http://www.politika.co.yu/2003/1025/01_05.htm

[In un solo mese sono stati deportati 4000 Rom dalla Germania in Serbia.
Il fenomeno delle deportazioni ha raggiunto oramai dimensioni epiche.
Molti giovani non parlano nemmeno serbo, perche' sono sempre vissuti in
Germania; e tanti altri sono invece di origine kosovara, ma in Kosovo
non possono rientrare perche' nella provincia regna il terrore di NATO
ed UCK. Tutti costoro vanno cosi' ad aggiungersi ai milioni di profughi
che la Serbia deve gia' accogliere sul suo territorio da quando, nel
1991, l'Europa e gli USA hanno deciso di riportare il nazismo nei
Balcani - deportazioni comprese. (a cura di Olga ed Andrea)]

POZADINA DEPORTACIJE ROMA IZ EU U SRBIJU

Ljudi bez adrese

Za mesec dana samo iz Nemačke u SCG deportovano 4000 Roma


Kad slete na surčinski aerodrom u Beogradu, deportovani Romi iz Nemačke
ostaju potpuno sami, prepušteni svojoj sudbini. Većina njih kada izađe
iz aviona ne zna kuda da ide, s obzirom na to da su neki od njih u
Beogradu poslednji put bili pre 15 godina. Kad ih upitate: kuda ćete
sada, dobijete odgovor "Ne znam". Mnogi od njih ne znaju srpski jezik,
pošto su rođeni u Nemačkoj.

Za aktivistu antiglobalističkog pokreta Andreja Grubačića indikativno
je to što se deportacija Roma, ali i pripadnika drugih nacionalnih
manjina odvija "u potpunoj tišini, o tome se ovde ćuti, o tome niko
ništa ne govori". On je jedan od retkih koji je bio u prilici da
sačeka avion JAT-a koji, inače, svake druge srede prevozi te "ljude
bez adrese", kaže Grubačić.

Za mesec dana iz Nemačke je u Srbiju deportovano 4000 Roma, a tokom ove
godine čak 12.000 ih je proterano iz evropskih država. Mnogi su
isterani s posla, iz stanova iz kojih su mogli da ponesu samo lične
stvari. Oni koji nisu regulisali status, prognani su iz Švedske,
Holandije, Belgije, Luksemburga, Češke, Mađarke i drugih zemalja.

Egzodus Roma

Do kraja ove godine oko 40.000 Roma biće deportovano u našu zemlju.
Većina njih je socijalno ugrožena, a zbog neregulisanih ličnih
dokumenata mnogi ne mogu da dokažu ni da su državljani SCG.

"Oslobađanje evropskih zemalja od romske populacije putem ugovora o
deportaciji je nemoralan čin", kaže saradnik romskog Afirmacionog
centra u Bonu Dejan Marković. Ugovor o repatrijaciji, Nemačka i SRJ
potpisale su još 1996, a posle njegove suspenzije, tokom NATO
bombardovanja, on je obnovljen 2001. godine.

Marković ističe da Nemačka, ali i druge evropske zemlje, u želji da
"očiste" svoje države, utiču na ovaj, "moderan"egzodus Roma. Prema
njegovim rečima "to je nedemokratski, pošto prilikom potpisivanja
ugovora nisu učestvovali predstavnici romske populacije". Takva odluka
doneta je bez razmišljanja o daljoj sudbini Roma, koji uglavnom nemaju
nikakve nepokretnosti u Srbiji, a više od 180.000 njih je napustilo
Kosovo, gde, iz bezbednosnih razloga, ne mogu da se vrate.

"Nemački mediji dosta pišu o deportaciji Roma i dao sam devet intervjua
za razne nemačke novine", ističe Marković. On kaže da se donedavni
predsednik Svetske organizacije Roma Rajko Đurić mnogo zalaže da Romi
kao žrtve genocida na Kosovu dobiju odgovarajući status u Nemačkoj, a
to čini i Društvo za progonjene narode u Getingenu. Na početku je
nemačka vlast uvažavala da Romi s Kosova treba da budu izuzeti od
deportacije, i to je važilo sve do 3. maja 2002. godine, kada je na
jednoj konferenciji ministara unutrašnjih poslova ta odredba ukinuta.
To znači da Romi sa Kosova treba da budu vraćeni.

Izvesna doza rasizma

Predsednik Komiteta pravnika za ljudska prava Biljana Kovačević-Vučo
smatra da "Evropska unija želi da očisti svoje zemlje od drugih naroda,
i to sa izvesnom dozom rasizma". Njena je preporuka da se formira
državna komisija koja bi se bavila ljudima koje na silu vraćaju u
Srbiju i realizacijom tog ugovora, u kojem su naznačena prava i
obaveze naše i nemačke vlade u zbrinjavaju Roma i pripadnika drugih
manjina, koji nailaze na brojne teškoće u novoj sredini.

