen heißt es nur noch vage, Milosevic
habe die unmittelbaren Täter „beeinflußt“, die Taten zu begehen. Seine
Frau Mirja Markovic, die Innenminister Dusan Mihaijlovic im Frühjahr
ebenfalls der Verwicklung in den Stambolic-Mord bezichtigt hatte und
die nach Veröffentlichung eines Haftbefehls außer Landes floh, ist
überraschender Weise nicht einmal als Inspiratorin des Verbrechens
angeklagt. Die Ausführung der Mordaktionen wird dem früheren
Befehlshaber der Sondereinheit der Roten Barette, Milorad Lukovic,
genannt Legija, und fünf seiner damaligen Untergebenen zur Last gelegt.
Als Mittäter, so die Sonderstaatsanwaltschaft, würden auch der damalige
Generalstabschef Nebojsa Pavkovic und der damalige
Staatssicherheitschef Radomir Markovic angeklagt.
Der Hauptangeklagte Legija gilt gleichzeitig als Kopf des Zemun-Clans,
einer wichtigen Mafia-Organisation, und soll laut Staatsanwaltschaft
auch Drahtzieher beim Mord am serbischen Premier Zoran Djindjic am 12.
März dieses Jahres gewesen sein. Um die Verbindung zwischen Legija und
Milosevic zu beweisen, wird gerne ein Video aus dem Jahr 1997 gezeigt,
das den Präsidenten vor einer Formation der Roten Barette in Kula
zeigt, wie er mit deren damaligem Kommandeur Legija einen Händedruck
austauscht. Die Absprachen zwischen Djindjic und Legija am Vorabend des
5. Oktober 2000, die der Opposition den Sturm auf Belgrad und den Sturz
Milosevics ermöglichten, werden in diesem Zusammenhang seltener erwähnt.
Zu den Vorwürfen hat der Haager Häftling bereits ausführlich Stellung
genommen, nachdem ihn Belgrader Ermittler – vor der förmlichen
Klageerhebung - in seiner Zelle dazu befragt hatten. Sein Schreiben
wurde am 24. August in der auflagenstarken serbischen Tageszeitung
„Vecernje novosti“ vollständig veröffentlicht, aber in den deutschen
Medien nicht zitiert. Junge Welt veröffentlicht den Brief leicht
gekürzt, mit erklärenden Zwischenüberschriften und Zwischenbemerkungen.
(je)
Milosevics Brief
Im März 2001 wurde ich imaginärer Verbrechen beschuldigt, auf dieser
Grundlage konnte ich verhaftet und nach Den Haag ausgeliefert werden.
Die neuen Anschuldigungen im Jahre 2003 haben denselben Zweck: Den
Haag. Nur besteht dieses Mal ihr Ziel darin, das Fiasko des falschen
Tribunals, das als Kriegswaffe gegen unser Land und unser Volk dient,
abzuwenden oder zumindest zu minimieren. Dieses Mal haben sie auch,
anders als 2001, damit begonnen, meine Familie zu terrorisieren und
meine Frau und meinen Sohn teuflisch zu verfolgen. Die verbrecherische
Kampagne gegen meine Frau und meinen Sohn wird ausschließlich deswegen
angestrengt, um meinen Kampf hier zu treffen.
Es ist absurd und beschämend, daß sie eine Frau jagen, die Gattin eines
langjährigen Staatsoberhauptes ist, aber auch Universitätsprofessorin
und Autorin von zehn Büchern, die in 30 Sprachen übersetzt und weltweit
verbreitet wurden. Ihre (in diesen Büchern abgedruckten, Anm. JE)
wöchentlichen Zeugnisse über die jugoslawische Krise wird man nicht
zerstören oder unterdrücken können. Ihr Wert hat sich mit der Zeit
bestätigt, das ist Miras Ehre und unser Stolz. Kein anderer
Geistesmensch hat seine Stimme stärker gegen Krieg, Gewalt,
Primitivität, Ausbeutung und Sklaverei und für Frieden, Freiheit und
Gleichberechtigung erhoben.
Sie jagen einen jungen Mann, der sich freien Mutes zu einem
unabhängigen Leben auf der Grundlage seiner eignen Arbeit, Intelligenz
und Fähigkeiten entschlossen hat und gleichzeitig alles dafür getan
hat, anderen zu helfen und seine Stadt schöner und menschlicher zu
machen.
(...)
Die Helfer des Zemun-Clans
Weder ich noch jemand aus meiner Umgebung hatte jemals irgendwelche
Verbindung mit kriminellen Gruppen. Ein „Zemun-Clan“ existierte nicht,
als ich noch Präsident war. Er ist vielmehr das direkte Ergebnis des
Verhaltens der jetzigen Regierung, der Rolle bestimmter Gruppen und
Individuen beim Umsturz am 5. Oktober 2000 und ihrer gegenseitigen
Abmachungen.
Mein Besuch in Kula geschah anläßlich einer Feierlichkeit, eine Geste
der Anerkennung für den Sicherheitschef Jovica Stanisic ... Daß alles
dort für mich neu war, sollte für jeden offensichtlich sein, der sich
das ganze Videoband aufmerksam anschaut. Der Offizier, der mir bei der
Parade rapportierte, war mir nicht bekannt. Nun weiß ich, daß sein Name
Lukovic „Legija“ ist ... Übrigens kann ich mich heute keines einzigen
Namens von Offizieren erinnern, die mir bei verschiedenen Gelegenheiten
vor der angetretenen Ehrengarde rapportierten. Das gilt sogar für die
Kommandeure der jugoslawischen Armeeinheiten.
Das erste Mal, als ich mit Lukovic-Legija sprach, war, als er am 31.
März 2001 kam, um mich zu verhaften. Vorher hatte ich niemals Kontakt
mit ihm, und er lief mir auch nicht über den Weg; das einzige, was ich
ihm je hätte „befehlen“ können, wäre also meine eigene Verhaftung
gewesen.
Klar ist, daß diejenigen, die Mitglieder der Roten Barette (und andere,
die mit Strümpfen über dem Kopf über den Zaun meiner Residenz sprangen)
dazu benutzen, mich zu verhaften, sie auch vorher und danach benutzt
haben. Klar ist, daß mir das nicht möglich war.
(...)
Der Mord an Stambolic
Ich war viele Jahre ein Freund von Ivan Stambolic. Unsere Wege trennten
sich auf dem 8. ZK-Plenum der serbischen Kommunisten im Jahre 1987.
Persönlich hatten wir keinen Streit. Nach seiner Abwahl kam er zu mir
und bat um einen (unserer gemeinsamen Meinung nach) der besten Jobs im
sozialistischen Jugoslawien: Präsident der Jugoslawischen Bank für
Internationale Wirtschaftsbeziehungen. Und er bekam ihn und blieb zehn
Jahre lang auf diesem Posten bis zu seiner Pensionierung, obwohl die
Rotation in Führungspositionen damals übliche Praxis war (...) Als
Politiker war er schon seit Jahren vergessen. Deswegen ist die
Geschichte, er habe eine potentielle Bedrohung bei der Wahl (im
September 2000, Anm. JE) dargestellt, eine eklatante Lüge, er war nie
im Rennen. Er war noch nicht einmal Kandidat. Ist übrigens in jenen
zehn Jahren irgendeinem Kandidaten irgend etwas passiert? (....) Ivan
Stambolic war ein vergessener Politiker, und zum Zeitpunkt seines
Verschwindens war er auch ein vergessener Bankier. Jahrelang hatte ihn
niemand im politischen Apparat erwähnt. (...) Das soll keine
Beleidigung sein, aber niemand scherte sich mehr um Ivan Stambolic. Es
gab auch keine Verfolgung jener, die seinen Standpunkt auf dem 8.
Plenum unterstützt hatten. (Milosevic nennt dann einige Beispiele,
welche Positionen frühere Stambolic-Freunde – und damit
Milosevic-Gegner – in den neunziger Jahren bekleideten – Anm. JE).
Attentat in Montenegro
Da der Ermittler ... meine angebliche Verwicklung in den „versuchten
Mordanschlag auf Vuk Draskovic“ (im Juni 2000, Anm. JE) erwähnten,
möchte ich darüber auch einige Worte sagen.
Ich habe niemals daran geglaubt, daß das, was in Budva passiert ist,
ein echter Mordversuch war, denn es erscheint unwahrscheinlich, daß
jemand sein ganzes Magazin in einem kleinen Raum verfeuern kann und mit
keiner Kugel trifft. Nicht einmal Vuk Draskovic mit seinem
Schauspieltalent hätte sich in eine Fliege oder ein Moskito verwandeln
können. Ich glaubte, daß ihn entweder jemand einschüchtern wollte, oder
daß er selbst den ganzen Vorfall inszeniert hat, um Aufmerksamkeit zu
bekommen und in der Rolle des „Regimeopfers“ zu posieren. Es ist
unschwer zu sehen, wer von einem solchen Vorfall hätte profitieren
können, und es ist überaus klar, daß er der Regierung nicht nützte.
Tatsächlich war genau das Gegenteil der Fall.
Mir ist nicht bekannt, daß der serbische Staatssicherheitsdienst in
Montenegro über die Beobachtung des Zigarettenschmuggels nach Serbien
hinaus aktiv war ... Ich sprach niemals mit (Generalstabschef, Anm. JE)
Pavkovic über den Abtransport von „Attentätern“ und „Agenten“ aus
Montenegro. Es ist unglaubwürdig, daß der Oberkommandierende in das
Verschicken angeblicher Geheimagenten verwickelt war ...
(Staatssicherheitschef, Anm. JE) Rade Markovic bezeugte sowohl hier
(gemeint: in Den Haag – Anm. JE) als auch gegenüber zwei
Parlamentskommissionen, daß man auf ungesetzliche Weise versucht hat,
ihn zu belastenden Aussagen gegen mich zu zwingen.
(...)
Ich verlangte sowohl vom Ermittler wie vom Ankläger, daß meine
Befragung öffentlich sein soll, sie hätten sogar eine offene
Telefonleitung installieren können, so daß mich jeder hätte fragen
können, was er will. Sie sagten, daß dies gesetzlich nicht erlaubt sei,
solange die Ermittlungen andauerten. Ich akzeptierte, aber verlangte,
daß die Aufzeichnungen nach Abschluß der Untersuchung öffentlich
gemacht wurden – dann gäbe es keine Gefahr einer möglichen Einflußnahme
mehr. Auch das wiesen sie zurück, obwohl sie die gesetzliche Vollmacht
hatten, es zu genehmigen. (...)
Heutzutage benutzt die Regierung das Gesetz als Entschuldigung für
Gesetzlosigkeit und Tyrannei. Nichts Neues!
Montesquieu schrieb schon 1742: „Es gibt keine grausamere Tyrannei als
jene, die unter dem Schild des Gesetzes und im Namen der Gerechtigkeit
ausgeübt wird.“
Bei dieser ganzen schmutzigen Operation, den ungesetzlichen Haager
Gerichtshof vor dem Fiasko zu retten, ist die Verfolgung meiner Frau
und meines Sohnes am beschämendsten. Ich sagte dem
Untersuchungsrichter, daß seine Untersuchung auch die
Phantomgoldbarren, die Devisenreserven, die Villen in der Schweiz und
was immer sonst einschließen solle, denn diese Dinge waren alle in
verschiedenen Stellungnahmen und großen Zeitungsartikeln schon erwähnt
worden, nur um später „vergessen“ zu werden.
Ich fragte ihn: „Schämen Sie sich nicht?“ Er antwortete nicht.
Meiner Frau und meinem Sohn, Mira und Marko, die auf die abscheulichste
Weise von mir getrennt wurden, möchte ich sagen: „Das Leben ist zu
kurz, um Euch für Eure Güte zu danken.“
Übersetzung und Bearbeitung: Jürgen Elsässer
---
BEFREIT DIE WELT VON “TRIBUNALEN” À LA DEN HAAG!
FREIHEIT FÜR SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
FREIHEIT FÜR SERBIEN UND JUGOSLAWIEN!
