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16 May 2003
"Revolution Is a Process, the Struggle Continues"
=
Dead 23 years, worshipped, then scorned, and now worshipped again, the
communist leader of the former Yugoslavia is making a comeback.
by Goran Tarlac
BELGRADE, Serbia and Montenegro - It is 23 years since the death of
Marshal Josip Broz Tito, president of the Socialist Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), president of the Yugoslav League of Communists
(SKJ), and supreme commander of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA).
Tito was buried in Belgrade, in a majestic museum known since then as
the House of Flowers (Kuca cvijeca). The funeral was held on a
beautiful sunny day in the presence of 21 presidents, four kings, five
princes, six vice presidents, seven parliamentary leaders, 22 prime
ministers, 13 deputy prime ministers, and 47 foreign ministers. The
UPI news agency described the ceremony as "the greatest meeting of
world leaders of our time, if not in history."
When Tito died on 4 May 1980, the whole of Yugoslavia mourned the
death of the man who for 35 years had sat at its helm and who
symbolized the shared life of all its peoples. Photojournalists
captured people crying on the streets, footballers crying in stadiums,
and in Macedonia an attempted suicide out of grief for comrade Tito.
A few years later, with the first signs of the arrival of democratic
freedom--and nationalism--in the then Yugoslavia, people began to
speak more and more of the once-beloved president as a dictator, "an
iron-fisted ruler," a hedonist dedicated only to personal interest.
To love Tito had ceased to be popular, and was sometimes even
dangerous.
Tito's Yugoslavia has since been reduced to five small states. Tito's
SKJ, the JNA, his policy of ethnic tolerance known as "brotherhood
and unity," the system of self-management, and Yugoslavia's
foreign policy of nonalignment have all disappeared. A wholesale
cleansing of historical memory has taken place, with the renaming of
towns that had carried his name - Titograd, Titovo Uzice, Titov Drvar,
Titovo Velenje, Titov Veles, Titov Vrbas, Titova Mitrovica, and Titova
Korenica - the removal of monuments, pictures, and all manner of
symbols, and the sweeping of all traces from museums and libraries.
"COME BACK, ALL IS FORGIVEN"
Two decades after his death, following a period of war and deep
economic crisis, the concept of "Tito" is more popular in the
countries of the former Yugoslavia than ever before. People pay
tribute in different ways to times when they lived under an
undemocratic system, but lived better and were safer and happier.
To speak positively of Tito and socialist Yugoslavia has become
fashionable once more. Yugo-nostalgia and Tito-nostalgia are
incredibly popular in all the former Yugoslav republics. Today, in
many towns of the former Yugoslavia, one can find graffiti on the
walls of the main squares: "The old man was better," "Come back, all
is forgiven," or "While there was Tito, there was dope."
On 2 May in Subotica, a city in northern Serbia close to the border
with Hungary, the "Fourth Yugoslavia" was proclaimed. The "state" was
founded by a local printer, Blasko Gabric, on his three
hectares of land. The meeting, to which the founder of the latest
Yugoslavia invited "all Yugo-nostalgics, regardless of nationality
or faith, from all former Yugoslav republics, Europe, and the whole
world," was attended by almost 3,000 people. At the corner of his
property Gabric had placed a border stone on which is written in
Cyrillic and Latin, "Yugoslavia" and "While we exist, so, too,
will Yugoslavia."
Those gathered turned to the founder of the fourth Yugoslavia, Gabric,
and to Tito's grandson, Josip Joska Broz, who said that the
destruction of Yugoslavia "by foreign powers and their hirelings"
happened so that one state entity might destroy and succeed another,
far worse than the former. Many pensioners, once Tito's Partisans, at
this point began to cry.
"Yugo-nostalgics want to hold onto their dream, the dream of South
Slavs, the dream of their own Yugoslavia, since it was taken from us
without putting it to the people. The fourth mini-Yugoslavia will be a
meeting place of those for whom the dream of the old shared motherland
never leaves their sleep," Gabric told TOL after the meeting.
And in Uzice, a town in central Serbia that was once called Titovo
Uzice, there are plans to restore an entire complex of museums
dedicated to Tito's era. The idea is, considering the well-attended
museums that exist in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, that
Uzice apply a similar model to the Kadinjaca mountain, the site of a
great battle between Tito's Partisans and Hitler's troops. A Tito
remembrance room, with a bust of Tito, and streets and cafes that
carried his name and the names of his aides would also be restored.
After the rise of Slobodan Milosevic, such features disappeared from
Uzice. In 1991, the grand statue of Tito that had stood in the city
square was taken down and, with general delight, was chucked into the
warehouse of the local Museum of the Revolution. The initiative came
from the municipal authorities led by Milosevic's Socialist Party of
Serbia (SPS).
TITO'S POSTMORTEM TRAVELS
Three years later, another of Tito's statues surfaced in Uzice. It was
brought from the war-ravaged town of Rudo in eastern Bosnia. And so,
the complete bronze statues, which art historians say are the two most
significant sculptures by famous Tito-era sculptor Antun Augustincic
commemorating Josip Broz Tito, met in the town that had once carried
his name. Both monuments had been exhibited in 1950 in the Yugoslav
pavilion at the Venetian Biennale.
Before the idea came about, Tito's grandson, Josip Joska Broz, came to
Uzice with the intention of buying one sculpture. With him in Uzice
was Sinisa Zarin, a private businessman from Novi Sad. He had wanted
to buy a statue to place at the center of a museum of socialist
revolution, which he plans to establish as part of his firm in Novi
Sad.
Before him, Branislav Kaludjerovic from Cetinje, Montenegro, tried to
buy the same statue. He is known for placing an obituary to "comrade
Tito" in the Montenegrin press every 4 May, the day Tito died. In the
obituary, which this year appears in Podgorica's daily Vijesti, is
written: "Comrade Tito, when we were comrades we were gentlemen."
In Uzice, when it occurred to them that so much could be done with the
statues, they decided to not sell either of them and to correct the
mistake of pulling them down.
As things stand now, the project to revitalize the town's communist
heritage will be carried out by giving support to urban art groups
that would work on promoting Tito and the heritage of a state that is
no more. Some projects have already been started, such as one to
establish links with towns in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia,
and Montenegro that were once named after Tito.
At the end of March, just 25 miles south in Kragujevac, where the
inhabitants are said by the press to be the most anti-communist, a
cafe called "Tito" has opened. The owner has adorned the interior with
photographs and slogans of the former president and a guest book.
A similar cafe, going by the name of "Republika," opened two years
ago in the very center of Belgrade, about 50 yards from the so-called
House of the Army, where until recently literary evenings dedicated to
indicted war criminals Radovan Karadzic and Veselin Sljivancanin were
held.
Besides a large number of photographs and symbols of the former
socialist state, Yugo-nostalgics come here because they are served by
young waitresses dressed in white blouses and red scarves, straight
away associated with the former pioneer uniforms, and because the cafe
plays only rock music from the time of the SFRJ. The visitors are
generally young people, though Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Zarko
Korac is also said to drop in regularly.
REVIVING TITO
In neighboring Croatia, organized trips to Tito's birthplace in
Kumrovec are becoming increasingly popular. On 4 May this year, more
than 2,000 people of various ages gathered in Kumrovec to pay their
respects to the former president.
The gathering was organized by the Josip Broz Tito Society and the
Union of Croatian Anti-Fascist Fighters, and they sang old partisan
songs, as well as a few new ones: "Dear Lord, Croats beg you - return
comrade Tito to us," "Comrade Tito, we wouldn't call you - had they
not sold our Croatia." In Kumrovec a cafe was recently opened called
"The Old Man's," Tito's nickname from the World War II.
On that same day, the Tito society from the Slovenian capital of
Ljubljana visited his grave in Belgrade's House of Flowers. By 3 p.m.,
over 100 people had visited Tito's grave to pay their respects to his
image and his work.
One of the guards at the House of Flowers told TOL that every day
between 50 and 100 people come, and that recently there had been many
Slovenes. In the visitor book are messages written in Chinese,
Italian, Dutch, and English, and in all the languages of the former
Yugoslavia.
One Macedonian woman who recently visited Tito's grave wrote: "I'm
happy that I lived at least a few years in your time."
"In my heart you live forever," wrote one Slovenian woman. "You were
the greatest."
"Tito was the one legendary and true figure in the history of
Yugoslavia."
"I lived only in Tito's time."
"When you left, chaos commenced."
"Revolution is a process, the struggle continues."
COMRADE TITO HAS DIED
On that same 4 May at 3:05 p.m. in the Marshall Tito army barracks in
Sarajevo, a siren sounded, and from the speakers was heard an old
announcement from the Central Committee of the League of Yugoslav
Communists: "Comrade Tito has died."
Thereupon, some 200 Sarajevans of all ages paid their respects to Tito
with a minute's silence, the laying of flowers, and the song "Hvala"
(Thank you). In a speech given by one young girl, Tito was described
as "one of the giants of the 20th century, the man who first
introduced self-management to the world." She added: "Once again shall
young people learn about the work of Josip Broz." Interestingly, a
group of young people from Belgrade was also present at the gathering
in Sarajevo.
Every town in the former Yugoslavia had a street named after Tito. But
today Sarajevo is the only one whose main street is still called
Marshal Tito Street.
Most of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina consider Tito a
"positive historical figure." In a survey conducted by the Sarajevo
daily Dnevni avaz and published on the 21st anniversary of Tito's
death, 86 percent of those questioned in the predominantly Bosniak
(Bosnian Muslim). Sarajevo had a positive opinion of Tito's historical
role. Not one person who was questioned expressed a negative opinion
of Tito. In Banja Luka and Capljina, cities with a Serb and a Croat
majority, respectively, only 6 percent of citizens surveyed considered
Tito a negative historical figure.
Tito has been commemorated on film, too. Since his death, three films
have been made in which he plays a part. In Croatia in 1999, Marshal
was the most popular domestic film. Director Vinko Bresan tells the
story of a small Adriatic island on which appears the spirit of Tito.
Although the new Croatian authorities use a police investigation to
try to deny it, as Tito's war veterans descend upon the island, the
chance comes for Tito to lead them into a new revolution to restore
communism.
In a film by Serbian director Zelimir Zilnik, Tito for the Second Time
Among the Serbs, actor Dragoljub Ljubicic Micko walked around the
streets of Belgrade in 1994 wearing Tito's uniform, and people would
approach and talk to him. There is an interesting scene in which a
Belgrader approaches the supposed Tito and says to him: "Comrade
Tito, you are a Croat, I am a Serb, but I loved you so much!" For
the director the greatest surprise was the fact that people spoke to
Tito as though to a living person--no one approached and said: "I
know that you're dead."
"That conversation with the dead Tito was in some way a conversation
with one's own past, with one's own life," Zilnik said.
In the 1992 film Tito and I by Goran Markovic, a 10-year-old boy
writes a letter in which he claims to love Tito more than he loves his
mother and father.
BETTER IN THE DARK
Such opinions and events do not surprise Tito's grandson, who today
works in the catering industry in Belgrade. He says that every country
of the former Yugoslavia is preparing to enter into Europe with great
pomp, and no one mentions that Yugoslavia was once in Europe.
"Just remember our Yugo-passports. They were the most prized in
Europe; we were revered and respected," Tito's grandson told TOL. He
claims that to carry the surname of the former Yugoslav leader is no
burden whatsoever, and that he is very proud of his grandfather: "When
normal people hear my surname I can feel how pleased they are."
Joska is 61 and lives in the house that was left to him by his father,
Zarko, in Belgrade. Like his grandfather and father, he has been
married three times. Asked whether it is part of the family tradition,
he replies that the Brozes have always been people of principles and
they made sure of this with whomever they lived.
From the age of 2 until he was 16, Joska lived with his grandfather.
He remembers that time as the most beautiful period of his life. When
he finished school he worked as head of several hunting estates, and
at one point worked as the closest member of Tito's security. When
Tito died, he immediately left state service. "None of the eight
presidents that succeeded Tito were worthy of my care," he said with a
smile.
Later he went into private business and then entered catering. Today
he runs a hunting restaurant called Lav (Lion) in the old Belgrade
suburb of Zemun, and behind the bar hangs a photograph of his
celebrated grandfather.
According to a Zagreb high school teacher, last year an incident
occurred at her school that wonderfully illustrates the former
Yugoslavia's thoughts about Tito today. A teacher sets her students
the task of writing an essay on the topic "45 years of darkness under
Tito." One student finished after just five minutes, closed his
exercise book, and left the classroom. When the curious teacher opened
the exercise book she saw what the student had written: "May God damn
whoever turned the lights on!"
=
Goran Tarlac is a Belgrade-based journalist.
Copyright © 2003 Transitions Online. All rights reserved.
cation=9&NrIssue=1&NrSection=4&NrArticle=9519&ST1=body&ST_T1=brr&ST_AS1=1&ST=
_max=1
16 May 2003
"Revolution Is a Process, the Struggle Continues"
=
Dead 23 years, worshipped, then scorned, and now worshipped again, the
communist leader of the former Yugoslavia is making a comeback.
by Goran Tarlac
BELGRADE, Serbia and Montenegro - It is 23 years since the death of
Marshal Josip Broz Tito, president of the Socialist Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), president of the Yugoslav League of Communists
(SKJ), and supreme commander of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA).
Tito was buried in Belgrade, in a majestic museum known since then as
the House of Flowers (Kuca cvijeca). The funeral was held on a
beautiful sunny day in the presence of 21 presidents, four kings, five
princes, six vice presidents, seven parliamentary leaders, 22 prime
ministers, 13 deputy prime ministers, and 47 foreign ministers. The
UPI news agency described the ceremony as "the greatest meeting of
world leaders of our time, if not in history."
When Tito died on 4 May 1980, the whole of Yugoslavia mourned the
death of the man who for 35 years had sat at its helm and who
symbolized the shared life of all its peoples. Photojournalists
captured people crying on the streets, footballers crying in stadiums,
and in Macedonia an attempted suicide out of grief for comrade Tito.
A few years later, with the first signs of the arrival of democratic
freedom--and nationalism--in the then Yugoslavia, people began to
speak more and more of the once-beloved president as a dictator, "an
iron-fisted ruler," a hedonist dedicated only to personal interest.
To love Tito had ceased to be popular, and was sometimes even
dangerous.
Tito's Yugoslavia has since been reduced to five small states. Tito's
SKJ, the JNA, his policy of ethnic tolerance known as "brotherhood
and unity," the system of self-management, and Yugoslavia's
foreign policy of nonalignment have all disappeared. A wholesale
cleansing of historical memory has taken place, with the renaming of
towns that had carried his name - Titograd, Titovo Uzice, Titov Drvar,
Titovo Velenje, Titov Veles, Titov Vrbas, Titova Mitrovica, and Titova
Korenica - the removal of monuments, pictures, and all manner of
symbols, and the sweeping of all traces from museums and libraries.
"COME BACK, ALL IS FORGIVEN"
Two decades after his death, following a period of war and deep
economic crisis, the concept of "Tito" is more popular in the
countries of the former Yugoslavia than ever before. People pay
tribute in different ways to times when they lived under an
undemocratic system, but lived better and were safer and happier.
To speak positively of Tito and socialist Yugoslavia has become
fashionable once more. Yugo-nostalgia and Tito-nostalgia are
incredibly popular in all the former Yugoslav republics. Today, in
many towns of the former Yugoslavia, one can find graffiti on the
walls of the main squares: "The old man was better," "Come back, all
is forgiven," or "While there was Tito, there was dope."
On 2 May in Subotica, a city in northern Serbia close to the border
with Hungary, the "Fourth Yugoslavia" was proclaimed. The "state" was
founded by a local printer, Blasko Gabric, on his three
hectares of land. The meeting, to which the founder of the latest
Yugoslavia invited "all Yugo-nostalgics, regardless of nationality
or faith, from all former Yugoslav republics, Europe, and the whole
world," was attended by almost 3,000 people. At the corner of his
property Gabric had placed a border stone on which is written in
Cyrillic and Latin, "Yugoslavia" and "While we exist, so, too,
will Yugoslavia."
Those gathered turned to the founder of the fourth Yugoslavia, Gabric,
and to Tito's grandson, Josip Joska Broz, who said that the
destruction of Yugoslavia "by foreign powers and their hirelings"
happened so that one state entity might destroy and succeed another,
far worse than the former. Many pensioners, once Tito's Partisans, at
this point began to cry.
"Yugo-nostalgics want to hold onto their dream, the dream of South
Slavs, the dream of their own Yugoslavia, since it was taken from us
without putting it to the people. The fourth mini-Yugoslavia will be a
meeting place of those for whom the dream of the old shared motherland
never leaves their sleep," Gabric told TOL after the meeting.
And in Uzice, a town in central Serbia that was once called Titovo
Uzice, there are plans to restore an entire complex of museums
dedicated to Tito's era. The idea is, considering the well-attended
museums that exist in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, that
Uzice apply a similar model to the Kadinjaca mountain, the site of a
great battle between Tito's Partisans and Hitler's troops. A Tito
remembrance room, with a bust of Tito, and streets and cafes that
carried his name and the names of his aides would also be restored.
After the rise of Slobodan Milosevic, such features disappeared from
Uzice. In 1991, the grand statue of Tito that had stood in the city
square was taken down and, with general delight, was chucked into the
warehouse of the local Museum of the Revolution. The initiative came
from the municipal authorities led by Milosevic's Socialist Party of
Serbia (SPS).
TITO'S POSTMORTEM TRAVELS
Three years later, another of Tito's statues surfaced in Uzice. It was
brought from the war-ravaged town of Rudo in eastern Bosnia. And so,
the complete bronze statues, which art historians say are the two most
significant sculptures by famous Tito-era sculptor Antun Augustincic
commemorating Josip Broz Tito, met in the town that had once carried
his name. Both monuments had been exhibited in 1950 in the Yugoslav
pavilion at the Venetian Biennale.
Before the idea came about, Tito's grandson, Josip Joska Broz, came to
Uzice with the intention of buying one sculpture. With him in Uzice
was Sinisa Zarin, a private businessman from Novi Sad. He had wanted
to buy a statue to place at the center of a museum of socialist
revolution, which he plans to establish as part of his firm in Novi
Sad.
Before him, Branislav Kaludjerovic from Cetinje, Montenegro, tried to
buy the same statue. He is known for placing an obituary to "comrade
Tito" in the Montenegrin press every 4 May, the day Tito died. In the
obituary, which this year appears in Podgorica's daily Vijesti, is
written: "Comrade Tito, when we were comrades we were gentlemen."
In Uzice, when it occurred to them that so much could be done with the
statues, they decided to not sell either of them and to correct the
mistake of pulling them down.
As things stand now, the project to revitalize the town's communist
heritage will be carried out by giving support to urban art groups
that would work on promoting Tito and the heritage of a state that is
no more. Some projects have already been started, such as one to
establish links with towns in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia,
and Montenegro that were once named after Tito.
At the end of March, just 25 miles south in Kragujevac, where the
inhabitants are said by the press to be the most anti-communist, a
cafe called "Tito" has opened. The owner has adorned the interior with
photographs and slogans of the former president and a guest book.
A similar cafe, going by the name of "Republika," opened two years
ago in the very center of Belgrade, about 50 yards from the so-called
House of the Army, where until recently literary evenings dedicated to
indicted war criminals Radovan Karadzic and Veselin Sljivancanin were
held.
Besides a large number of photographs and symbols of the former
socialist state, Yugo-nostalgics come here because they are served by
young waitresses dressed in white blouses and red scarves, straight
away associated with the former pioneer uniforms, and because the cafe
plays only rock music from the time of the SFRJ. The visitors are
generally young people, though Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Zarko
Korac is also said to drop in regularly.
REVIVING TITO
In neighboring Croatia, organized trips to Tito's birthplace in
Kumrovec are becoming increasingly popular. On 4 May this year, more
than 2,000 people of various ages gathered in Kumrovec to pay their
respects to the former president.
The gathering was organized by the Josip Broz Tito Society and the
Union of Croatian Anti-Fascist Fighters, and they sang old partisan
songs, as well as a few new ones: "Dear Lord, Croats beg you - return
comrade Tito to us," "Comrade Tito, we wouldn't call you - had they
not sold our Croatia." In Kumrovec a cafe was recently opened called
"The Old Man's," Tito's nickname from the World War II.
On that same day, the Tito society from the Slovenian capital of
Ljubljana visited his grave in Belgrade's House of Flowers. By 3 p.m.,
over 100 people had visited Tito's grave to pay their respects to his
image and his work.
One of the guards at the House of Flowers told TOL that every day
between 50 and 100 people come, and that recently there had been many
Slovenes. In the visitor book are messages written in Chinese,
Italian, Dutch, and English, and in all the languages of the former
Yugoslavia.
One Macedonian woman who recently visited Tito's grave wrote: "I'm
happy that I lived at least a few years in your time."
"In my heart you live forever," wrote one Slovenian woman. "You were
the greatest."
"Tito was the one legendary and true figure in the history of
Yugoslavia."
"I lived only in Tito's time."
"When you left, chaos commenced."
"Revolution is a process, the struggle continues."
COMRADE TITO HAS DIED
On that same 4 May at 3:05 p.m. in the Marshall Tito army barracks in
Sarajevo, a siren sounded, and from the speakers was heard an old
announcement from the Central Committee of the League of Yugoslav
Communists: "Comrade Tito has died."
Thereupon, some 200 Sarajevans of all ages paid their respects to Tito
with a minute's silence, the laying of flowers, and the song "Hvala"
(Thank you). In a speech given by one young girl, Tito was described
as "one of the giants of the 20th century, the man who first
introduced self-management to the world." She added: "Once again shall
young people learn about the work of Josip Broz." Interestingly, a
group of young people from Belgrade was also present at the gathering
in Sarajevo.
Every town in the former Yugoslavia had a street named after Tito. But
today Sarajevo is the only one whose main street is still called
Marshal Tito Street.
Most of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina consider Tito a
"positive historical figure." In a survey conducted by the Sarajevo
daily Dnevni avaz and published on the 21st anniversary of Tito's
death, 86 percent of those questioned in the predominantly Bosniak
(Bosnian Muslim). Sarajevo had a positive opinion of Tito's historical
role. Not one person who was questioned expressed a negative opinion
of Tito. In Banja Luka and Capljina, cities with a Serb and a Croat
majority, respectively, only 6 percent of citizens surveyed considered
Tito a negative historical figure.
Tito has been commemorated on film, too. Since his death, three films
have been made in which he plays a part. In Croatia in 1999, Marshal
was the most popular domestic film. Director Vinko Bresan tells the
story of a small Adriatic island on which appears the spirit of Tito.
Although the new Croatian authorities use a police investigation to
try to deny it, as Tito's war veterans descend upon the island, the
chance comes for Tito to lead them into a new revolution to restore
communism.
In a film by Serbian director Zelimir Zilnik, Tito for the Second Time
Among the Serbs, actor Dragoljub Ljubicic Micko walked around the
streets of Belgrade in 1994 wearing Tito's uniform, and people would
approach and talk to him. There is an interesting scene in which a
Belgrader approaches the supposed Tito and says to him: "Comrade
Tito, you are a Croat, I am a Serb, but I loved you so much!" For
the director the greatest surprise was the fact that people spoke to
Tito as though to a living person--no one approached and said: "I
know that you're dead."
"That conversation with the dead Tito was in some way a conversation
with one's own past, with one's own life," Zilnik said.
In the 1992 film Tito and I by Goran Markovic, a 10-year-old boy
writes a letter in which he claims to love Tito more than he loves his
mother and father.
BETTER IN THE DARK
Such opinions and events do not surprise Tito's grandson, who today
works in the catering industry in Belgrade. He says that every country
of the former Yugoslavia is preparing to enter into Europe with great
pomp, and no one mentions that Yugoslavia was once in Europe.
"Just remember our Yugo-passports. They were the most prized in
Europe; we were revered and respected," Tito's grandson told TOL. He
claims that to carry the surname of the former Yugoslav leader is no
burden whatsoever, and that he is very proud of his grandfather: "When
normal people hear my surname I can feel how pleased they are."
Joska is 61 and lives in the house that was left to him by his father,
Zarko, in Belgrade. Like his grandfather and father, he has been
married three times. Asked whether it is part of the family tradition,
he replies that the Brozes have always been people of principles and
they made sure of this with whomever they lived.
From the age of 2 until he was 16, Joska lived with his grandfather.
He remembers that time as the most beautiful period of his life. When
he finished school he worked as head of several hunting estates, and
at one point worked as the closest member of Tito's security. When
Tito died, he immediately left state service. "None of the eight
presidents that succeeded Tito were worthy of my care," he said with a
smile.
Later he went into private business and then entered catering. Today
he runs a hunting restaurant called Lav (Lion) in the old Belgrade
suburb of Zemun, and behind the bar hangs a photograph of his
celebrated grandfather.
According to a Zagreb high school teacher, last year an incident
occurred at her school that wonderfully illustrates the former
Yugoslavia's thoughts about Tito today. A teacher sets her students
the task of writing an essay on the topic "45 years of darkness under
Tito." One student finished after just five minutes, closed his
exercise book, and left the classroom. When the curious teacher opened
the exercise book she saw what the student had written: "May God damn
whoever turned the lights on!"
=
Goran Tarlac is a Belgrade-based journalist.
Copyright © 2003 Transitions Online. All rights reserved.