Ministar za manjinska prava Saveta ministara državne zajednice Srbija i
Crna Gora Rasim Ljajić kaže da je međunarodna zajednica prijem Srbije
i Crne Gore uslovila poštovanjem prava manjina i posebno postojanjem
jasne strategije za unapređenje položaja Roma. To je deo evropske
strategije zbrinjavanja Roma u matičnim zemljama da bi se sprečilo
njihovo useljavanje u bogate zemlje Evrope.

"Evropa tu strategiju ispunjava tako što Romima obećava velike pare, a
daje samo mrvice. Tražilo smo od nemačke vlade da se deportacija Roma
obavlja postepeno, s obzirom na to da nemamo dovoljno novca da ih
zbrinemo, čak ni bilo kakav prihvatni centar, tako da nam je sužen
manevarski prostor. Deportovani Romi, ali i pripadnici drugih
nacionalnih manjina, vraćaju se u Beograd ili u centralnu Srbiju,
pošto na Kosovo ne mogu, a odatle ih, zapravo, ima najviše", kaže
Rasim Ljajić.

Srbija i Crna Gora, u saradnji sa OEBS-om, osnovala je Nacionalni savet
Roma, koji je partner državi. Ministarstvo za manjinska prava je
napravilo strategiju integracije za obrazovanje, zapošljavanje
raseljenih lica, azilante u zemlji, dostupnost socijalne i zdravstvene
zaštite i mogućnost da dobiju nova lična dokumenta. Ali, i tu ima
problema, a to je neprijavljivanje prebivališta, bez kojeg Romi, osim
što ostaju bez krova nad glavom, ne mogu da dobiju zdravstveno i
socijalno osiguranje.

Nada Kovačević

Macedonia ex-jugoslava: record di suicidi e di omicidi.
E la gente va via

1. La Macédoine, recordman européen pour le nombre d’assassinats
(Utrinski Vesnik, 16/10/2003)

2. Macedonia: suicide on the rise (IWPR, Dec. 10, 2002)

3. Some 6,000 Macedonians Applied for Bulgarian Passport
in 2002 (Seeurope.net, Dec. 11, 2002)


=== 1 ===

http://www.balkans.eu.org/article3715.html

UTRINSKI VESNIK

La Macédoine, recordman européen pour le nombre d’assassinats

TRADUIT PAR IVINA DIMITROVSKA
Publié dans la presse : 16 octobre 2003
Mise en ligne : mercredi 22 octobre 2003


La Macédoine détient la première place en Europe pour les assassinats
perpétrés avec une arme à feu, avec 42 assassinats par million
d’habitants.

L’année dernière, la Macédoine se classait première en Europe quant au
nombre d’assassinats avec une arme à feu. Avec 42 assassinats par
million d’habitants, la Macédoine est en tête de la liste noire
européenne.

D’après les statistiques de la police et une recherche faite par
l’Association nationale des armes à feu, on comptait jusqu’en 1994
environ 30 assassinats par an en Macédoine.

Conséquence du conflit de 2001, les dernières années auront vu ce
rapport augmenter très sensiblement, de telle sorte qu’aujourd’hui la
police enregistre plus de 50 assassinats par an.

L’année 2002, la première après la fin du conflit, aura été à ce titre
la plus représentative de cette hausse inquiétante : sur 102
assassinats, 84 ont été perpétrés à l’arme à feu, la plupart du temps
avec des armes illégales, les armes déclarées n’étant presque jamais en
cause dans ces crimes.

Le ministère de l’Intérieur a déclaré à « Utinski Vesnik » que sur les
65 assassinats perpétrés l’année dernière en Macédoine, 41 seulement
avaient été résolus alors que cette année, sur les neuf premiers mois
de l’année, 46 meurtres avaient été résolus sur 60, un record de
vitesse dans la résolution de ces procédures pénales.