Aufruf zur internationalen Demonstration in Den Haag
am Samstag, 8. November 2003
Siehe:
http://www.icdsm.org/ (Internationales Komitee für die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic - ICDSM - )
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (Deutsche Sektion des ICDSM)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
(Aufruf zur Demo)
(versione italiana:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2741
english version:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/engleski/slobaE170803.htm or
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2729
verzija na srpskohrvatskom:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2725 )
Milosevic antwortet
(Junge Welt, 4/10/2003)
Der frühere jugoslawische Präsident muß sich nun nicht nur in Den Haag,
sondern auch in Serbien selbst gegen Anklagen verteidigen, die ihm
schwere Verbrechen zur Last legen
Da der Prozeß vor dem UN-Tribunal in Den Haag nicht zur Zufriedenheit
der Strafverfolger verläuft, wurde der ehemalige jugoslawische
Präsident Slobodan Milosevic am 24. September auch in Serbien selbst
angeklagt. Milosevic wird der Anstiftung zur Ermordung des früheren
serbischen Präsidenten Ivan Stambolic und des fehlgeschlagenen
Attentats auf den ehemaligen Oppositionsführer Vuk Draskovic
beschuldigt.
Vorwürfe, Milosevic habe Stambolic ermorden lassen, waren sofort nach
dessen unaufgeklärtem Verschwinden im August 2000 laut geworden. Der
damalige Präsident in Belgrad, so sagen seine Kritiker, sei mit
Stambolic seit den achtziger Jahren verfeindet gewesen, als beide um
den Vorsitz der Kommunisten in Serbien rivalisierten und Milosevic
schließlich seinen politischen Ziehvater nach einem harten Machtkampf
verdrängen konnte.
Nach dem Fund der Leiche des früheren Spitzenpolitikers im März dieses
Jahres hatte die neue Regierung in Belgrad ein strafrechtliches
Vorgehen gegen Milosevic angekündigt. Als zusätzliches Indiz wurde nun
angeführt, Milosevic habe die Entführungs- und Mordaktion angeordnet,
um einen gefährlichen Rivalen für die Präsidentschaftswahlen im
September 2000 zu beseitigen. Dieses Argument war allerdings von Anfang
an nicht plausibel, da zum Zeitpunkt des Verschwindens Stambolics
bereits der spätere Wahlsieger Vojislav Kostunica seine Kandidatur
angemeldet hatte. Hätte Milosevic sein Wahlchancen verbessern wollen,
hätte er diesen beseitigen lassen müssen.
Vermutlich deswegen wird in der nun veröffentlichten Anklageschrift
Milosevic auch nicht mehr beschuldigt, die Bluttaten „befohlen“ oder
„angeordnet“ zu haben. Stattdessen heißt es nur noch vage, Milosevic
habe die unmittelbaren Täter „beeinflußt“, die Taten zu begehen. Seine
Frau Mirja Markovic, die Innenminister Dusan Mihaijlovic im Frühjahr
ebenfalls der Verwicklung in den Stambolic-Mord bezichtigt hatte und
die nach Veröffentlichung eines Haftbefehls außer Landes floh, ist
überraschender Weise nicht einmal als Inspiratorin des Verbrechens
angeklagt. Die Ausführung der Mordaktionen wird dem früheren
Befehlshaber der Sondereinheit der Roten Barette, Milorad Lukovic,
genannt Legija, und fünf seiner damaligen Untergebenen zur Last gelegt.
Als Mittäter, so die Sonderstaatsanwaltschaft, würden auch der damalige
Generalstabschef Nebojsa Pavkovic und der damalige
Staatssicherheitschef Radomir Markovic angeklagt.
Der Hauptangeklagte Legija gilt gleichzeitig als Kopf des Zemun-Clans,
einer wichtigen Mafia-Organisation, und soll laut Staatsanwaltschaft
auch Drahtzieher beim Mord am serbischen Premier Zoran Djindjic am 12.
März dieses Jahres gewesen sein. Um die Verbindung zwischen Legija und
Milosevic zu beweisen, wird gerne ein Video aus dem Jahr 1997 gezeigt,
das den Präsidenten vor einer Formation der Roten Barette in Kula
zeigt, wie er mit deren damaligem Kommandeur Legija einen Händedruck
austauscht. Die Absprachen zwischen Djindjic und Legija am Vorabend des
5. Oktober 2000, die der Opposition den Sturm auf Belgrad und den Sturz
Milosevics ermöglichten, werden in diesem Zusammenhang seltener erwähnt.
Zu den Vorwürfen hat der Haager Häftling bereits ausführlich Stellung
genommen, nachdem ihn Belgrader Ermittler – vor der förmlichen
Klageerhebung - in seiner Zelle dazu befragt hatten. Sein Schreiben
wurde am 24. August in der auflagenstarken serbischen Tageszeitung
„Vecernje novosti“ vollständig veröffentlicht, aber in den deutschen
Medien nicht zitiert. Junge Welt veröffentlicht den Brief leicht
gekürzt, mit erklärenden Zwischenüberschriften und Zwischenbemerkungen.
(je)
Milosevics Brief
Im März 2001 wurde ich imaginärer Verbrechen beschuldigt, auf dieser
Grundlage konnte ich verhaftet und nach Den Haag ausgeliefert werden.
Die neuen Anschuldigungen im Jahre 2003 haben denselben Zweck: Den
Haag. Nur besteht dieses Mal ihr Ziel darin, das Fiasko des falschen
Tribunals, das als Kriegswaffe gegen unser Land und unser Volk dient,
abzuwenden oder zumindest zu minimieren. Dieses Mal haben sie auch,
anders als 2001, damit begonnen, meine Familie zu terrorisieren und
meine Frau und meinen Sohn teuflisch zu verfolgen. Die verbrecherische
Kampagne gegen meine Frau und meinen Sohn wird ausschließlich deswegen
angestrengt, um meinen Kampf hier zu treffen.
Es ist absurd und beschämend, daß sie eine Frau jagen, die Gattin eines
langjährigen Staatsoberhauptes ist, aber auch Universitätsprofessorin
und Autorin von zehn Büchern, die in 30 Sprachen übersetzt und weltweit
verbreitet wurden. Ihre (in diesen Büchern abgedruckten, Anm. JE)
wöchentlichen Zeugnisse über die jugoslawische Krise wird man nicht
zerstören oder unterdrücken können. Ihr Wert hat sich mit der Zeit
bestätigt, das ist Miras Ehre und unser Stolz. Kein anderer
Geistesmensch hat seine Stimme stärker gegen Krieg, Gewalt,
Primitivität, Ausbeutung und Sklaverei und für Frieden, Freiheit und
Gleichberechtigung erhoben.
Sie jagen einen jungen Mann, der sich freien Mutes zu einem
unabhängigen Leben auf der Grundlage seiner eignen Arbeit, Intelligenz
und Fähigkeiten entschlossen hat und gleichzeitig alles dafür getan
hat, anderen zu helfen und seine Stadt schöner und menschlicher zu
machen.
(...)
Die Helfer des Zemun-Clans
Weder ich noch jemand aus meiner Umgebung hatte jemals irgendwelche
Verbindung mit kriminellen Gruppen. Ein „Zemun-Clan“ existierte nicht,
als ich noch Präsident war. Er ist vielmehr das direkte Ergebnis des
Verhaltens der jetzigen Regierung, der Rolle bestimmter Gruppen und
Individuen beim Umsturz am 5. Oktober 2000 und ihrer gegenseitigen
Abmachungen.
Mein Besuch in Kula geschah anläßlich einer Feierlichkeit, eine Geste
der Anerkennung für den Sicherheitschef Jovica Stanisic ... Daß alles
dort für mich neu war, sollte für jeden offensichtlich sein, der sich
das ganze Videoband aufmerksam anschaut. Der Offizier, der mir bei der
Parade rapportierte, war mir nicht bekannt. Nun weiß ich, daß sein Name
Lukovic „Legija“ ist ... Übrigens kann ich mich heute keines einzigen
Namens von Offizieren erinnern, die mir bei verschiedenen Gelegenheiten
vor der angetretenen Ehrengarde rapportierten. Das gilt sogar für die
Kommandeure der jugoslawischen Armeeinheiten.
Das erste Mal, als ich mit Lukovic-Legija sprach, war, als er am 31.
März 2001 kam, um mich zu verhaften. Vorher hatte ich niemals Kontakt
mit ihm, und er lief mir auch nicht über den Weg; das einzige, was ich
ihm je hätte „befehlen“ können, wäre also meine eigene Verhaftung
gewesen.
Klar ist, daß diejenigen, die Mitglieder der Roten Barette (und andere,
die mit Strümpfen über dem Kopf über den Zaun meiner Residenz sprangen)
dazu benutzen, mich zu verhaften, sie auch vorher und danach benutzt
haben. Klar ist, daß mir das nicht möglich war.
(...)
Der Mord an Stambolic
Ich war viele Jahre ein Freund von Ivan Stambolic. Unsere Wege trennten
sich auf dem 8. ZK-Plenum der serbischen Kommunisten im Jahre 1987.
Persönlich hatten wir keinen Streit. Nach seiner Abwahl kam er zu mir
und bat um einen (unserer gemeinsamen Meinung nach) der besten Jobs im
sozialistischen Jugoslawien: Präsident der Jugoslawischen Bank für
Internationale Wirtschaftsbeziehungen. Und er bekam ihn und blieb zehn
Jahre lang auf diesem Posten bis zu seiner Pensionierung, obwohl die
Rotation in Führungspositionen damals übliche Praxis war (...) Als
Politiker war er schon seit Jahren vergessen. Deswegen ist die
Geschichte, er habe eine potentielle Bedrohung bei der Wahl (im
September 2000, Anm. JE) dargestellt, eine eklatante Lüge, er war nie
im Rennen. Er war noch nicht einmal Kandidat. Ist übrigens in jenen
zehn Jahren irgendeinem Kandidaten irgend etwas passiert? (....) Ivan
Stambolic war ein vergessener Politiker, und zum Zeitpunkt seines
Verschwindens war er auch ein vergessener Bankier. Jahrelang hatte ihn
niemand im politischen Apparat erwähnt. (...) Das soll keine
Beleidigung sein, aber niemand scherte sich mehr um Ivan Stambolic. Es
gab auch keine Verfolgung jener, die seinen Standpunkt auf dem 8.
Plenum unterstützt hatten. (Milosevic nennt dann einige Beispiele,
welche Positionen frühere Stambolic-Freunde – und damit
Milosevic-Gegner – in den neunziger Jahren bekleideten – Anm. JE).
Attentat in Montenegro
Da der Ermittler ... meine angebliche Verwicklung in den „versuchten
Mordanschlag auf Vuk Draskovic“ (im Juni 2000, Anm. JE) erwähnten,
möchte ich darüber auch einige Worte sagen.
Ich habe niemals daran geglaubt, daß das, was in Budva passiert ist,
ein echter Mordversuch war, denn es erscheint unwahrscheinlich, daß
jemand sein ganzes Magazin in einem kleinen Raum verfeuern kann und mit
keiner Kugel trifft. Nicht einmal Vuk Draskovic mit seinem
Schauspieltalent hätte sich in eine Fliege oder ein Moskito verwandeln
können. Ich glaubte, daß ihn entweder jemand einschüchtern wollte, oder
daß er selbst den ganzen Vorfall inszeniert hat, um Aufmerksamkeit zu
bekommen und in der Rolle des „Regimeopfers“ zu posieren. Es ist
unschwer zu sehen, wer von einem solchen Vorfall hätte profitieren
können, und es ist überaus klar, daß er der Regierung nicht nützte.
Tatsächlich war genau das Gegenteil der Fall.
Mir ist nicht bekannt, daß der serbische Staatssicherheitsdienst in
Montenegro über die Beobachtung des Zigarettenschmuggels nach Serbien
hinaus aktiv war ... Ich sprach niemals mit (Generalstabschef, Anm. JE)
Pavkovic über den Abtransport von „Attentätern“ und „Agenten“ aus
Montenegro. Es ist unglaubwürdig, daß der Oberkommandierende in das
Verschicken angeblicher Geheimagenten verwickelt war ...
(Staatssicherheitschef, Anm. JE) Rade Markovic bezeugte sowohl hier
(gemeint: in Den Haag – Anm. JE) als auch gegenüber zwei
Parlamentskommissionen, daß man auf ungesetzliche Weise versucht hat,
ihn zu belastenden Aussagen gegen mich zu zwingen.
(...)