1. Internat. Demonstration to support Slobodan Milosevic
The Hague, June 28, 03
2. Hague protest to demand freedom for Yugoslav workers
By John Catalinotto
Reprinted from the May 29, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
3. Down with NATO's mafia govt in Belgrade!
Anti-imperialist Camp
4. ICTY Sets Milosevic Case Deadline
(People's Daily, China, 21/5/2003)
5. Milosevic trial may run to 2005 after prosecutors win more time
Agence France-Presse, May 20, 2003
=== 1 ===
From: "Klaus von Raussendorff" <redaktion@...>
Sent: Monday, May 19, 2003 1:31 PM
Subject: Internat. Demonstration to support Slobodan Milosevic (The
Hague, June 28, 03)
YUGOSLAVIA, AFGHANISTAN, IRAQ... WHO'S NEXT?
STOP USA! - FREE SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
On the occasion of the second anniversary of the kidnapping of the
former president of Yugoslavia there will be an
International Demonstration
in The Hague/Netherlands, Saturday, June 28, 2003
Slandered from the outset, Slobodan Milosevic, the Socialist Party of
Serbia and all patriotic forces resisted the shattering of Yugoslavia
into weak, racially segregated territories, resisted domination by the
IMF and World Bank, resisted penetration by the Macdonald's culture
and resisted NATO-dominated racist-terrorist forces cynically
disguised as freedom fighters. It is because of these acts of
principle that NATO has put him on 'trial' in The Hague.
In that trial President Milosevic refuses to make a deal to save
himself but continues to expose the crimes of violence and racism
committed by NATO and its proxy forces against Yugoslavia.
Slobodan Milosevic was overthrown by a "regime change" made in USA.
Yugoslavia is now being wrecked economically, socially and culturally,
under USA/German domination. President Milosevic has become the first
political prisoner of the so-called "globalisation" of capitalist
exploitation. By kidnapping and putting on "trial" a popularly elected
President of a sovereign state, NATO and their "tribunal" have
established the gravest precedent for the destruction of the
sovereignty of states.
After the military invasions in Afghanistan and Iraq the US government
and their allies continue to blackmail many more nations into
subjugation by economic sanctions, the threat of mass destruction and
destabilization through "dissident" and "opposition" forces organized
from outside.
We, the signatories of this appeal, wish to remind all people in the
anti war and social movements that for our future struggles against
the threat of war it is of utmost importance to remain persistent in
our opposition and protest against previous acts of aggression and
their continuation in the form of occupation and subjugation of
countries, sell out of their wealth and resources to transnational
corporations and, last not least, the "trial" of their leaders.
Recalling the verdicts rendered by independent popular tribunals in
Berlin and New York on NATO leaders for their aggression and war
crimes committed against the former Yugoslavia we call on honest
people of all political convictions and all walks of life to join in
the demonstration
in order to demand:
- the abolishment of the illegal Hague "Tribunal", an instrument of
aggression and occupation
- the release of Slobodan Milosevic, who has shown by his outstanding
defence that he is indicted only to divert attention from NATO war
crimes and to impose foreign control on his people
- reparation payments to be made by NATO governments responsible for
all damages caused by their war of aggression against Yugoslavia
DOWNLOAD THE DEMO LEAFLETS AT:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
=== 2 ===
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/milos0529.php
Hague protest to demand freedom for Yugoslav workers
By John Catalinotto
European groups that have been defending former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic, along with organizations of the Yugoslav diaspora,
are issuing a call for a demonstration in The Hague, Netherlands, on
June 28, demanding his freedom.
It was on that date two years ago that Milosevic was kidnapped from
Belgrade by NATO forces and brought to The Hague. It is also St. Vitus
Day, a date commemorated in Serbia for its significance in the
struggle against foreign oppressors in 1389.
The call states clearly the reasons NATO went after President
Milosevic.
"Slandered from the outset," it reads, "Slobodan Milosevic, the
Socialist Party of Serbia and all patriotic forces resisted the
shattering of Yugoslavia into weak, racially segregated territories,
resisted domination by the IMF and World Bank, resisted penetration by
the McDonald's culture and resisted NATO-dominated racist-terrorist
forces cynically disguised as freedom fighters. It is because of these
acts of principle that NATO has put him on 'trial' in The Hague.
"In that trial President Milosevic refuses to make a deal to save
himself but continues to expose the crimes of violence and racism
committed by NATO and its proxy forces against Yugoslavia.
"Slobodan Milosevic was overthrown by a 'regime change' made in the
USA. Yugoslavia is now being wrecked economically, socially and
culturally, under USA/German domination. President Milosevic has
become the first political prisoner of the so-called 'globalization'
of capitalist exploitation. By kidnapping and putting on 'trial' a
popularly elected president of a sovereign state, NATO and their
'tribunal' have established the gravest precedent for the destruction
of the sovereignty of states.
"After the military invasions in Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S.
government and its allies continue to blackmail many more nations into
subjugation by economic sanctions, the threat of mass destruction and
destabilization through 'dissident' and 'opposition' forces organized
from outside."
The International Action Center, which was active in leading the
anti-war struggle in the United States during the U.S./NATO bombing of
Yugoslavia in 1999, has added its support to the call and will send a
representative to The Hague on June 28.
Reprinted from the May 29, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@.... Subscribe
wwnews-on@.... Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support
independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)
=== 3 ===
Down with NATO's mafia govt in Belgrade!
Within less than three years Djindjic and his so-called Democratic
Opposition (DOS) succeeded in destroying the last remnants of
Yugoslavia and transforming it into a Latin American style third world
oligarchy.
Djindjic was the only common point which kept together his
heterogeneous clique of Habermasian civil society intellectuals,
ultra-liberal mouthpieces of IMF, war profiteers, praetorians and
simple gangsters, while his anti-popular regime was rapidly loosing
ground:
Although the neo-liberal "shock therapy" has proved a complete failure
all over Eastern Europe as well as in Argentine it was applied once
again on Yugoslavia. The radical policy of open market and the
privatisation of the financial and industrial sector completely
destroyed the remains of the national economy. Prices soared and wages
plunged precipitating the majority into misery while a small layer
made enormous fortunes. While unemployment is skyrocketing the social
system is being dismantled.
All the promises of the nationalist fig leaves to defend Serbian
integrity against fragmentation brought about by imperialist
aggression and blamed on the Milosevic government turned out to be
cheap lies. Yugoslavia has eventually being dismantled splitting away
Montenegro. Kosovo remains under NATO occupation being successively
albanised, the Serbian Kraijna is completely ethnically cleansed and
the Bosnian Serbs continue to live under the dictatorial rule of EU
and NATO imposed protectorate. In South Serbia the Albanian
nationalist guerrilla is carrying on their struggle for secession and
subsequent unification into a Great Albania without being curbed by
NATO. The plans to fragment even Serbia proper by giving further
autonomy to Sandjak and Voivodina are being pressed ahead.
The Hague "tribunal" has been imposed violating the rules of the UN in
order to legitimise NATO's aggression. The anti-imperialist resistance
of the Yugoslav and Serb people is to be condemned and abased. Like
during medieval witch hunts whose aggressed should be forced to accuse
themselves voluntarily and thus absolve the aggressor. But in his
brave defence Milosevic keeps destroying the amalgam of the tribunal
in which both the prosecutor and the judge are NATO puppets and the
judgement is already decided.
While the Djindjic regime, in order to co-operate with its foreign
masters, has been violating the constitution by extraditing Yugoslav
citizen to the Hague, the people continue opposing by majority the
tribunal's attempt to criminalize their decade long resistance.
When Djindjic wanted to get rid of his powerful mafia companions who
brought him to power by means of a coup d'etat and threatened to
extradite them to the Hague they assassinated him.
On the brink of collapse the Djindjic clique passed to the offensive
by imposing the state of emergency. Elementary democratic rights were
suspended, strict censorship imposed, the opposition media outlets
closed down, 10.000 people taken into custody and interrogated among
them 2.000 still not released. While announcing a crackdown on the
"organised crime" (which they are in fact politically representing)
they are really targeting all the left remnants remaining within the
state apparatus. It was not by accident that those organising the
defence of Slobodan Milosevic were hit as well. Actually it is the
second part of the pro-imperialist coup d'etat.
The state of emergency had to be lifted after one month. But several
dictatorial measures continue to be in place. The media is completely
in Western hands. There is virtually no more freedom of expression.
Hence the democracy of Western brand for which the American empire in
waging wars around the world. But they will not pass. The popular
resistance in continuing whether in Serbia, Iraq or Colombia.
Free Slobodan Milosevic!
Dissolve the Hague inquisition tribunal!
Restore elementary democratic rights in Serbia!
NATO out of the Balkans!
Demonstration on Vidovdan (the Serbian national day commemorating the
defeat on Kosovo Polje, the assassination of Sarajevo, the extradition
of Milosevic)
The Hague, June 28, 2 pm
Churchillplain 10
Anti-imperialist Camp
************************************
Antiimperialist Camp
PF 23, A-1040 Vienna, Austria
camp@...
www.antiimperialista.org/en
************************************
=== 4 ===
ICTY Sets Milosevic Case Deadline
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200305/21/print20030521_116961.html
International Criminal Tribunal Sets Milosevic Case Deadline
Judges at International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
(ICTY) set prosecutors a 100-day deadline on Tuesday to complete the
case on Slobodan Milosevic.
Considering a summer break and rest days, the ICTY ruling effectively
means prosecutors must end their case against the former Yugoslav
president before the end of December.
Milosevic, accused by the Hague-based court of genocide, crimesagainst
humanity and war crimes in the Balkans in the 1990s, is defending
himself. The deadline raises the prospect of him launching his defense
early next year.
The trial, which started in February 2002, has been adjourned several
times because of Milosevic's frequent illness. It has heard evidence
from more than 180 witnesses covering three conflicts spanning almost
a decade in the Balkans.
In a written ruling, Judges ordered prosecutors to finish calling more
than 170 witnesses within 100 days in court from May 16. The tribunal
takes a three-week break in August and also takesregular breaks to
allow Milosevic to rest.
The ICTY prosecutors earlier this month appealed for more time after
telling judges they could not meet a deadline set last year to wrap up
the case this month.
"The trial chamber has come to the conclusion that it would be in the
interests of justice to allow some variation in the time limit to
allow the prosecution more time to call further witnessesit regards as
essential," judges said in the ruling.
People's Daily Online --- http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/
=== 5 ===
HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------
http://sg.news.yahoo.com/030520/1/3b37k.html
[This unconscionable screed, recognizable by all but
the most incurably indoctrinated for what it is, is an
indication of to what extent the establishment media
stokes the fires of war and the latter's inexorable
descent into persecuting the defeated victims so as to
retroactively excuse the perpetrators' war crimes.
Even the Third Reich permitted Georgi Dmitrov the
opportunity to - forcefully - win an acquital.]
Agence France-Presse
May 20, 2003
Milosevic trial may run to 2005 after prosecutors win
more time
The war crimes trial of Slobodan Milosevic could now
stretch well into 2005 after the prosecution won more
time to present its case against the former Yugoslav
leader.
Judges at the UN war crimes court in The Hague granted
prosecutors another 100 trial days "in the interest of
justice" and they are now expected to wrap up their
case by the end of this year.
Milosevic, standing trial on more than 60 charges of
war crimes and crimes against humanity for his role in
the 1990s wars in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo, will
then have nearly two years to present his defence.
But observers said the trial could run even longer if
Milosevic's ill health, which has led to the
interruption of the proceedings seven times since it
opened in February last year, emerges as a problem
again.
The prosecution was to have wrapped up its case by May
16, but it asked for more time to complete the
presentation of evidence on the 1991-1995 conflict in
Croatia and the war in Bosnia from 1992-95, for which
Milosevic also faces a charge of genocide, the gravest
of war crimes.
Prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) have already presented
their evidence over the 1999 Serb crackdown against
Albanians in the province of Kosovo.
Milosevic, 61, a lawyer by training, has branded the
UN court illegal and defiantly conducted his own
defence.
Although doctors say he runs the risk of a heart
attack because of high blood pressure, Milosevic is
said to spend his nights in the tribunal's detention
centre pouring over thousands of pages of court
documents.
He has two handpicked legal advisors from Belgrade who
consult with him on strategy but he does not allow
anyone to speak for him in court.
The former Yugoslav president was ousted from power in
October 2000 after a popular uprising, ending 13 years
in power that saw the bloody breakup of the former
Yugoslavia.
Presiding judge Richard May said the court had to
"strike a balance" between allowing the prosecution
enough time and ensuring an expeditious trial.
But May said the judges would not allow any more extra
time for prosecutors because their case would become
"excessively long and oppressive to all concerned, in
particular the accused."
Even if the trial ends in 2005, Milosevic -- who faces
a life sentence if convicted -- could still lodge
appeals that could also take years to go through the
UN court system.
After the judges announced their decision Tuesday's
hearing continued with the cross-examination of Renaud
de la Brosse, a French expert on the use of the media
and political propaganda for Serb nationalist ends.
"By making up lies, inventing differences and
overplaying oppositions between communities, the
television, radio and written press played a dangerous
game," de la Brosse said.
The coverage "made it possible to inspire and arouse
hatred and fear among communities" in the former
Yugoslavia, he added.
The Hague, June 28, 03
2. Hague protest to demand freedom for Yugoslav workers
By John Catalinotto
Reprinted from the May 29, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
3. Down with NATO's mafia govt in Belgrade!
Anti-imperialist Camp
4. ICTY Sets Milosevic Case Deadline
(People's Daily, China, 21/5/2003)
5. Milosevic trial may run to 2005 after prosecutors win more time
Agence France-Presse, May 20, 2003
=== 1 ===
From: "Klaus von Raussendorff" <redaktion@...>
Sent: Monday, May 19, 2003 1:31 PM
Subject: Internat. Demonstration to support Slobodan Milosevic (The
Hague, June 28, 03)
YUGOSLAVIA, AFGHANISTAN, IRAQ... WHO'S NEXT?
STOP USA! - FREE SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
On the occasion of the second anniversary of the kidnapping of the
former president of Yugoslavia there will be an
International Demonstration
in The Hague/Netherlands, Saturday, June 28, 2003
Slandered from the outset, Slobodan Milosevic, the Socialist Party of
Serbia and all patriotic forces resisted the shattering of Yugoslavia
into weak, racially segregated territories, resisted domination by the
IMF and World Bank, resisted penetration by the Macdonald's culture
and resisted NATO-dominated racist-terrorist forces cynically
disguised as freedom fighters. It is because of these acts of
principle that NATO has put him on 'trial' in The Hague.
In that trial President Milosevic refuses to make a deal to save
himself but continues to expose the crimes of violence and racism
committed by NATO and its proxy forces against Yugoslavia.
Slobodan Milosevic was overthrown by a "regime change" made in USA.
Yugoslavia is now being wrecked economically, socially and culturally,
under USA/German domination. President Milosevic has become the first
political prisoner of the so-called "globalisation" of capitalist
exploitation. By kidnapping and putting on "trial" a popularly elected
President of a sovereign state, NATO and their "tribunal" have
established the gravest precedent for the destruction of the
sovereignty of states.
After the military invasions in Afghanistan and Iraq the US government
and their allies continue to blackmail many more nations into
subjugation by economic sanctions, the threat of mass destruction and
destabilization through "dissident" and "opposition" forces organized
from outside.
We, the signatories of this appeal, wish to remind all people in the
anti war and social movements that for our future struggles against
the threat of war it is of utmost importance to remain persistent in
our opposition and protest against previous acts of aggression and
their continuation in the form of occupation and subjugation of
countries, sell out of their wealth and resources to transnational
corporations and, last not least, the "trial" of their leaders.
Recalling the verdicts rendered by independent popular tribunals in
Berlin and New York on NATO leaders for their aggression and war
crimes committed against the former Yugoslavia we call on honest
people of all political convictions and all walks of life to join in
the demonstration
in order to demand:
- the abolishment of the illegal Hague "Tribunal", an instrument of
aggression and occupation
- the release of Slobodan Milosevic, who has shown by his outstanding
defence that he is indicted only to divert attention from NATO war
crimes and to impose foreign control on his people
- reparation payments to be made by NATO governments responsible for
all damages caused by their war of aggression against Yugoslavia
DOWNLOAD THE DEMO LEAFLETS AT:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/
=== 2 ===
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/milos0529.php
Hague protest to demand freedom for Yugoslav workers
By John Catalinotto
European groups that have been defending former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic, along with organizations of the Yugoslav diaspora,
are issuing a call for a demonstration in The Hague, Netherlands, on
June 28, demanding his freedom.
It was on that date two years ago that Milosevic was kidnapped from
Belgrade by NATO forces and brought to The Hague. It is also St. Vitus
Day, a date commemorated in Serbia for its significance in the
struggle against foreign oppressors in 1389.
The call states clearly the reasons NATO went after President
Milosevic.
"Slandered from the outset," it reads, "Slobodan Milosevic, the
Socialist Party of Serbia and all patriotic forces resisted the
shattering of Yugoslavia into weak, racially segregated territories,
resisted domination by the IMF and World Bank, resisted penetration by
the McDonald's culture and resisted NATO-dominated racist-terrorist
forces cynically disguised as freedom fighters. It is because of these
acts of principle that NATO has put him on 'trial' in The Hague.
"In that trial President Milosevic refuses to make a deal to save
himself but continues to expose the crimes of violence and racism
committed by NATO and its proxy forces against Yugoslavia.
"Slobodan Milosevic was overthrown by a 'regime change' made in the
USA. Yugoslavia is now being wrecked economically, socially and
culturally, under USA/German domination. President Milosevic has
become the first political prisoner of the so-called 'globalization'
of capitalist exploitation. By kidnapping and putting on 'trial' a
popularly elected president of a sovereign state, NATO and their
'tribunal' have established the gravest precedent for the destruction
of the sovereignty of states.
"After the military invasions in Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S.
government and its allies continue to blackmail many more nations into
subjugation by economic sanctions, the threat of mass destruction and
destabilization through 'dissident' and 'opposition' forces organized
from outside."
The International Action Center, which was active in leading the
anti-war struggle in the United States during the U.S./NATO bombing of
Yugoslavia in 1999, has added its support to the call and will send a
representative to The Hague on June 28.
Reprinted from the May 29, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@.... Subscribe
wwnews-on@.... Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support
independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)
=== 3 ===
Down with NATO's mafia govt in Belgrade!
Within less than three years Djindjic and his so-called Democratic
Opposition (DOS) succeeded in destroying the last remnants of
Yugoslavia and transforming it into a Latin American style third world
oligarchy.
Djindjic was the only common point which kept together his
heterogeneous clique of Habermasian civil society intellectuals,
ultra-liberal mouthpieces of IMF, war profiteers, praetorians and
simple gangsters, while his anti-popular regime was rapidly loosing
ground:
Although the neo-liberal "shock therapy" has proved a complete failure
all over Eastern Europe as well as in Argentine it was applied once
again on Yugoslavia. The radical policy of open market and the
privatisation of the financial and industrial sector completely
destroyed the remains of the national economy. Prices soared and wages
plunged precipitating the majority into misery while a small layer
made enormous fortunes. While unemployment is skyrocketing the social
system is being dismantled.
All the promises of the nationalist fig leaves to defend Serbian
integrity against fragmentation brought about by imperialist
aggression and blamed on the Milosevic government turned out to be
cheap lies. Yugoslavia has eventually being dismantled splitting away
Montenegro. Kosovo remains under NATO occupation being successively
albanised, the Serbian Kraijna is completely ethnically cleansed and
the Bosnian Serbs continue to live under the dictatorial rule of EU
and NATO imposed protectorate. In South Serbia the Albanian
nationalist guerrilla is carrying on their struggle for secession and
subsequent unification into a Great Albania without being curbed by
NATO. The plans to fragment even Serbia proper by giving further
autonomy to Sandjak and Voivodina are being pressed ahead.
The Hague "tribunal" has been imposed violating the rules of the UN in
order to legitimise NATO's aggression. The anti-imperialist resistance
of the Yugoslav and Serb people is to be condemned and abased. Like
during medieval witch hunts whose aggressed should be forced to accuse
themselves voluntarily and thus absolve the aggressor. But in his
brave defence Milosevic keeps destroying the amalgam of the tribunal
in which both the prosecutor and the judge are NATO puppets and the
judgement is already decided.
While the Djindjic regime, in order to co-operate with its foreign
masters, has been violating the constitution by extraditing Yugoslav
citizen to the Hague, the people continue opposing by majority the
tribunal's attempt to criminalize their decade long resistance.
When Djindjic wanted to get rid of his powerful mafia companions who
brought him to power by means of a coup d'etat and threatened to
extradite them to the Hague they assassinated him.
On the brink of collapse the Djindjic clique passed to the offensive
by imposing the state of emergency. Elementary democratic rights were
suspended, strict censorship imposed, the opposition media outlets
closed down, 10.000 people taken into custody and interrogated among
them 2.000 still not released. While announcing a crackdown on the
"organised crime" (which they are in fact politically representing)
they are really targeting all the left remnants remaining within the
state apparatus. It was not by accident that those organising the
defence of Slobodan Milosevic were hit as well. Actually it is the
second part of the pro-imperialist coup d'etat.
The state of emergency had to be lifted after one month. But several
dictatorial measures continue to be in place. The media is completely
in Western hands. There is virtually no more freedom of expression.
Hence the democracy of Western brand for which the American empire in
waging wars around the world. But they will not pass. The popular
resistance in continuing whether in Serbia, Iraq or Colombia.
Free Slobodan Milosevic!
Dissolve the Hague inquisition tribunal!
Restore elementary democratic rights in Serbia!
NATO out of the Balkans!
Demonstration on Vidovdan (the Serbian national day commemorating the
defeat on Kosovo Polje, the assassination of Sarajevo, the extradition
of Milosevic)
The Hague, June 28, 2 pm
Churchillplain 10
Anti-imperialist Camp
************************************
Antiimperialist Camp
PF 23, A-1040 Vienna, Austria
camp@...
www.antiimperialista.org/en
************************************
=== 4 ===
ICTY Sets Milosevic Case Deadline
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200305/21/print20030521_116961.html
International Criminal Tribunal Sets Milosevic Case Deadline
Judges at International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
(ICTY) set prosecutors a 100-day deadline on Tuesday to complete the
case on Slobodan Milosevic.
Considering a summer break and rest days, the ICTY ruling effectively
means prosecutors must end their case against the former Yugoslav
president before the end of December.
Milosevic, accused by the Hague-based court of genocide, crimesagainst
humanity and war crimes in the Balkans in the 1990s, is defending
himself. The deadline raises the prospect of him launching his defense
early next year.
The trial, which started in February 2002, has been adjourned several
times because of Milosevic's frequent illness. It has heard evidence
from more than 180 witnesses covering three conflicts spanning almost
a decade in the Balkans.
In a written ruling, Judges ordered prosecutors to finish calling more
than 170 witnesses within 100 days in court from May 16. The tribunal
takes a three-week break in August and also takesregular breaks to
allow Milosevic to rest.
The ICTY prosecutors earlier this month appealed for more time after
telling judges they could not meet a deadline set last year to wrap up
the case this month.
"The trial chamber has come to the conclusion that it would be in the
interests of justice to allow some variation in the time limit to
allow the prosecution more time to call further witnessesit regards as
essential," judges said in the ruling.
People's Daily Online --- http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/
=== 5 ===
HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------
http://sg.news.yahoo.com/030520/1/3b37k.html
[This unconscionable screed, recognizable by all but
the most incurably indoctrinated for what it is, is an
indication of to what extent the establishment media
stokes the fires of war and the latter's inexorable
descent into persecuting the defeated victims so as to
retroactively excuse the perpetrators' war crimes.
Even the Third Reich permitted Georgi Dmitrov the
opportunity to - forcefully - win an acquital.]
Agence France-Presse
May 20, 2003
Milosevic trial may run to 2005 after prosecutors win
more time
The war crimes trial of Slobodan Milosevic could now
stretch well into 2005 after the prosecution won more
time to present its case against the former Yugoslav
leader.
Judges at the UN war crimes court in The Hague granted
prosecutors another 100 trial days "in the interest of
justice" and they are now expected to wrap up their
case by the end of this year.
Milosevic, standing trial on more than 60 charges of
war crimes and crimes against humanity for his role in
the 1990s wars in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo, will
then have nearly two years to present his defence.
But observers said the trial could run even longer if
Milosevic's ill health, which has led to the
interruption of the proceedings seven times since it
opened in February last year, emerges as a problem
again.
The prosecution was to have wrapped up its case by May
16, but it asked for more time to complete the
presentation of evidence on the 1991-1995 conflict in
Croatia and the war in Bosnia from 1992-95, for which
Milosevic also faces a charge of genocide, the gravest
of war crimes.
Prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) have already presented
their evidence over the 1999 Serb crackdown against
Albanians in the province of Kosovo.
Milosevic, 61, a lawyer by training, has branded the
UN court illegal and defiantly conducted his own
defence.
Although doctors say he runs the risk of a heart
attack because of high blood pressure, Milosevic is
said to spend his nights in the tribunal's detention
centre pouring over thousands of pages of court
documents.
He has two handpicked legal advisors from Belgrade who
consult with him on strategy but he does not allow
anyone to speak for him in court.
The former Yugoslav president was ousted from power in
October 2000 after a popular uprising, ending 13 years
in power that saw the bloody breakup of the former
Yugoslavia.
Presiding judge Richard May said the court had to
"strike a balance" between allowing the prosecution
enough time and ensuring an expeditious trial.