Le Dr Vasil Vasilevski, professeur en criminologie, s’interroge quant à
lui sur la valeur des statistiques des pays voisins : il ne peut
comprendre comment il ne soit mentionné que deux assassinats par an et
par million d’habitants par les statistiques de l’association nationale
des armes à feu de Roumanie ou de Bulgarie, alors que d’autres
statistiques prouvent que pour dans ces deux pays, le nombre
d’assassinats dépassait la dizaine pour le seul dernier mois…

Pourusivant son analyse, le Dr Vasilevski a insisté sur le fait que bon
nombre d’assassinats non résolus pouvaient en fait très bien l’être, et
que le coupable était souvent connu ainsi que le motif du crime et son
déroulement. C’est pour toutes ces raisons, affirme-t-il, que la
Macédoine s’est classé à la première place mondiale, cette fois-ci,
pour les assassinats non résolus. Mais cela veut en fait surtout dire,
ajoute-t-il, que pour différentes raisons, il y a des assassinats pour
lesquelles personne ne tient réellement à ce que soient révélés
l’auteur et les motifs du crime exécuté.

Notre police, ajoute-t-il, dispose de méthodes d’investigation
criminelle et de cadres formés de manière professionnelle pour la
résolution des crimes de sang, qui travaillent selon les mêmes méthodes
enseignées en criminologie dans le reste du monde.

Le département des crimes de sang de la police relève d’ailleurs
également que durant les dernières années, beaucoup de circonstances
extérieures aux enquêtes ont « aidées » à la non résolution des crimes
et à la non arrestation des coupables. Derrière certains assassinats se
cachent de nombreux motifs politiques, ce qui rend alors très difficile
la procédure d’enquête et l’arrestation des coupables, même si des
preuves démontrent de manière précise qui a fait quoi. De 2000 à 2002,
il y a eu à Skopje et à Tetovo cinq affaires criminelles de ce type,
trois à Gostivar et à Kicevo, et un à Strumica et à Struga.

Les experts criminologues soulignent qu’il y a des cas où l’alibi du
coupable est clairement « politique », cas pour lesquelles une fois le
crime réalisé, le coupable cherche protection auprès des partis
politiques en place. Dans des cas de ce type et même lorsqu’une enquête
judiciaire avait pu être ouverte contre un suspect, l’ex ministre de
l’Intérieur [1] semblait jouer un rôle important.


[1] Ljube Boskovski, ministre de l’intérieur du gouvernement VMRO-Dpmne

© Tous droits réservés Utrinski Vesnik
© Le Courrier des Balkans pour la traduction

Les opinions exprimées sont celles des auteurs et ne reflètent pas
nécessairement les opinions du Courrier des Balkans.


=== 2 ===

IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, No. 389, December 10, 2002

MACEDONIA: SUICIDE ON THE RISE

Poverty and post-war stress are driving more people to take their own
lives.

By Irfan Agushi in Skopje

The man on top of the 80-metre-high dam in southern Macedonia felt he
had nothing left to live for. Reflecting on the loss of his job, which
had left him unable to support his wife and two children, the man
identified only as N.N. decided to end it all - and jumped.

Luckily, he survived the fall from the Tikves power plant dam in
Kavadarci and is now undergoing psychiatric treatment. Many others
affected by the mood of suicidal depression currently sweeping the
poverty-stricken country are not so fortunate.

Over the past 20 months, the number of suicides in Macedonia has risen
by a third compared with the corresponding period before 2001. Analysts
blame economic hardship and post-conflict trauma.

Interior ministry spokesman Vojislav Zafirovski said that over the past
two years 367 people - 266 men and 101 women - committed suicide in
Macedonia, a country of 2.1 million. This is an increase of 30 per
cent.

The suicide numbers rise sharply in the poorer regions, where residents
earn less than the average salary or pension of 100 euro a month. Out
of a potential workforce of 850,000, some 350,000, roughly 37 per cent,
are registered as unemployed. Those with a job are only marginally
better off, as tens of thousands have not received their salaries for
months.

Zafirovski said economic problems outweigh all other reasons for
suicide, including those of people with incurable diseases.
Psychiatrist Vesna Atanasova, who owns a private clinic in Skopje,
agreed. "The main motive for suicide is poverty," she told IWPR

For seven months last year, armed conflict raged between Macedonian
government forces and Albanian rebels led by the National Liberation
Army, NLA. While the casualty numbers, about 200 killed, are small
compared with other recent Balkan wars, trauma is still widespread
among the 8,000 people, mostly ethnic Macedonians, who remain displaced
from their
homes.

"Suicide is an aggressive act inflicted on oneself," said Stanislav
Petkovski, a specialist in medical psychology in Skopje who has worked
in family therapy for many years. "The war, combined with poverty, have
promoted aggression as a form of resolving both exterior and interior
psychological conflicts."

Petkovski conducted research on the psychological state of ethnic
Macedonians at the end of 2001 and the beginning of 2002. Using a
sample of 1,000 interviewees in five towns, he found the most common
feelings among the population were anger, fear and hopelessness.