Ich verlangte sowohl vom Ermittler wie vom Ankläger, daß meine
Befragung öffentlich sein soll, sie hätten sogar eine offene
Telefonleitung installieren können, so daß mich jeder hätte fragen
können, was er will. Sie sagten, daß dies gesetzlich nicht erlaubt sei,
solange die Ermittlungen andauerten. Ich akzeptierte, aber verlangte,
daß die Aufzeichnungen nach Abschluß der Untersuchung öffentlich
gemacht wurden – dann gäbe es keine Gefahr einer möglichen Einflußnahme
mehr. Auch das wiesen sie zurück, obwohl sie die gesetzliche Vollmacht
hatten, es zu genehmigen. (...)
Heutzutage benutzt die Regierung das Gesetz als Entschuldigung für
Gesetzlosigkeit und Tyrannei. Nichts Neues!
Montesquieu schrieb schon 1742: „Es gibt keine grausamere Tyrannei als
jene, die unter dem Schild des Gesetzes und im Namen der Gerechtigkeit
ausgeübt wird.“
Bei dieser ganzen schmutzigen Operation, den ungesetzlichen Haager
Gerichtshof vor dem Fiasko zu retten, ist die Verfolgung meiner Frau
und meines Sohnes am beschämendsten. Ich sagte dem
Untersuchungsrichter, daß seine Untersuchung auch die
Phantomgoldbarren, die Devisenreserven, die Villen in der Schweiz und
was immer sonst einschließen solle, denn diese Dinge waren alle in
verschiedenen Stellungnahmen und großen Zeitungsartikeln schon erwähnt
worden, nur um später „vergessen“ zu werden.
Ich fragte ihn: „Schämen Sie sich nicht?“ Er antwortete nicht.
Meiner Frau und meinem Sohn, Mira und Marko, die auf die abscheulichste
Weise von mir getrennt wurden, möchte ich sagen: „Das Leben ist zu
kurz, um Euch für Eure Güte zu danken.“
Übersetzung und Bearbeitung: Jürgen Elsässer
---
BEFREIT DIE WELT VON “TRIBUNALEN” À LA DEN HAAG!
FREIHEIT FÜR SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
FREIHEIT FÜR SERBIEN UND JUGOSLAWIEN!
Aufruf zur internationalen Demonstration in Den Haag
am Samstag, 8. November 2003
Siehe:
http://www.icdsm.org/ (Internationales Komitee für die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic - ICDSM - )
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (Deutsche Sektion des ICDSM)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
(Aufruf zur Demo)
COMUNISTI SALDI, O SALDI COMUNISTI ?
Fulvio Grimaldi
(da MONDOCANE FUORI LINEA del 29/10/03)
Lutrario Guido è un ragazzo minuto, nervoso, un po’ anziano e pelatino,
di modi soffici e persuasivi, che, personaggio-guida del giro
Disobbedienti di Roma, si potrebbe definire un Casarini dal volto umano
e, con Wilma Mazza, vociferante e irosa pasionaria del movimento e
padrona dell’emittente disobbediente Radio Sherwood di Padova, il Trio
Lescano della musica new-global italiana diretta dal maestro
(pseudo)cattivo Tony Negri. Sono quelli, per intenderci, che per vedere
il bosco Impero non vedono il taglialegna Imperialismo USA. Lutrario
Guido, dirigente senza elezioni di un gruppo di forse 500 militanti più
qualche migliaio di credenti semplici, costituisce insieme al parimenti
mai votato Casarini, (quando tentò di farsi votare dalla gente,
Casarini rimediò il classico prefisso telefonico) la leadership
carismatica veneto-romana del più chiassoso e virulento aparat
nonviolento della scena politica italiana. Ora, Lutrario Guido,
essendogli apparso in sogno una vetrina con la scritta “Saldi di
comunisti”, ha diffuso e scritto un “documento” intitolato “Movimento o
partito?”, nel quale sollecita i Giovani Comunisti, organizzazione
giovanile di Rifondazione Comunista, a sciogliersi per confluire nella
sua società di Disobbedienti, in apnea di consensi numerici e, ancor
più, sociali. Incurante, peraltro, del fatto, che il fior fiore
dirigenziale dei G.C. tale scelta aveva già fatto, esibendosi e
presentandosi come Disobbedienti al pubblico, e solo in camera
caritatis partitica come anche Giovani Comunisti, mentre gli altri
restavano dov’erano, anche perché gli pareva incongruo stare con un
piede in un partito comunista e con l’altro in un contenitore
anti-partito e anticomunista.
Lutrario Guido, un po’ più irsuto, lo avevo conosciuto in un viaggio in
Chiapas, alcuni anni fa, quando lui e i suoi amici si chiamavano
soltanto “Ya Basta” e “Centri sociali del Nord-Est”. Virgulti della
piccola e media borghesia romano-veneta, più qualche residuale
fricchettone e una spruzzata di borgatari, avevano invaso il Chiapas
per portare agli indios della Realidad il progetto di una turbina ad
acqua che avrebbe fornito corrente alla comunità. Gli indios, pazienti,
ci accolsero con fazzoletto zapatista d’ordinanza sulla faccia, si
fecero fotografare e intervistare e non dissero nulla di sconveniente
quando videro per l’ennesima volta gli ospiti rovistare tra le sponde
di un ruscelletto per stabilire come e dove installare il prodigio
tecnologico (che verrà inaugurato ancora varie volte, prima che
un mulinello venisse posato tra le acque e accendesse qualche
lampadina).
Mancammo il sospirato incontro con il Sub. Marcos, disegnato da un
esperto dell’età evolutiva nei panni di Zorro, rintanato nella foresta
Lacandona (?), doveva essere intento, dopo aver spento, con la sua
insurrezione del 1.gennaio 1994, i numerosi fuochi endemici di
guerriglia che ardevano da decenni, a preparare quella lunga marcia a
Città del Messico che lo avrebbe portato dal neo-presidente amerikano
Fox, davanti al quale, ottenuta una leggina a protezione delle piume
dei copricapo indios, depose le armi e proclamò la nonviolenza
zapatista universale e il totale disinteresse dei “ribelli” per il
potere. Disinteresse che a molti di noi parve parente stretto di quello
che Marcos, riferimento intergalattico dei no-global, riservava a tutti
i movimenti di lotta latinoamericani, armati o pacifici, dai piqueteros
argentini, agli insorti di Chavez, a Cuba assediata e vincente, ai
guerriglieri indios e ai movimenti di lotta operai e contadini che
sempre più scuotono il Messico e tutto il cortile di casa degli USA, ma
anche alla tragedia palestinese, allo squartamento della Jugoslavia,
alla polverizzazione dell’Afganistan. Borbottò qualcosa sull’ Iraq, ma
solo perché lì l’ONU aveva nicchiato. Si rispense subito e non mandò
neanche un fazzoletto zapatista al vertice WTO di Cancun.
Finimmo poi in un villaggio, Taniperlas, che le autorità ci avevano
inibito bloccandoci i pulmini. Affrontammo 40 km di marcia sotto 45° a
piedi, molti collassarono, ma poi riapparvero miracolosamente i pulmini
e ci portarono fin là. Là porgemmo fiori e sorrisi alle donne
cattoliche e zapatiste di una manesca comunità inquinata dagli
evangelici USA, facemmo cordoni a loro protezione per mezz’ora e
ripartimmo, vedendo tra nuvole di polvere gli uni avventarsi sulle
altre. Per questa nostra azione rivoluzionaria, il governo messicano ci
bandì per qualche tempo dal paese. Ma molti e elogiativi furono gli
echi sulla stampa italiana, del resto curiosamente sempre assai
ospitale verso le imprese disobbedienti, con tanto di telecamere e
taccuini tempestivamente sul posto. Sai, quando fai caciara, ma te ne
fotti del Potere…
Ritrovai questi dinamici globetrotter due anni dopo dall’altra parte
del mondo, a stringere legami con l’altro loro polo di riferimento:
l’opposizione serba. Rimasti in puntiglioso silenzio durante le stragi
ed espulsioni di mezza popolazione serba da Croazia e Bosnia (e, più
tardi, dal Kosovo), divennero rumorosissimi allorché la Nato si avventò
sulla Jugoslavia per l’ultimo banchetto. Inventarono la sofisticata
linea politica cui diedi una fortunata denominazione: “il partito del
né-né”, né con la Nato né con Milosevic. La cosa costò nulla alla Nato
e, ovviamente, parecchio alla Jugoslavia, ai serbi e a Milosevic, al
punto che tutti costoro sono scomparsi dal palcoscenico. Alcuni
compagni che recavano una bandiera jugoslava al corteo di Aviano furono
centrosocialmente bastonati e derubati della bandiera. E’un vizio
recentemente ribadito a Venezia con il pestaggio di compagni di
Rifondazione che protestavano contro la glorificazione di “martiri del
comunismo” da parte di un prosindaco loro amico. In una sosta nel
viaggio di ritorno da Aviano incrociai Lutrario Guido e gli feci
presente la sconvenienza del comportamento del Casarini e squadristi
associati. Lui si inalberò, nella misura della sua statura e, meno
affabile del solito, inveì che un “Grande Compagno come Luca non va
diffamato!” A Belgrado i nordestini, benedetti da un Don Vitaliano,
strinsero forte e duratura amicizia con Otpor, una versatile
formazione che strombazzava dalla radio del circuito CIA “B-92”,
aggrediva operai in corteo, schierò bande di squadristi per scorribande
nelle città e l’incendio del Parlamento, in quel 5 ottobre della
cosiddetta (da “sinistra”) “rivoluzione democratica” di Belgrado, ma,
fino alla caduta di Milosevic, esibiva nel suo logo un pugno nero alla
parigina. Uno sdoppiamento ripraticato oggi da non pochi, tra filosofi
torinesi ed elmetti da scontro scenico umbri. Risultò subito che questi
ragazzi-bene della Serbia si erano attivati, non solo per il
rovesciamento del governo jugoslavo, ma per un programma politico che
prevedeva la cessione agli “investitori” stranieri del patrimonio
nazionale, della forza- lavoro serba (definita di “modico costo”) e del
welfare. Protezioni sociali fin lì garantite da un “dittatore”
ripetutamente eletto e che, peraltro, se la doveva vedere con 16
partiti nemici su 18 e con il 92% dei media avversi, tutti, compreso
Otpor, largamente finanziati da Washington. All’uopo, i quadri di Otpor
erano stati addestrati da un generale della CIA a Budapest e a Sofia.
Lo dissero loro, lo provarono la BBC, il New York Times, il “Diario” di
De Aglio e il sottoscritto, che per questo fu castigato dal suo
giornale al quale Otpor risultava “compagno di strada del movimento
no-global” (la resa dei conti definitiva verrà poi con Cuba). Otpor
venne a banchettare, convegnare e trasmettere in Italia e lo stesso
fecero dall’altra parte i compagni italiani.
Seguirono, nella storia di questo segmento del “popolo di Seattle”,
tutta una serie di tumulti, spesso concordati con la polizia, come da
loro ammesso, una caterva di botte a compagni di organizzazioni
antirazziste, di sinistra, antagoniste varie, che osavano invadere il
territorio loro sovrano, un discreto stipendio al sub-sub nazionale,
impegnatissimo nella difesa degli immigrati, da parte del ministro
autore di una odiosa legge anti-immigrati, nerborute scalate al
controllo del Movimento dei movimenti. Un episodio emblematico e che
più di altri mi colpì fu quello che vide Ya Basta lanciare contro
l’Intifada palestinese, il 9 novembre 2001, manifestazione nazionale
per la Palestina, una dura reprimenda per aver chiesto anche il popolo
palestinese uno Stato come tutti gli altri, con la conseguente
dissociazione dalla manifestazione di solidarietà. Forse, quella volta,
si accorsero dell’errore, perché rimasero soli come pitbull sotto
Sirchia. E allora ripararono avventandosi in massa sulla Palestina, ne
trassero un video nel quale si vedevano più casarini che kefieh e
presero a collocare poster di lanciasassi nei loro ambienti. Fu moto
breve, forse un altro errore uguale e contrario. Tant’è vero che se ora
chiedi a un Disobbediente cosa ne è della Palestina, o magari
dell’Iraq, ti risponderà di farla finita con questi nazionalismi e di
occuparti del WTO (mai di FMI, Banca Mondiale, Nato, o Bush, che hanno
l’attenuante di essere del tutto amerikani), tanto lì è facile
rivendicare vittorie conseguite piuttosto dai paesi poveri guidati da
Cina, Sudafrica, Brasile e Venezuela. E’ che gli espulsi ai
Disobbedienti piacciono in quanto individui in barca. Come nazioni sono
detestabili.