But May said the judges would not allow any more extra
time for prosecutors because their case would become
"excessively long and oppressive to all concerned, in
particular the accused."
Even if the trial ends in 2005, Milosevic -- who faces
a life sentence if convicted -- could still lodge
appeals that could also take years to go through the
UN court system.
After the judges announced their decision Tuesday's
hearing continued with the cross-examination of Renaud
de la Brosse, a French expert on the use of the media
and political propaganda for Serb nationalist ends.
"By making up lies, inventing differences and
overplaying oppositions between communities, the
television, radio and written press played a dangerous
game," de la Brosse said.
The coverage "made it possible to inspire and arouse
hatred and fear among communities" in the former
Yugoslavia, he added.
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-04-09_5.html
Kosovo i Metohija: Propaganda i istina
Rade Drobac
Beograd, 09. april 2003. godine
Beleska autora: tekst sam pisao januara 1999. g. za
potrebe Saveznoig ministarstva za inostrane poslove a
sada sam ga aktuelizovao u uverenju da je korisno
ponoviti argumente koji i danas imaju jednaku
vrednost a koje smo, u poplavi dnevnih vesti i
dezinformacija, mozda izgubili iz vida.
UVOD
Kosovo i Metohija su jedna od najcescih tema u
politickim krugovima u inostranstvu, medjunarodnim
organizacijama i svetskim medijima ve? du?i niz
godina.. Kada bi se analizirala kolicina izrecenog,
napisanog i snimljenog , moglo bi se pomisliti da je o
ovom pitanju sve i vise nego poznato i da je vec
svima jasno o cemu se tu radi, ko je tu kriv i zasto, i
koga treba braniti. Medjutim, kolicina i vrsta
informacija koje kruze o Kosovu i Metohiji obnuto je
srazmerna stvarnom razumevanju zbivanja u ovoj
juznoj srpskoj pokrajini. Poznavaocima stanja i
problematike cini se da sto se vise o Kosovu i
Metohiji govori, sve je vise zabluda i pogresnih
predstava. Kako je ovo moguce? Iako zvuci
nelogicno, moguce je jer se na ovom delu srpske
teritorije preplicu drzavni i nacionalni interesi
Republike Srbije i SRJ, velikoalbanske aspiracije
albanskih separatista i terorista i globalni i stgrateski
interesi nekih velikih sila, koje nesumnjivo raspolazu
mogucnostima i nacinima da, u funkciji ostvarivanja
ciljeva sopstvene politike, istinu pretvore u laz i laz u
istinu. Kosovo i Metohija je jedan od primera koji
nedvosmisleno dokazuje da se oni ne libe da to i ucine
ne vodeci, pri tome, racuna o stvarnim cinjenicama,
niti o interesima onih koji u ovoj srpskoj pokrajini
zive, iako se za to verbalno zalazu, niti se pridrzavaju
principa koje su sami proklamovali i koje silom
namecu drugima. Neupuceni bi se mogli zapitati zbog
cega je nekom potrebno da manipulise cinjenicama?
Zbog toga da bi, prikazujuci stanje, aktere i zbivanja u
svetlu koji odgovara sopstvenim interesima,
mobilisao sto veci broj politickih faktora u svetu u
podrsci ostvarivanju sopstvenih ciljeva, isfabrikovao
dogadjaje koji treba da nateraju medjunarodne
organizacije i institucije da legalizuju odredjene
politicke i vojne akcije uperene protiv zacrtanog
protivnika i, napokon, da bi se pred medjunarodnim
javnim mnjenjem stvorio utisak o pravednosti
sopstvenog delovanja.
Brojni su primeri manipulacija koje su uspele i donele
velike nesrece celim narodima. Na srecu bilo je i
pokusaja manipulacija, koji su osujeceni i njihovi
negativni efekti spreceni. Kada je Kosovo i Metohija
u pitanju, najpoznatji takav slucaj je pokusaj
inscenacije masovnog masakra albanskih civila od
strane srpske policije u selu Racak. Teroristi koji su u
prethodnom periodu izvrsili vise napada na policiju i
civile u tom regionu napali su policiju koja je na
napad odgovorila i tom prilikom ubila vise desetina
terorista. Preko noci su ti teroristi preobuceni i
proglaseni civilima, a sve to su legalizovali visoki
predstavnici najuglednijih madjunarodnih
organizacija i vodecih sila sveta. Na srecu, ima
postenih novinara koji su to videli i prevaru
obelodanili.
Kada se pojedinci ne libe ovako otvorenih i grubih
manipulacija, moze se zamisliti kakve se sve zablude
i pogresne predstave, putem sofisticiranih,
globalizovanih i centralizovanih uticajnih medija, PR
agencija i lobi grupa, sire u svetu, stvarajuci o Kosovu
i Metohiji potpuno pogresne predstave.
Nije moguce na jednom mestu izneti sve te neistine i
maniplulacije, ali cemo nabrojati one najcesce i
najvaznije.
1. LAZ: Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji prisiljeni su
da se bune jer je rezim u Srbiji nedemokratski?
ISTINA:Problem separatistickog albanskog
delovanja na Kosovu i Metohiji postoji vec vise od sto
godina. Njegovi temelji udareni su jos 1878. g.
osnivanjem tzv. Prizrenske lige cija je pratforma
objedinjavanje svih albanskih etnickih teritorija, pri
cemu su granice te teritorije obuhvatale i delove
susednih drzava, pa i one u kojima Albanci nisu bili
vecinska populacija.
Albanski separatizam , koji je, u periodima strane
okupacije Kosova I Metohije, uzimao formu terora i
terorizma u ostalim periodima, bio je u kontinuitetu
protiv svake vlasti u Srbiji (i u susednim drzavama
prema kojima je imao aspiracije), nezavisno od
njihovog karaktera i nosilaca.
Kako tadasnja, tako i aktuelna vlast u Srbiji i
Jugoslaviji izabrane su na demokratskim izborima i
priznaje je najveci broj gradjana, medju koje spadaju i
pripadnici ostalih 25 nacionalnih manjina i etnickih
grupa koje zive u SRJ.
2. LAZ: Kosovo i Metohija je albanska teritorija i
Srbi na nju nemaju pravo.
ISTINA:Kosovo i Metohija je teritorija koja od VI
veka pripada, bez prekida, srpskom narodu koji je na
njoj najbrojniji u periodu od skoro 13 vekova.
Teritorija Kosova i Metohije je u celom ovom
periodu neprekidno, osim u periodima strane
okupacije, bila integralni deo srpske drzave. Do
okupacije Kosova i Metohije od strane Otomanske
imperije, u 14. Veku, prestonica Kraljevine Srbije bio
je grad Prizren, a sediste srpske pravoslavne crkve se i
danas nalazi u Peci. Na prostoru Kosova I Metohije
nalazi se oko 1300 srpskih kulturno - istorijskih
spomenika koji predstavljaju vise od 90% ukupne
kulturno - istorijske bastine ovog regiona. O
pripadnosti ove teritorije Srbima svedoce toponimi,
samo ime (Kosovo polje- dolazi od srpske reci kos,
Metohija dolazi od reci metoh koja znaci pravoslavni
crkveni posed). Albanci se kao etnicka skupina
pominju tek od XIV veka, a na Kosovu i Metohiji su
sada vecinsko stanovnistvo zahvaljujuci sistematskom
maltretiranju i proterivanju srpskog i drugog
nealbanskog stanovnistva sa ovog prostora.
3. LAZ: Albanaca na Kosovu i Metohiji ima 90%.
ISTINA: U skoro svim izvestajima najveceg dela
svetskih medija u vreme pred agresiju NATO pakta
kao refren se ponavljalo da Albanci na Kosovu i
Metohiji predstavljaju vecinu u odnosu na Srbe u
razmeri 9 na prema 1. Istina je sasvim drugacija. Iako
potpuno egzaktnih podataka nema, jer Albanci nisu
izasli na popis odrzan 1991. godine, a onaj iz 1981.
godine su vrsile jednonacionalne albanske komisije
koje su potpuno proizvoljno i netacno prikazale broj i
demografsku strukturu stanovnistva na Kosovu i
Metohiji, najnovije analize jugoslovenskog Zavoda za
statistiku (kraj 1998. god.) pokazale su prilicno jasnu i
verodostojnu sliku. Prema strucnjacima ovog zavoda,
na Kosovu I Metohiji tada je zivelo oko 917.000
Albanaca, 221.000 Srba, 23.000 Crnogoraca, 97.000
Roma, 72.500 Muslimana, 3.500 Jugoslovena, 21.000
Turaka, 980 Makedonaca i 23.000 ostalih. Ovi podaci
dokazuju da je procenat albanskog stanovnistva na
Kosovu i Metohiji oko 66%. Zbog cega Albansci i
oni koji u svetu podrzavaju njihov separatizam i
terorizam stalno insistiraju na 90%? Zbog toga sto
svoje zahteve za nezavisnoscu Albanci zasnivaju
iskljucivo na svojoj razlicitoj etnickoj pripadnosti pa
im je zato potrebno da prikazu sto veci procenat
stanovnistva albanske nacionalnosti kako bi svojim
zahtevima dali veci legitimitet i verodostojnost, iako
se radi o krajnje nacionalistickim i hegemonistickim
pobudama. Sada ih je na KiM verovatno 90% jer su
pod okriljem NATO jedinica i na njihovu sramotu
proterali veliki deo srpskog i nealbanskog
stanovnistva sa KiM.
4. LAZ: Svi Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji podrzavaju
nezavisnost ove pokrajine.
ISTINA: Najveci broj Albanaca koji zive na Kosovu i
Metohiji nije za otcepljenje od Srbije i Jugoslavije.
Medjutim, suoceni sa agresivnim separatizmom
svojih politickih lidera i sve surovijim terorizmom,
uvidjajuci da i neke uticajne drzave podrzavaju
separatizam i terorizam u ovoj juznoj srpskoj
pokrajini, ne usudjuju se da se otvoreno suprotstave, u
strahu za svoje i zivote svojih porodica. Nesporna je
cinjenica da veliki broj Albanaca na Kosovu i
Metohiji ima visok standard zivota i da je zadovoljan
mogucnostima koje ima, pogotovo u odnosu na samu
Albaniju, pa i druge susedne zemlje, i da zele da zive
u miru i slozi sa svim gradjanima Kosova i Metohije.
Ali dok god se ne iskoreni terorizam i ne suzbije
separatizam, oni nece biti u prilici da dobiju
mogucnost da svoja opredeljenja slobodno I bez straha
ispolje. Najbolji dokaz da veliki broj Albanaca na
Kosovu i Metohiji ne podrzava separatizam i
terorizam je da od ubijenih u toku 1998. g. Albanske
zrtve cine 55% (77 civila). Ubijeni su samo zato jer
nisu podrzavali etnocentricnu i iskljucivu
separatisticku politiku albanskih terorista.
5. LAZ: Albancima na Kosovu i Metohiji je nasilno
oduzeta autonomija.
ISTINA:Albancima na Kosovu i Metohija nije
oduzeta autonomija, a pogotovo ne nasilno. Stepen
autonomije koju uziva ova srpska pokrajina u svemu
je jednak autonomiji koju uziva druga srpska
pokrajina Vojvodina. Dok u Vojvodini u miru i slozi,
u okviru siroke autonomije koju u punoj meri koriste,
zajedno zivi i saradjuje 25 nacionalnih manjina i
etnickih grupa, bez ozbiljnih problema ili
nesuglasica, dotle na Kosovu i Metohiji od nekoliko
nacionalnih manjina i etnickih grupa koje tamo zive
bez problema samo jedna jedina se zali- Albanska.
Prava koja imaju na raspolaganju svi gradjani Kosova
i Metohije, kao i ona specificna za pripadnike
nacionalnih manjina, u okviru koncepta regionalne
autonomije koji spada u red uobicajenih u svetu, su
takvog stepena da prevazilaze ne samo obaveze iz
medjunarodnih propisa, vec i sve sto je u praksi u
drugim zemljama Evrope i sveta. Ta prava Albanci ne
koriste iz politickih razloga - kako bi politickim
faktorima u svetu i medjunarodnoj javnosti dokazali
svoju navodnu obespravljenost.
Kao krunski argument da je Albancima na Kosovu i
Metohiji nasilno oduzeta autonomija navodi se da je
1989.g. pod pretnjom sile promenjen statut ove
pokrajine. Statut je zaista promenjen, u smislu
ukidanja atributa drzavnosti koji nisu pripadali
konceptu autonomije uobicajenom u svetu. I to je
ucinjeno na legalan nacin. Odluku je izglasala
pokrajinska skupstina a ratifikovao savezni
parlament, bez ijedne primedbe neke od republika
koje su u to vreme sacinjavale prethodnu Jugoslaviju.
Svi ostali prerogativi autonomnog statusa su ostali na
snazi ali je ovom promenom presecen proces
postepenog sticanja nezavisnosti, pa je razumljivo
nezadovoljstvo separatista kojima je time ometeno
ostvarivanje njihovih ciljeva. Pri tome ovde treba
razbiti jos jednu manipulaciju. Kroz formulaciju da je
Albancima na Kosovu i Metohiji ukinuta autonomija
na mala vrata se ova srpska pokrajina pokusava
predstaviti kao albanska a ne srpska. Da je autonomija
zaista ukinuta, ona bi bila ukinuta za sve gradjane
Kosova i Metohije, a ne samo za Albance.
6. LAZ: Ljudska i nacionalna prava Albanaca na
Kosovu i Metohiji su ugrozena.
ISTINA: Ljudska, gradjanska i nacionalna prava
Albanaca, ili drugih pripadnika nacionalnih manjina
na Kosovu i Metohiji, ili u SR Jugoslaviji , ni u cemu
nisu ugrozena. Ustavni i zakonski okviri ostvarivanja
ovih prava su, ne samo u saglasnosti sa
najsavremenijim pravnim postulatima zemalja
razvijenog sveta, vec sadrze i mnoge pozitivne
odredbe koje ne sadrze propisi koji regulisu ovu
materiju u drugim zemljama. Svi pripadnici
nacionalnih manjina u SR Jugoslaviji(Srbiji i Crnoj
Gori) imaju pravo glasa, pravo na politicko
organizovanje, pravo na negovanje sopstvenog jezika,
kulture i obicaja, pravo na skolovanje na maternjem
jeziku, ukljucujuci i na univerzitetima, pravo na
informisanje na sopstvenom jeziku i mnoga druga.
Medjutim, problem nije u nedostatku nekog od ovih
prava ili u teskocama u njihovom ostvarivanju.
Problem je u cinjenici da politicke predstavnike
Albanaca na Kosovu i Metohiji zanima samo
nezavisnost, odnosno da je njihov cilj da od Srbije i
SR Jugoslavije (srbije i Crne Gore) otmu deo njene
suverene teritorije, ne prezajuci da u tom cilju koriste
sva raspoloziva sredstva. Terorizam koji svakodnevno
odnosi brojne zrtve na Kosovu i Metohiji samo je
nalicje separatizma, usmerenog na borbu za tudju
teritoriju, pri cemu price o ljudskim i nacionalnim
pravima sluze da zamaskiraju prave ciljeve albanskih
separatista i terorista.
7. LAZ: Albance na Kosovu i Metohiji Srbi
proganjaju i etnicki ciste.
ISTINA:Optuzbe da Srbi na Kosovu i Metohiji
proganjaju Albance i da to predstavlja svojevrsno
etnicko ciscenje je apsolutno netacna. Ona sluzi
albanskim separatistima da pred ocima medjunarodne
javnosti nadju prihvatljivo opravdanje koje bi
maskiralo njihove prave ciljeve - secesiju i otimanje
dela tudje teritorije. Medjutim, te optuzbe sluze i da
preduprede istu takvu, ovoga puta istinitu, optuzbu
Srba na Kosovu i Metohiji, da Albanci decenijama
vrse sistematski progon i nedela nad njima i da su ta
nasilja razmera etnickog ciscenja. Da Albanci etnicki
ciste Srbe sa Kosova i Metohije, a ne obrnuto,
najbolje svedoce egzaktni podaci, koje niko ne
osporava. A to je da je na Kosovu i Metohiji pre
NATO agresije i nasilnog iseljavanja Srba i ostalog
nealbanskog stanaovnistva, ?ivelo 66% Albanaca a
svega 16% Srba. Ako se zna da su Srbi vekovima
predstavljali apsolutnu vecinu na prostoru Kosova i
Metohije, kako je onda moguce da su svedeni samo na
ovako mali procenat, a Albanci u demografskoj
ekspanziji. Ako pri tome znamo da se albanski teror
nad srpskim stanovnistvom odvija vec preko sto
godina, o cemu svedoce brojni dokumenti iz daleke i
nedavne proslosti, onda je to razumljivo. Taj teror je
bio posebno izrazen u periodima strane okupacije ove
srpske pokrajine, koje su albanski separatisti uvek
maksimalno iskoriscavali za jos agresivniji i potpuniji
teror nad lokalnim srpskim stanovnistvom i njegov
izgon sa Kosva i Metohije. Prema verodostojnim
istorijskim podacima izmedju 1889. i 1899. godine,
kada su Srbi bili cetiri puta brojniji od Albanaca
(Srba 415.300, Albanaca 106.270), pod
pokroviteljstvom Turske, sa Kosova i Metohije je
proterano oko 60.000 Srba. Procene strucnjaka govore
da je izmedju 1880.g. do 1913.g. sa Kosova i Metohije
proterano oko 150.000 Srba i Crnogoraca, tako da se
oko 1921.g. broj Srba i Crnogoraca izjednacaio sa
brojem Albanaca. Drugi veliki egzodus Srba i
Crnogoraca sa Kosova i Metohije dogodio se tokokm
II Svetskog rata. Pod okriljem okupacije fasisticke
Italije Albanci su pobili oko 10.000 Srba, spalili i
porusili oko 30.000 njihovih kuca i proterali izmedju
60.000 i 70.000. U istom periodu, i neposredno nakon
ovog rata, na Kosovo Metohiju je na srpska imanja i
terotorije dovedeno ukupno oko 300.000 Albanaca iz
Albanije, sa ciljem promene etnicke strukture
stanovnistva i stvaranja uslova otimanje te teritorije
od Srba. Poslednji veci odlazak Srba i Crnogoraca sa
Kosova i Metohije dogodio se u periodu nakon II
Svetskog rata, kada je pod zastitom lokalnih
albanskih politicara, koji su tada upravljali ovom
srpskom pokrajinom, nastavljeno tiho proterivanje .
Samo u periodu od 1981. do 1988. god., pod
pritiskom, pretnjama i maltretiranjima, sa Kosova i
Metohije otislo je 28.000. Srba. Ocito je, dakle, da su
na Kosovu i Metohiji Srbi ti koji su zrtve i da je
njihov opstanak tamo ugrozen, a ne obrnuto. O tome
svedoci i aktuelna situacija u kojoj albanski separatisti
i teroristi ubijaju, otimaju i muce srpske civile, u
pokusaju da ih oteraju sa Kosova i Metohije. Samo u
periodu od potpisivanja sporazuma izmedju tadasnjeg
predsednika SRJ S. Milosevica i americkog
predstavnika R. Holbruka (13. 10. 1998.g.) Srbi su
proterani iz oko 70 sela koja su sada etnicki cista -
Albanska.
8. LAZ: Srbi odbijaju pregovore i silom zele da rese
sukob.
ISTINA: Nisu Srbi ti koji odbijaju dijalog i koji na
silu zele da rese postojece razlike. Upravo je obrnuto.
U periodu od februara 1998.g. pa sve do sada
politicki predstavnici Republike Srbije i SRJ
neprekidno su nudili dijalog i resavanje sukoba
mirnim i politickim putem. Dokaz toga je cinjenica
da su delegacije Srbije i SRJ vise od dvadeset puta
pozivale albanske predstavnike sa Kosova i Metohije
na razgovore i da su u svim tim prilikama dolazili u
Pristinu. Ni na jedan od tih poziva se albanski
politicki predstavnici nisu odazvali. Svoje izostanke
ili odbijanja uvek su pravdali nekim izgovorima. Prvo
nisu imali sastav delegacije za pregovore, zatim nisu
imali pratformu za razgovore, potom nisu hteli da
razgovaraju dok se srpska policija ne povuce sa
Kosova i Metohije i sl. Sustina svega bila je
nezainteresovanost za otvaranje dijaloga jer bi na taj
nacin mogli dobiti samo autonomiju, a to oni ne zele.
Izbegavanjem razgovora, izazivanjem incidenata da bi
provocirali policiju ili vojsku da intervenise,
pokusavali su da izazovu sto vise sukoba, sto vecu
nesigurnost i sto vece stradanje naroda, optuzujuci
drzavne organe da se sve to desava zbog njihovog
terora, kako bi prisilili medjunarodnu zajednicu da
intervenise u njihovu korist i da im politickim
pritiscima i vojnim pretnjama obezbedi ostvarivanje
njihovog cilja - nezavisnog i etnicki cistog Kosova i
Metohije, kao prve stepenice u stvaranju Velike
Albanije. I danas je tako. Nasilno su oteli tudju
teritoriju i ne ?ele da o njoj pregovaraju boje?i se da
ne izgube nesto od onoga sto sada imaju.Prema tome,
albanski politicki lideri su ti koji odbijaju ili
izbegavaju razgovore i koji postojece razlike zele da
rese terorizmom i silom.
9. LAZ: Tzv. OVK je legalni predstavnik vecine
Albanaca sa Kosova i Metohije i bori se za njihovu
slobodu.
ISTINA: Tzv. OVK je tipicna teroristicka
organizacija koja se bori za ostvarenje separatistickog
politickog cilja - otcepljenja ovog dela teritorije
Republike Srbije i SR Jugoslavije (Srbije i Crne
Gore) i njenog pripajanja zamisljenoj Velikoj
Albaniji. U ostvarenju svog plolitickog cilja, a ne
nekakve imaginarne slobode koju niko ne ugrozava,
koriste sve klasicne forme teroristickih aktivnosti. U
1998. G. teroristi su izvrsili ukupno 1885
teroristickih napada, od cega 1129 na pripadnike
policije. U ovim napadima ubijeno je 115 policijaca a
ranjeno ili povredjeno njih 403. U istom periodu
teroristi su oteli 15 policajaca od kojih su 3 ubijena, 3
pustena a sudbina preostalih 9 se ne zna. Ali teroristi
su napadali i civile. U istom periodu ubili su 128, od
cega 46 Srba, 77 Albanaca 5 Roma. U tim napadima
ranjeno su 74 Srbina (teze ili lakse). Od ukupno
kidnapovanih civila, njih 293, najbrojniji su Srbi, a
potom Albanci - njih 101.Postupak sa otetim ljudima
bio je krajnje okrutan. Nakon raznolikih
maltretiranja, silovanja zena i mucenja ljudi, vecina
otetih je pobijena. Teroristi u svom delovanju koriste
i podmetanje bombi, politicka ubistva, pretnje i
ucene. Pri tome nije istina da oni predstavljaju teznje
albanskog stanovnistva na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Naprotiv, Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji su zaplaseni
teroristickom aktivnoscu tzv. OVK i gledaju da se od
nje spasu jer ih maltretira, silom mobilise, naplacuje
im reket, siluje zene i ubija za svaku neposlusnost.
Razlog sukoba i nestabilnosti na Kosovu i Metohiji su
teroristi i oni predstavljaju prepreku ne samo
povratku mira i bezbednosti, povratku prognanih,
otpocinjanju politickog dijaloga, vec i slobodnom
izjasnjavanju svih gradjana Kosova i Metohije o
svojim politickim stavovima, bilo da se radi o
Albancima ili gradjanima druge nacionalne
pripadnosti.
10. LAZ: Sukobi na Kosovu i Metohiji prete da se
preliju i na susedne zemlje i ugrozavaju regionalnu
bezbednost.
ISTINA: Na Kosovu i Metohiji nije u pitanju ratni
sukob vec borba policijskih snaga sa teroristima.
Dakle, jedna potpuno unutrasnja stvar, bez ikakve
veze sa drugim drzavama. Kako pre NATO agresije,
tako i sada.Sa jugoslovenske strane granica nijednog
suseda nije ugrozena, niti postoje ikakve namere da se
ugrozi. SRJ je bila otvorena za ravnoporavnu saradnju
sa svim drzavama sveta, na principima medjusobnog
uvazavanja, postovanja suvereniteta i integriteta i na
bazi konkretnih interesa. Ako neko ugrozava
regionalnu bezbednost onda je to Republika Albanija
jer sa njene teritorije dolaze svi napadi na granicu SRJ
(Srbije i Crne Gore) , tamo su se nalazili baze i
kampovi za obuku albanskih terorista i separatista,
vrsila se njihova obuka, omogucavao sverc oruzja i
mnogo toga drugog, usmerenog na podrsku albanskim
separatistima i konkretnu pomoc teroristima. Podrska
separatistickim zahtevima u ovom regionu u kome se
preplicu interesi i razliciti narodi je veoma opasna jer
moze ugroziti postojece granice jednog broja drzava
ovog regiona i time izazvati destabilizaciju i
prosirenje sukoba i van granica SRJ. Dokaz toga je i
Makedonija.Stoga, medjunarodna zajednica treba da
da apsolutnu i konkretnu podrsku legalnoj borbi
Srbije i SR Jugoslavije (Srbije i Crne Gore) protiv
terorizma i separatizma jer je to preduslov da se na
Kosovo I Metohiju vrati mir i sigurnost. Znacajan
korak u tom pravcu bio bi prestanak pomoci i podrske
albanskim teroristima, njihovom finansiranju i
naoruzavanju, sto je obaveza i iz rezolucija OUN, a ne
sprovodi se. Za ostvarivanje tog cilja kljucno je
izvrsiti delotvoran pritisak na Republiku Albaniju sa
cije teritorije dolaze sve opasnosti po mir i
bezbednost kako na Kosovu I Metohiji, tako i u celom
regionu.