"Unfortunately, they mark the beginning of a psychological spiral that
incites violence that sometimes is directed against themselves,"
Petkovski said.

Skopje psychiatrist Edip Shei believes age is an important factor.
"Analysis has shown that, in the last 25 years, suicide among
adolescents has increased threefold," he said.

A recent report by the Crises Situations Centre, which operates within
the psychiatric clinic at the state hospital in Skopje, concluded that
suicide is the third most common cause of death among young people aged
between 15 and 24.

Shei described the case of 16-year-old T.N. from Skopje, whose parents
decided to separate for a while because of financial hardship. After
their separation, the son refused to communicate with his parents and
moved in with grandparents.

Soon afterwards, he fell in with bad company and ran into problems with
the police. When one day his grandmother's wallet went missing, T.N.
was the main suspect - with the result that he attempted to kill
himself with a knife. Fortunately, he did not succeed and now is
recovering in hospital.

Shei also points out that people with war traumas also need help. "The
state should provide psychiatric centres for rehabilitation in the
regions most affected by last year's conflict," he said.


Irfan Agushi is a journalist at the Albanian-language daily newspaper
Fakti in Skopje

Source: http://www.iwpr.net


=== 3 ===

http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=35430&LangID=1

Seeurope.net, December 11, 2002

Some 6,000 Macedonians Applied for Bulgarian Passport
in 2002


Some 6,000 citizens of Macedonia have applied for
Bulgarian citizenship and Bulgarian passport, said the
Bulgarian Deputy Minister of Justice, Mario Dimitrov.

Dimitrov rejects the possibility of abuse related to
procedure of issuing citizenship given the fact that
Bulgarian Citizenship Council, responsible for issuing
travel documents, is made up of highly skilled clerks.
"The growing number of Macedonian applicants for
Bulgarian citizenship results by the fact that
Bulgarian citizens could travel freely to the European
Union member-states regardless of the nationality,"
said Bulgarian Deputy Minister of Justice in an
interview with Radio Free Europe.

New Statesman
October 27, 2003

A warrior who achieved nothing

Observations on Izetbegovic
by Neil Clark

The term 'Islamofascist' is much overworked by neo-con hacks to smear
any Islamic groups that oppose the US programme for global hegemony.
But the unpalatable truth that Barbara Amiel, Christopher Hitchens and
other cheerleaders of Pax Americana need to face is that when real
Islamo- fascists do turn up, they can expect to receive backing from
the country we are meant to believe is so set against them.

Alija Izetbegovic, the former Bosnian leader who died on 19 October, is
a case in point. The Austrian politician Jorg Haider provoked ostracism
and EU sanctions for his pro-Nazi remarks. Izetbegovic, a man who had
not only served in an SS-sponsored organisation in the Second World War
but actually recruited for it, received rather different treatment.

For his wartime activities, Izetbegovic was jailed for three years by
the Yugoslav authorities. Unfortunately for the Balkan peoples, his
extremism surfaced again. In 1970, he published his 'Islamic
Declaration', in which he argued that 'the first and most important
conclusion' from the Koran was 'the impossibility of connection between
Islam and non-Islamic systems'. He denounced secularism and the
left-leaning Ba'athist Arab states.

The biggest myth about Izetbegovic is that his pan-Islamist,
anti-Yugoslav views held popular support among Muslims in Bosnia. As
late as 1989, a poll showed that 62.2 per cent of Muslims wanted
federal structures strengthened, while just 9.5 per cent wished further
autonomy for the republics. Even in elections for the Bosnian
presidency in December 1990, Izetbegovic received over a million fewer
votes than his pro-Yugoslav rival.

That Izetbegovic was able to come to power in Bosnia and take the
republic on its separatist course owes much to the enthusiastic support
he received from his sponsors in Washington, who saw the hard-core
Islamist as an ally in their strategic objective to break up
Yugoslavia. The 'Historic Agreement', signed in the summer of 1991
between the moderate Bosniak leader Adil Zulfikarpasic and the Bosnian
Serbs, which would have kept Bosnia in Yugoslavia, was, to Washington's
delight, rejected by Izetbegovic. So was the EU-sponsored Lisbon Accord
of 1992, which provided for the cantonisation of a unified, independent
Bosnia - a far poorer option for the republic than that offered a year
earlier - but this time only after intervention from the US ambassador,
Warren Zimmermann. 'If you don't like it, why sign it?' Zimmermann
asked Izetbegovic, thus lighting the touch paper for a three-year war
in which at least 50,000 people lost their lives. Three years later, at
Dayton, Izetbegovic finally signed a peace agreement, but one which, by
undermining his goal of a unitary Bosnian authority, offered him less
than he would have received at Lisbon.