Tutto questa festa di colori, esodi, moltitudini, muncipalismi e
imperi, bilanci partecipativi ha fatto sì che il movimento e perfino
partiti vezzeggianti seppure schifati – ma mai votati – se ne siano
andati da un’altra parte e abbiano lasciato l’ideale municipalista e
antistatalista alla riserva teorica dei Disobbedienti, in ciò ormai
soli, seppure colmati di comprensione da Bossi e da Bush, che se ne
servono per disintegrare possibili blocchi di contrasto
antimperialista. Da questa profonda solitudine, si sprigiona il grido
di Lutrario Guido. Si chiede, Guido, “a che serve Rifondazione
Comunista?” E la domanda, in verità, potrebbe avere un qualche
fondamento, alla luce di certe ombre che avanzano alle spalle di un
D’Alema-Amato-Rutelli in congiunzione elittica con gli unici che
annoverano tra di loro ancora dei comunisti. Vedremo chi avrà più filo…
Ma, stia pur certo Lutrario, a tutto pensano i comunisti, con la loro
storia di oltre un secolo di battaglie contro il padrone e i suoi
collateralisti, fuorché rintanarsi nei buchi dell’autogestione
spinellara e birraiola, compatita dal potere finchè vi si rimane
invischiati,. Si chiede qual è il “contributo in avanti sul piano
dell’elaborazione teorica e quindi dell’innovazione delle pratiche che
i giovani comunisti hanno portato tra i disobbedienti, quale il
contributo che la loro tradizione di provenienza ha portato nel
movimento?” E ha ragione a rispondersi implicitamente: zero, se pensa a
coloro che hanno calzato sulla falce e sul martello la tutina dei
Disobbedienti, o la camicia nera di Otpor. Ma se invece si riferisce ai
giovani e comunisti che lottano con quelli nel mondo che, come Ebe de
Bonafini a Porto Alegre, a voraci ONG e a ambigui nonviolenti
partecipazionisti del campanile sbattono la porta in faccia e vanno a
fare la rivoluzione, Lutrario si è picconato i piedi. Vedi, Guido, per
psicologi e antropologi l’infanzia è giustamente l’età in cui si
disobbedisce e si ruba la marmellata; da ragazzi, poi, ci si ribella e
si marina la scuola. Se si riesce a crescere ancora – non è da tutti –
si diventa rivoluzionari e si cambia il mondo.
Dai, ancora uno sforzo, chè ce la fate, prima che vi cadano tutti i
capelli. Quanto ai saldi, quella vetrina ti aveva preso per il culo.
Fulvio Grimaldi
(da MONDOCANE FUORI LINEA del 29/10/03)
Lutrario Guido è un ragazzo minuto, nervoso, un po’ anziano e pelatino,
di modi soffici e persuasivi, che, personaggio-guida del giro
Disobbedienti di Roma, si potrebbe definire un Casarini dal volto umano
e, con Wilma Mazza, vociferante e irosa pasionaria del movimento e
padrona dell’emittente disobbediente Radio Sherwood di Padova, il Trio
Lescano della musica new-global italiana diretta dal maestro
(pseudo)cattivo Tony Negri. Sono quelli, per intenderci, che per vedere
il bosco Impero non vedono il taglialegna Imperialismo USA. Lutrario
Guido, dirigente senza elezioni di un gruppo di forse 500 militanti più
qualche migliaio di credenti semplici, costituisce insieme al parimenti
mai votato Casarini, (quando tentò di farsi votare dalla gente,
Casarini rimediò il classico prefisso telefonico) la leadership
carismatica veneto-romana del più chiassoso e virulento aparat
nonviolento della scena politica italiana. Ora, Lutrario Guido,
essendogli apparso in sogno una vetrina con la scritta “Saldi di
comunisti”, ha diffuso e scritto un “documento” intitolato “Movimento o
partito?”, nel quale sollecita i Giovani Comunisti, organizzazione
giovanile di Rifondazione Comunista, a sciogliersi per confluire nella
sua società di Disobbedienti, in apnea di consensi numerici e, ancor
più, sociali. Incurante, peraltro, del fatto, che il fior fiore
dirigenziale dei G.C. tale scelta aveva già fatto, esibendosi e
presentandosi come Disobbedienti al pubblico, e solo in camera
caritatis partitica come anche Giovani Comunisti, mentre gli altri
restavano dov’erano, anche perché gli pareva incongruo stare con un
piede in un partito comunista e con l’altro in un contenitore
anti-partito e anticomunista.
Lutrario Guido, un po’ più irsuto, lo avevo conosciuto in un viaggio in
Chiapas, alcuni anni fa, quando lui e i suoi amici si chiamavano
soltanto “Ya Basta” e “Centri sociali del Nord-Est”. Virgulti della
piccola e media borghesia romano-veneta, più qualche residuale
fricchettone e una spruzzata di borgatari, avevano invaso il Chiapas
per portare agli indios della Realidad il progetto di una turbina ad
acqua che avrebbe fornito corrente alla comunità. Gli indios, pazienti,
ci accolsero con fazzoletto zapatista d’ordinanza sulla faccia, si
fecero fotografare e intervistare e non dissero nulla di sconveniente
quando videro per l’ennesima volta gli ospiti rovistare tra le sponde
di un ruscelletto per stabilire come e dove installare il prodigio
tecnologico (che verrà inaugurato ancora varie volte, prima che
un mulinello venisse posato tra le acque e accendesse qualche
lampadina).
Mancammo il sospirato incontro con il Sub. Marcos, disegnato da un
esperto dell’età evolutiva nei panni di Zorro, rintanato nella foresta
Lacandona (?), doveva essere intento, dopo aver spento, con la sua
insurrezione del 1.gennaio 1994, i numerosi fuochi endemici di
guerriglia che ardevano da decenni, a preparare quella lunga marcia a
Città del Messico che lo avrebbe portato dal neo-presidente amerikano
Fox, davanti al quale, ottenuta una leggina a protezione delle piume
dei copricapo indios, depose le armi e proclamò la nonviolenza
zapatista universale e il totale disinteresse dei “ribelli” per il
potere. Disinteresse che a molti di noi parve parente stretto di quello
che Marcos, riferimento intergalattico dei no-global, riservava a tutti
i movimenti di lotta latinoamericani, armati o pacifici, dai piqueteros
argentini, agli insorti di Chavez, a Cuba assediata e vincente, ai
guerriglieri indios e ai movimenti di lotta operai e contadini che
sempre più scuotono il Messico e tutto il cortile di casa degli USA, ma
anche alla tragedia palestinese, allo squartamento della Jugoslavia,
alla polverizzazione dell’Afganistan. Borbottò qualcosa sull’ Iraq, ma
solo perché lì l’ONU aveva nicchiato. Si rispense subito e non mandò
neanche un fazzoletto zapatista al vertice WTO di Cancun.
Finimmo poi in un villaggio, Taniperlas, che le autorità ci avevano
inibito bloccandoci i pulmini. Affrontammo 40 km di marcia sotto 45° a
piedi, molti collassarono, ma poi riapparvero miracolosamente i pulmini
e ci portarono fin là. Là porgemmo fiori e sorrisi alle donne
cattoliche e zapatiste di una manesca comunità inquinata dagli
evangelici USA, facemmo cordoni a loro protezione per mezz’ora e
ripartimmo, vedendo tra nuvole di polvere gli uni avventarsi sulle
altre. Per questa nostra azione rivoluzionaria, il governo messicano ci
bandì per qualche tempo dal paese. Ma molti e elogiativi furono gli
echi sulla stampa italiana, del resto curiosamente sempre assai
ospitale verso le imprese disobbedienti, con tanto di telecamere e
taccuini tempestivamente sul posto. Sai, quando fai caciara, ma te ne
fotti del Potere…
Ritrovai questi dinamici globetrotter due anni dopo dall’altra parte
del mondo, a stringere legami con l’altro loro polo di riferimento:
l’opposizione serba. Rimasti in puntiglioso silenzio durante le stragi
ed espulsioni di mezza popolazione serba da Croazia e Bosnia (e, più
tardi, dal Kosovo), divennero rumorosissimi allorché la Nato si avventò
sulla Jugoslavia per l’ultimo banchetto. Inventarono la sofisticata
linea politica cui diedi una fortunata denominazione: “il partito del
né-né”, né con la Nato né con Milosevic. La cosa costò nulla alla Nato
e, ovviamente, parecchio alla Jugoslavia, ai serbi e a Milosevic, al
punto che tutti costoro sono scomparsi dal palcoscenico. Alcuni
compagni che recavano una bandiera jugoslava al corteo di Aviano furono
centrosocialmente bastonati e derubati della bandiera. E’un vizio
recentemente ribadito a Venezia con il pestaggio di compagni di
Rifondazione che protestavano contro la glorificazione di “martiri del
comunismo” da parte di un prosindaco loro amico. In una sosta nel
viaggio di ritorno da Aviano incrociai Lutrario Guido e gli feci
presente la sconvenienza del comportamento del Casarini e squadristi
associati. Lui si inalberò, nella misura della sua statura e, meno
affabile del solito, inveì che un “Grande Compagno come Luca non va
diffamato!” A Belgrado i nordestini, benedetti da un Don Vitaliano,
strinsero forte e duratura amicizia con Otpor, una versatile
formazione che strombazzava dalla radio del circuito CIA “B-92”,
aggrediva operai in corteo, schierò bande di squadristi per scorribande
nelle città e l’incendio del Parlamento, in quel 5 ottobre della
cosiddetta (da “sinistra”) “rivoluzione democratica” di Belgrado, ma,
fino alla caduta di Milosevic, esibiva nel suo logo un pugno nero alla
parigina. Uno sdoppiamento ripraticato oggi da non pochi, tra filosofi
torinesi ed elmetti da scontro scenico umbri. Risultò subito che questi
ragazzi-bene della Serbia si erano attivati, non solo per il
rovesciamento del governo jugoslavo, ma per un programma politico che
prevedeva la cessione agli “investitori” stranieri del patrimonio
nazionale, della forza- lavoro serba (definita di “modico costo”) e del
welfare. Protezioni sociali fin lì garantite da un “dittatore”
ripetutamente eletto e che, peraltro, se la doveva vedere con 16
partiti nemici su 18 e con il 92% dei media avversi, tutti, compreso
Otpor, largamente finanziati da Washington. All’uopo, i quadri di Otpor
erano stati addestrati da un generale della CIA a Budapest e a Sofia.
Lo dissero loro, lo provarono la BBC, il New York Times, il “Diario” di
De Aglio e il sottoscritto, che per questo fu castigato dal suo
giornale al quale Otpor risultava “compagno di strada del movimento
no-global” (la resa dei conti definitiva verrà poi con Cuba). Otpor
venne a banchettare, convegnare e trasmettere in Italia e lo stesso
fecero dall’altra parte i compagni italiani.
Seguirono, nella storia di questo segmento del “popolo di Seattle”,
tutta una serie di tumulti, spesso concordati con la polizia, come da
loro ammesso, una caterva di botte a compagni di organizzazioni
antirazziste, di sinistra, antagoniste varie, che osavano invadere il
territorio loro sovrano, un discreto stipendio al sub-sub nazionale,
impegnatissimo nella difesa degli immigrati, da parte del ministro
autore di una odiosa legge anti-immigrati, nerborute scalate al
controllo del Movimento dei movimenti. Un episodio emblematico e che
più di altri mi colpì fu quello che vide Ya Basta lanciare contro
l’Intifada palestinese, il 9 novembre 2001, manifestazione nazionale
per la Palestina, una dura reprimenda per aver chiesto anche il popolo
palestinese uno Stato come tutti gli altri, con la conseguente
dissociazione dalla manifestazione di solidarietà. Forse, quella volta,
si accorsero dell’errore, perché rimasero soli come pitbull sotto
Sirchia. E allora ripararono avventandosi in massa sulla Palestina, ne
trassero un video nel quale si vedevano più casarini che kefieh e
presero a collocare poster di lanciasassi nei loro ambienti. Fu moto
breve, forse un altro errore uguale e contrario. Tant’è vero che se ora
chiedi a un Disobbediente cosa ne è della Palestina, o magari
dell’Iraq, ti risponderà di farla finita con questi nazionalismi e di
occuparti del WTO (mai di FMI, Banca Mondiale, Nato, o Bush, che hanno
l’attenuante di essere del tutto amerikani), tanto lì è facile
rivendicare vittorie conseguite piuttosto dai paesi poveri guidati da
Cina, Sudafrica, Brasile e Venezuela. E’ che gli espulsi ai
Disobbedienti piacciono in quanto individui in barca. Come nazioni sono
detestabili.