11. LAZ: Medjunarodna zajednica pokusava da
intervenise u cilju postizanja mira i zastite civila i
njihove imovine.
ISTINA: Da je ta tvrdnja istinita medjunarodna
zajednica bi pomogla legalne organe Republike Srbije
i SRJ da se iskoreni terorizam koji predstavlja glavnu
smetnju povratku mira i sigurnosti na Kosovo i
Metohiju i pretpostavku otpocinjanja dijaloga o
stvarnim problemima zajednickog zivota razlicitih
etnickih zajednica u ovoj srpskoj pokrajini. Medjutim,
najznacajniji medjunarodni faktori, umesto da
osudjuju terorizam, teroriste i osude stradanje
njihovih zrtava -policije, vojske i, pre svega, civila,
stalno vrse pritisak na legalne organe reda i
bezbednosti, okrivljujuci njih, a ne teroriste, za stanje
na Kosovu i Metohiji. Iako su OUN donele rezoluciju
kojom se trazi prekidanje svih vrsta pomoci
teroristima na Kosovu i Metohiji, i dalje se sa svih
strana, a preko puteva koji vode kroz Republiku
Albaniju, na Kosovo i Metohiju slivaju novac, oruzje,
teroristi, mudzahedini i kriminalci, a da se to ne
sprecava, vec naprotiv podstice, i pri tome krije ili
marginalizuje. Civile na Kosovu i Metohiji ne
ugrozava policija, vec kriminalci i teroristi i njihove
pogubne aktivnosti su razlog stradanja civila,
njihovog izgona iz domova i straha i teskoca u kojima
zive. Pored toga, tesko je razumeti da se vojne pretnje
upucuju organima suverene drzave koji brane svoju
teritoriju i gradjane, umesto da se onemogucava
teroristicka aktivnost albanskih separatista, na nacin
na koji se to radi kada su u pitanju interesi tih istih
zemalja. Ocito je, dakle, da se iza napadne brige za
civile ne krije pokusaj smirivanja sukoba i zastite
civila vec pokusaj nametanja sopstvenih interesa
silom i pretnjama, suprotno vazecim medjunarodnim
normama i principima, koristeci pri tome zamene
teza, duple standarde, pa i otvorene manipulacije
cinjenicama.
12. LAZ: Republika Albanija podrzava
medjunarodne napore za smirivanje situacije na
Kosovu i Metohiji i zalaze za mirno resenje sukoba.
ISTINA: Republika Albanija, od svog osnivanja do
danas, skoro neprekidno i u kontinuitetu, aktivno
pomaze separatisticke pokrete i njihovu teroristicku
aktivnost na Kosovu i Metohiji. O tome postoji
bezbroj dokaza, istorijskih i drugih, ali osvrnimo se
samo na aktuelan momenat. Nesprona je cinjenica da
je Albanija u ovom momentu placdarm albanskih
terorista na Kosovu i Metohiji. Na njenoj teritoriji
borave, okupljaju se, obucavaju, opremaju oruzjem i
opremom i sa nje se ilegalno, a cesto i na silu,
prebacuju preko jugoslovenske granice sa ciljem
jacanja teroristickih snaga i njihovog sto sireg i
pogubnijeg delovanja. Medjunarodni kriminal, u koji
je duboko upletena albanska narko mafija i svi drugi
kriminalci albanske nacionalnosti, bez obzira ciji
pasos nose, (medjusobno povezani upravo na principu
nacionalne pripadnosti i kriminalnog opredeljenja),
predstavlja jedan od najvecih izvora finansiranja
teroristicke i separatisticke aktivnosti na Kosovu i
Metohiji u cemu Albanija ima znacajnu ulogu i to ne
samo kao trenutna zona "prljavog" novca, droge i
oruzja na Kosovu i Metohiji. Svoju apsolutnu podrsku
albanskim separatistima i terotistima Albanija vise i
ne krije. Otvoreno prima separatisticke albanske
prvake, pa i one koji se legitimisu kao predstavnici
teroristicke organizacije tzv. OVK, otvoreno
zagovara samoopredeljenje Albanaca na Kosovu i
Metohiji, sto je jasna podrska otcepljenju ove
pokrajine od Republike Srbije i SR Jugoslavije i, cak,
priziva stranu vojnu intervenciju radi pomoci
albanskim separatistima i teroristima u ostvarivanju
njihovog pravog cilja - nezavisnog i etnicki cistog
Kosova i Metohije.
13. LA?. Albanci se bore ya demokratsko i
multietni?ko drustvo na Kosovu i Metohiji.
ISTINA:Aktuelno stanje na KiM jasno pokazuje ne
samo da su prethodno izneti argumenti apsolutno
ta?ni ve? i da je verbalno zalaganje Albanskih
politi?kih lidera za demokratsko i multietni?ko
Kosovo obi?na la?. Nakon nasilnog progona,
pra?enog ubijanjem, maltretiranjem i svim drugim
oblicima pritiska na Srbe, pre svega, ali i na svo
ostalo nealbansko stanovnistvo, rusenjem i
spaljivanjem preko 80 pravoslavnih manastira i
crkava, rusenjem srpskih grobalja, otimanjem
imovine i privrednih objekata, Albanci su pokazali da
je njihova namera da Srbe i otale nealbance proteraju
za sva vremena sa KiM kako bi oteli njihovu
teritoriju i imovinu. To je najgnusnije etni?ko
?is??enje i nema nikakve veye ni sa demokratijom a
jos manje sa ?eljom ya zajedni?kim ?ivotom sa
gradjanima drugih vera i nacionalnosti. Naj?a?losnije
je sto se to desava pred o?ima celog sveta oli?enog u
medjunarodnoj misiji , vojnoj i civilnoj, koja, umesto
da tome ostro stane na put, zatvara o?i i pravi se
nevesta kao seoska mlada. Istorija , kada se jednoga
dana bude posteno pisala, a do?i ?e i to vreme, ne?e ih
postedeti od ovog zlo?ina.
Tek razumevanje ovih cinjenica moze dati pravu
sluku o dogadjajima na Kosovu i Metohiji, akterima i
njihovim ciljevima i delovanju.
Kosovo i Metohija: Propaganda i istina
Rade Drobac
Beograd, 09. april 2003. godine
Beleska autora: tekst sam pisao januara 1999. g. za
potrebe Saveznoig ministarstva za inostrane poslove a
sada sam ga aktuelizovao u uverenju da je korisno
ponoviti argumente koji i danas imaju jednaku
vrednost a koje smo, u poplavi dnevnih vesti i
dezinformacija, mozda izgubili iz vida.
UVOD
Kosovo i Metohija su jedna od najcescih tema u
politickim krugovima u inostranstvu, medjunarodnim
organizacijama i svetskim medijima ve? du?i niz
godina.. Kada bi se analizirala kolicina izrecenog,
napisanog i snimljenog , moglo bi se pomisliti da je o
ovom pitanju sve i vise nego poznato i da je vec
svima jasno o cemu se tu radi, ko je tu kriv i zasto, i
koga treba braniti. Medjutim, kolicina i vrsta
informacija koje kruze o Kosovu i Metohiji obnuto je
srazmerna stvarnom razumevanju zbivanja u ovoj
juznoj srpskoj pokrajini. Poznavaocima stanja i
problematike cini se da sto se vise o Kosovu i
Metohiji govori, sve je vise zabluda i pogresnih
predstava. Kako je ovo moguce? Iako zvuci
nelogicno, moguce je jer se na ovom delu srpske
teritorije preplicu drzavni i nacionalni interesi
Republike Srbije i SRJ, velikoalbanske aspiracije
albanskih separatista i terorista i globalni i stgrateski
interesi nekih velikih sila, koje nesumnjivo raspolazu
mogucnostima i nacinima da, u funkciji ostvarivanja
ciljeva sopstvene politike, istinu pretvore u laz i laz u
istinu. Kosovo i Metohija je jedan od primera koji
nedvosmisleno dokazuje da se oni ne libe da to i ucine
ne vodeci, pri tome, racuna o stvarnim cinjenicama,
niti o interesima onih koji u ovoj srpskoj pokrajini
zive, iako se za to verbalno zalazu, niti se pridrzavaju
principa koje su sami proklamovali i koje silom
namecu drugima. Neupuceni bi se mogli zapitati zbog
cega je nekom potrebno da manipulise cinjenicama?
Zbog toga da bi, prikazujuci stanje, aktere i zbivanja u
svetlu koji odgovara sopstvenim interesima,
mobilisao sto veci broj politickih faktora u svetu u
podrsci ostvarivanju sopstvenih ciljeva, isfabrikovao
dogadjaje koji treba da nateraju medjunarodne
organizacije i institucije da legalizuju odredjene
politicke i vojne akcije uperene protiv zacrtanog
protivnika i, napokon, da bi se pred medjunarodnim
javnim mnjenjem stvorio utisak o pravednosti
sopstvenog delovanja.
Brojni su primeri manipulacija koje su uspele i donele
velike nesrece celim narodima. Na srecu bilo je i
pokusaja manipulacija, koji su osujeceni i njihovi
negativni efekti spreceni. Kada je Kosovo i Metohija
u pitanju, najpoznatji takav slucaj je pokusaj
inscenacije masovnog masakra albanskih civila od
strane srpske policije u selu Racak. Teroristi koji su u
prethodnom periodu izvrsili vise napada na policiju i
civile u tom regionu napali su policiju koja je na
napad odgovorila i tom prilikom ubila vise desetina
terorista. Preko noci su ti teroristi preobuceni i
proglaseni civilima, a sve to su legalizovali visoki
predstavnici najuglednijih madjunarodnih
organizacija i vodecih sila sveta. Na srecu, ima
postenih novinara koji su to videli i prevaru
obelodanili.
Kada se pojedinci ne libe ovako otvorenih i grubih
manipulacija, moze se zamisliti kakve se sve zablude
i pogresne predstave, putem sofisticiranih,
globalizovanih i centralizovanih uticajnih medija, PR
agencija i lobi grupa, sire u svetu, stvarajuci o Kosovu
i Metohiji potpuno pogresne predstave.
Nije moguce na jednom mestu izneti sve te neistine i
maniplulacije, ali cemo nabrojati one najcesce i
najvaznije.
1. LAZ: Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji prisiljeni su
da se bune jer je rezim u Srbiji nedemokratski?
ISTINA:Problem separatistickog albanskog
delovanja na Kosovu i Metohiji postoji vec vise od sto
godina. Njegovi temelji udareni su jos 1878. g.
osnivanjem tzv. Prizrenske lige cija je pratforma
objedinjavanje svih albanskih etnickih teritorija, pri
cemu su granice te teritorije obuhvatale i delove
susednih drzava, pa i one u kojima Albanci nisu bili
vecinska populacija.
Albanski separatizam , koji je, u periodima strane
okupacije Kosova I Metohije, uzimao formu terora i
terorizma u ostalim periodima, bio je u kontinuitetu
protiv svake vlasti u Srbiji (i u susednim drzavama
prema kojima je imao aspiracije), nezavisno od
njihovog karaktera i nosilaca.
Kako tadasnja, tako i aktuelna vlast u Srbiji i
Jugoslaviji izabrane su na demokratskim izborima i
priznaje je najveci broj gradjana, medju koje spadaju i
pripadnici ostalih 25 nacionalnih manjina i etnickih
grupa koje zive u SRJ.
2. LAZ: Kosovo i Metohija je albanska teritorija i
Srbi na nju nemaju pravo.
ISTINA:Kosovo i Metohija je teritorija koja od VI
veka pripada, bez prekida, srpskom narodu koji je na
njoj najbrojniji u periodu od skoro 13 vekova.
Teritorija Kosova i Metohije je u celom ovom
periodu neprekidno, osim u periodima strane
okupacije, bila integralni deo srpske drzave. Do
okupacije Kosova i Metohije od strane Otomanske
imperije, u 14. Veku, prestonica Kraljevine Srbije bio
je grad Prizren, a sediste srpske pravoslavne crkve se i
danas nalazi u Peci. Na prostoru Kosova I Metohije
nalazi se oko 1300 srpskih kulturno - istorijskih
spomenika koji predstavljaju vise od 90% ukupne
kulturno - istorijske bastine ovog regiona. O
pripadnosti ove teritorije Srbima svedoce toponimi,
samo ime (Kosovo polje- dolazi od srpske reci kos,
Metohija dolazi od reci metoh koja znaci pravoslavni
crkveni posed). Albanci se kao etnicka skupina
pominju tek od XIV veka, a na Kosovu i Metohiji su
sada vecinsko stanovnistvo zahvaljujuci sistematskom
maltretiranju i proterivanju srpskog i drugog
nealbanskog stanovnistva sa ovog prostora.
3. LAZ: Albanaca na Kosovu i Metohiji ima 90%.
ISTINA: U skoro svim izvestajima najveceg dela
svetskih medija u vreme pred agresiju NATO pakta
kao refren se ponavljalo da Albanci na Kosovu i
Metohiji predstavljaju vecinu u odnosu na Srbe u
razmeri 9 na prema 1. Istina je sasvim drugacija. Iako
potpuno egzaktnih podataka nema, jer Albanci nisu
izasli na popis odrzan 1991. godine, a onaj iz 1981.
godine su vrsile jednonacionalne albanske komisije
koje su potpuno proizvoljno i netacno prikazale broj i
demografsku strukturu stanovnistva na Kosovu i
Metohiji, najnovije analize jugoslovenskog Zavoda za
statistiku (kraj 1998. god.) pokazale su prilicno jasnu i
verodostojnu sliku. Prema strucnjacima ovog zavoda,
na Kosovu I Metohiji tada je zivelo oko 917.000
Albanaca, 221.000 Srba, 23.000 Crnogoraca, 97.000
Roma, 72.500 Muslimana, 3.500 Jugoslovena, 21.000
Turaka, 980 Makedonaca i 23.000 ostalih. Ovi podaci
dokazuju da je procenat albanskog stanovnistva na
Kosovu i Metohiji oko 66%. Zbog cega Albansci i
oni koji u svetu podrzavaju njihov separatizam i
terorizam stalno insistiraju na 90%? Zbog toga sto
svoje zahteve za nezavisnoscu Albanci zasnivaju
iskljucivo na svojoj razlicitoj etnickoj pripadnosti pa
im je zato potrebno da prikazu sto veci procenat
stanovnistva albanske nacionalnosti kako bi svojim
zahtevima dali veci legitimitet i verodostojnost, iako
se radi o krajnje nacionalistickim i hegemonistickim
pobudama. Sada ih je na KiM verovatno 90% jer su
pod okriljem NATO jedinica i na njihovu sramotu
proterali veliki deo srpskog i nealbanskog
stanovnistva sa KiM.
4. LAZ: Svi Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji podrzavaju
nezavisnost ove pokrajine.
ISTINA: Najveci broj Albanaca koji zive na Kosovu i
Metohiji nije za otcepljenje od Srbije i Jugoslavije.
Medjutim, suoceni sa agresivnim separatizmom
svojih politickih lidera i sve surovijim terorizmom,
uvidjajuci da i neke uticajne drzave podrzavaju
separatizam i terorizam u ovoj juznoj srpskoj
pokrajini, ne usudjuju se da se otvoreno suprotstave, u
strahu za svoje i zivote svojih porodica. Nesporna je
cinjenica da veliki broj Albanaca na Kosovu i
Metohiji ima visok standard zivota i da je zadovoljan
mogucnostima koje ima, pogotovo u odnosu na samu
Albaniju, pa i druge susedne zemlje, i da zele da zive
u miru i slozi sa svim gradjanima Kosova i Metohije.
Ali dok god se ne iskoreni terorizam i ne suzbije
separatizam, oni nece biti u prilici da dobiju
mogucnost da svoja opredeljenja slobodno I bez straha
ispolje. Najbolji dokaz da veliki broj Albanaca na
Kosovu i Metohiji ne podrzava separatizam i
terorizam je da od ubijenih u toku 1998. g. Albanske
zrtve cine 55% (77 civila). Ubijeni su samo zato jer
nisu podrzavali etnocentricnu i iskljucivu
separatisticku politiku albanskih terorista.
5. LAZ: Albancima na Kosovu i Metohiji je nasilno
oduzeta autonomija.
ISTINA:Albancima na Kosovu i Metohija nije
oduzeta autonomija, a pogotovo ne nasilno. Stepen
autonomije koju uziva ova srpska pokrajina u svemu
je jednak autonomiji koju uziva druga srpska
pokrajina Vojvodina. Dok u Vojvodini u miru i slozi,
u okviru siroke autonomije koju u punoj meri koriste,
zajedno zivi i saradjuje 25 nacionalnih manjina i
etnickih grupa, bez ozbiljnih problema ili
nesuglasica, dotle na Kosovu i Metohiji od nekoliko
nacionalnih manjina i etnickih grupa koje tamo zive
bez problema samo jedna jedina se zali- Albanska.
Prava koja imaju na raspolaganju svi gradjani Kosova
i Metohije, kao i ona specificna za pripadnike
nacionalnih manjina, u okviru koncepta regionalne
autonomije koji spada u red uobicajenih u svetu, su
takvog stepena da prevazilaze ne samo obaveze iz
medjunarodnih propisa, vec i sve sto je u praksi u
drugim zemljama Evrope i sveta. Ta prava Albanci ne
koriste iz politickih razloga - kako bi politickim
faktorima u svetu i medjunarodnoj javnosti dokazali
svoju navodnu obespravljenost.
Kao krunski argument da je Albancima na Kosovu i
Metohiji nasilno oduzeta autonomija navodi se da je
1989.g. pod pretnjom sile promenjen statut ove
pokrajine. Statut je zaista promenjen, u smislu
ukidanja atributa drzavnosti koji nisu pripadali
konceptu autonomije uobicajenom u svetu. I to je
ucinjeno na legalan nacin. Odluku je izglasala
pokrajinska skupstina a ratifikovao savezni
parlament, bez ijedne primedbe neke od republika
koje su u to vreme sacinjavale prethodnu Jugoslaviju.
Svi ostali prerogativi autonomnog statusa su ostali na
snazi ali je ovom promenom presecen proces
postepenog sticanja nezavisnosti, pa je razumljivo
nezadovoljstvo separatista kojima je time ometeno
ostvarivanje njihovih ciljeva. Pri tome ovde treba
razbiti jos jednu manipulaciju. Kroz formulaciju da je
Albancima na Kosovu i Metohiji ukinuta autonomija
na mala vrata se ova srpska pokrajina pokusava
predstaviti kao albanska a ne srpska. Da je autonomija
zaista ukinuta, ona bi bila ukinuta za sve gradjane
Kosova i Metohije, a ne samo za Albance.
6. LAZ: Ljudska i nacionalna prava Albanaca na
Kosovu i Metohiji su ugrozena.
ISTINA: Ljudska, gradjanska i nacionalna prava
Albanaca, ili drugih pripadnika nacionalnih manjina
na Kosovu i Metohiji, ili u SR Jugoslaviji , ni u cemu
nisu ugrozena. Ustavni i zakonski okviri ostvarivanja
ovih prava su, ne samo u saglasnosti sa
najsavremenijim pravnim postulatima zemalja
razvijenog sveta, vec sadrze i mnoge pozitivne
odredbe koje ne sadrze propisi koji regulisu ovu
materiju u drugim zemljama. Svi pripadnici
nacionalnih manjina u SR Jugoslaviji(Srbiji i Crnoj
Gori) imaju pravo glasa, pravo na politicko
organizovanje, pravo na negovanje sopstvenog jezika,
kulture i obicaja, pravo na skolovanje na maternjem
jeziku, ukljucujuci i na univerzitetima, pravo na
informisanje na sopstvenom jeziku i mnoga druga.
Medjutim, problem nije u nedostatku nekog od ovih
prava ili u teskocama u njihovom ostvarivanju.
Problem je u cinjenici da politicke predstavnike
Albanaca na Kosovu i Metohiji zanima samo
nezavisnost, odnosno da je njihov cilj da od Srbije i
SR Jugoslavije (srbije i Crne Gore) otmu deo njene
suverene teritorije, ne prezajuci da u tom cilju koriste
sva raspoloziva sredstva. Terorizam koji svakodnevno
odnosi brojne zrtve na Kosovu i Metohiji samo je
nalicje separatizma, usmerenog na borbu za tudju
teritoriju, pri cemu price o ljudskim i nacionalnim
pravima sluze da zamaskiraju prave ciljeve albanskih
separatista i terorista.
7. LAZ: Albance na Kosovu i Metohiji Srbi
proganjaju i etnicki ciste.
ISTINA:Optuzbe da Srbi na Kosovu i Metohiji
proganjaju Albance i da to predstavlja svojevrsno
etnicko ciscenje je apsolutno netacna. Ona sluzi
albanskim separatistima da pred ocima medjunarodne
javnosti nadju prihvatljivo opravdanje koje bi
maskiralo njihove prave ciljeve - secesiju i otimanje
dela tudje teritorije. Medjutim, te optuzbe sluze i da
preduprede istu takvu, ovoga puta istinitu, optuzbu
Srba na Kosovu i Metohiji, da Albanci decenijama
vrse sistematski progon i nedela nad njima i da su ta
nasilja razmera etnickog ciscenja. Da Albanci etnicki
ciste Srbe sa Kosova i Metohije, a ne obrnuto,
najbolje svedoce egzaktni podaci, koje niko ne
osporava. A to je da je na Kosovu i Metohiji pre
NATO agresije i nasilnog iseljavanja Srba i ostalog
nealbanskog stanaovnistva, ?ivelo 66% Albanaca a
svega 16% Srba. Ako se zna da su Srbi vekovima
predstavljali apsolutnu vecinu na prostoru Kosova i
Metohije, kako je onda moguce da su svedeni samo na
ovako mali procenat, a Albanci u demografskoj
ekspanziji. Ako pri tome znamo da se albanski teror
nad srpskim stanovnistvom odvija vec preko sto
godina, o cemu svedoce brojni dokumenti iz daleke i
nedavne proslosti, onda je to razumljivo. Taj teror je
bio posebno izrazen u periodima strane okupacije ove
srpske pokrajine, koje su albanski separatisti uvek
maksimalno iskoriscavali za jos agresivniji i potpuniji
teror nad lokalnim srpskim stanovnistvom i njegov
izgon sa Kosva i Metohije. Prema verodostojnim
istorijskim podacima izmedju 1889. i 1899. godine,
kada su Srbi bili cetiri puta brojniji od Albanaca
(Srba 415.300, Albanaca 106.270), pod
pokroviteljstvom Turske, sa Kosova i Metohije je
proterano oko 60.000 Srba. Procene strucnjaka govore
da je izmedju 1880.g. do 1913.g. sa Kosova i Metohije
proterano oko 150.000 Srba i Crnogoraca, tako da se
oko 1921.g. broj Srba i Crnogoraca izjednacaio sa
brojem Albanaca. Drugi veliki egzodus Srba i
Crnogoraca sa Kosova i Metohije dogodio se tokokm
II Svetskog rata. Pod okriljem okupacije fasisticke
Italije Albanci su pobili oko 10.000 Srba, spalili i
porusili oko 30.000 njihovih kuca i proterali izmedju
60.000 i 70.000. U istom periodu, i neposredno nakon
ovog rata, na Kosovo Metohiju je na srpska imanja i
terotorije dovedeno ukupno oko 300.000 Albanaca iz
Albanije, sa ciljem promene etnicke strukture
stanovnistva i stvaranja uslova otimanje te teritorije
od Srba. Poslednji veci odlazak Srba i Crnogoraca sa
Kosova i Metohije dogodio se u periodu nakon II
Svetskog rata, kada je pod zastitom lokalnih
albanskih politicara, koji su tada upravljali ovom
srpskom pokrajinom, nastavljeno tiho proterivanje .
Samo u periodu od 1981. do 1988. god., pod
pritiskom, pretnjama i maltretiranjima, sa Kosova i
Metohije otislo je 28.000. Srba. Ocito je, dakle, da su
na Kosovu i Metohiji Srbi ti koji su zrtve i da je
njihov opstanak tamo ugrozen, a ne obrnuto. O tome
svedoci i aktuelna situacija u kojoj albanski separatisti
i teroristi ubijaju, otimaju i muce srpske civile, u
pokusaju da ih oteraju sa Kosova i Metohije. Samo u
periodu od potpisivanja sporazuma izmedju tadasnjeg
predsednika SRJ S. Milosevica i americkog
predstavnika R. Holbruka (13. 10. 1998.g.) Srbi su
proterani iz oko 70 sela koja su sada etnicki cista -
Albanska.
8. LAZ: Srbi odbijaju pregovore i silom zele da rese
sukob.
ISTINA: Nisu Srbi ti koji odbijaju dijalog i koji na
silu zele da rese postojece razlike. Upravo je obrnuto.