For Bosnia, like the other breakaway Yugoslav republics but more so,
'independence' has proved a chimera. For all the novelties of
statehood, Bosnia is in effect little more than a World Bank/IMF/Nato
protectorate, with the imperial high representative, Lord (Paddy)
Ashdown, able to sack the people's elected representatives at will. Was
all this worth the death and suffering of so many people?

'I would sacrifice peace in order to win sovereignty for Bosnia, but
for that peace I would not sacrifice sovereignty,' Izetbegovic declared
in 1991. In the end, he achieved neither.


---


http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m-col.html
ANTIWAR, Thursday, October 23, 2003

Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com

The Real Izetbegovic

Laying to Rest a Mythical Autocrat

Sometime in the morning of October 19, Alija Izetbegovic passed away in
a Sarajevo hospital, marking the end of an era for Bosnia. The
treatment of his death spoke volumes about his actions in life. While
Muslims mourned the "father of the nation" and Western press and
leaders sang him praises, over half of Bosnia's population – Croats and
Serbs – either continued to ignore him, or rejoiced at the word of his
passing.

Such sentiments are understandable. Izetbegovic had a major impact on
all their lives and destinies, and the manner in which this was the
case dictates to a large extent the feeling about him. But beneath the
paeans and scoffs persists a myth of an Izetbegovic who never was – a
public relations construct for political consumption, markedly
different from the old man who shed his mortal coil Sunday morning.

Brave Savior?

Agence France-Presses described Izetbegovic as a "hero of Muslim
resistance…who led his country to independence," who "won worldwide
sympathy by running the government from sandbagged buildings during the
… siege of Sarajevo," and "walked to his office through the
bombardment… under constant threat from [Serb] artillery and sniper
attacks."

But Bosnia became only a ruined protectorate, and Izetbegovic's alleged
heroics were a media ploy. In reality, Izetbegovic ordered thousands of
Sarajevo residents to work and live under constant threat, allowing
only those with special government permits to leave the city, while his
family was sent to safety and he himself retreated into a bunker. If
the city was the Serbs' hostage, its residents were Izetbegovic's.

Man of Tolerance?

BBC's obituary makes Izetbegovic into a victim of Communist repression
(which he may have been) and an activist for religious freedom (which
he was not). His 1983 trial may have been a farce, but he was a member
of a Muslim youth organization that recruited for the Waffen SS during
World War Two, and he did write the "Islamic Declaration" in 1970, in
which he argued that:

"The exhaustive definition of the Islamic Order is: the unity of
religion and law, education and force, ideals and interests, spiritual
society and State…the Muslim does not exist at all as an independent
individual… […] It is not in fact possible for there to be any peace or
coexistence between 'the Islamic Religion' and non-Islamic social and
political institutions."

This is as explicit as Islamic fundamentalism gets. Oh, there is also
the matter of Muslim soldiers killed in the Bosnian War being called
shahaad, "martyr for the faith," indicating theirs was a Muslim holy
war (jihad), not a struggle for some fictitious multi-ethnic utopia.
Izetbegovic requested to be buried at the main shahaad cemetery in
Sarajevo, next to the holy warriors who died for his vision.

Yet most obituaries dismiss the charge of fundamentalism as something
maliciously concocted by Serbs and Croats, who were "sharpening their
knives, preparing to carve up Bosnia" (BBC) even as Izetbegovic "worked
desperately to preserve [Yugoslavia]" – another bit of contemporary
fiction.

Man of Peace?

The Reuters obituary paints Izetbegovic as a peacemaker: "Many
observers say Izetbegovic never wanted war as the price of Bosnia's
independence."

Yet here is Izetbegovic, on February 7, 1991: "I would sacrifice peace
for a sovereign Bosnia-Herzegovina… but for that peace in
Bosnia-Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty." (quoted in
Richard Holbrooke, To End A War, Chapter 2, p. 32)

Holbrooke, a self-confessed and proven admirer of Izetbegovic and his
cause, offers several descriptions of Izetbegovic's prevarication that
frustrated peace efforts. He would know; he and his associates bent
over backwards negotiating on Izetbegovic's behalf at Dayton, while
"Grandpa" (as some of his people called him) constantly frustrated
their efforts by rejecting painfully crafted compromises and always
asking for more.

The British Independent went so far as to claim that Izetbegovic's
"moment of triumph" came at the signing of the Dayton Agreement, which
"confirmed the independence and the multi-ethnic character of
Bosnia-Herzegovina, populated by Muslims, Serbs and Croats." Dayton did
no such thing, and Izetbegovic is reported to have signed the agreement
in total silence. It was not a triumph, but a defeat.