Tutto questa festa di colori, esodi, moltitudini, muncipalismi e
imperi, bilanci partecipativi ha fatto sì che il movimento e perfino
partiti vezzeggianti seppure schifati – ma mai votati – se ne siano
andati da un’altra parte e abbiano lasciato l’ideale municipalista e
antistatalista alla riserva teorica dei Disobbedienti, in ciò ormai
soli, seppure colmati di comprensione da Bossi e da Bush, che se ne
servono per disintegrare possibili blocchi di contrasto
antimperialista. Da questa profonda solitudine, si sprigiona il grido
di Lutrario Guido. Si chiede, Guido, “a che serve Rifondazione
Comunista?” E la domanda, in verità, potrebbe avere un qualche
fondamento, alla luce di certe ombre che avanzano alle spalle di un
D’Alema-Amato-Rutelli in congiunzione elittica con gli unici che
annoverano tra di loro ancora dei comunisti. Vedremo chi avrà più filo…
Ma, stia pur certo Lutrario, a tutto pensano i comunisti, con la loro
storia di oltre un secolo di battaglie contro il padrone e i suoi
collateralisti, fuorché rintanarsi nei buchi dell’autogestione
spinellara e birraiola, compatita dal potere finchè vi si rimane
invischiati,. Si chiede qual è il “contributo in avanti sul piano
dell’elaborazione teorica e quindi dell’innovazione delle pratiche che
i giovani comunisti hanno portato tra i disobbedienti, quale il
contributo che la loro tradizione di provenienza ha portato nel
movimento?” E ha ragione a rispondersi implicitamente: zero, se pensa a
coloro che hanno calzato sulla falce e sul martello la tutina dei
Disobbedienti, o la camicia nera di Otpor. Ma se invece si riferisce ai
giovani e comunisti che lottano con quelli nel mondo che, come Ebe de
Bonafini a Porto Alegre, a voraci ONG e a ambigui nonviolenti
partecipazionisti del campanile sbattono la porta in faccia e vanno a
fare la rivoluzione, Lutrario si è picconato i piedi. Vedi, Guido, per
psicologi e antropologi l’infanzia è giustamente l’età in cui si
disobbedisce e si ruba la marmellata; da ragazzi, poi, ci si ribella e
si marina la scuola. Se si riesce a crescere ancora – non è da tutti –
si diventa rivoluzionari e si cambia il mondo.
Dai, ancora uno sforzo, chè ce la fate, prima che vi cadano tutti i
capelli. Quanto ai saldi, quella vetrina ti aveva preso per il culo.
AGGRESSORS SHALL NOT WRITE OUR HISTORY!
DEMONSTRATIONS IN THE HAGUE, NOV. 8TH 2003
In this message:
1. ICDSM Québec/ICDSM Canada in Solidarity with the Workers of Serbia
2. AGGRESSORS SHALL NOT WRITE OUR HISTORY!
International Demos of Serbian Diaspora and all progressive people -
THE HAGUE, 8 NOVEMBER 2003
3. AN OPEN LETTER which will be delivered by the demonstrators in The
Hague on November 8th
=== USEFUL LINKS ===
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
HagNov8-2.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - 8.11.2003
HagNov8-2LAT.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - latinicom - 8.11.2003
HagueNov8-2.doc
New leaflet for The Hague - Nov. 8th, 2003
===
Dutch TV documentary on the Hague process, in two parts
http://info.vpro.nl/info/tegenlicht/index.shtml?7738514+7738518+8048024
The broad tone of the documentary is the politized character of the
tribunal. The first part deals on how the prosecutions actions are
preliminary driven by the media picture develloped through the years. A
picture that was made and polished by PR firm to 'educate' the
American people. Several commentators say that the installation of the
ICTY was the result of an emotional reaction in the West to this
picture, so that it could be seen doing something. It asks the question
on how images and group thinking influence our perception of facts. The
ITN story features in the part were the demonisation of the serbs is
discussed and how this strategy developped. Thomas Deichmann is
interviewed on how he discovered the manipulation of the images (barb
wire on inside of poles, no barbed wire around the rest of the camp,
cars drving in and out the camp). The documentary shows unedited ITN
footage which supports the allegations of the manipulation. One of the
general conclusions is that the tribunal now has diffuclties in proving
the often over the top allegations and demonisations then made for
political purposes. Part 2 deals a large part with specific witnessess
and the troubles the prosecutions has making its case. It attacks the
use of protected witnessess and closed sessions. The documentary brings
into the open how witnessess (often war criminals) are promised money,
immunity and a new life in the West for their statement implicating
Milosevic. Captain Dragan gives an interesting interview from the golf
course. Even if you dont understand dutch large parts are in English,
German and Serbian.
Peter Varavejke, Belgium
(From: http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/issue_milo_discuss.php
Monday September 29, 2003 at 12:36 pm)
===
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
=== 1 ===
ICDSM Québec/ICDSM Canada in Solidarity with the Workers of Serbia
The fight for people’s sovereignty: in The Hague Star Chamber and on
the streets of Belgrade, it is one struggle!
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC IS DEFENDING JUSTICE AND EQUALITY FOR ALL PEOPLE
President Milosevic warned of the loss of economic sovereignty,
privatization, and their consequences
In his address to the Yugoslav people on October 2nd, 2000, President
Slobodan Milosevic implored the citizens of Yugoslavia protect their
dignity and independence against the assault of foreign domination. He
said:
<<…All countries finding themselves with limited sovereignty and with
governments controlled by foreign powers, speedily become impoverished
in a way that destroys all hope for more just and humane social
relations.
A great division into a poor majority and a rich minority, this has
been the picture in Eastern Europe for some years now that we can all
see.
That picture would also include us. Under the control of the new owners
of our country we too would quickly have a tremendous majority of the
very poor, whose prospects of coming out of their poverty would be very
uncertain, very distant.
The rich minority would be made up of the black marketeering elite,
which would be allowed to stay rich only on condition that it was fully
loyal to the outside, controlling powers.
Public and social property would quickly be transformed into private
property, but its owners, as demonstrated by the experience of our
neighbors, would be foreigners. Among the few exceptions would be those
who would buy their right to own property by their loyalty and
submission, which would lead to the elimination of elementary national
and human dignity.
The greatest national assets in such circumstances become the property
of foreigners, and the people who used to manage them continue to do
so, but as employees of foreign companies in their own country. >>
National humiliation, state fragmentation and social misery would
necessarily lead to many forms of social pathology, of which crime
would be the first. This is not just a supposition, this is the
experience of all countries which have taken the path that we are
trying to avoid at any cost.
The capitals of European crime are no longer in the west, they were
moved to Eastern Europe a decade ago.
As the NATO powers pointed a gun to the heads of Yugoslavia’s
electorate, and drenched them with propaganda via their local
hirelings, President Milosevic appreciated that not everybody would
heed his warnings. He expressed the following hope: "Citizens, you
must make up your own minds whether to believe me or not. My only wish
is that they do not realize I am telling the truth when it is too late,
that they do not realize after it has become so much more difficult to
correct mistakes that some people have made, naively, superficially or
erroneously."
It is not too late
For five consecutive days, Belgrade has been at the heart of an
extraordinary upheaval. Workers have descended upon the Parliament, by
tens of thousands, demanding an end to privatization, and the
dissolution of the so-called “pro-democracy” government which, while
committing constitutional breaches and making a repressive mockery of
democratic norms, has created unimaginably desperate living conditions
for the people of Serbia. With an unemployment rate of at least 30%, it
is galling to read the smug, condescending rebukes of the mainstream
press, who claim workers are unhappy or “impatient” with the "painful
process" of privatization, and would prefer a "radical" improvement of
their quality of life. The indignities suffered by the people of
Yugoslavia are too many to mention. Since 1990, every attempt has been
made by the US and Western powers to defeat Yugoslavia’s sovereignty:
from IMF blackmail to cluster bombs and depleted uranium, and along the
way the fomenting of civil war, unrest, poverty, the financing and
encouragement of terrorism, the sowing and exacerbation of hatred,
fear, and hopelessness.
Today, Serbian steel workers, now employed by the giant multinational
US Steel, who purchased the Smederevo steel company – which used to
belong to the workers – for a measly $23 million as part of the DOS’s
"pro-democracy" fire-sale, are striking for the right to make a bit
less than one dollar an hour. Workers all over the country now reject
the humiliation of foreign domination and the immiseration of their
compatriots in this looting spree brought by NATO bayonets and the IMF
and bearing the cynical euphemism of “reforms.” They are demanding
respect for their dignity and a return of their sovereign rights. How
poignantly this principled struggle points up the prescience and wisdom
of President Milosevic’s warnings.
President Milosevic Defends the Ideals of Yugoslavia from a cell in The
Hague
For the past seventeen months, President Slobodan Milosevic has
defended the dignity of his fellow citizens in an ever-increasingly
secretive, unfair and illegal process. The International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), born of political pressure
from the US administration – which has institutionalized legal impunity
for its own crimes – does not intend to conduct a trial that would meet
international standards of justice. The show-trial of President
Milosevic provides "legal" cover for the US/NATO policy of regime
change in Yugoslavia. President Milosevic has never wavered in his
characterization of the ICTY as an illegal, illegitimate tool of the US
and NATO powers against the sovereignty of a nation they destroyed. He
has taken every opportunity to defend the dignity of his nation, and
reveal the perfidy that broke up Yugoslavia.
An unfair process
As the process wears on, the Trial Chamber's effort to stifle the
defendant have gone from outrageous to pathetic. First, the major media
pulled out of The Hague, complicit in the browning-out of President
Milosevic's articulate and effective defense. Then, without complaint,
he has weathered successively more transparent attempts to exhaust him
and has maintained remarkable poise in life-threatening conditions.
In November of last year, the ICDSM requested standing before the
Chamber to argue that Slobodan Milosevic's medical condition required
immediate specialized medical attention, and that his state of health
required he be released from custody, given adequate time for his
convalescence, and be allowed to prepare his defence in a non-custodial
setting. The ICTY has not granted this request, nor has it denied it.
The "Tribunal" has simply ignored it.
Gag order
In brazen complicity with the ICTY, the Belgrade regime persecutes the
family of President Milosevic, preventing him even from receiving
visits from his wife and son.
Slobodan Milosevic cannot meet with his closest associates and friends,
as the Registrar has banned him from contact with members of his party,
the SPS, (Socialist Party of Serbia) and "associated entities".
Sloboda, the leading association in defence of President Milosevic has
been listed as a banned group. The Registrar applied this measure
based on the suspicion that two SPS members who had visited him had
spoken to the press. "Associated entities" could be anyone -it is left
to the discretion of the Registrar. This is an attempt to silence
President Milosevic and interfere with the preparation of his defence.
Sloboda has challenged the ban on legal grounds. It has yet to hear
from the ICTY.
A public trial?
Article 11 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms the
presumption of innocence and the right of the accused to a public
trial. But the "trial" of Slobodan Milosevic is often not public, and
shielded from international public scrutiny. Security concerns are
systematically invoked to justify the numerous closed sessions,
pseudonymous witnesses, and ex parte motions filed by the Prosecutor,
motions whose content Mr. Milosevic is not entitled to review. In the
past six months, the Chamber has handed down several decisions
following ex parte motions. Another fundamental right is to be present
for one's own trial. If Mr. Milosevic cannot read Prosecution
submissions to the judges, let alone respond to them, can it be said
that he is actually present at his trial?
Unintelligible
The ICTY has now authorized the admission into evidence of written
witness statements. It has become impossible to follow the trial.
Witnesses declare that their statements are true, and President
Milosevic is afforded a mere hour to cross-examine them. The public can
only try to speculate as to the content of the witness' evidence. At
least we can now say that this is no longer a "Show Trial", but
rather a strictly closed-circuit event.
Less time, fewer questions!