U periodu od februara 1998.g. pa sve do sada
politicki predstavnici Republike Srbije i SRJ
neprekidno su nudili dijalog i resavanje sukoba
mirnim i politickim putem. Dokaz toga je cinjenica
da su delegacije Srbije i SRJ vise od dvadeset puta
pozivale albanske predstavnike sa Kosova i Metohije
na razgovore i da su u svim tim prilikama dolazili u
Pristinu. Ni na jedan od tih poziva se albanski
politicki predstavnici nisu odazvali. Svoje izostanke
ili odbijanja uvek su pravdali nekim izgovorima. Prvo
nisu imali sastav delegacije za pregovore, zatim nisu
imali pratformu za razgovore, potom nisu hteli da
razgovaraju dok se srpska policija ne povuce sa
Kosova i Metohije i sl. Sustina svega bila je
nezainteresovanost za otvaranje dijaloga jer bi na taj
nacin mogli dobiti samo autonomiju, a to oni ne zele.
Izbegavanjem razgovora, izazivanjem incidenata da bi
provocirali policiju ili vojsku da intervenise,
pokusavali su da izazovu sto vise sukoba, sto vecu
nesigurnost i sto vece stradanje naroda, optuzujuci
drzavne organe da se sve to desava zbog njihovog
terora, kako bi prisilili medjunarodnu zajednicu da
intervenise u njihovu korist i da im politickim
pritiscima i vojnim pretnjama obezbedi ostvarivanje
njihovog cilja - nezavisnog i etnicki cistog Kosova i
Metohije, kao prve stepenice u stvaranju Velike
Albanije. I danas je tako. Nasilno su oteli tudju
teritoriju i ne ?ele da o njoj pregovaraju boje?i se da
ne izgube nesto od onoga sto sada imaju.Prema tome,
albanski politicki lideri su ti koji odbijaju ili
izbegavaju razgovore i koji postojece razlike zele da
rese terorizmom i silom.
9. LAZ: Tzv. OVK je legalni predstavnik vecine
Albanaca sa Kosova i Metohije i bori se za njihovu
slobodu.
ISTINA: Tzv. OVK je tipicna teroristicka
organizacija koja se bori za ostvarenje separatistickog
politickog cilja - otcepljenja ovog dela teritorije
Republike Srbije i SR Jugoslavije (Srbije i Crne
Gore) i njenog pripajanja zamisljenoj Velikoj
Albaniji. U ostvarenju svog plolitickog cilja, a ne
nekakve imaginarne slobode koju niko ne ugrozava,
koriste sve klasicne forme teroristickih aktivnosti. U
1998. G. teroristi su izvrsili ukupno 1885
teroristickih napada, od cega 1129 na pripadnike
policije. U ovim napadima ubijeno je 115 policijaca a
ranjeno ili povredjeno njih 403. U istom periodu
teroristi su oteli 15 policajaca od kojih su 3 ubijena, 3
pustena a sudbina preostalih 9 se ne zna. Ali teroristi
su napadali i civile. U istom periodu ubili su 128, od
cega 46 Srba, 77 Albanaca 5 Roma. U tim napadima
ranjeno su 74 Srbina (teze ili lakse). Od ukupno
kidnapovanih civila, njih 293, najbrojniji su Srbi, a
potom Albanci - njih 101.Postupak sa otetim ljudima
bio je krajnje okrutan. Nakon raznolikih
maltretiranja, silovanja zena i mucenja ljudi, vecina
otetih je pobijena. Teroristi u svom delovanju koriste
i podmetanje bombi, politicka ubistva, pretnje i
ucene. Pri tome nije istina da oni predstavljaju teznje
albanskog stanovnistva na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Naprotiv, Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji su zaplaseni
teroristickom aktivnoscu tzv. OVK i gledaju da se od
nje spasu jer ih maltretira, silom mobilise, naplacuje
im reket, siluje zene i ubija za svaku neposlusnost.
Razlog sukoba i nestabilnosti na Kosovu i Metohiji su
teroristi i oni predstavljaju prepreku ne samo
povratku mira i bezbednosti, povratku prognanih,
otpocinjanju politickog dijaloga, vec i slobodnom
izjasnjavanju svih gradjana Kosova i Metohije o
svojim politickim stavovima, bilo da se radi o
Albancima ili gradjanima druge nacionalne
pripadnosti.
10. LAZ: Sukobi na Kosovu i Metohiji prete da se
preliju i na susedne zemlje i ugrozavaju regionalnu
bezbednost.
ISTINA: Na Kosovu i Metohiji nije u pitanju ratni
sukob vec borba policijskih snaga sa teroristima.
Dakle, jedna potpuno unutrasnja stvar, bez ikakve
veze sa drugim drzavama. Kako pre NATO agresije,
tako i sada.Sa jugoslovenske strane granica nijednog
suseda nije ugrozena, niti postoje ikakve namere da se
ugrozi. SRJ je bila otvorena za ravnoporavnu saradnju
sa svim drzavama sveta, na principima medjusobnog
uvazavanja, postovanja suvereniteta i integriteta i na
bazi konkretnih interesa. Ako neko ugrozava
regionalnu bezbednost onda je to Republika Albanija
jer sa njene teritorije dolaze svi napadi na granicu SRJ
(Srbije i Crne Gore) , tamo su se nalazili baze i
kampovi za obuku albanskih terorista i separatista,
vrsila se njihova obuka, omogucavao sverc oruzja i
mnogo toga drugog, usmerenog na podrsku albanskim
separatistima i konkretnu pomoc teroristima. Podrska
separatistickim zahtevima u ovom regionu u kome se
preplicu interesi i razliciti narodi je veoma opasna jer
moze ugroziti postojece granice jednog broja drzava
ovog regiona i time izazvati destabilizaciju i
prosirenje sukoba i van granica SRJ. Dokaz toga je i
Makedonija.Stoga, medjunarodna zajednica treba da
da apsolutnu i konkretnu podrsku legalnoj borbi
Srbije i SR Jugoslavije (Srbije i Crne Gore) protiv
terorizma i separatizma jer je to preduslov da se na
Kosovo I Metohiju vrati mir i sigurnost. Znacajan
korak u tom pravcu bio bi prestanak pomoci i podrske
albanskim teroristima, njihovom finansiranju i
naoruzavanju, sto je obaveza i iz rezolucija OUN, a ne
sprovodi se. Za ostvarivanje tog cilja kljucno je
izvrsiti delotvoran pritisak na Republiku Albaniju sa
cije teritorije dolaze sve opasnosti po mir i
bezbednost kako na Kosovu I Metohiji, tako i u celom
regionu.
11. LAZ: Medjunarodna zajednica pokusava da
intervenise u cilju postizanja mira i zastite civila i
njihove imovine.
ISTINA: Da je ta tvrdnja istinita medjunarodna
zajednica bi pomogla legalne organe Republike Srbije
i SRJ da se iskoreni terorizam koji predstavlja glavnu
smetnju povratku mira i sigurnosti na Kosovo i
Metohiju i pretpostavku otpocinjanja dijaloga o
stvarnim problemima zajednickog zivota razlicitih
etnickih zajednica u ovoj srpskoj pokrajini. Medjutim,
najznacajniji medjunarodni faktori, umesto da
osudjuju terorizam, teroriste i osude stradanje
njihovih zrtava -policije, vojske i, pre svega, civila,
stalno vrse pritisak na legalne organe reda i
bezbednosti, okrivljujuci njih, a ne teroriste, za stanje
na Kosovu i Metohiji. Iako su OUN donele rezoluciju
kojom se trazi prekidanje svih vrsta pomoci
teroristima na Kosovu i Metohiji, i dalje se sa svih
strana, a preko puteva koji vode kroz Republiku
Albaniju, na Kosovo i Metohiju slivaju novac, oruzje,
teroristi, mudzahedini i kriminalci, a da se to ne
sprecava, vec naprotiv podstice, i pri tome krije ili
marginalizuje. Civile na Kosovu i Metohiji ne
ugrozava policija, vec kriminalci i teroristi i njihove
pogubne aktivnosti su razlog stradanja civila,
njihovog izgona iz domova i straha i teskoca u kojima
zive. Pored toga, tesko je razumeti da se vojne pretnje
upucuju organima suverene drzave koji brane svoju
teritoriju i gradjane, umesto da se onemogucava
teroristicka aktivnost albanskih separatista, na nacin
na koji se to radi kada su u pitanju interesi tih istih
zemalja. Ocito je, dakle, da se iza napadne brige za
civile ne krije pokusaj smirivanja sukoba i zastite
civila vec pokusaj nametanja sopstvenih interesa
silom i pretnjama, suprotno vazecim medjunarodnim
normama i principima, koristeci pri tome zamene
teza, duple standarde, pa i otvorene manipulacije
cinjenicama.
12. LAZ: Republika Albanija podrzava
medjunarodne napore za smirivanje situacije na
Kosovu i Metohiji i zalaze za mirno resenje sukoba.
ISTINA: Republika Albanija, od svog osnivanja do
danas, skoro neprekidno i u kontinuitetu, aktivno
pomaze separatisticke pokrete i njihovu teroristicku
aktivnost na Kosovu i Metohiji. O tome postoji
bezbroj dokaza, istorijskih i drugih, ali osvrnimo se
samo na aktuelan momenat. Nesprona je cinjenica da
je Albanija u ovom momentu placdarm albanskih
terorista na Kosovu i Metohiji. Na njenoj teritoriji
borave, okupljaju se, obucavaju, opremaju oruzjem i
opremom i sa nje se ilegalno, a cesto i na silu,
prebacuju preko jugoslovenske granice sa ciljem
jacanja teroristickih snaga i njihovog sto sireg i
pogubnijeg delovanja. Medjunarodni kriminal, u koji
je duboko upletena albanska narko mafija i svi drugi
kriminalci albanske nacionalnosti, bez obzira ciji
pasos nose, (medjusobno povezani upravo na principu
nacionalne pripadnosti i kriminalnog opredeljenja),
predstavlja jedan od najvecih izvora finansiranja
teroristicke i separatisticke aktivnosti na Kosovu i
Metohiji u cemu Albanija ima znacajnu ulogu i to ne
samo kao trenutna zona "prljavog" novca, droge i
oruzja na Kosovu i Metohiji. Svoju apsolutnu podrsku
albanskim separatistima i terotistima Albanija vise i
ne krije. Otvoreno prima separatisticke albanske
prvake, pa i one koji se legitimisu kao predstavnici
teroristicke organizacije tzv. OVK, otvoreno
zagovara samoopredeljenje Albanaca na Kosovu i
Metohiji, sto je jasna podrska otcepljenju ove
pokrajine od Republike Srbije i SR Jugoslavije i, cak,
priziva stranu vojnu intervenciju radi pomoci
albanskim separatistima i teroristima u ostvarivanju
njihovog pravog cilja - nezavisnog i etnicki cistog
Kosova i Metohije.
13. LA?. Albanci se bore ya demokratsko i
multietni?ko drustvo na Kosovu i Metohiji.
ISTINA:Aktuelno stanje na KiM jasno pokazuje ne
samo da su prethodno izneti argumenti apsolutno
ta?ni ve? i da je verbalno zalaganje Albanskih
politi?kih lidera za demokratsko i multietni?ko
Kosovo obi?na la?. Nakon nasilnog progona,
pra?enog ubijanjem, maltretiranjem i svim drugim
oblicima pritiska na Srbe, pre svega, ali i na svo
ostalo nealbansko stanovnistvo, rusenjem i
spaljivanjem preko 80 pravoslavnih manastira i
crkava, rusenjem srpskih grobalja, otimanjem
imovine i privrednih objekata, Albanci su pokazali da
je njihova namera da Srbe i otale nealbance proteraju
za sva vremena sa KiM kako bi oteli njihovu
teritoriju i imovinu. To je najgnusnije etni?ko
?is??enje i nema nikakve veye ni sa demokratijom a
jos manje sa ?eljom ya zajedni?kim ?ivotom sa
gradjanima drugih vera i nacionalnosti. Naj?a?losnije
je sto se to desava pred o?ima celog sveta oli?enog u
medjunarodnoj misiji , vojnoj i civilnoj, koja, umesto
da tome ostro stane na put, zatvara o?i i pravi se
nevesta kao seoska mlada. Istorija , kada se jednoga
dana bude posteno pisala, a do?i ?e i to vreme, ne?e ih
postedeti od ovog zlo?ina.
Tek razumevanje ovih cinjenica moze dati pravu
sluku o dogadjajima na Kosovu i Metohiji, akterima i
njihovim ciljevima i delovanju.
1. US fabricated evidence in Yugoslavia, says former official
February 6, 2003
2. DATELINE YUGOSLAVIA: THE PARTISAN PRESS
by Peter Brock
FOREIGN POLICY Number 93, Winter 1993-94, p.152-172.
=== 1 ===
http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/yu_kriza/2003-04-16_2.html
US fabricated evidence in Yugoslavia, says former official
Any US evidence against Iraq should be viewed with skepticism
by Frank in Stockholm, Unknown News correspondent
February 6, 2003
The US "fabricated evidence" against former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic during clashes between Serbia and Bosnia in the
mid-1990s, according to a prominent and experienced international
peacekeeping official who served there.
Retired Swedish Brigadier General Bo Pellnas, who was head of UN
Military Observers (UNMOs) in Croatia, now says that the US should not
be trusted. Pellnas says that he learned to distrust US-provided
evidence during peacekeeping service in the former Yugoslavia.
Pellnas's misgivings are described in an article from the Swedish
daily newspaper Aftonbladet. Here is an English-language translation
of this article:
In an interview with Sweden's leading news-wire TT, retired
Brigadier Bo Pellnas claims that the US "faked evidence to suit their
own interests."
"If the US were to present evidence of Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction, the countries of the Western world would have no way to
substantiate these reports due to the technical superiority of the
US."
These are the words of retired Brigadier Bo Pellnas, who says he
witnessed the US "fabricating fact to suit their own needs." Pellnas
says he witnessed this first-hand when he led an international force
which safeguarded the borders between Serbia and Bosnia in the
mid-1990s, where he gained a very good insight and understanding of US
operations.
"The technical superiority of the US gives their politicians the
option of bringing forth fake evidence, in this case in front of the
United Nations Security Council."
Pellnas served in Yugoslavia during a time when US efforts, led by
then Secretary of State Madeline Albright, presented evidence to the
UN Security Council that Milosevic's Belgrade government ran
unmonitored arms shipments. Pellnas claims that Albright's staff
presented manipulated satellite photos to document false allegations,
leading the Security Council to act in accordance with the US hard
line against Milosevic.
"There might be a possibility that Albright thought the pictures to
be true," says Pellnas, "but several incidents pointed towards the
fact that the US lied." The US stood firm by their claims, refusing to
show supporting evidence to Pellnas and other members of the
peacekeeping crew.
"If the US were to come forth with evidence against Iraq which were
"difficult to confirm," the permanent members of the Council will be
put in a difficult situation, since they lack the sufficient tools to
research and verify such claims."
Pellnas said he hopes that nations of the European Union make it
their responsibility to build their own intelligence agency which has
the capability to act as a counterbalance to the US. "It would be
great indeed if the EU could act as a balance to the world's only true
superpower, which acts alone these days."
In addition to his UN duties, Pellnas was also in charge of an
international monitoring mission to Yugoslavia in 1994 sponsored by
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and
worked with the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia
(ICFY), a group established in 1991 to find a peaceful solution to the
region's conflicts.
=== 2 ===
http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/kosta/autori/brock.peter/partizan.press.html
FOREIGN POLICY Number 93, Winter 1993-94, p.152-172.
DATELINE YUGOSLAVIA: THE PARTISAN PRESS
by Peter Brock
The international news story since mid-1991 has been
Bosnia-Herzegovina, the atrocities, the refugees, and the
World's inaction. In most accounts, the villain has been
denounced for the worst crimes committed on European
soil since the death of Adolf Hitler and the demise of
Joseph Stalin.
The evidence appears overwhelming that the military
forces of the Bosnian Serbs have perpetrated grave
offenses. But throughout the crisis the Serbs have
complained that they were also victims, and there is
apparent evidence to support their complaint.
The almost uniform manner by which the international
news media, including the American media, dismissed
Serb claims has played a critical role in the unfolding
tragedy in the former Yugoslavia. As the first phase of
the crisis perhaps now draws to a close, it is time for a
searching look at the performance of the international
media.
The verdict is anything but positive. As one of
America's most prominent journalists on America's
most prestigious newspaper said in a risky moment of
candor early last Summer, "I despair for my profession,
and I despair for my newspaper. And this is very
definitely not for attribution." As the routine, sometimes
zealous bearers of bad news, especially in war,
news-people cynically shrug off criticism (and
especially abhor self-criticism) and trudge back to the
trenches. But in the Yugoslav civil war, the press itself
has been a large part of the bad news. Legitimate
concern for personal safety undoubtedly affected the
coverage. Many stories that deserved a follow-up did
not receive it because journalists could not get to the
scene of the conflict and were forced to rely on
less-than-perfect sources. But a close look at the record
since the war began on june 27, 1991, reveals avoidable
media negligence and a form of pack journalism that
reached its extreme last winter and spring.
During that period, readers and viewers received the
most vivid reports of cruelty, tragedy,and barbarism
since World War II. It was an unprecedented and
unrelenting onslaught, combining modern media
techniques with advocacy journalism.
In the process, the media became a movement,
co-belligerent no longer disguised as noncombatant and
nonpartisan. News was outfitted in its full battle dress of
bold head-lines, multipage spreads of gory photographs,
and gruesome video footage. The clear purpose was to
force governments to intervene militarily. The effect
was compelling, but was the picture complete?
In fact, the mistakes were blatant:
- street scenes of ravaged Vukovar in 1991 were
later depicted as combat footage from minimally
damaged Dubrovnik on Western television
networks.
- the August 17, 1992, Time cover photo, taken
from a British television report, showed a smiling,
shiftless, skeletal man who was described as being
among "Muslim prisoners in a Serbian detention
camp." In fact, the man was a Serb - Slobodan
Konjevic, 37, who, along with his brother Zoran,
41, had been arrested and confined on charges of
looting. Konjevic, more dramatically emaciated
that others who wore shirts in the picture, had
suffered from tuberculosis for 10 years, said his
sister in Vienna, who later identified her brothers
in the picture.
- the 1992 BBC filming of an ailing, elderly
"Bosnian Muslim prisoner-of-war in a Serb
concentration camp" resulted in his later
identification by relatives as retired Yugoslav
army officer Branko Velec, a Bosnian Serb held in
a Muslim detention camp.
- among wounded "Muslim toddlers and infants"
aboard a Sarajevo bus hit by sniper fire in August
1992 were a number of Serb children - a fact
revealed much later. One of the children who died
in the incident was identified at the funeral as
Muslim by television reporters. But the
unmistakable Serbian Orthodox funeral ritual told
a different story.
- in its January 4, 1993, issue, "Newsweek"
published a photo of several bodies with
accompanying story that began: "Is there any way
to stop Serbian atrocities in Bosnia?" The photo
was actually of Serb victims, including one clearly
recognizable man wearing a red coat. The photo,
with the same man in his red coat is identical to a
scene in television footage from Vukovar a year
earlier.
- CNN aired reports in March and May 1993 from
the scenes of massacres of 14 Muslims and then 10
Muslims who were supposedly killed by Serbs.
The victims later turned out to be Serbs. There
was no correction.
- in early August 1993, a photo caption in "The
New York Times" described a Croat woman from
Posusje grieving for a son killed in recent Serb
attacks. In fact, the Croat village of Posusje, in
Bosnia near the Dalmatian coast, had been the
scene of bloody fighting between Muslims and
Croats that had caused 34 Bosnian Croat deaths,
including the son of the woman in the photo.
By early 1993, several major news organizations
appeared to be determined to use their reporting to
generate the political pressure needed to force U.S.
military intervention. In testing the effects of their
stories, U.S. networks and publications conducted
numerous polls during the Yugoslav civil war. But no
matter how pollsters sculpted their questions, majorities
of public opinion remained stubbornly opposed to all
forms of armed intervention. Finally, on August 11, an
ABC news - "Washington Post" poll said that six out of
ten Americans supported allied "air strikes against
Bosnian Serb forces who are attacking the Bosnian
capital of Sarajevo." The poll also showed that
Americans overwhelmingly rejected air strikes by the
United States, "if the European allies do not agree to
participate." But the poll sought no objective opinions
about Bosnian government forces who, according to
many credible reports, frequently fired on their own
positions and people in Sarajevo and manipulated
artillery attacks elsewhere in Bosnia for public relations
and other purposes. A "Washington Post" spokeswoman
said opinions were not asked about that because pollsters
were "not sure the public would understand it." Also, she
said, there "was not enough space" for other questions in
the poll's format.
In May 1993, United Nations Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali chided the media for breaking
the first commandment of objectivity as he addressed
CNN's fourth world report contributors conference in
Atlanta: "Today, the media do not simply report the
news. Television has become a part of the events it
covers. It has changed the way the world reacts to crisis."
Boutros-Ghali accurately described the routine and
consequence of coverage of the Yugoslav civil war:
"Public emotion becomes so intense that United Nations
work is undermined. On television, the problem may
become simplified, and exaggerated."
Three months earlier, several high-ranking U.N.
officials in Belgrade, usually reserved in their
criticisms, privately shared confidences from
journalists-verified during subsequent interviews in
Belgrade with the correspondents themselves. The
correspondents reported that they had met obstructions
from editors. They told of stories changed without
consultation and in some cases totally revised to coincide
with the pack journalist bias that prevailed in Western
news bureaus.
"The American press has become very partisan and
anti-Serbian. They are very selective and manipulative
with the information they use," said one U.N. official.
"The reporters here have had their own wars with their
editors. It was driving one literally crazy until she
demanded to be transferred."
"I've worked with the press for a long time, and I have
never seen so much lack of professionalism and ethnics
in the press," and another, "Especially by the American
press, there is an extremely hostile style of reporting."
"A kind of nihilism has been established," said yet
another U.N. official.
"I was shocked when a relative read a story to me over
the telephone," added an American correspondent in
Belgrade. "My byline was on top of the story, but I
couldn't recognize anything else." Another reporter in
Belgrade, previously singled out by one group of
Serbian-Americans as especially one-sided, said he had
argued with his editors at the New York Times until
"they finally said I could write it like it really was. I
finished the story and moved it to them. And after they
read it, they killed it."
Also killed in the Yugoslav war was the professional
mandate to get all sides of a story and to follow upon it
despite the obstacles. A British journalist angrily
recalled how in May 1992 she had received an important
tip in Belgrade. More than 1,000 Serb civilians,
including men, women, children, and many elderly from
villages around the Southwestern Bosnian town of
Bradina were imprisoned by Muslims and Croats in a
partly destroyed railroad tunnel at Konjic, near Sarajevo.
"My editors said they were interested in the story," the
reported said. "But I told them it would take me three
days to get there, another day or so to do the story and
another three days to get back. They said it would take
too much time." Months later, the same reporter was
near Konjic on another story and managed to verify
details of the earlier incident, though the Serb prisoners
were no longer there. "The story was true, but several
months had passed." she said. "I did the story anyway,
but it wasn't played very well because of the late
timing."
By late 1992, the majority of the media had become so
mesmerized by their focus on Serb aggression and
atrocities that many became incapable of studying or
following up numerous episodes of horror and hostility
against Serbs in Croatia and later in
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
REPORTING FROM A DISTANCE
The imbalance in reporting began during the war in
Croatia. Despite steady reports of atrocities committed
there by Croatian soldiers and paramilitary units against
Serbs, which some Belgrade correspondents were later
able to confirm, the stories that reached the world talked
only of Serb abuses. The other stories went unreported
"because it was difficult to get close to those villages in
Croatia. "And it was damned dangerous," said one
Belgrade correspondent. Reporters tended to foxhole in
Sarajevo, Zagreb, or Belgrade and depend on their
networks of "stringers" and outlying contacts. Most
arriving correspondents spoke no Serbo-Croatian, and
interpreters were often domestic journalists or
"stringers" with established allegiances as well as keen
intuitions about what postcommunist censors in the
"new democracies" in Zagreb and Sarajevo preferred.
Reporters began to rely on aggressive government
spokespeople - the government Information Ministry in
Zagreb soon acquired scores of english-fluent publicists,
and the Bosnian government also mobilized scores of
handlers for the Western media. In that struggle for
media attention, the Serbs were handicapped by the
media sense that "the story"lay in the plight of the
Muslims and by the isolation of Serbia because of U.N.
sanctions and its own policies, which continued the
previous official communist disdain for foreign media.
Media newcomers to Belgrade, where the Yugoslav
Federal Information Ministry included a mere
half-dozen publicists, were therefore at a disadvantage.
Coming from Western culture, they were accustomed to
patronage, cooperation, access, and answers. But,
isolated and denounced, the Belgrade government simply
ignored their harangues. So, as some reporters freely
admitted last February, they wrote what they wanted,
often in adversarial tones. When official Belgrade read
the results, it was confirmed in its original suspicion and
passive media policies continued. Soon antagonisms
became entrenched all around. Yet, unlike the controlled
press in Zagreb, it was remarkable how domestic and
foreign media through mid-1993 continued to lambaste
the Serbian government. Perhaps Belgrade had a
legitimate story to tell above the rising din form
Sarajevo and Zagreb, where persistence, intensity, and
volume had won the ears of the West. But, if so, it went
untold because of official negligence, international
sanctions, and a lack of media professionalism.
Before the Summer of 1991, only a handful of Western
correspondents had been based in Belgrade. The
majority, along with new reporters who arrived in late
1991 and 1993, eventually migrated to Sarajevo or
Zagreb, where technical communications with the West
became cantered - especially following the imposition
of U.N. sanctions against Serbia on May 30, 1992.