The Man Who Never Was

More distortions of reality came from Imperial flunkies, like EU's
foreign policy czar Javier Solana, who called Izetbegovic "a very
courageous leader for his people" who "played an important role in
ending the war in his country." Solana's successor as NATO's
Secretary-General, the boorish George Robertson, claimed Izetbegovic
"worked hard to preserve the unity and independence of [Bosnia]."
France's President Jacques Chirac praised the "political courage he
demonstrated in contributing to national reconciliation." (AFP) And the
Iranian government praised Izetbegovic for "serious attempts to defend…
the unity among the residents and various ethnic races" of Bosnia.

Yet Izetbegovic never did any of these things – indeed, he did the
exact opposite.

Binder's Whitewash

But it is the maddening New York Times obituary where the "media
Izetbegovic" occludes the real man the most. Penned by David Binder, it
offers tantalizing glimpses of truth behind the veils of politically
correct drivel aimed to portray Izetbegovic as a tortured, honest,
peace-loving, spiritual man who fought for freedom by any means
necessary, betrayed by Western powers.

Izetbegovic was hardly honest. According to a famous statement of his,
he thought "one thing in the morning, and something else in the
afternoon." He had support of Western governments, if not always to the
extent he wanted. His relations with Islamic countries were voluntary
and eagerly pursued, not forced by circumstances. He fought for power,
not freedom; the "Islamic Declaration" makes it clear individual
freedom meant nothing to him. To him, peace meant not the absence of
violence, but primacy of his violence over that of others. And his
faith, admired by people who have abandoned their own, served to
justify in his mind everything he'd said and done.

The Real 'Grandpa'

Alija Izetbegovic was a complex man: intelligent, cunning, calculated
and driven, yet projecting the image of a simpleton which led both his
allies and his enemies to gravely underestimate him. Journalists and
diplomats genuinely believed his professed reverence for democracy,
human rights and multi-ethnic multi-culturalism, even as all evidence
indicated it was feigned.

He was a man of strong convictions, and an even stronger desire to
force them upon others. Both the "Islamic Declaration" and Islam
between the East and the West, his 1970 pamphlet and 1980 book, reveal
a philosophical view of Islam not as a relationship between individuals
and the divine, but as a system in which society, religion and state
become one. No equality, or peaceful coexistence, was possible for
non-believers in such a system, and he said as much. Izetbegovic's
vision of Bosnia was not a multi-ethnic democracy, but a multi-caste
hierarchy of the kind that existed under the Ottoman Empire, the
memories of which were still fresh at his birth in 1925.

Just as Islam dictated Izetbegovic's philosophy, so did his World War
Two experience shape his political relations with Bosnia's Christian
majority, the Serbs and Croats. Between 1941 and 1945, Bosnia was part
of the "Independent State of Croatia," in which Serbs were being
persecuted as fiercely as Jews in the Nazi Reich, among others by the
Muslim Waffen SS and irregulars, whom Izetbegovic supported.

Politically, Alija Izetbegovic was an autocrat. He muscled out the
actual founders of the SDA party before the 1990 election. After the
vote, he sidelined the most popular Muslim politician – Fikret Abdic –
to become the chairman of the executive Presidium, a function later
dubbed the "President of Bosnia." He used people with ease, purging
them when they became too ambitious or too independent. Those who ended
up disgraced, beaten or scarred were lucky. Several others were
assassinated or executed.

His power was absolute. Izetbegovic was the Bosnian state. Those who
served the state served him personally, not the phantom Constitution,
not the makeshift flag, not the sham institutions of a non-existent
government. This was hardly the example western obituaries had in mind,
but that is what he really was.

A Legacy and a Choice

Bosnia's history is one of conflicts between its various ethnic and
religious communities, of which the latest was not the worst. But
Izetbegovic's duplicitous ethnic politics – masquerading as democracy,
tolerance and civil society – may have poisoned the well of Bosnian
coexistence for generations. His jihad-waging, multi-ethnic democratic
autocracy is as plausible today as it was in 1992, when Serbs, Croats
and not a few Muslims rejected it as nonsense.

The Great Leader of the Bosnian Muslims may have just died, but his
ideas are very much alive. Thing is, truly free people do not need
Great Leaders, or father figures, or "grandfathers." Those 150,000
people expected at Izetbegovic's funeral Wednesday have not realized
that yet. But if they ever mean to free themselves from hatred and
fear, and live in peace with their non-Muslim neighbors, they will have
to.

Izetbegovic has been laid to rest. His deadly legacy should be, too.