So effective has been Slobodan Milosevic in hammering home the message
of NATO's aggression against his nation, and the conspiracy to
dismember Yugoslavia, with consequences now being felt – and
courageously challenged – by the people of Serbia, that the ICTY is
determined to prevent him from continuing. Cross-examination has been
severely curtailed and he has been barred, with respect to certain
witnesses, from asking questions with respect to their credibility.
This is unheard of in any adversarial legal system, such as the ICTY
purports to be.
When President Milosevic attempted to question the Deputy Prosecutor
(who appeared as a witness!) about their position – namely, supine –
with respect to NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia, whether the Prosecutor
had acted "objectively" and "without bias" in summarily dismissing a
request to investigate a large number of egregious violations of
International Law, including the Geneva Conventions, Mr. Milosevic was
told by the President of the Chamber that it was "irrelevant". He was
told that if he did not ask questions "as ordered" he would not have
the right to ask questions at all. A question pointing up the
protection of Al Qaeda-supported terrorism in Kosovo by the ICTY and
its NATO sponsors met with a similar reaction. The "amicus curiae,"
friend of the court, appointed against President's Milosevic's will,
attempted to intervene but was browbeaten by a visibly angry President
of the Chamber.
What comes next?
President Milosevic has been afforded a mere three months to prepare
his defence, while the Prosecution has been accumulating evidence since
the ICTY was established in 1993. The Prosecution has stalled
throughout this case, and is still adding witnesses to its list, as
well as changing, at the last minute, the order in which they are to
appear. But the ICTY has ordered President Milosevic to provide a
witness list only six weeks after the close of the seemingly endless
Prosecution case. All the while, the Prosecution blames President
Milosevic for the delays. They blame his ill health – for which they
are responsible – and they blame him for "wasting the court's time" by
asking embarrassing questions.
He has received millions of pages of documents, as well as thousands of
tapes, exhibits and photos. Isolated from his closest associates, his
preparation of the defence phase – and the crucial matter of defence
witnesses – is severely impaired.
After twenty-one months of this process, nothing has been proven
against President Milosevic, and thanks to his unerring determination,
much has been proven about the ICTY's purely political nature. He could
very well invite the Chamber to take notice of the Prosecution's
failure to establish a single count of the Prosecution's fantastic
indictments. Only one indictment, the so-called "Kosovo" indictment,
has shown itself to be of any use – it served to isolate the leadership
and people of Serbia, to demonize them, and to justify a gruesome
78-day bombing campaign that barely lifted an eyebrow in the West, even
among so many who claim to be progressive.
What is more, it is not clear that this institution has the power to
compel witnesses to testify. The ICTY has claimed it is bound by
respect for the sovereignty of states – perhaps not that of Yugoslavia
– in that they respect the idea that states may decide whether or not
they choose to cooperate. In contrast, consequences are severe for
non-cooperation when requests are made to surrender those indicted.
It is true that sovereignty is the cornerstone of international law.
How can one explain the scores of decisions rendered by the
International Court of Justice – a truly legitimate UN body – against
the US that have never been complied with? Including the judgments
having found that US death sentences had been pronounced against
foreign nationals in violation of international law. The President of
the ICTY, Theodor Meron, represented the US in one such case, brought
by Germany, who won its suit before the world court. But the German
prisoners were executed nonetheless.
It is not clear that Slobodan Milosevic could call Bill Clinton as a
witness. The ICTY has left open the question as to whether there are
certain categories of State officials for whom immunity would
apply. Perhaps former Presidents will be protected by immunity from
testifying, to prevent other former Presidents from defending
themselves and their people. And this in contrast to the United States
itself, where Bill Clinton was compelled to provide a deposition when
accused of sexual harassment.
This concept of sovereignty, now threatening to prevent President
Milosevic from questioning those who destroyed Yugoslavia, is key. Loss
of sovereignty created the ICTY, as well as the miserable conditions
against which Serbia’s people are now rising, thus recalling President
Milosevic’s words: "All countries finding themselves with limited
sovereignty and with governments controlled by foreign powers, speedily
become impoverished in a way that destroys all hope for more just and
humane social relations."
This is the same struggle!
The large-scale protests in Belgrade demonstrate that the will of the
people to fight for their dignity will not be defeated. This has been
President Milosevic's struggle as well. A Committee of the Serbian
Diaspora, ICDSM, Sloboda and other progressive forces and individuals
are calling upon all honest and principled people to participate in the
international demonstration at The Hague on November 8th.
United for freedom in the same struggle, we shall all rise for freedom,
life and for the fundamental rights of the Serbian people and of their
defender, President Slobodan Milosevic. This kind of battle a united
people always wins. This fight against tyranny is a fight for the
dignity and prosperity of all peoples.
=== 2 ===
AGGRESSORS SHALL NOT WRITE OUR HISTORY!
FREEDOM FOR PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC!
INTERNATIONAL DEMOS OF SERBIAN DIASPORA AND ALL PROGRESSIVE PEOPLE
THE HAGUE, 8 NOVEMBER 2003
14:00 – 15:00 Protest Rally at The Plein (City Center)
15:00 – 16:00 Protest March from The Plein to the Scheveningen Prison
16:00 – 17:00 Protest Rally in front of the Scheveningen Prison
During the demonstrations, our delegations will deliver protest letters
to the Tribunal, Dutch Foreign Ministry and the Embassies of the UN
Security Council permanent members: USA, UK, France, Russia and China.
A letter of support will be delivered to President Milosevic.
FOR THE FUTURE OF OUR CHILDREN,
FOR SURVIVAL OF THE SERBIAN PEOPLE,
FOR FREEDOM, TRUTH AND JUSTICE!
In the demonstrations for freedom and dignity of the Serbian people,
against the occupation and colonization of the Balkans, against the
aggression and enslaving of the peoples of the World, against the
attempt of the aggressor to try freedom fighters and victims, up to now
the participation has been confirmed by the groups of Serbs, Yugoslavs,
Greeks and other honest people from Germany, France, Switzerland,
Austria, Italy, UK, Holland, Serbia, among them Klaus Hartmann
(Germany), Fulvio Grimaldi (Italy), Louis Dalmas (France), John
Catalinotto (USA), Michel Collon (Belgium), Ian Johnson (UK), John
Jefferies (Ireland), Professor Aldo Bernardini (Italy), Wil van der
Klift (Holland), Misha Gavrilovich (UK), Dr Ljiljana Verner (Germany),
dr Sima Mraovitch (France), Vladimir Krsljanin (Yugoslavia) and many
others.
SAVE THE LIFE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC!
S T O P THE HAGUE INQUISITION!
Useful files at:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
HagNov8-2.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - 8.11.2003
HagNov8-2LAT.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - latinicom - 8.11.2003
HagueNov8-2.doc
New leaflet for The Hague - Nov. 8th, 2003
=== 3 ===
To the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands;
To the Governments of the French Republic, People’s Republic of China,
Russian Federation, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, United States of America (via their Embassies at The Hague);
To the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)
The people of Serbia and Yugoslavia have been victimized by the
criminal and irresponsible actions of foreign powers, primarily the
U.S. and other leading NATO governments. These powers provoked the
break-up of Yugoslavia and, in alliance with terrorists and
neo-fascists, waged the first war of aggression on European soil since
1945, against Yugoslavia. Until now no one responsible from these
countries has been held accountable for these crimes.
Instead, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and almost all
political and military leaders of the Serbian people who resisted the
destruction of their country have been forced to appear before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, established
in violation of the UN Charter. Not being a legitimate court of law,
the ICTY has also proven to be no court of justice. Directly or
indirectly, the ICTY is responsible for the loss of seven human lives.
Its unfairness, bias and violation of both universal and European
conventions on the protection of human-rights, as well as of generally
accepted juridical principles, oblige all the most responsible members
of the World Organization to dismiss this malignant and failed attempt
to create an ad hoc court, which was done on a purely political basis.
The ICTY is not solving, but is deepening problems in the Balkans.
The rules and procedures of the ICTY favor the Prosecution and presume
the guilt of the defendants. The trials are being conducted so as to
allow the falsification of history, charging the entire Serbian nation
for alleged crimes, which is a kind of racism we believed was buried
forever in Europe. The Serbs and all other honest people of Europe
refuse to allow the aggressors to write history!
A terrifying panorama of distorted and perverse views on the history
of the Balkans was presented in the three indictments against President
Milosevic, who has been kept in illegal detention for more than two
years in spite of the three judgments of the Yugoslav Constitutional
Court. Supported by the freedom loving people in his country and
abroad, President Milosevic has heroically and successfully defended
the truth, in spite of his ill health, the bias of the judges and his
isolation from his family, associates and the media.
President Milosevic has been deprived of the basic conditions
necessary to prepare his case – time and facilities. To prepare to
confront what the tribunal has fabricated or collected in ten years,
while spending 700 million dollars from the UN budget alone, and what
took two years and millions of pages of disclosure for the Prosecution
to present, President Milosevic has been granted only six weeks, and he
must remain in his prison cell! At the same time, should this sort of
pressure on him continue, his malignant hypertension and damaged heart,
exacerbated by the way the trial is conducted, by the harsh prison
conditions and the absence of specialized medical care, can cause an
infarct or stroke any moment. Only in freedom is it possible to
diminish the threat to his life and allow the relative recuperation of
his health.
For all the above reasons, we
DEMAND:
1. The immediate release of President Milosevic and an adjournment of
the process against him for at least two years;
2. Abolition of the ICTY, as it is a criminal tool against Yugoslavia
and Serbian people and an insult to law and justice.
SERBS AND OTHER HONEST CITIZENS OF EUROPE AND NORTH AMERICA GATHERED IN
THE INTERNATIONAL DEMONSTRATIONS AT THE HAGUE ON 8 NOVEMBER 2003
DEMONSTRATIONS IN THE HAGUE, NOV. 8TH 2003
In this message:
1. ICDSM Québec/ICDSM Canada in Solidarity with the Workers of Serbia
2. AGGRESSORS SHALL NOT WRITE OUR HISTORY!
International Demos of Serbian Diaspora and all progressive people -
THE HAGUE, 8 NOVEMBER 2003
3. AN OPEN LETTER which will be delivered by the demonstrators in The
Hague on November 8th
=== USEFUL LINKS ===
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
HagNov8-2.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - 8.11.2003
HagNov8-2LAT.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - latinicom - 8.11.2003
HagueNov8-2.doc
New leaflet for The Hague - Nov. 8th, 2003
===
Dutch TV documentary on the Hague process, in two parts
http://info.vpro.nl/info/tegenlicht/index.shtml?7738514+7738518+8048024
The broad tone of the documentary is the politized character of the
tribunal. The first part deals on how the prosecutions actions are
preliminary driven by the media picture develloped through the years. A
picture that was made and polished by PR firm to 'educate' the
American people. Several commentators say that the installation of the
ICTY was the result of an emotional reaction in the West to this
picture, so that it could be seen doing something. It asks the question
on how images and group thinking influence our perception of facts. The
ITN story features in the part were the demonisation of the serbs is
discussed and how this strategy developped. Thomas Deichmann is
interviewed on how he discovered the manipulation of the images (barb
wire on inside of poles, no barbed wire around the rest of the camp,
cars drving in and out the camp). The documentary shows unedited ITN
footage which supports the allegations of the manipulation. One of the
general conclusions is that the tribunal now has diffuclties in proving
the often over the top allegations and demonisations then made for
political purposes. Part 2 deals a large part with specific witnessess
and the troubles the prosecutions has making its case. It attacks the
use of protected witnessess and closed sessions. The documentary brings
into the open how witnessess (often war criminals) are promised money,
immunity and a new life in the West for their statement implicating
Milosevic. Captain Dragan gives an interesting interview from the golf
course. Even if you dont understand dutch large parts are in English,
German and Serbian.
Peter Varavejke, Belgium
(From: http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/issue_milo_discuss.php
Monday September 29, 2003 at 12:36 pm)
===
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
=== 1 ===
ICDSM Québec/ICDSM Canada in Solidarity with the Workers of Serbia
The fight for people’s sovereignty: in The Hague Star Chamber and on
the streets of Belgrade, it is one struggle!
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC IS DEFENDING JUSTICE AND EQUALITY FOR ALL PEOPLE
President Milosevic warned of the loss of economic sovereignty,
privatization, and their consequences
In his address to the Yugoslav people on October 2nd, 2000, President
Slobodan Milosevic implored the citizens of Yugoslavia protect their
dignity and independence against the assault of foreign domination. He
said:
<<…All countries finding themselves with limited sovereignty and with
governments controlled by foreign powers, speedily become impoverished
in a way that destroys all hope for more just and humane social
relations.