Establishing Zagreb as the communications and media
hub during late 1992 and 1993 was all the more
astonishing in light of Croatia's own repression of
domestic media, which has included the resurrection of a
communist-era law that threatens five years'
imprisonment for anyone in the media, domestic or
foreign, who criticizes the government.
Not surprisingly, Western journalists failed to produce
meaningful stories with Zagreb datelines or hard-hitting
reports that might shed unfavorable light on Croatian
government figures or the darker sides of that "new"
Balkan democracy, where libraries where being purged
of volumes unsympathetic to official policies. Although
some stories were filed, foreign journalists tended to
look the other way as the government reclassified
requirements for Croatian citizenship and ordered new
policies for religious instruction in public schools.
Boulevards and public squares were brazenly renamed
for World War II Ustashi figures.
Meanwhile, by late 1991 Belgrade-based journalists and
correspondents were nervously confronting the arrival of
60,000 Serb refugees from Croatia who had horrifying
accounts of atrocities and of the destruction of scores of
Serb villages. Nearly 100 of the 156 remaining Serbian
Orthodox churches in Croatia had been razed, according
to the Patriarchate in Belgrade (more that 800 Serbian
churches stood in Croatia before World War II). Media
skepticism at the reports of refugees and Serbian
officials limited any reporting about "concentration
camps" holding Serb inmates, such as the one reported at
Suhopolje among 18 destroyed Serb villages in the
Grubisno Polje district. Another, later confirmed to
exist, was at Stara Lipa, among the remains of 24 Serb
villages in the Slavonska Pozega district where Serbs
had been evicted from their homes.
A Reuters photographer, who returned from Vukovar to
report the discovery of the bodies of 41 Serb children in
plastic bags, was initially quoted in other wire stories.
But because he had not personally seen the bodies, news
organizations pulled their stories about the alleged
massacre. The same media standards regrettably did not
apply when Western newspeople dealt with reports
based on second-and third-hand sources of massacres of
Croats and later Muslims. The willingness to print
without confirmation later affected the coverage of
stories about tens of thousands of rapes of Muslim
women.
By January 1992, it was too late to tell the Serbs' side of
the war in Croatia because that war had ended. The war
in Bosnia was about to erupt, with a host of new
complexities. Few could follow the bewildering and
abrupt alliances and counteralliances as Bosnian Serb
and Croat forces attacked Bosnian government and
Muslim troops and then Muslims fought Bosnian Croat
forces.
When the Yugoslav civil war was nearly a year old,
writer Slavko Curuvija diagnosed the cause of the
media's disorientation: the role played by Western
journalists who possessed minimal capabilities for
covering a vexing civil war among South Slav cultures
and nationalities. "The greatest difficulty for West
European politicians and commentators in dealing with
Yugoslavia is that most knew next to nothing about the
country when they first delved into its crisis," he wrote
in "The European." "Now that everything has come
loose, they are disgusted by the chaos and their
powerlessness to change anything overnight."
It did not help the Western media that there were few
credible guides to lead outsiders thought the twisted
madness of Yugoslav fratricide. U.N. officials,
primarily because they spoke English, became
corroborating sources, spokespeople, and patient rotors
for journalists, but they too lacked sufficient Balkan
orientation. Editors back home were even less
experienced about the new Balkan events and were quick
to accept the offerings from the pack. Helpful U.N.
officials were often uncertain about details or even the
veracity of incidents reported, but within minutes
Western news agencies accepted their background
speculations as fact. The media, U.N. staffers noted with
eventual bitterness, cast the U.N. as anti-Serb and then
latter as pro-Serb. U.N. officials in Belgrade and
Sarajevo winced when named as the source for
prematurely blaming Bosnian Serbs for the fatal
shooting of ABC-television news producer David
Kaplan in August 1992. Senior U.N. officials later stated
that their investigation had determined the shot could
not have been fired from Serb-held areas, but the
disclosure went almost unreported. Similarly, U.N.
spokesman Larry Hollingsworth in Sarajevo was widely
quoted in April 1993 when he angrily stated his hope
that the "hottest corners of hell" were reserved for Serb
gunners in an artillery salvo that fell on Srebrenica,
killing 56 civilians. But absent from news reports was
any similar condemnation by him or others concerning
allegations that the Bosnian army inside Srebrenica had
fired its tanks on Serb positions first, triggering the Serb
artillery response, as the U.N. was attempting to broker
a ceasefire.
THE HIDDEN HAND
"Fingerprints" in the media war could be traced to
public relations specialists, including several
high-powered and highly financed U.S. firms, and their
clients in government information ministries. The
Washington public relations firms of Ruder Finn and
Hill & Knowlton, Inc. were the premier agents at work
behind the lines, launching media and political salvos
and raking in hundreds of thousands and perhaps
millions of dollars while representing the hostile
republics, sometimes two at a time, in the Yugoslav war.
Hill & Knowlton had for several years represented
agencies in the previous Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
before it disintegrated (the firm is best remembered for
producing the phony witness who testified before a
Congressional committee about the alleged slaughter of
Kuwait infants after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait).
Ruder Finn, having simultaneously represented the
governments of Croatia and Bosnia until mid-1993,
when both stepped up ethnic cleansing of each other's
civilians in Bosnia, with its liberal donations from
Islamic countries. Soon after, Ruder Finn scored a public
relations homerun in helping its Bosnian muslim clients
dominate the June 1993 Conference on Human Rights in
Vienna, virtual hijacking the two-week agents that
climaxed with 88-to-1 vote deploring the failure of the
U.N. to stop the war and demanding that the arms
embargo on Bosnia be lifted. Especially in the early days
of the war in Croatia, few journalists were able to step
back to take a clearer look at the images being
manipulated to shape their stories. Many rookie Balkan
reporters at first could do nothing but obediently attend
nonstop press conferences. As Steve Crawshaw reported
in the London "Independent":
"One thing is certain; nobody can complain that the
Croatian publicity machine is overcautious about
unsubstantiated allegations. If it is colorful tales that you
are looking for, then Croatia can always oblige... if
sometimes seems the ministers who turn up to the press
conferences live in a rhetoric-rich, fact-free fairyland."
The London "Times" noted on November 18, 1991, that
"clarity was an early victim of the war in Yugoslavia
and reality has become progressively enveloped in a
blanket of fog... as the desperate attempts to win the
hearts and minds of Europe grow, the claims become
wilder, the proof simpler. But the
(government-controlled) Croatian media are convinced
that officials in London and Washington can be outraged
into submission, so the assault continues unabated."
There can be little doubt that media advocacy from the
field fed editorial responses at home. A typical "Time"
cover story (March 15, 1993) led with "the agony of
Yugoslavia keeps replaying itself with new
bombardments, massacres, rapes and "ethnic cleansing."
At each horrifying recurrence, world opinion is outraged
and opinion leaders call for an end to the barbarism".
Far rarer was the introspection about the media's
coverage of the war that Charles Lane voiced in
"Newsweek" seven months earlier: "There is hypocrisy
in the current outrage of Western journalists, politicians
and voters. And perhaps even a strain of racism."
An excellent case of hyperbole was the peculiar
statement that appeared in the March 15 "Time" cover
story. In that article, Sadako Ogata, U.N. High
Commissioner for refugees, was quoted as telling
members of the U.N. Security Council that "civilians,
women, children and old people are being killed, usually
by having their throats cut." Ogata then said her
information was derived from uncorroborated
broadcasts by unidentified ham radio operators in
Eastern Bosnia. Yet, such transmissions, an increasing
source of on-the-scene propaganda, were frequently
disproved after U.N. troops arrived. Nevertheless Ogata
added, "if only 10 percent of the information is true, we
are witnessing a massacre." "Time" thus concluded: "In
fact Ogata, like other U.N. officials and foreign
journalists, had no first hand knowledge of what was
happening."
"Time" also repeated that 70,000 "detention camp
inmates" still existed. That echoed an exaggerated and
uncorroborated statistic from a State Department
spokesperson, whose mistake the Associated Press and
"The New York Times" publicized during January 1993.
A State Department official had admitted when
confronted with the figure of 70,000 that it was a
typographical error. The correct State Department
estimate, she said, was less than 7,000.
News reports themselves showed that Bosnian Serbs
were unusually cooperative in allowing international
inspection of their camps, while Bosnian Muslims and
Croats either refused or obstructed inspection of their
camps - but that fact also received little public attention.
The media's effort to inflict a "massada psychology"
upon Serbia, as political scientist and Carleton
University (Ottawa) professor C.G. Jacobsen calls it, has
not completely escaped the notice of several academics
and a handful of journalists who have condemned
manipulation and negligence in the press. "The myopia
and bias of the press is manifest," Jacobsen wrote in his
report to the Independent Committee on War Crimes in
the Balkans. "The Washington Post," France's
"L'Observateur" and other leading newspapers have
published pictures of paramilitary troops and forces with
captions describing them as Serb, though their insignia
clearly identify them as (Croat) Ustasha."
In a three-month study of news reports, Howard
University Professor of International Relations Nikolaos
Stavrou detected "a disturbing pattern in news
coverage." He claimed most of the stories were based on
"hearsay evidence," with few attempts to show the
"other side's perspectives. Ninety per cent of the stories
originated in Sarajevo, but only 5 per cent in Belgrade.
Stavrou's analysis cited ethnic stereotyping, with Serbs
referred to as primitive "remnants of the Ottoman
empire" and Yugoslav army officers described as
"orthodox communists generals." News stories about
Serbs abounded with descriptions of them as "eastern,"
"byzantine," and "orthodox", all were "repeatedly used
in a pejorative context." Stavrou said Croats were
described as "western," "nationalist," "wealthiest,"
"westernized," and most advanced in development of
their "western-style democracy," while newspaper
photographs neglected to show suffering or dead Serbs
or destroyed Serb churches and villages.
THE MEDIA BECOME A MOVEMENT; CO-BELLIGERENT NO LONGER
DISGUISED AS NONCOMBATANT AND NONPARTISAN
The 1993 double-barreled Pulitzer Prize for
international reporting, shared between "Newsday's Roy
Gutman and "New York Times" correspondent John
Burns, raised at least a few eyebrows. Burns received the
award primarily for his account of seven hours of
interviews with a captured Bosnian Serb soldier,
Borislav Herak. Herak's confession of multiple rapes
and murder occurred under the approving eyes of his
Bosnian Muslim captors. Assured he would not be
subjected to brutality as a prisoner, Herak also alleged
that the then-commanding general of the U.N.
Protection Forces (UNPROFOR), Lewis Mackenzie, had
committed multiple rapes of young Muslim women.
Despite its vulnerable nature, the lengthy story about the
confession, without mention of the bizarre accusations
against Mackenzie, went over "The New York Times"
wire service on November 26, 1992, targeted for
publication in large Sunday newspapers with almost no
opportunity for challenge or timely rebuttal. Belgrade
officials expressed serious doubts about Herak's mental
competency, but during his trial the question was
ignored and prosecutors offered little additional
evidence beyond Herak's original confession.
In a subsequent advertisement in the May 1993 issue of
"The American Journalism Review," "The Times" used
curious wording to describe Burns's achievement. He
"has written of the destruction of a major European city
and the dispossession of Sarajevo's people. He virtually
discovered these events for the world outside as they
happened." According to "The Washington Post", the
story about Herak "knocked everyone (in the Pulitzer
jury) over."
One of Burns's first stories after his arrival back in
Sarajevo in July 1993 contained a reference to the
infamous "bread line massacre" of the previous year,
which Bosnian Muslims used to pressure the U.N.
Security Council as it prepared to vote for sanctions
against Serbia. A year after some U.N. official
acknowledged that Muslims, not Bosnian Serbs, had set
off explosive that killed 22 civilians outside a Sarajevo
bakery. Burns and the "Times" still reported the claim
that a Serb mortar had caused the tragedy. Ironically,
that same July 5 story by Burns focused on Bosnian
paramilitary police in Sarajevo who were firing mortars
on nearby Bosnian army units. Repeated attempts to
interview Burns, who returned briefly to Toronto last
June, were unsuccessful.
There have also been questions about Roy Gutman's
pulitzer-winning scoops in August 1992 about two
Serb-run "death camps." Gutman constructed his
accounts, to his credit, admittedly so, from alleged
survivors of Manjaca and Trnopolje. But as one British
journalist, Joan Phillips, has pointed out: "The death
camp stories are very thinly sourced. They are based on
the very few accounts from hearsay. They are given the
stamp of authority by speculation and surmise from
officials. Gutman is not guilty of lying. He did not try to
hide the fact that his stories were thinly sourced." But it
is also true, as Phillips noted, that Gutman's disclaimers
were placed near the end of the article. Yet those stories
were the principal basis for the world's belief that the
Serbs were not simply holding Muslim prisoners but
were operating death camps in Bosnia. Phillips also
drew attention to Gutman's visit in September 1992 to
the scene of a massacre of 17 Serbs near Banja Luka,
which went unreported until December 13, three months
later. Gutman could not be contacted and "Newsday"
editors would not explain the lapse in publication.
Gutman did discuss his reporting later on: in an
interview in the July 1993 "American Journalism
Review," he explained that he had abandoned strict
objectivity in his coverage in order to pressure
governments to act.
PLAYING FAVORITES
The entire media response to the issue of atrocities
against Serbs raises a troubling question: why did the
press show such minimal interests in Serb claim of death
camps housing their own people? Documents submitted
to the European parliament and U.N. by Bosnian Serbs
have included horrible claims:
* late March 1992 - Serb females imprisoned at
Breza were raped and then murdered by Muslims;
their bodies were later incinerated.
* May 27, 1992 - female prisoners from Bradina
were taken to the camp in Celebici where they
were repeatedly raped.
* July 26, 1992 - an escapee from Gorazde
reported Muslims forced Serb fathers to rape their
own daughters before both were murdered.
* August 27, 1992 - an affidavit by Dr. Olga
Drasko, a former inmate of an Ustashi camp at
Dretelj, described rapes and mutilations of
women, including herself, during her three month
confinement.
* November 1992 - a group of Serb women
released from Tuzla requested late-term abortions
after having been repeatedly raped by Muslim
during lengthy captivities.
* December 10, 1992 - in Belgrade, Serbian
Orthodox Patriarch Pavle told official of the
Swiss Federal Parliament and representatives from
European Ecumenical Movements that 800 Serb
women were documented as repeated rape victims
in 20 camps operated by Muslims and Croats. The
Patriarch also cited parts of an August 2, 1992,
report from the State Center for Investigation of
War Crimes (Serb Republic of
Bosnia-Herzegovina). Compiled for the U.N. in
November 1992, it identified locations at
Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bugojno, Konjic, Bihac, and
Slavnoski Brod where Serb women were allegedly
confined and raped by Croat and Muslim soldiers.
Also unnoticed by the media was the submission on
December 18, 1992, of the lengthy report (s/24991) by
the U.N. Security Council to the General Assembly. The
report includes some of the depositions by Serb rape
victims from the incidents above. U.N. officials have
never explained why it was not made publicly available
until January 5, 1993, even though it was the only report
produced by an international agency that contained
documented testimonies from any rape victims up until
that time. Yet, while that report was receiving minimal
circulation at the U.N., the news media were focusing on
undocumented claims soldiers had committed as many as
60,000 rapes of Muslims women.
From the start of the Bosnian war in April 1992 until
November of that year, thousands of refugees fled into
Croatia and other countries. There, extensive interviews
failed to disclose allegation of "systematic rape." Then
suddenly, in late November and early December, the
world received a deluge of reports about rapes of
Muslim women. The accounts originatedin the
Information Ministries of the governments of Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The January 4, 1993,
"Newsweek," for one, quoted unsubstantiated Bosnian
government claims of up to 50,000 rapes of Muslims by
Serb soldiers.
A European Community delegation headed by dame
Anne Warburton made a hurried investigation during
two brief visits to the region in December 1992 and
January 1993. It reported that it had visited primarily
Zagreb but obtained only minimal access to alleged
Muslim victims of refugee centers where victims were
supposedly located. Of note, the delegation said it had
encountered additional reports about rapes of Croat and
Serb women. Although it declined to specify the source
of "the most reasoned estimates suggested to the
mission, "Warburton's group decided to accept and
report "the number of victims at around 20,000."
An inquiry by the U.N. Commission on Human Rights
soon presented a more moderate estimate, however. Its
investigators visited Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia from
January 12 to 23, 1993. In its report of February 10, the
Commission, while refraining from giving an official
estimate, mentioned a figure of 2,400 victims. The
estimate was based on 119 documented cases. The report
concluded that Muslims, Croats, and Serbs had been
raped, with Muslims making up the largest number of
victims.
Finally, the EC's Committee on Women's Rights held
hearings on February 17 and 18 on the Warburton
delegation's findings, eventually rejecting the estimate
of 20,000 Muslim rape victims because of the lack of
documented evidence and testimony. At the hearing,
U.N. War Crimes Commission Chairman Frits
Kalshoven testified that the evidence collected up to that
point would not stand up as proof in a court. Similarly,
representatives from the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees concluded that not enough independent
evidence could be found, while Amnesty International
and the International Committee of the Red Cross
concurrently declared that all sides were committing
atrocities and rape.
The resulting handful of rape-produced births also
clearly contradicts claims of waves of systematic
rape-induced pregnancies supposedly treated in Bosnia
hospitals and reported by Bosnian government
authorities and Western journalists.
The general lack of follow-up on the rape allegations is
in stark contrasts to the lone account of French journalist
Jerome Bony, who described in a February 4, 1993,
broadcast on the French television program "Envoye
Special" his trek to Tuzla, notorious for its concentration
of Muslim rape victims:
"When I was at 50 kilometers from Tuzla I was told, 'go
to Tuzla high school ground (where) there are 4,000
raped women'. At 20 kilometers this figure dropped to
400. At 10 kilometers only 40 were left. Once at the site,
I found only four women willing to testify."
At the height of the rape story, media gullibility reached
new levels. In mid-February 1993, the Associated Press,
citing only a Bosnian government source, reported
alleged cannibalism by starving Muslims in Eastern
Bosnia. The story achieved instant headlines in the
United States. Receiving little if any play, however, was
the vigorous denial the following day by U.N. officials
in Bosnia, who rushed to the scene of supposedly
starving villagers and discovered them still in possession
of livestock and chickens.
In its effort to force Western military intervention, the
media also critically neglected to report essential details
about the 17-hour debate last may that led to the
Bosnian Serb Parliament's rejection of the Vance-Owen
plan. No fewer than 50 reports were filed on the
Associated Press and "New York Times" wire services
in the 18 hour period following the final vote by the
Bosnia Serb Parliament, but only one of them attempted
a minimal description of the plan.
Among their objections were the following:
- the plan's narrow umbilical connection between
Serbia and Serb-populated territories adjacent to
Croatia and within Bosnia was not a defensible,
long-term proposition.
- some 460,000 Bosnian Serbs would end up in
Muslim provinces and 160,000 Bosnian Serbs
would be located within Croat provinces.
- of a total of $31,4 billion in identified assets in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Vance-Owen plan
apportioned $18 billion to Muslims, $7,3 billion
to Croats, and $6.1 billion to Serbs.
- none of the known deposits of bauxite, lead,
zinc, salt, or iron would be given to the Bosnian
Serbs.
- out of 3,900 megawatts in electrical generating
capacity, Muslims would receive 1,765
megawatts, and Croats would receive 1,220
megawatts, and Serbs would receive 905
megawatts (all 10 hydroelectric plants would
essentially be under the control of Bosnian
Croats).
- of the 920 total kilometers of railway lines, 260
through Croat areas, and 160 through
Serb-controlled lands.
- only 200 out of 1,200 kilometers of improved
roadways would lie within Bosnian Serb
jurisdictions.
- Bosnian Serbs would have been required to
relinquish or would have otherwise lost nearly 24
percent of the land they have held for generations.
AWKWARD REALITIES
"The mauling of Sarajevo, the worst single crime against
a community in Europe since Auschwitz, cannot be
watched impassively night after night on television news
bulletins," as Robert Fox of the London "Daily
Telegraph" put it. That was the general image. But
another side of the story deserved more attention.
As early as July 1992, senior Western diplomats had
stated publicly that Bosnian Muslim forces in Sarajevo
were repeatedly provoking Serb shelling of the city to
trigger western military intervention. But few wire
stories from Sarajevo bothered to establish that the
almost daily artillery barrages and ceasefire violations
were not always started by Bosnian Serbs, who often,
officials said repeatedly, were returning fire from
Muslims who had fired on Serb targets and
neighborhoods first. Without making such distinctions,
stories implied that the Serbs were alone to blame for
the "Siege of Sarajevo." Also, U.N. observers were
positioned primarily to detect artillery actions by Serbs,
raising questions about the volume of non-Serb artillery
fire, which was often observed to be almost as intense as
Serb shelling.
"Kosevo" hospital in Sarajevo was a favorite backdrop
for television journalists who, when the hospital's water
supply was interrupted because of the shelling, eagerly
awaited the first birth without water in the maternity
ward. Once they got their pictures, the Western film
crews dismantled their cameras and returned to the
nearby Holiday Inn, where hot water was abundant.
Unreported was the fact that on their exit from the
hospital they had to avoid tripping over a shielded
Bosnian army mortar emplacement that was never
identified as the probable reason why Serbs sporadically
fired at the hospital.
Countless news stories rarely heeded statements from
U.N. officials that Bosnian Muslim units frequently
initiated their own shelling of Muslim quarters of the
city as well as Serb neighborhoods. For instance, on
March 23, 1993, major Pee Galagos of UNPROFOR in
Sarajevo described the previous day's exchanges; "There
were 341 impacts recorded: 133 on the Serbian side and
208 on the Bosnian side with 82 artillery rounds, 29
mortar rounds and 22 tank rounds hitting the Serbians;
and 115 artillery, 73 mortar and 20 tank rounds hitting
the Bosnians."
It was a rare exception to the media's usual tilt when, on
July 22, 1992, the "Guardian" reported U.N. commander
Mackenzie's reaction to attacks on civilian targets in
Sarajevo: "Mortars are set up beside hospitals, artillery
beside schools, mortars and other weapons are carried in
ambulances. I've never seen the Red Cross abused like
that, on both sides." Such reports seldom appeared in the
American media, which may explain some dramatic
differences in the public perspectives about intervention
between Europe and the United States.
French general Phillipe Morillon, following his relief as
commander of UNPROFOR in late June 1993,
emphatically blamed the Bosnian Muslim government
for failing to lift the siege of Sarajevo. In an interview
with the Prague daily "Lidove Noviny", Morillon said
the Bosnian regime wanted to keep Sarajevo a focal
point for world sympathy and repeatedly refused to
allow UNPROFOR to achieve a ceasefire.
By mid-1993, the ability to tell the Serb side of the
story was gone, as some observers recognized. "The
Serbians have much to say and as yet have had virtually
no opportunity to do so," argued Mary Hueniken in "The
London Free Press." "Sanctions slapped on Serbia
prevent it from hiring a PR firm to help it put its two
cents in," reported the June 7, 1993, issue of "O'Dwyer's
Washington Report," a public relations and public
affairs publication that monitors the PR industry in
Washington.
"As a result, Serbs, thought surely guilty of numerous
atrocities, have been pilloried in the press. Reporters,
meanwhile, cheer on the out-gunned Bosnians, who
undoubtedly have their own skeletons in the closet, and
give Croatia, which wants to carve up its own chunk of
Bosnia, a free ride. The U.S. public won't get a clear
picture of what is really happening in the Balkans until
Serbia is allowed to present its case through PR."
The tentative media self-criticism that has emerged so
far has focused superficially on television coverage of
the Yugoslav civil war. According to the Center for
Media and Public Affairs, a nonprofit research
organization in Washington, for the first three months of
1993 the major networks aired 233 stories on Bosnia
during prime-time news, as opposed to only 137 stories
on president Bill Clinton's economic plans.
Similarly, Marc Gunther, of Knight-Ridder newspapers,
noted the "depressing regularity" of ABC's "World
News Tonight" broadcasts about Bosnia. "Is ABC doing
too much with the story, or are its rivals not doing
enough? And what accounts for the different
approaches?" he wrote. Gunther's story was based on the
"Tyndall Report", which monitors evening newscasts. It
found that ABC's Yugoslav war reporting had provided
301 minutes of coverage, compared with 179 for NBC's
"Nightly News" and 177 for the CBS'S "Evening News"
during the 11 months that ended in March."
"In 1992, excluding the election, the most covered story
on ABC was the Balkans," Gunther continued. "CBS's
top story was the Los Angeles riots, while NBC devoted
the most minutes to Somalia. ABC's "Nightline",
meanwhile, has devoted more than a dozen programs to
the Balkans since last year, many consisting entirely of
reporting from the scene of the fighting." The analysis
suggested a special ABC commitment to the Bosnian
war. Gunther noted that Roone Arledge "has a personal
connection to the war because, as president of ABC
sports, he produced coverage of the 1984 Winter
Olympics in Sarajevo. Last year, David Kaplan, a
producer for ABC's "Prime Time Live", was killed by a
sniper's bullet while preparing a report on the war."
Gunther also underlined Peter Jennings's "personal
convictions on Bosnia" and his admonitions that the
world community had failed to ease the suffering there.
An ABC spokesman, contacted for response, said
Gunther and the Knight-Ridder story were "right on the
money."