 
Dal settimanale "Ogledalo" (Lo specchio)
Belgrado, ottobre 2003

www.srpskenovineogledalo.co.yu

 
"Lamento per il Kosovo", (Lamento nad Kosovom)
Edizioni "Nikola Pasic", Belgrado 2003

Libri di nuova edizione: La forza della documentazione

KOSOVO – UN LUOGO DI GIUSTIZIA BRUTALE


Il fatto importante è che non sono i serbi quelli che hanno piantato il
seme velenoso della sfortuna sul territorio serbo di Kosovo e Metohija,
dice per la rivista "Ogledalo" Ljiljana Bulatovic, autrice del libro
"Lamento per il Kosovo".


Una promozione del libro-documento "Lamento per il Kosovo", il decimo
scritto da Ljiljana Bulatovic, ha avuto luogo il 27 settembre scorso al
teatro "Zvezdara", di fronte ad una sala piena, con la partecipazione
degli attori Mihajlo Janketic e Danilo Lazovic, della cantante lirica
Dragana Jugovic Del Monaco, della cantante di melos popolare Svetlana
Stevic, degli intellettuali Vasilije Kalezic, Kosta Cavoski, Slavenko
Terzic e dell’eroe della lotta per il Kosovo serbo colonnello Stevan
Djurovic.

La presentazione del libro di cosi' tragica attualità è stata onorata
dalla presenza dell’accademico Jelena Guskova, grande amica russa del
popolo serbo.

Nel corso della presentazione è stato proiettato, in anteprima, un
video che descrive i tragici ed angosciosi eventi accaduti, negli
ultimi dieci anni, nel Kosovo e Metohija.

Oltreché alla presentazione del libro, pieno di riferimenti e documenti
storici, che più di qualunque altra cosa parla dell’identità,
dell’evolversi e dell’attualità della crisi kosovara, è stata anche
indicata una prospettiva di risoluzione per questo grande problema, che
non è soltanto serbo, ma è anche regionale ed europeo.

Dice Kosta Cavoski:

"Dappertutto dove l’uomo è stato esposto al pericolo per la propria
esistenza, dal Kosovo e Metohija alla Bosnia ed alla Croazia, Ljiljana
Bulatovic trova argomenti per il suo lavoro di giornalismo creativo –
investigativo, monografico–biografico. Con coraggio si è recata in
luoghi pericolosi affinché la sua testimonianza fosse autentica e
puntuale. Perciò il suo libro è un autentica raccolta di eccezionale
documentazione di eventi e di luoghi che sono stati a suo tempo al
centro dell’interesse pubblico e che rappresentano il fulcro della
storia serba su questi territori".


Dei quisling e della libertà

Il Dott. Prof. Kosta Cavoski ha inoltre sottolineato il sentimento di
orgoglio nazionale dell’autrice di "Lamento per il Kosovo", affermando
che questo libro è dedicato alla conoscenza della nostra identità
nazionale. Perciò è stato scritto con amore e con il dolore di un vero
patriota.

Dopo avere analizzato il momento attuale in Kosovo e Metohija, il prof.
Cavoski ha concluso:

"I nostri quisling al potere non difenderanno il Kosovo, perché quello
che è stato strappato con la forza può esser ripreso soltanto con la
forza".

Secondo il parere del colonnello Stevan Djurovic, che insieme ai suoi
giovani soldati per due anni dalle tricee sulla frontiera verso
l’Albania ha difeso il Kosovo, questo libro parla "di tempi malvagi,
del golgota, dell’esodo e soprattutto del rischio che incombe
sull’esistenza biologica serba stessa.". Per l’accademico delle Scienze
russe, Jelena Guskova, questa opera è una raccolta di documenti di
estremo valore, dei quali alcuni serviranno alla stesura di uno studio
in tre tomi: sulla crisi del Kosovo e Metohija e sul rapporto delle
grandi potenze con questa regione. Gli storici russi lo studio lo
stanno scrivendo in questi giorni.

"Il mio libro parla di come il Kosovo e Metohija - cioè "Kosova e
Djukatin" - sia servito, in particolare e definitivamente nell’ultimo
decennio del secolo scorso e all’inizio di questo secolo, ad una serie
di politici, come dote nella lotta per lo strapotere, per la svendita
della ricchezza naturale ed economica del Sud e della Serbia in
generale", dice nella conversazione con "Ogledalo" Ljijana Bulatovic,
rispondendo ad alcune nostre domande.

Da quando ha inizio il terrore schipetaro [panalbanese, ovvero albanese
in senso "etnico" e non nel senso della cittadinanza dello Stato
albanese, ndT] in Kosovo e quale ne è la causa?