A great division into a poor majority and a rich minority, this has
been the picture in Eastern Europe for some years now that we can all
see.
That picture would also include us. Under the control of the new owners
of our country we too would quickly have a tremendous majority of the
very poor, whose prospects of coming out of their poverty would be very
uncertain, very distant.
The rich minority would be made up of the black marketeering elite,
which would be allowed to stay rich only on condition that it was fully
loyal to the outside, controlling powers.
Public and social property would quickly be transformed into private
property, but its owners, as demonstrated by the experience of our
neighbors, would be foreigners. Among the few exceptions would be those
who would buy their right to own property by their loyalty and
submission, which would lead to the elimination of elementary national
and human dignity.
The greatest national assets in such circumstances become the property
of foreigners, and the people who used to manage them continue to do
so, but as employees of foreign companies in their own country. >>
National humiliation, state fragmentation and social misery would
necessarily lead to many forms of social pathology, of which crime
would be the first. This is not just a supposition, this is the
experience of all countries which have taken the path that we are
trying to avoid at any cost.
The capitals of European crime are no longer in the west, they were
moved to Eastern Europe a decade ago.
As the NATO powers pointed a gun to the heads of Yugoslavia’s
electorate, and drenched them with propaganda via their local
hirelings, President Milosevic appreciated that not everybody would
heed his warnings. He expressed the following hope: "Citizens, you
must make up your own minds whether to believe me or not. My only wish
is that they do not realize I am telling the truth when it is too late,
that they do not realize after it has become so much more difficult to
correct mistakes that some people have made, naively, superficially or
erroneously."
It is not too late
For five consecutive days, Belgrade has been at the heart of an
extraordinary upheaval. Workers have descended upon the Parliament, by
tens of thousands, demanding an end to privatization, and the
dissolution of the so-called “pro-democracy” government which, while
committing constitutional breaches and making a repressive mockery of
democratic norms, has created unimaginably desperate living conditions
for the people of Serbia. With an unemployment rate of at least 30%, it
is galling to read the smug, condescending rebukes of the mainstream
press, who claim workers are unhappy or “impatient” with the "painful
process" of privatization, and would prefer a "radical" improvement of
their quality of life. The indignities suffered by the people of
Yugoslavia are too many to mention. Since 1990, every attempt has been
made by the US and Western powers to defeat Yugoslavia’s sovereignty:
from IMF blackmail to cluster bombs and depleted uranium, and along the
way the fomenting of civil war, unrest, poverty, the financing and
encouragement of terrorism, the sowing and exacerbation of hatred,
fear, and hopelessness.
Today, Serbian steel workers, now employed by the giant multinational
US Steel, who purchased the Smederevo steel company – which used to
belong to the workers – for a measly $23 million as part of the DOS’s
"pro-democracy" fire-sale, are striking for the right to make a bit
less than one dollar an hour. Workers all over the country now reject
the humiliation of foreign domination and the immiseration of their
compatriots in this looting spree brought by NATO bayonets and the IMF
and bearing the cynical euphemism of “reforms.” They are demanding
respect for their dignity and a return of their sovereign rights. How
poignantly this principled struggle points up the prescience and wisdom
of President Milosevic’s warnings.
President Milosevic Defends the Ideals of Yugoslavia from a cell in The
Hague
For the past seventeen months, President Slobodan Milosevic has
defended the dignity of his fellow citizens in an ever-increasingly
secretive, unfair and illegal process. The International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), born of political pressure
from the US administration – which has institutionalized legal impunity
for its own crimes – does not intend to conduct a trial that would meet
international standards of justice. The show-trial of President
Milosevic provides "legal" cover for the US/NATO policy of regime
change in Yugoslavia. President Milosevic has never wavered in his
characterization of the ICTY as an illegal, illegitimate tool of the US
and NATO powers against the sovereignty of a nation they destroyed. He
has taken every opportunity to defend the dignity of his nation, and
reveal the perfidy that broke up Yugoslavia.
An unfair process
As the process wears on, the Trial Chamber's effort to stifle the
defendant have gone from outrageous to pathetic. First, the major media
pulled out of The Hague, complicit in the browning-out of President
Milosevic's articulate and effective defense. Then, without complaint,
he has weathered successively more transparent attempts to exhaust him
and has maintained remarkable poise in life-threatening conditions.
In November of last year, the ICDSM requested standing before the
Chamber to argue that Slobodan Milosevic's medical condition required
immediate specialized medical attention, and that his state of health
required he be released from custody, given adequate time for his
convalescence, and be allowed to prepare his defence in a non-custodial
setting. The ICTY has not granted this request, nor has it denied it.
The "Tribunal" has simply ignored it.
Gag order
In brazen complicity with the ICTY, the Belgrade regime persecutes the
family of President Milosevic, preventing him even from receiving
visits from his wife and son.
Slobodan Milosevic cannot meet with his closest associates and friends,
as the Registrar has banned him from contact with members of his party,
the SPS, (Socialist Party of Serbia) and "associated entities".
Sloboda, the leading association in defence of President Milosevic has
been listed as a banned group. The Registrar applied this measure
based on the suspicion that two SPS members who had visited him had
spoken to the press. "Associated entities" could be anyone -it is left
to the discretion of the Registrar. This is an attempt to silence
President Milosevic and interfere with the preparation of his defence.
Sloboda has challenged the ban on legal grounds. It has yet to hear
from the ICTY.
A public trial?
Article 11 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms the
presumption of innocence and the right of the accused to a public
trial. But the "trial" of Slobodan Milosevic is often not public, and
shielded from international public scrutiny. Security concerns are
systematically invoked to justify the numerous closed sessions,
pseudonymous witnesses, and ex parte motions filed by the Prosecutor,
motions whose content Mr. Milosevic is not entitled to review. In the
past six months, the Chamber has handed down several decisions
following ex parte motions. Another fundamental right is to be present
for one's own trial. If Mr. Milosevic cannot read Prosecution
submissions to the judges, let alone respond to them, can it be said
that he is actually present at his trial?
Unintelligible
The ICTY has now authorized the admission into evidence of written
witness statements. It has become impossible to follow the trial.
Witnesses declare that their statements are true, and President
Milosevic is afforded a mere hour to cross-examine them. The public can
only try to speculate as to the content of the witness' evidence. At
least we can now say that this is no longer a "Show Trial", but
rather a strictly closed-circuit event.
Less time, fewer questions!
So effective has been Slobodan Milosevic in hammering home the message
of NATO's aggression against his nation, and the conspiracy to
dismember Yugoslavia, with consequences now being felt – and
courageously challenged – by the people of Serbia, that the ICTY is
determined to prevent him from continuing. Cross-examination has been
severely curtailed and he has been barred, with respect to certain
witnesses, from asking questions with respect to their credibility.
This is unheard of in any adversarial legal system, such as the ICTY
purports to be.
When President Milosevic attempted to question the Deputy Prosecutor
(who appeared as a witness!) about their position – namely, supine –
with respect to NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia, whether the Prosecutor
had acted "objectively" and "without bias" in summarily dismissing a
request to investigate a large number of egregious violations of
International Law, including the Geneva Conventions, Mr. Milosevic was
told by the President of the Chamber that it was "irrelevant". He was
told that if he did not ask questions "as ordered" he would not have
the right to ask questions at all. A question pointing up the
protection of Al Qaeda-supported terrorism in Kosovo by the ICTY and
its NATO sponsors met with a similar reaction. The "amicus curiae,"
friend of the court, appointed against President's Milosevic's will,
attempted to intervene but was browbeaten by a visibly angry President
of the Chamber.
What comes next?
President Milosevic has been afforded a mere three months to prepare
his defence, while the Prosecution has been accumulating evidence since
the ICTY was established in 1993. The Prosecution has stalled
throughout this case, and is still adding witnesses to its list, as
well as changing, at the last minute, the order in which they are to
appear. But the ICTY has ordered President Milosevic to provide a
witness list only six weeks after the close of the seemingly endless
Prosecution case. All the while, the Prosecution blames President
Milosevic for the delays. They blame his ill health – for which they
are responsible – and they blame him for "wasting the court's time" by
asking embarrassing questions.
He has received millions of pages of documents, as well as thousands of
tapes, exhibits and photos. Isolated from his closest associates, his
preparation of the defence phase – and the crucial matter of defence
witnesses – is severely impaired.
After twenty-one months of this process, nothing has been proven
against President Milosevic, and thanks to his unerring determination,
much has been proven about the ICTY's purely political nature. He could
very well invite the Chamber to take notice of the Prosecution's
failure to establish a single count of the Prosecution's fantastic
indictments. Only one indictment, the so-called "Kosovo" indictment,
has shown itself to be of any use – it served to isolate the leadership
and people of Serbia, to demonize them, and to justify a gruesome
78-day bombing campaign that barely lifted an eyebrow in the West, even
among so many who claim to be progressive.
What is more, it is not clear that this institution has the power to
compel witnesses to testify. The ICTY has claimed it is bound by
respect for the sovereignty of states – perhaps not that of Yugoslavia
– in that they respect the idea that states may decide whether or not
they choose to cooperate. In contrast, consequences are severe for
non-cooperation when requests are made to surrender those indicted.
It is true that sovereignty is the cornerstone of international law.
How can one explain the scores of decisions rendered by the
International Court of Justice – a truly legitimate UN body – against
the US that have never been complied with? Including the judgments
having found that US death sentences had been pronounced against
foreign nationals in violation of international law. The President of
the ICTY, Theodor Meron, represented the US in one such case, brought
by Germany, who won its suit before the world court. But the German
prisoners were executed nonetheless.
It is not clear that Slobodan Milosevic could call Bill Clinton as a
witness. The ICTY has left open the question as to whether there are
certain categories of State officials for whom immunity would
apply. Perhaps former Presidents will be protected by immunity from
testifying, to prevent other former Presidents from defending
themselves and their people. And this in contrast to the United States
itself, where Bill Clinton was compelled to provide a deposition when
accused of sexual harassment.
This concept of sovereignty, now threatening to prevent President
Milosevic from questioning those who destroyed Yugoslavia, is key. Loss
of sovereignty created the ICTY, as well as the miserable conditions
against which Serbia’s people are now rising, thus recalling President
Milosevic’s words: "All countries finding themselves with limited
sovereignty and with governments controlled by foreign powers, speedily
become impoverished in a way that destroys all hope for more just and
humane social relations."
This is the same struggle!
The large-scale protests in Belgrade demonstrate that the will of the
people to fight for their dignity will not be defeated. This has been
President Milosevic's struggle as well. A Committee of the Serbian
Diaspora, ICDSM, Sloboda and other progressive forces and individuals
are calling upon all honest and principled people to participate in the
international demonstration at The Hague on November 8th.
United for freedom in the same struggle, we shall all rise for freedom,
life and for the fundamental rights of the Serbian people and of their
defender, President Slobodan Milosevic. This kind of battle a united
people always wins. This fight against tyranny is a fight for the
dignity and prosperity of all peoples.
=== 2 ===
AGGRESSORS SHALL NOT WRITE OUR HISTORY!
FREEDOM FOR PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC!
INTERNATIONAL DEMOS OF SERBIAN DIASPORA AND ALL PROGRESSIVE PEOPLE
THE HAGUE, 8 NOVEMBER 2003
14:00 – 15:00 Protest Rally at The Plein (City Center)
15:00 – 16:00 Protest March from The Plein to the Scheveningen Prison
16:00 – 17:00 Protest Rally in front of the Scheveningen Prison
During the demonstrations, our delegations will deliver protest letters
to the Tribunal, Dutch Foreign Ministry and the Embassies of the UN
Security Council permanent members: USA, UK, France, Russia and China.
A letter of support will be delivered to President Milosevic.
FOR THE FUTURE OF OUR CHILDREN,
FOR SURVIVAL OF THE SERBIAN PEOPLE,
FOR FREEDOM, TRUTH AND JUSTICE!