In ABC's case, the motive for its coverage may be easy
to find. But that is not the case for many other news
organizations. In the wake of the negligence and pack
journalism that have distorted the coverage of the
Yugoslav civil war to date, the media would be
well-advised to gaze into their own mirrors and
consider their dubious records. At some point, historians
or unofficial international investigation will determine
the true culpability of all the actors in the Yugoslav
tragedy. But one of those actors is the press itself. In
Bosnia, where major governments had few intelligence
assets and where the role of international public opinion
was central, it was critical that the news media report
with precision and professionalism. Instead, the epitaph
above the grave of objective and fair reporting in the
Yugoslav war probably will be written with the
cynicism conveyed in an internal memorandum of April
19, 1993, from a cartoonist to his syndicate's
editorial-page editors:
"I was SKEDed earlier today for a cartoon on the
Rodney King verdict to be faxed out this afternoon.
However, given the racial and legal complexities
of the case we have decided that such an issue is
best left unaddressed in the uncompromising
language of an editorial cartoon. I will be sending
a cartoon on the war in Bosnia instead."
* * *
* Peter Brock, a special projects and politics editor at
the "El Paso Herald-Post", has lectured and written
about Yugoslavia, as well as Eastern Europe and Russia,
since 1976. He is writing a book on the Western media in
the Yugoslav civil war.
February 6, 2003
2. DATELINE YUGOSLAVIA: THE PARTISAN PRESS
by Peter Brock
FOREIGN POLICY Number 93, Winter 1993-94, p.152-172.
=== 1 ===
http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/yu_kriza/2003-04-16_2.html
US fabricated evidence in Yugoslavia, says former official
Any US evidence against Iraq should be viewed with skepticism
by Frank in Stockholm, Unknown News correspondent
February 6, 2003
The US "fabricated evidence" against former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic during clashes between Serbia and Bosnia in the
mid-1990s, according to a prominent and experienced international
peacekeeping official who served there.
Retired Swedish Brigadier General Bo Pellnas, who was head of UN
Military Observers (UNMOs) in Croatia, now says that the US should not
be trusted. Pellnas says that he learned to distrust US-provided
evidence during peacekeeping service in the former Yugoslavia.
Pellnas's misgivings are described in an article from the Swedish
daily newspaper Aftonbladet. Here is an English-language translation
of this article:
In an interview with Sweden's leading news-wire TT, retired
Brigadier Bo Pellnas claims that the US "faked evidence to suit their
own interests."
"If the US were to present evidence of Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction, the countries of the Western world would have no way to
substantiate these reports due to the technical superiority of the
US."
These are the words of retired Brigadier Bo Pellnas, who says he
witnessed the US "fabricating fact to suit their own needs." Pellnas
says he witnessed this first-hand when he led an international force
which safeguarded the borders between Serbia and Bosnia in the
mid-1990s, where he gained a very good insight and understanding of US
operations.
"The technical superiority of the US gives their politicians the
option of bringing forth fake evidence, in this case in front of the
United Nations Security Council."
Pellnas served in Yugoslavia during a time when US efforts, led by
then Secretary of State Madeline Albright, presented evidence to the
UN Security Council that Milosevic's Belgrade government ran
unmonitored arms shipments. Pellnas claims that Albright's staff
presented manipulated satellite photos to document false allegations,
leading the Security Council to act in accordance with the US hard
line against Milosevic.
"There might be a possibility that Albright thought the pictures to
be true," says Pellnas, "but several incidents pointed towards the
fact that the US lied." The US stood firm by their claims, refusing to
show supporting evidence to Pellnas and other members of the
peacekeeping crew.
"If the US were to come forth with evidence against Iraq which were
"difficult to confirm," the permanent members of the Council will be
put in a difficult situation, since they lack the sufficient tools to
research and verify such claims."
Pellnas said he hopes that nations of the European Union make it
their responsibility to build their own intelligence agency which has
the capability to act as a counterbalance to the US. "It would be
great indeed if the EU could act as a balance to the world's only true
superpower, which acts alone these days."
In addition to his UN duties, Pellnas was also in charge of an
international monitoring mission to Yugoslavia in 1994 sponsored by
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and
worked with the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia
(ICFY), a group established in 1991 to find a peaceful solution to the
region's conflicts.
=== 2 ===
http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/kosta/autori/brock.peter/partizan.press.html
FOREIGN POLICY Number 93, Winter 1993-94, p.152-172.
DATELINE YUGOSLAVIA: THE PARTISAN PRESS
by Peter Brock
The international news story since mid-1991 has been
Bosnia-Herzegovina, the atrocities, the refugees, and the
World's inaction. In most accounts, the villain has been
denounced for the worst crimes committed on European
soil since the death of Adolf Hitler and the demise of
Joseph Stalin.
The evidence appears overwhelming that the military
forces of the Bosnian Serbs have perpetrated grave
offenses. But throughout the crisis the Serbs have
complained that they were also victims, and there is
apparent evidence to support their complaint.
The almost uniform manner by which the international
news media, including the American media, dismissed
Serb claims has played a critical role in the unfolding
tragedy in the former Yugoslavia. As the first phase of
the crisis perhaps now draws to a close, it is time for a
searching look at the performance of the international
media.
The verdict is anything but positive. As one of
America's most prominent journalists on America's
most prestigious newspaper said in a risky moment of
candor early last Summer, "I despair for my profession,
and I despair for my newspaper. And this is very
definitely not for attribution." As the routine, sometimes
zealous bearers of bad news, especially in war,
news-people cynically shrug off criticism (and
especially abhor self-criticism) and trudge back to the
trenches. But in the Yugoslav civil war, the press itself
has been a large part of the bad news. Legitimate
concern for personal safety undoubtedly affected the
coverage. Many stories that deserved a follow-up did
not receive it because journalists could not get to the
scene of the conflict and were forced to rely on
less-than-perfect sources. But a close look at the record
since the war began on june 27, 1991, reveals avoidable
media negligence and a form of pack journalism that
reached its extreme last winter and spring.
During that period, readers and viewers received the
most vivid reports of cruelty, tragedy,and barbarism
since World War II. It was an unprecedented and
unrelenting onslaught, combining modern media
techniques with advocacy journalism.
In the process, the media became a movement,
co-belligerent no longer disguised as noncombatant and
nonpartisan. News was outfitted in its full battle dress of
bold head-lines, multipage spreads of gory photographs,
and gruesome video footage. The clear purpose was to
force governments to intervene militarily. The effect
was compelling, but was the picture complete?
In fact, the mistakes were blatant:
- street scenes of ravaged Vukovar in 1991 were
later depicted as combat footage from minimally
damaged Dubrovnik on Western television
networks.
- the August 17, 1992, Time cover photo, taken
from a British television report, showed a smiling,
shiftless, skeletal man who was described as being
among "Muslim prisoners in a Serbian detention
camp." In fact, the man was a Serb - Slobodan
Konjevic, 37, who, along with his brother Zoran,
41, had been arrested and confined on charges of
looting. Konjevic, more dramatically emaciated
that others who wore shirts in the picture, had
suffered from tuberculosis for 10 years, said his
sister in Vienna, who later identified her brothers
in the picture.
- the 1992 BBC filming of an ailing, elderly
"Bosnian Muslim prisoner-of-war in a Serb
concentration camp" resulted in his later
identification by relatives as retired Yugoslav
army officer Branko Velec, a Bosnian Serb held in
a Muslim detention camp.
- among wounded "Muslim toddlers and infants"
aboard a Sarajevo bus hit by sniper fire in August
1992 were a number of Serb children - a fact
revealed much later. One of the children who died
in the incident was identified at the funeral as
Muslim by television reporters. But the
unmistakable Serbian Orthodox funeral ritual told
a different story.
- in its January 4, 1993, issue, "Newsweek"
published a photo of several bodies with
accompanying story that began: "Is there any way
to stop Serbian atrocities in Bosnia?" The photo
was actually of Serb victims, including one clearly
recognizable man wearing a red coat. The photo,
with the same man in his red coat is identical to a
scene in television footage from Vukovar a year
earlier.
- CNN aired reports in March and May 1993 from
the scenes of massacres of 14 Muslims and then 10
Muslims who were supposedly killed by Serbs.
The victims later turned out to be Serbs. There
was no correction.
- in early August 1993, a photo caption in "The
New York Times" described a Croat woman from
Posusje grieving for a son killed in recent Serb
attacks. In fact, the Croat village of Posusje, in
Bosnia near the Dalmatian coast, had been the
scene of bloody fighting between Muslims and
Croats that had caused 34 Bosnian Croat deaths,
including the son of the woman in the photo.
By early 1993, several major news organizations
appeared to be determined to use their reporting to
generate the political pressure needed to force U.S.
military intervention. In testing the effects of their
stories, U.S. networks and publications conducted
numerous polls during the Yugoslav civil war. But no
matter how pollsters sculpted their questions, majorities
of public opinion remained stubbornly opposed to all
forms of armed intervention. Finally, on August 11, an
ABC news - "Washington Post" poll said that six out of
ten Americans supported allied "air strikes against
Bosnian Serb forces who are attacking the Bosnian
capital of Sarajevo." The poll also showed that
Americans overwhelmingly rejected air strikes by the
United States, "if the European allies do not agree to
participate." But the poll sought no objective opinions
about Bosnian government forces who, according to
many credible reports, frequently fired on their own
positions and people in Sarajevo and manipulated
artillery attacks elsewhere in Bosnia for public relations
and other purposes. A "Washington Post" spokeswoman
said opinions were not asked about that because pollsters
were "not sure the public would understand it." Also, she
said, there "was not enough space" for other questions in
the poll's format.
In May 1993, United Nations Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali chided the media for breaking
the first commandment of objectivity as he addressed
CNN's fourth world report contributors conference in
Atlanta: "Today, the media do not simply report the
news. Television has become a part of the events it
covers. It has changed the way the world reacts to crisis."
Boutros-Ghali accurately described the routine and
consequence of coverage of the Yugoslav civil war:
"Public emotion becomes so intense that United Nations
work is undermined. On television, the problem may
become simplified, and exaggerated."
Three months earlier, several high-ranking U.N.
officials in Belgrade, usually reserved in their
criticisms, privately shared confidences from
journalists-verified during subsequent interviews in
Belgrade with the correspondents themselves. The
correspondents reported that they had met obstructions
from editors. They told of stories changed without
consultation and in some cases totally revised to coincide
with the pack journalist bias that prevailed in Western
news bureaus.
"The American press has become very partisan and
anti-Serbian. They are very selective and manipulative
with the information they use," said one U.N. official.
"The reporters here have had their own wars with their
editors. It was driving one literally crazy until she
demanded to be transferred."
"I've worked with the press for a long time, and I have
never seen so much lack of professionalism and ethnics
in the press," and another, "Especially by the American
press, there is an extremely hostile style of reporting."
"A kind of nihilism has been established," said yet
another U.N. official.
"I was shocked when a relative read a story to me over
the telephone," added an American correspondent in
Belgrade. "My byline was on top of the story, but I
couldn't recognize anything else." Another reporter in
Belgrade, previously singled out by one group of
Serbian-Americans as especially one-sided, said he had
argued with his editors at the New York Times until
"they finally said I could write it like it really was. I
finished the story and moved it to them. And after they
read it, they killed it."
Also killed in the Yugoslav war was the professional
mandate to get all sides of a story and to follow upon it
despite the obstacles. A British journalist angrily
recalled how in May 1992 she had received an important
tip in Belgrade. More than 1,000 Serb civilians,
including men, women, children, and many elderly from
villages around the Southwestern Bosnian town of
Bradina were imprisoned by Muslims and Croats in a
partly destroyed railroad tunnel at Konjic, near Sarajevo.
"My editors said they were interested in the story," the
reported said. "But I told them it would take me three
days to get there, another day or so to do the story and
another three days to get back. They said it would take
too much time." Months later, the same reporter was
near Konjic on another story and managed to verify
details of the earlier incident, though the Serb prisoners
were no longer there. "The story was true, but several
months had passed." she said. "I did the story anyway,
but it wasn't played very well because of the late
timing."
By late 1992, the majority of the media had become so
mesmerized by their focus on Serb aggression and
atrocities that many became incapable of studying or
following up numerous episodes of horror and hostility
against Serbs in Croatia and later in
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
REPORTING FROM A DISTANCE
The imbalance in reporting began during the war in
Croatia. Despite steady reports of atrocities committed
there by Croatian soldiers and paramilitary units against
Serbs, which some Belgrade correspondents were later
able to confirm, the stories that reached the world talked
only of Serb abuses. The other stories went unreported
"because it was difficult to get close to those villages in
Croatia. "And it was damned dangerous," said one
Belgrade correspondent. Reporters tended to foxhole in
Sarajevo, Zagreb, or Belgrade and depend on their
networks of "stringers" and outlying contacts. Most
arriving correspondents spoke no Serbo-Croatian, and
interpreters were often domestic journalists or
"stringers" with established allegiances as well as keen
intuitions about what postcommunist censors in the
"new democracies" in Zagreb and Sarajevo preferred.
Reporters began to rely on aggressive government
spokespeople - the government Information Ministry in
Zagreb soon acquired scores of english-fluent publicists,
and the Bosnian government also mobilized scores of
handlers for the Western media. In that struggle for
media attention, the Serbs were handicapped by the
media sense that "the story"lay in the plight of the
Muslims and by the isolation of Serbia because of U.N.
sanctions and its own policies, which continued the
previous official communist disdain for foreign media.
Media newcomers to Belgrade, where the Yugoslav
Federal Information Ministry included a mere
half-dozen publicists, were therefore at a disadvantage.
Coming from Western culture, they were accustomed to
patronage, cooperation, access, and answers. But,
isolated and denounced, the Belgrade government simply
ignored their harangues. So, as some reporters freely
admitted last February, they wrote what they wanted,
often in adversarial tones. When official Belgrade read
the results, it was confirmed in its original suspicion and
passive media policies continued. Soon antagonisms
became entrenched all around. Yet, unlike the controlled
press in Zagreb, it was remarkable how domestic and
foreign media through mid-1993 continued to lambaste
the Serbian government. Perhaps Belgrade had a
legitimate story to tell above the rising din form
Sarajevo and Zagreb, where persistence, intensity, and
volume had won the ears of the West. But, if so, it went
untold because of official negligence, international
sanctions, and a lack of media professionalism.
Before the Summer of 1991, only a handful of Western
correspondents had been based in Belgrade. The
majority, along with new reporters who arrived in late
1991 and 1993, eventually migrated to Sarajevo or
Zagreb, where technical communications with the West
became cantered - especially following the imposition
of U.N. sanctions against Serbia on May 30, 1992.
Establishing Zagreb as the communications and media
hub during late 1992 and 1993 was all the more
astonishing in light of Croatia's own repression of
domestic media, which has included the resurrection of a
communist-era law that threatens five years'
imprisonment for anyone in the media, domestic or
foreign, who criticizes the government.
Not surprisingly, Western journalists failed to produce
meaningful stories with Zagreb datelines or hard-hitting
reports that might shed unfavorable light on Croatian
government figures or the darker sides of that "new"
Balkan democracy, where libraries where being purged
of volumes unsympathetic to official policies. Although
some stories were filed, foreign journalists tended to
look the other way as the government reclassified
requirements for Croatian citizenship and ordered new
policies for religious instruction in public schools.
Boulevards and public squares were brazenly renamed
for World War II Ustashi figures.
Meanwhile, by late 1991 Belgrade-based journalists and
correspondents were nervously confronting the arrival of
60,000 Serb refugees from Croatia who had horrifying
accounts of atrocities and of the destruction of scores of
Serb villages. Nearly 100 of the 156 remaining Serbian
Orthodox churches in Croatia had been razed, according
to the Patriarchate in Belgrade (more that 800 Serbian
churches stood in Croatia before World War II). Media
skepticism at the reports of refugees and Serbian
officials limited any reporting about "concentration
camps" holding Serb inmates, such as the one reported at
Suhopolje among 18 destroyed Serb villages in the
Grubisno Polje district. Another, later confirmed to
exist, was at Stara Lipa, among the remains of 24 Serb
villages in the Slavonska Pozega district where Serbs
had been evicted from their homes.
A Reuters photographer, who returned from Vukovar to
report the discovery of the bodies of 41 Serb children in
plastic bags, was initially quoted in other wire stories.
But because he had not personally seen the bodies, news
organizations pulled their stories about the alleged
massacre. The same media standards regrettably did not
apply when Western newspeople dealt with reports
based on second-and third-hand sources of massacres of
Croats and later Muslims. The willingness to print
without confirmation later affected the coverage of
stories about tens of thousands of rapes of Muslim
women.
By January 1992, it was too late to tell the Serbs' side of
the war in Croatia because that war had ended. The war
in Bosnia was about to erupt, with a host of new
complexities. Few could follow the bewildering and
abrupt alliances and counteralliances as Bosnian Serb
and Croat forces attacked Bosnian government and
Muslim troops and then Muslims fought Bosnian Croat
forces.
When the Yugoslav civil war was nearly a year old,
writer Slavko Curuvija diagnosed the cause of the
media's disorientation: the role played by Western
journalists who possessed minimal capabilities for
covering a vexing civil war among South Slav cultures
and nationalities. "The greatest difficulty for West
European politicians and commentators in dealing with
Yugoslavia is that most knew next to nothing about the
country when they first delved into its crisis," he wrote
in "The European." "Now that everything has come
loose, they are disgusted by the chaos and their
powerlessness to change anything overnight."
It did not help the Western media that there were few
credible guides to lead outsiders thought the twisted
madness of Yugoslav fratricide. U.N. officials,
primarily because they spoke English, became
corroborating sources, spokespeople, and patient rotors
for journalists, but they too lacked sufficient Balkan
orientation. Editors back home were even less
experienced about the new Balkan events and were quick
to accept the offerings from the pack. Helpful U.N.
officials were often uncertain about details or even the
veracity of incidents reported, but within minutes
Western news agencies accepted their background
speculations as fact. The media, U.N. staffers noted with
eventual bitterness, cast the U.N. as anti-Serb and then
latter as pro-Serb. U.N. officials in Belgrade and
Sarajevo winced when named as the source for
prematurely blaming Bosnian Serbs for the fatal
shooting of ABC-television news producer David
Kaplan in August 1992. Senior U.N. officials later stated
that their investigation had determined the shot could
not have been fired from Serb-held areas, but the
disclosure went almost unreported. Similarly, U.N.
spokesman Larry Hollingsworth in Sarajevo was widely
quoted in April 1993 when he angrily stated his hope
that the "hottest corners of hell" were reserved for Serb
gunners in an artillery salvo that fell on Srebrenica,
killing 56 civilians. But absent from news reports was
any similar condemnation by him or others concerning
allegations that the Bosnian army inside Srebrenica had
fired its tanks on Serb positions first, triggering the Serb
artillery response, as the U.N. was attempting to broker
a ceasefire.
THE HIDDEN HAND
"Fingerprints" in the media war could be traced to
public relations specialists, including several
high-powered and highly financed U.S. firms, and their
clients in government information ministries. The
Washington public relations firms of Ruder Finn and
Hill & Knowlton, Inc. were the premier agents at work
behind the lines, launching media and political salvos
and raking in hundreds of thousands and perhaps
millions of dollars while representing the hostile
republics, sometimes two at a time, in the Yugoslav war.
Hill & Knowlton had for several years represented
agencies in the previous Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
before it disintegrated (the firm is best remembered for
producing the phony witness who testified before a
Congressional committee about the alleged slaughter of
Kuwait infants after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait).
Ruder Finn, having simultaneously represented the
governments of Croatia and Bosnia until mid-1993,
when both stepped up ethnic cleansing of each other's
civilians in Bosnia, with its liberal donations from
Islamic countries. Soon after, Ruder Finn scored a public
relations homerun in helping its Bosnian muslim clients
dominate the June 1993 Conference on Human Rights in
Vienna, virtual hijacking the two-week agents that
climaxed with 88-to-1 vote deploring the failure of the
U.N. to stop the war and demanding that the arms
embargo on Bosnia be lifted. Especially in the early days
of the war in Croatia, few journalists were able to step
back to take a clearer look at the images being
manipulated to shape their stories. Many rookie Balkan
reporters at first could do nothing but obediently attend
nonstop press conferences. As Steve Crawshaw reported
in the London "Independent":
"One thing is certain; nobody can complain that the
Croatian publicity machine is overcautious about
unsubstantiated allegations. If it is colorful tales that you
are looking for, then Croatia can always oblige... if
sometimes seems the ministers who turn up to the press
conferences live in a rhetoric-rich, fact-free fairyland."
The London "Times" noted on November 18, 1991, that
"clarity was an early victim of the war in Yugoslavia
and reality has become progressively enveloped in a
blanket of fog... as the desperate attempts to win the
hearts and minds of Europe grow, the claims become
wilder, the proof simpler. But the
(government-controlled) Croatian media are convinced
that officials in London and Washington can be outraged
into submission, so the assault continues unabated."
There can be little doubt that media advocacy from the
field fed editorial responses at home. A typical "Time"
cover story (March 15, 1993) led with "the agony of
Yugoslavia keeps replaying itself with new
bombardments, massacres, rapes and "ethnic cleansing."
At each horrifying recurrence, world opinion is outraged
and opinion leaders call for an end to the barbarism".
Far rarer was the introspection about the media's
coverage of the war that Charles Lane voiced in
"Newsweek" seven months earlier: "There is hypocrisy
in the current outrage of Western journalists, politicians
and voters. And perhaps even a strain of racism."
An excellent case of hyperbole was the peculiar
statement that appeared in the March 15 "Time" cover
story. In that article, Sadako Ogata, U.N. High
Commissioner for refugees, was quoted as telling
members of the U.N. Security Council that "civilians,
women, children and old people are being killed, usually
by having their throats cut." Ogata then said her
information was derived from uncorroborated
broadcasts by unidentified ham radio operators in
Eastern Bosnia. Yet, such transmissions, an increasing
source of on-the-scene propaganda, were frequently
disproved after U.N. troops arrived. Nevertheless Ogata
added, "if only 10 percent of the information is true, we
are witnessing a massacre." "Time" thus concluded: "In
fact Ogata, like other U.N. officials and foreign
journalists, had no first hand knowledge of what was
happening."
"Time" also repeated that 70,000 "detention camp
inmates" still existed. That echoed an exaggerated and
uncorroborated statistic from a State Department
spokesperson, whose mistake the Associated Press and
"The New York Times" publicized during January 1993.
A State Department official had admitted when
confronted with the figure of 70,000 that it was a
typographical error. The correct State Department
estimate, she said, was less than 7,000.
News reports themselves showed that Bosnian Serbs
were unusually cooperative in allowing international
inspection of their camps, while Bosnian Muslims and
Croats either refused or obstructed inspection of their
camps - but that fact also received little public attention.
The media's effort to inflict a "massada psychology"
upon Serbia, as political scientist and Carleton
University (Ottawa) professor C.G. Jacobsen calls it, has
not completely escaped the notice of several academics
and a handful of journalists who have condemned
manipulation and negligence in the press. "The myopia
and bias of the press is manifest," Jacobsen wrote in his
report to the Independent Committee on War Crimes in
the Balkans. "The Washington Post," France's
"L'Observateur" and other leading newspapers have
published pictures of paramilitary troops and forces with
captions describing them as Serb, though their insignia
clearly identify them as (Croat) Ustasha."
In a three-month study of news reports, Howard
University Professor of International Relations Nikolaos
Stavrou detected "a disturbing pattern in news
coverage." He claimed most of the stories were based on
"hearsay evidence," with few attempts to show the
"other side's perspectives. Ninety per cent of the stories
originated in Sarajevo, but only 5 per cent in Belgrade.
Stavrou's analysis cited ethnic stereotyping, with Serbs
referred to as primitive "remnants of the Ottoman
empire" and Yugoslav army officers described as
"orthodox communists generals." News stories about
Serbs abounded with descriptions of them as "eastern,"
"byzantine," and "orthodox", all were "repeatedly used
in a pejorative context." Stavrou said Croats were
described as "western," "nationalist," "wealthiest,"
"westernized," and most advanced in development of
their "western-style democracy," while newspaper
photographs neglected to show suffering or dead Serbs
or destroyed Serb churches and villages.
THE MEDIA BECOME A MOVEMENT; CO-BELLIGERENT NO LONGER
DISGUISED AS NONCOMBATANT AND NONPARTISAN
The 1993 double-barreled Pulitzer Prize for
international reporting, shared between "Newsday's Roy
Gutman and "New York Times" correspondent John
Burns, raised at least a few eyebrows. Burns received the
award primarily for his account of seven hours of
interviews with a captured Bosnian Serb soldier,
Borislav Herak. Herak's confession of multiple rapes
and murder occurred under the approving eyes of his
Bosnian Muslim captors. Assured he would not be
subjected to brutality as a prisoner, Herak also alleged
that the then-commanding general of the U.N.
Protection Forces (UNPROFOR), Lewis Mackenzie, had
committed multiple rapes of young Muslim women.
Despite its vulnerable nature, the lengthy story about the
confession, without mention of the bizarre accusations
against Mackenzie, went over "The New York Times"
wire service on November 26, 1992, targeted for
publication in large Sunday newspapers with almost no
opportunity for challenge or timely rebuttal. Belgrade
officials expressed serious doubts about Herak's mental
competency, but during his trial the question was
ignored and prosecutors offered little additional
evidence beyond Herak's original confession.
In a subsequent advertisement in the May 1993 issue of
"The American Journalism Review," "The Times" used
curious wording to describe Burns's achievement. He
"has written of the destruction of a major European city
and the dispossession of Sarajevo's people. He virtually
discovered these events for the world outside as they
happened." According to "The Washington Post", the
story about Herak "knocked everyone (in the Pulitzer
jury) over."