"Chiunque si sia occupato anche solo un po’ di storia della violenza
albanese, arbanassa, arnauta o schipetara sul territorio della Serbia,
deve necessariamente sapere che, ancora nel 1878, con la formazione
della Lega Albanese a Prizren si fondò il concetto di Grande Albania.
Soltanto da quell’anno fino al 1912, dal Kosovo e Metohija verso le
regioni interne dell’odierna Serbia furono cacciati circa 150.000
serbi. [La denominazione geografico-politica di "Albania" appare
soltanto verso il 1912. Anche successivamente gli schipetari che
vivevano in Jugoslavia si sono autodefiniti così, per distinguersi
dagli schipetari che vivono in Albania. Questo dato di fatto dovrebbe
dire qualcosa a certi storici ed all’ANSA, in concomitanza con la
beatificazione di Madre Teresa... ndT]

Durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale e l’occupazione italiana, tutta la
Metohija e parte del Kosovo sono stati annessi all’Albania. Durante
quel periodo sono stati assassinati circa 10.000 serbi, scacciati tra
80.000 e 100.000, mentre circa 150.000 albanesi [schipetari
dell'Albania, ndT] hanno colonizzato il Kosovo e Metohija.

Dopo la Liberazione, avvenuta nel 1945, il nuovo governo comunista non
soltanto non ha fatto ritornare i serbi, cacciati dalla loro terra,
alle loro case, ma ha addirittura vietato il loro ritorno". [Per non
determinare un clima favorevole alle ritorsioni o alle vendette, ed
anche per quegli schipetari che avevano combattuto nelle fila
partigiane – pochi invero: la maggiorparte erano "balisti" che solo
all’ultimo momento si aggregarono ai vincitori. ndT]


Storiografia di tragici errori

"Si sono così impossessati di quei territori immigrati albanesi,
sovente senza cittadinanza jugoslava e con il perfido desiderio e
l'intenzione di agevolare la creazione della Grande Albania [Si noti
che lo stesso Fadilj Hodza, membro della Presidenza collegiale della
RSFJ, nemmeno aveva il passaporto jugoslavo! E si noti anche la
evoluzione della demografia schipetara, relativamente la più alta in
Europa. ndT] Testimonianza di questa creazione è il cosiddetto Processo
di Prizren, degli anni Settanta del secolo scorso.

Dopo la barbara aggressione al nostro Paese, effettuata dai criminali
NATO, oltre 250.000 cittadini, in prevalenza ortodossi, sono stati
costretti abbandonare le proprie case e la terra, abbandonando anche la
ricerca delle persone rapite, in prevalenza uomini, andando verso
l’incognito, girovagando per la Serbia centrale come rifugiati! Così ha
deciso questa cosiddetta comunita' internazionale, che e' guidata dai
propri interessi personali. Di questo, nel mio libro, parlano molti
testimoni e disgraziati".

In che modo si realizzavano le idee panalbanesi?

Oltre a lavorare a questo legalmente, gli schipetari fondavano loro
organizzazioni e associazioni segrete, le quali organizzavano
saltuariamente le rivolte, le manifestazioni, le azioni terroristiche e
le più perfide operazioni per scandalizzare così l’opinione pubblica
internazionale ed ottenere l’aiuto delle lobby di tutto il mondo, sul
loro "sventurato" destino. Ricordiamo soltanto il caso
dell’"intossicazione" mononazionale dei bambini [si tratta di una
notizia falsa fatta circolare dalle agenzie di stampa e da certe ONG
occidentali negli anni Novanta, secondo la quale i serbi avrebbero
tentato di avvelenare in massa centinaia di bambini kosovari di lingua
albanese, ndT], poi le scene menzognere di Racak... In questo libro la
migliore testimonianza sono le dichiarazioni vanitose scritte dagli
stessi capi dei terroristi e separatisti schipetari. Io ne ho scelte le
più significative.

Quale è oggi la situazione in Kosovo e Metohija e quali sono le
prospettive?

"(...) Negli ultimi anni con la volontà della potente amministrazione
americana e con l’aiuto delle stesse sfere nazionali, il Kosovo e
Metohija è diventato la sentinella della scelleratezza e del male,
della bestialità ed - in particolare - una base militare NATO. Perciò
la coscienza storica dei serbi è stata additata come uno dei più grandi
pericoli per la sicurezza nazionale americana e per il cosiddetto nuovo
ordine mondiale. Oggi i cittadini di qualunque Stato nel mondo possono
far risaltare con orgoglio la propria nazionalità, tranne che i serbi!"

M.L. Danojlovic

Trad. di Ivan