In the demonstrations for freedom and dignity of the Serbian people,
against the occupation and colonization of the Balkans, against the
aggression and enslaving of the peoples of the World, against the
attempt of the aggressor to try freedom fighters and victims, up to now
the participation has been confirmed by the groups of Serbs, Yugoslavs,
Greeks and other honest people from Germany, France, Switzerland,
Austria, Italy, UK, Holland, Serbia, among them Klaus Hartmann
(Germany), Fulvio Grimaldi (Italy), Louis Dalmas (France), John
Catalinotto (USA), Michel Collon (Belgium), Ian Johnson (UK), John
Jefferies (Ireland), Professor Aldo Bernardini (Italy), Wil van der
Klift (Holland), Misha Gavrilovich (UK), Dr Ljiljana Verner (Germany),
dr Sima Mraovitch (France), Vladimir Krsljanin (Yugoslavia) and many
others.
SAVE THE LIFE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC!
S T O P THE HAGUE INQUISITION!
Useful files at:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
HagNov8-2.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - 8.11.2003
HagNov8-2LAT.doc
Drugi Poziv za Hag - latinicom - 8.11.2003
HagueNov8-2.doc
New leaflet for The Hague - Nov. 8th, 2003
=== 3 ===
To the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands;
To the Governments of the French Republic, People’s Republic of China,
Russian Federation, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, United States of America (via their Embassies at The Hague);
To the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)
The people of Serbia and Yugoslavia have been victimized by the
criminal and irresponsible actions of foreign powers, primarily the
U.S. and other leading NATO governments. These powers provoked the
break-up of Yugoslavia and, in alliance with terrorists and
neo-fascists, waged the first war of aggression on European soil since
1945, against Yugoslavia. Until now no one responsible from these
countries has been held accountable for these crimes.
Instead, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and almost all
political and military leaders of the Serbian people who resisted the
destruction of their country have been forced to appear before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, established
in violation of the UN Charter. Not being a legitimate court of law,
the ICTY has also proven to be no court of justice. Directly or
indirectly, the ICTY is responsible for the loss of seven human lives.
Its unfairness, bias and violation of both universal and European
conventions on the protection of human-rights, as well as of generally
accepted juridical principles, oblige all the most responsible members
of the World Organization to dismiss this malignant and failed attempt
to create an ad hoc court, which was done on a purely political basis.
The ICTY is not solving, but is deepening problems in the Balkans.
The rules and procedures of the ICTY favor the Prosecution and presume
the guilt of the defendants. The trials are being conducted so as to
allow the falsification of history, charging the entire Serbian nation
for alleged crimes, which is a kind of racism we believed was buried
forever in Europe. The Serbs and all other honest people of Europe
refuse to allow the aggressors to write history!
A terrifying panorama of distorted and perverse views on the history
of the Balkans was presented in the three indictments against President
Milosevic, who has been kept in illegal detention for more than two
years in spite of the three judgments of the Yugoslav Constitutional
Court. Supported by the freedom loving people in his country and
abroad, President Milosevic has heroically and successfully defended
the truth, in spite of his ill health, the bias of the judges and his
isolation from his family, associates and the media.
President Milosevic has been deprived of the basic conditions
necessary to prepare his case – time and facilities. To prepare to
confront what the tribunal has fabricated or collected in ten years,
while spending 700 million dollars from the UN budget alone, and what
took two years and millions of pages of disclosure for the Prosecution
to present, President Milosevic has been granted only six weeks, and he
must remain in his prison cell! At the same time, should this sort of
pressure on him continue, his malignant hypertension and damaged heart,
exacerbated by the way the trial is conducted, by the harsh prison
conditions and the absence of specialized medical care, can cause an
infarct or stroke any moment. Only in freedom is it possible to
diminish the threat to his life and allow the relative recuperation of
his health.
For all the above reasons, we
DEMAND:
1. The immediate release of President Milosevic and an adjournment of
the process against him for at least two years;
2. Abolition of the ICTY, as it is a criminal tool against Yugoslavia
and Serbian people and an insult to law and justice.
SERBS AND OTHER HONEST CITIZENS OF EUROPE AND NORTH AMERICA GATHERED IN
THE INTERNATIONAL DEMONSTRATIONS AT THE HAGUE ON 8 NOVEMBER 2003
Slovenia/SFRJ (italiano / english)
SLOVENIA: PARLAMENTO APPROVA REINTEGRO 18.000 'CANCELLATI'
(ANSA) - LUBIANA, 30 OTT - Il parlamento sloveno ha approvato oggi il
reintegro dei cosiddetti 'cancellati', quelle 18.000 persone
originarie di altre repubbliche ex jugoslave che, seppur residenti a
tutti gli effetti in Slovenia al momento dell'indipendenza, nel 1991,
vennero eliminate dai registri anagrafici perche' non avevano chiesto
la cittadinanza o regolato il proprio status nei tempi e nei modi
richiesti. La norma votata dal parlamento prevede anche il
riconoscimento retroattivo della residenza dei 'cancellati', come
stabilito da una sentenza della Corte costituzionale, che nell'aprile
scorso ha dichiarato ileggittima la cancellazione imponendo il
ripristino dei diritti perduti. La sanatoria dara' modo di
regolarizzare la propria posizione solo a coloro che potranno
dimostrare di aver risieduto ininterrottamente in Slovenia dal 1992 ad
oggi. Per gli altri, circa 4.000 persone, e' in preparazione una nuova
legge. Contro l'approvazione della norma si e' espressa
l'opposizione di centro destra che giudica il reintegro pericoloso dal
punto di vista sociale e finanziario, a causa in particolare degli
indenizzi miliardari rivendicati dai cittadini cancellati. (ANSA)
COR*VD
30/10/2003 14:05
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/slovenia/20031030140532738772.html
---
http://news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story2&cid=1512&u=/afp/20031030/wl_afp/
slovenia_minorities_031030180249&printer=1
Slovenian parliament passes law on "erased" former Yugoslav citizens
Thu Oct 30, 1:02 PM ET
LJUBLJANA (AFP) - The Slovenian parliament has granted permanent
residency to thousands of so-called "erased" citizens from other former
Yugoslav republics who lost the right to reside in Slovenia 11 years
ago.
The legislation was passed by 45 votes to 19, weathering strong
objections from the right-wing opposition.
It pledged "to give back permanent residency to all those citizens who
were illegally erased from the state registers in 1992, depriving them
of their rights," according to the draft text.
The legislative move followed a ruling by the Constitutional Court,
which in April declared that taking several thousand former Yugoslav
citizens living in Slovenia in 1991 and 1992 off the the registers of
permanent residents in the tiny Alpine state was illegal.
Slovenia, the most prosperous former constituent republic of
Yugoslavia, declared independence in June 1991 and hopes to join the
European Union (news - web sites) and NATO (news - web sites) next year.
The breakup of Yugoslavia, from which five new states emerged
(Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro), left
many citizens stateless, among them many Serbs, Bosnians and Kosovo
Albanians who had come to work to Slovenia.
Over 30,000 former Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia were "erased"
from the registers of permanent residents in year 1992, according to
the Slovenian Interior ministry.
About 11,000 left the country but over 18,000 remained in Slovenia,
among them some 2,500 who obtained temporary residency and 4,200 who
remained without status, leaving them without identity cards or any
legal Slovenian documents, according to the ministry.
Slovenia's influential newspaper Delo said Thursday that the new law
was a belated acknowledgment of the damage the state had caused some of
its citizens during the process of breaking from the former Yugoslav
federation and building an independent state.
"Then our only goal and only concern was getting a state of our own. We
had no time to think about the fundamental rights of the individuals...
and that hurt many," Delo said.
Opposition parties criticized the bill, saying it would lead to a
number of compensation lawsuits from those affected.
"We are passing a law without having any knowledge of the financial
consequences it will have for the state," said Saso Pece of the
right-wing Slovenian National Party during the debate in parliament.
"Every society has scum and usually society tries to reduce the
percentage (of scum). This law will only increase that number, which is
horrible," Pece said.
The law was also criticized by the center-right Slovenian Democratic
Party as "an attack against the Slovenian taxpayers' pockets."
But former constitutional judge Mateuz Krivic, who is a member of a
group that works to protect the rights of the "erased," denied that
compensation claims would be high.
He told AFP there would be only a few claims from people who had lost
their rights to pensions.
Krivic said the law against foreigners passed at the time of
independence was largely based on anti-Serb feelings.
"Nationalism remains high" in Slovenia, he said.
SLOVENIA: PARLAMENTO APPROVA REINTEGRO 18.000 'CANCELLATI'
(ANSA) - LUBIANA, 30 OTT - Il parlamento sloveno ha approvato oggi il
reintegro dei cosiddetti 'cancellati', quelle 18.000 persone
originarie di altre repubbliche ex jugoslave che, seppur residenti a
tutti gli effetti in Slovenia al momento dell'indipendenza, nel 1991,
vennero eliminate dai registri anagrafici perche' non avevano chiesto
la cittadinanza o regolato il proprio status nei tempi e nei modi
richiesti. La norma votata dal parlamento prevede anche il
riconoscimento retroattivo della residenza dei 'cancellati', come
stabilito da una sentenza della Corte costituzionale, che nell'aprile
scorso ha dichiarato ileggittima la cancellazione imponendo il
ripristino dei diritti perduti. La sanatoria dara' modo di
regolarizzare la propria posizione solo a coloro che potranno
dimostrare di aver risieduto ininterrottamente in Slovenia dal 1992 ad
oggi. Per gli altri, circa 4.000 persone, e' in preparazione una nuova
legge. Contro l'approvazione della norma si e' espressa
l'opposizione di centro destra che giudica il reintegro pericoloso dal
punto di vista sociale e finanziario, a causa in particolare degli
indenizzi miliardari rivendicati dai cittadini cancellati. (ANSA)
COR*VD
30/10/2003 14:05
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/slovenia/20031030140532738772.html
---
http://news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story2&cid=1512&u=/afp/20031030/wl_afp/
slovenia_minorities_031030180249&printer=1
Slovenian parliament passes law on "erased" former Yugoslav citizens
Thu Oct 30, 1:02 PM ET
LJUBLJANA (AFP) - The Slovenian parliament has granted permanent
residency to thousands of so-called "erased" citizens from other former
Yugoslav republics who lost the right to reside in Slovenia 11 years
ago.
The legislation was passed by 45 votes to 19, weathering strong
objections from the right-wing opposition.
It pledged "to give back permanent residency to all those citizens who
were illegally erased from the state registers in 1992, depriving them
of their rights," according to the draft text.
The legislative move followed a ruling by the Constitutional Court,
which in April declared that taking several thousand former Yugoslav
citizens living in Slovenia in 1991 and 1992 off the the registers of
permanent residents in the tiny Alpine state was illegal.
Slovenia, the most prosperous former constituent republic of
Yugoslavia, declared independence in June 1991 and hopes to join the
European Union (news - web sites) and NATO (news - web sites) next year.
The breakup of Yugoslavia, from which five new states emerged
(Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro), left
many citizens stateless, among them many Serbs, Bosnians and Kosovo
Albanians who had come to work to Slovenia.
Over 30,000 former Yugoslav citizens living in Slovenia were "erased"
from the registers of permanent residents in year 1992, according to
the Slovenian Interior ministry.
About 11,000 left the country but over 18,000 remained in Slovenia,
among them some 2,500 who obtained temporary residency and 4,200 who
remained without status, leaving them without identity cards or any
legal Slovenian documents, according to the ministry.
Slovenia's influential newspaper Delo said Thursday that the new law
was a belated acknowledgment of the damage the state had caused some of
its citizens during the process of breaking from the former Yugoslav
federation and building an independent state.
"Then our only goal and only concern was getting a state of our own. We
had no time to think about the fundamental rights of the individuals...
and that hurt many," Delo said.
Opposition parties criticized the bill, saying it would lead to a
number of compensation lawsuits from those affected.
"We are passing a law without having any knowledge of the financial
consequences it will have for the state," said Saso Pece of the
right-wing Slovenian National Party during the debate in parliament.
"Every society has scum and usually society tries to reduce the
percentage (of scum). This law will only increase that number, which is
horrible," Pece said.
The law was also criticized by the center-right Slovenian Democratic
Party as "an attack against the Slovenian taxpayers' pockets."
But former constitutional judge Mateuz Krivic, who is a member of a
group that works to protect the rights of the "erased," denied that
compensation claims would be high.
He told AFP there would be only a few claims from people who had lost
their rights to pensions.
Krivic said the law against foreigners passed at the time of
independence was largely based on anti-Serb feelings.
"Nationalism remains high" in Slovenia, he said.