One of Burns's first stories after his arrival back in
Sarajevo in July 1993 contained a reference to the
infamous "bread line massacre" of the previous year,
which Bosnian Muslims used to pressure the U.N.
Security Council as it prepared to vote for sanctions
against Serbia. A year after some U.N. official
acknowledged that Muslims, not Bosnian Serbs, had set
off explosive that killed 22 civilians outside a Sarajevo
bakery. Burns and the "Times" still reported the claim
that a Serb mortar had caused the tragedy. Ironically,
that same July 5 story by Burns focused on Bosnian
paramilitary police in Sarajevo who were firing mortars
on nearby Bosnian army units. Repeated attempts to
interview Burns, who returned briefly to Toronto last
June, were unsuccessful.
There have also been questions about Roy Gutman's
pulitzer-winning scoops in August 1992 about two
Serb-run "death camps." Gutman constructed his
accounts, to his credit, admittedly so, from alleged
survivors of Manjaca and Trnopolje. But as one British
journalist, Joan Phillips, has pointed out: "The death
camp stories are very thinly sourced. They are based on
the very few accounts from hearsay. They are given the
stamp of authority by speculation and surmise from
officials. Gutman is not guilty of lying. He did not try to
hide the fact that his stories were thinly sourced." But it
is also true, as Phillips noted, that Gutman's disclaimers
were placed near the end of the article. Yet those stories
were the principal basis for the world's belief that the
Serbs were not simply holding Muslim prisoners but
were operating death camps in Bosnia. Phillips also
drew attention to Gutman's visit in September 1992 to
the scene of a massacre of 17 Serbs near Banja Luka,
which went unreported until December 13, three months
later. Gutman could not be contacted and "Newsday"
editors would not explain the lapse in publication.
Gutman did discuss his reporting later on: in an
interview in the July 1993 "American Journalism
Review," he explained that he had abandoned strict
objectivity in his coverage in order to pressure
governments to act.
PLAYING FAVORITES
The entire media response to the issue of atrocities
against Serbs raises a troubling question: why did the
press show such minimal interests in Serb claim of death
camps housing their own people? Documents submitted
to the European parliament and U.N. by Bosnian Serbs
have included horrible claims:
* late March 1992 - Serb females imprisoned at
Breza were raped and then murdered by Muslims;
their bodies were later incinerated.
* May 27, 1992 - female prisoners from Bradina
were taken to the camp in Celebici where they
were repeatedly raped.
* July 26, 1992 - an escapee from Gorazde
reported Muslims forced Serb fathers to rape their
own daughters before both were murdered.
* August 27, 1992 - an affidavit by Dr. Olga
Drasko, a former inmate of an Ustashi camp at
Dretelj, described rapes and mutilations of
women, including herself, during her three month
confinement.
* November 1992 - a group of Serb women
released from Tuzla requested late-term abortions
after having been repeatedly raped by Muslim
during lengthy captivities.
* December 10, 1992 - in Belgrade, Serbian
Orthodox Patriarch Pavle told official of the
Swiss Federal Parliament and representatives from
European Ecumenical Movements that 800 Serb
women were documented as repeated rape victims
in 20 camps operated by Muslims and Croats. The
Patriarch also cited parts of an August 2, 1992,
report from the State Center for Investigation of
War Crimes (Serb Republic of
Bosnia-Herzegovina). Compiled for the U.N. in
November 1992, it identified locations at
Sarajevo, Tuzla, Bugojno, Konjic, Bihac, and
Slavnoski Brod where Serb women were allegedly
confined and raped by Croat and Muslim soldiers.
Also unnoticed by the media was the submission on
December 18, 1992, of the lengthy report (s/24991) by
the U.N. Security Council to the General Assembly. The
report includes some of the depositions by Serb rape
victims from the incidents above. U.N. officials have
never explained why it was not made publicly available
until January 5, 1993, even though it was the only report
produced by an international agency that contained
documented testimonies from any rape victims up until
that time. Yet, while that report was receiving minimal
circulation at the U.N., the news media were focusing on
undocumented claims soldiers had committed as many as
60,000 rapes of Muslims women.
From the start of the Bosnian war in April 1992 until
November of that year, thousands of refugees fled into
Croatia and other countries. There, extensive interviews
failed to disclose allegation of "systematic rape." Then
suddenly, in late November and early December, the
world received a deluge of reports about rapes of
Muslim women. The accounts originatedin the
Information Ministries of the governments of Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The January 4, 1993,
"Newsweek," for one, quoted unsubstantiated Bosnian
government claims of up to 50,000 rapes of Muslims by
Serb soldiers.
A European Community delegation headed by dame
Anne Warburton made a hurried investigation during
two brief visits to the region in December 1992 and
January 1993. It reported that it had visited primarily
Zagreb but obtained only minimal access to alleged
Muslim victims of refugee centers where victims were
supposedly located. Of note, the delegation said it had
encountered additional reports about rapes of Croat and
Serb women. Although it declined to specify the source
of "the most reasoned estimates suggested to the
mission, "Warburton's group decided to accept and
report "the number of victims at around 20,000."
An inquiry by the U.N. Commission on Human Rights
soon presented a more moderate estimate, however. Its
investigators visited Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia from
January 12 to 23, 1993. In its report of February 10, the
Commission, while refraining from giving an official
estimate, mentioned a figure of 2,400 victims. The
estimate was based on 119 documented cases. The report
concluded that Muslims, Croats, and Serbs had been
raped, with Muslims making up the largest number of
victims.
Finally, the EC's Committee on Women's Rights held
hearings on February 17 and 18 on the Warburton
delegation's findings, eventually rejecting the estimate
of 20,000 Muslim rape victims because of the lack of
documented evidence and testimony. At the hearing,
U.N. War Crimes Commission Chairman Frits
Kalshoven testified that the evidence collected up to that
point would not stand up as proof in a court. Similarly,
representatives from the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees concluded that not enough independent
evidence could be found, while Amnesty International
and the International Committee of the Red Cross
concurrently declared that all sides were committing
atrocities and rape.
The resulting handful of rape-produced births also
clearly contradicts claims of waves of systematic
rape-induced pregnancies supposedly treated in Bosnia
hospitals and reported by Bosnian government
authorities and Western journalists.
The general lack of follow-up on the rape allegations is
in stark contrasts to the lone account of French journalist
Jerome Bony, who described in a February 4, 1993,
broadcast on the French television program "Envoye
Special" his trek to Tuzla, notorious for its concentration
of Muslim rape victims:
"When I was at 50 kilometers from Tuzla I was told, 'go
to Tuzla high school ground (where) there are 4,000
raped women'. At 20 kilometers this figure dropped to
400. At 10 kilometers only 40 were left. Once at the site,
I found only four women willing to testify."
At the height of the rape story, media gullibility reached
new levels. In mid-February 1993, the Associated Press,
citing only a Bosnian government source, reported
alleged cannibalism by starving Muslims in Eastern
Bosnia. The story achieved instant headlines in the
United States. Receiving little if any play, however, was
the vigorous denial the following day by U.N. officials
in Bosnia, who rushed to the scene of supposedly
starving villagers and discovered them still in possession
of livestock and chickens.
In its effort to force Western military intervention, the
media also critically neglected to report essential details
about the 17-hour debate last may that led to the
Bosnian Serb Parliament's rejection of the Vance-Owen
plan. No fewer than 50 reports were filed on the
Associated Press and "New York Times" wire services
in the 18 hour period following the final vote by the
Bosnia Serb Parliament, but only one of them attempted
a minimal description of the plan.
Among their objections were the following:
- the plan's narrow umbilical connection between
Serbia and Serb-populated territories adjacent to
Croatia and within Bosnia was not a defensible,
long-term proposition.
- some 460,000 Bosnian Serbs would end up in
Muslim provinces and 160,000 Bosnian Serbs
would be located within Croat provinces.
- of a total of $31,4 billion in identified assets in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Vance-Owen plan
apportioned $18 billion to Muslims, $7,3 billion
to Croats, and $6.1 billion to Serbs.
- none of the known deposits of bauxite, lead,
zinc, salt, or iron would be given to the Bosnian
Serbs.
- out of 3,900 megawatts in electrical generating
capacity, Muslims would receive 1,765
megawatts, and Croats would receive 1,220
megawatts, and Serbs would receive 905
megawatts (all 10 hydroelectric plants would
essentially be under the control of Bosnian
Croats).
- of the 920 total kilometers of railway lines, 260
through Croat areas, and 160 through
Serb-controlled lands.
- only 200 out of 1,200 kilometers of improved
roadways would lie within Bosnian Serb
jurisdictions.
- Bosnian Serbs would have been required to
relinquish or would have otherwise lost nearly 24
percent of the land they have held for generations.
AWKWARD REALITIES
"The mauling of Sarajevo, the worst single crime against
a community in Europe since Auschwitz, cannot be
watched impassively night after night on television news
bulletins," as Robert Fox of the London "Daily
Telegraph" put it. That was the general image. But
another side of the story deserved more attention.
As early as July 1992, senior Western diplomats had
stated publicly that Bosnian Muslim forces in Sarajevo
were repeatedly provoking Serb shelling of the city to
trigger western military intervention. But few wire
stories from Sarajevo bothered to establish that the
almost daily artillery barrages and ceasefire violations
were not always started by Bosnian Serbs, who often,
officials said repeatedly, were returning fire from
Muslims who had fired on Serb targets and
neighborhoods first. Without making such distinctions,
stories implied that the Serbs were alone to blame for
the "Siege of Sarajevo." Also, U.N. observers were
positioned primarily to detect artillery actions by Serbs,
raising questions about the volume of non-Serb artillery
fire, which was often observed to be almost as intense as
Serb shelling.
"Kosevo" hospital in Sarajevo was a favorite backdrop
for television journalists who, when the hospital's water
supply was interrupted because of the shelling, eagerly
awaited the first birth without water in the maternity
ward. Once they got their pictures, the Western film
crews dismantled their cameras and returned to the
nearby Holiday Inn, where hot water was abundant.
Unreported was the fact that on their exit from the
hospital they had to avoid tripping over a shielded
Bosnian army mortar emplacement that was never
identified as the probable reason why Serbs sporadically
fired at the hospital.
Countless news stories rarely heeded statements from
U.N. officials that Bosnian Muslim units frequently
initiated their own shelling of Muslim quarters of the
city as well as Serb neighborhoods. For instance, on
March 23, 1993, major Pee Galagos of UNPROFOR in
Sarajevo described the previous day's exchanges; "There
were 341 impacts recorded: 133 on the Serbian side and
208 on the Bosnian side with 82 artillery rounds, 29
mortar rounds and 22 tank rounds hitting the Serbians;
and 115 artillery, 73 mortar and 20 tank rounds hitting
the Bosnians."
It was a rare exception to the media's usual tilt when, on
July 22, 1992, the "Guardian" reported U.N. commander
Mackenzie's reaction to attacks on civilian targets in
Sarajevo: "Mortars are set up beside hospitals, artillery
beside schools, mortars and other weapons are carried in
ambulances. I've never seen the Red Cross abused like
that, on both sides." Such reports seldom appeared in the
American media, which may explain some dramatic
differences in the public perspectives about intervention
between Europe and the United States.
French general Phillipe Morillon, following his relief as
commander of UNPROFOR in late June 1993,
emphatically blamed the Bosnian Muslim government
for failing to lift the siege of Sarajevo. In an interview
with the Prague daily "Lidove Noviny", Morillon said
the Bosnian regime wanted to keep Sarajevo a focal
point for world sympathy and repeatedly refused to
allow UNPROFOR to achieve a ceasefire.
By mid-1993, the ability to tell the Serb side of the
story was gone, as some observers recognized. "The
Serbians have much to say and as yet have had virtually
no opportunity to do so," argued Mary Hueniken in "The
London Free Press." "Sanctions slapped on Serbia
prevent it from hiring a PR firm to help it put its two
cents in," reported the June 7, 1993, issue of "O'Dwyer's
Washington Report," a public relations and public
affairs publication that monitors the PR industry in
Washington.
"As a result, Serbs, thought surely guilty of numerous
atrocities, have been pilloried in the press. Reporters,
meanwhile, cheer on the out-gunned Bosnians, who
undoubtedly have their own skeletons in the closet, and
give Croatia, which wants to carve up its own chunk of
Bosnia, a free ride. The U.S. public won't get a clear
picture of what is really happening in the Balkans until
Serbia is allowed to present its case through PR."
The tentative media self-criticism that has emerged so
far has focused superficially on television coverage of
the Yugoslav civil war. According to the Center for
Media and Public Affairs, a nonprofit research
organization in Washington, for the first three months of
1993 the major networks aired 233 stories on Bosnia
during prime-time news, as opposed to only 137 stories
on president Bill Clinton's economic plans.
Similarly, Marc Gunther, of Knight-Ridder newspapers,
noted the "depressing regularity" of ABC's "World
News Tonight" broadcasts about Bosnia. "Is ABC doing
too much with the story, or are its rivals not doing
enough? And what accounts for the different
approaches?" he wrote. Gunther's story was based on the
"Tyndall Report", which monitors evening newscasts. It
found that ABC's Yugoslav war reporting had provided
301 minutes of coverage, compared with 179 for NBC's
"Nightly News" and 177 for the CBS'S "Evening News"
during the 11 months that ended in March."
"In 1992, excluding the election, the most covered story
on ABC was the Balkans," Gunther continued. "CBS's
top story was the Los Angeles riots, while NBC devoted
the most minutes to Somalia. ABC's "Nightline",
meanwhile, has devoted more than a dozen programs to
the Balkans since last year, many consisting entirely of
reporting from the scene of the fighting." The analysis
suggested a special ABC commitment to the Bosnian
war. Gunther noted that Roone Arledge "has a personal
connection to the war because, as president of ABC
sports, he produced coverage of the 1984 Winter
Olympics in Sarajevo. Last year, David Kaplan, a
producer for ABC's "Prime Time Live", was killed by a
sniper's bullet while preparing a report on the war."
Gunther also underlined Peter Jennings's "personal
convictions on Bosnia" and his admonitions that the
world community had failed to ease the suffering there.
An ABC spokesman, contacted for response, said
Gunther and the Knight-Ridder story were "right on the
money."
In ABC's case, the motive for its coverage may be easy
to find. But that is not the case for many other news
organizations. In the wake of the negligence and pack
journalism that have distorted the coverage of the
Yugoslav civil war to date, the media would be
well-advised to gaze into their own mirrors and
consider their dubious records. At some point, historians
or unofficial international investigation will determine
the true culpability of all the actors in the Yugoslav
tragedy. But one of those actors is the press itself. In
Bosnia, where major governments had few intelligence
assets and where the role of international public opinion
was central, it was critical that the news media report
with precision and professionalism. Instead, the epitaph
above the grave of objective and fair reporting in the
Yugoslav war probably will be written with the
cynicism conveyed in an internal memorandum of April
19, 1993, from a cartoonist to his syndicate's
editorial-page editors:
"I was SKEDed earlier today for a cartoon on the
Rodney King verdict to be faxed out this afternoon.
However, given the racial and legal complexities
of the case we have decided that such an issue is
best left unaddressed in the uncompromising
language of an editorial cartoon. I will be sending
a cartoon on the war in Bosnia instead."
* * *
* Peter Brock, a special projects and politics editor at
the "El Paso Herald-Post", has lectured and written
about Yugoslavia, as well as Eastern Europe and Russia,
since 1976. He is writing a book on the Western media in
the Yugoslav civil war.
Subject: Iniziativa a Marghera: "Gli effetti della liberazione"
Date: Mon, 26 May 2003 19:40:17 -0700
From: "Luigi Di Noia"
Carissimi
vi invio il volantino di un'iniziativa del "Comitato Permanente contro
le Guerre ed il Razzismo". Si tratta di una serata di dibattito
pubblico sul tema de "Gli effetti della liberazione. Come si vive nei
paesi liberati dopo l'arrivo delle imprese occidentali". Durante la
serata verrà presentata una ricerca sull'invasione delle imprese
italiane in Romania e presentata la testimonianza di un lavoratore
albanese. L'iniziativa si terrà presso l'Aula Consiliare del Municipio
di Marghera, giovedì 29 maggio, alle ore 21.00. A nome del Comitato vi
invito quindi a partecipare alla serata e, se possibile, a contribuire
alla riuscita dell'iniziativa aiutandoci nel pubblicizzarla.
Un saluto a tutti
Luigi
---
Giovedì 29 maggio
Presso la
Sala Consiliare del Municipio di Marghera
in Piazza S. Antonio, Marghera (VE)
alle ore 21.00 (precise)
Dibattito pubblico su:
Gli effetti della "liberazione"
Come si vive nei paesi "liberati"
dopo l'arrivo delle imprese occidentali
Qual è oggi la situazione dei cosiddetti paesi "liberati"
dall'Occidente? Qual è il prezzo che essi devono pagare per entrare
nella cerchia delle nazioni "rispettabili"?
L'intervento dei paesi occidentali, che sia condotto con armi, aiuti
alimentari o prestiti finanziari, provoca sempre delle profonde
trasformazioni nelle società a cui gli interventi sono destinati:
drammatici conflitti, collassi politici, disfacimento economico.
Questo spinge le popolazioni "aiutate" in una collocazione ancora più
subalterna nell'ordine economico mondiale. E permette ai paesi
occidentali, Italia in primis, e alle loro aziende, il saccheggio
delle risorse altrui, prima tra tutte quella umana: la manodopera.
In questa ottica ci occuperemo dei casi della Romania e dell'Albania.
Esempi evidenti di quali siano gli effetti globali di quella che si
pretende essere una "liberazione".
Sarà presentata una ricerca sull'"invasione" delle imprese italiane in
Romania e vi sarà una testimonianza diretta di un lavoratore albanese.
COMITATO PERMANENTE CONTRO LE GUERRE ED IL RAZZISMO
Fip: Piazzale Radaelli 3, Marghera
e-mail: comitatopermanente@...
Date: Mon, 26 May 2003 19:40:17 -0700
From: "Luigi Di Noia"
Carissimi
vi invio il volantino di un'iniziativa del "Comitato Permanente contro
le Guerre ed il Razzismo". Si tratta di una serata di dibattito
pubblico sul tema de "Gli effetti della liberazione. Come si vive nei
paesi liberati dopo l'arrivo delle imprese occidentali". Durante la
serata verrà presentata una ricerca sull'invasione delle imprese
italiane in Romania e presentata la testimonianza di un lavoratore
albanese. L'iniziativa si terrà presso l'Aula Consiliare del Municipio
di Marghera, giovedì 29 maggio, alle ore 21.00. A nome del Comitato vi
invito quindi a partecipare alla serata e, se possibile, a contribuire
alla riuscita dell'iniziativa aiutandoci nel pubblicizzarla.
Un saluto a tutti
Luigi
---
Giovedì 29 maggio
Presso la
Sala Consiliare del Municipio di Marghera
in Piazza S. Antonio, Marghera (VE)
alle ore 21.00 (precise)
Dibattito pubblico su:
Gli effetti della "liberazione"
Come si vive nei paesi "liberati"
dopo l'arrivo delle imprese occidentali
Qual è oggi la situazione dei cosiddetti paesi "liberati"
dall'Occidente? Qual è il prezzo che essi devono pagare per entrare
nella cerchia delle nazioni "rispettabili"?
L'intervento dei paesi occidentali, che sia condotto con armi, aiuti
alimentari o prestiti finanziari, provoca sempre delle profonde
trasformazioni nelle società a cui gli interventi sono destinati:
drammatici conflitti, collassi politici, disfacimento economico.
Questo spinge le popolazioni "aiutate" in una collocazione ancora più
subalterna nell'ordine economico mondiale. E permette ai paesi
occidentali, Italia in primis, e alle loro aziende, il saccheggio
delle risorse altrui, prima tra tutte quella umana: la manodopera.
In questa ottica ci occuperemo dei casi della Romania e dell'Albania.
Esempi evidenti di quali siano gli effetti globali di quella che si
pretende essere una "liberazione".
Sarà presentata una ricerca sull'"invasione" delle imprese italiane in
Romania e vi sarà una testimonianza diretta di un lavoratore albanese.
COMITATO PERMANENTE CONTRO LE GUERRE ED IL RAZZISMO
Fip: Piazzale Radaelli 3, Marghera
e-mail: comitatopermanente@...
CI DICONO CHE UN'ALTRA GUERRA È FINITA
Quali sono e quanto dureranno gli effetti letali sulla salute e
sull'ambiente delle popolazioni colpite ?
Quali sono le risposte ad una emergenza umanitaria che in Iraq
perdura, infinita dal 1991 ?
E quali armi si prepareranno per le prossime guerre preventive ?
Il 4 giugno 2002, ore 21,00
presso l'Exmercato24, via Fioravanti 24 Bologna
Il Comitato Cittadino Contro la Guerra, l'UDAP-Bologna [Unione
Democratica Arabo Palestinese in Italia], Un Ponte Per ...,
l'Xm24-Infoshock
presenteranno il volume:
"Guerra infinita, guerra ecologica.
I danni delle nuove guerre all'uomo e all'ambiente"
a cura di Massimo Zucchetti, Jaca Book, Milano 2003
interverranno:
Massimo Zucchetti - Impatto Ambientale dei Sistemi Energetici -
Politecnico di Torino
Angelo Baracca - Fisica, Università di Firenze
Paolo Bartolomei - fisico, Bologna
Sergio Coronica - Un Ponte Per ... - Comitato Cittadino Contro la
Guerra
introdurrà
Alberto Tarozzi - Sociologia delle relazioni internazionali,
Università Bologna - Comitato Cittadino Contro la Guerra
=== Presentazione del libro ===
Guerra infinita, guerra ecologica
I danni delle nuove guerre all'uomo e all'ambiente
A cura di Massimo Zucchetti, Jacabook Editore, Milano, Aprile 2003
Questo libro non è un libro facile. Non è piacevole. Contiene
affermazioni pesanti, dati sconvolgenti, immagini a volte
raccapriccianti. Riguarda la guerra, tuttavia. Gli effetti della
guerra sulla popolazione mondiale e sull'ambiente della Terra, più in
particolare.
Indice Commentato dei Contenuti
0 Prefazione: Una lettera di Gino Strada di Emergency
1. I perchè delle nuove guerre
Autore: Massimo Zucchetti
Dietro alle campagne degli anni novanta c'è un disegno non difficile
da discernere: il dominio degli scacchieri geo-politici importanti non
è più mirato ad acquisire una posizione di vantaggio in vista della
terza guerra mondiale (che, pare, non scoppierà), ma all'assicurarsi
il controllo delle zone strategiche del pianeta in vista del
progressivo esaurimento delle risorse energetiche. Cerchiamo in questa
introduzione di alzare qualche velo sui principali "motori" delle
nuove guerre.
2. Le nuove guerre: lo scenario internazionale e la "preistoria"
Autore: Carlo Pona
Questo capitolo iniziale fornisce una inquadratura ed una introduzione
sulle nuove guerre, inquadrandole nello scenario internazionale dei
"trattati negati" e concludendo con un interessante episodio di
"preistoria", cioè l'agente Orange e la guerra nel Vietnam.
3. Le nuove armi per le nuove guerre
Autore: Vito Francesco Polcaro
Guerre a bassa intensità, guerre chirurgiche, missioni di
peacekeeping: questi neologismi - per potersi reggere - necessitano
dello sforzo della scienza bellica per fornire loro nuovi ritrovati.
Questo capitolo elenca verità e non verità sulle nuove armi: dalle
armi non letali, alle armi di distruzione di massa "convenzionali",
alle armi nucleari "tattiche", alle nuove armi balistiche, alle armi
batteriologiche e chimiche.
4. Chimica e biologia bellica
Autore: Edoardo Magnone
Si ripercorrono e si elencano le varie sostanza chimiche che sono in
uso o allo studio in campo bellico, con le rispettive armi e nazioni.
L'elenco è atipico perchè associa ad ogni sostanza o arma non tanto le
caratteristiche belliche, quanto le informazioni che la tecnica
"civile" mette a disposizione, per quanto riguarda gli effetti sulla
salute e sull'ambiente in caso di loro dispersione accidentale
nell'ambiente per usi non-militari.
5. Uranio impoverito fra realtà e mitologia
Autore: Massimo Zucchetti, Carlo Pona, Mauro Cristaldi.
La "nuova arma" radioattiva: caratteristiche radiologiche e tecniche,
fatti sull'utilizzo in Iraq, nei Balcani e in altri scenari. Si
tratterà l'uranio impoverito come un qualunque inquinante radioattivo
e se analizzeranno - tecnicamente - gli effetti sulla salute e
sull'ambiente. Seguirà una analisi di prospettiva sul futuro dei
territori inquinati da uranio impoverito, alla luce delle ultimissime
scoperte.
6. La "guerra chimica": un caso di studio
Autori: Ivan Grzetic, Carlo Pona, Massimo Zucchetti
La guerra chimica non è uno scenario ipotetico elaborato nei
laboratori sotterranei di Saddam o del Pentagono: è una realtà di
utilizzo corrente nelle "guerre chirurgiche", quando si bombardano
impianti chimici, energetici e industriali. Viene portato l'esempio di
quantità ed effetti sulla Jugoslavia, da parte di uno studioso
ambientale docente dell'Università di Belgrado, in collaborazione con
due studiosi italiani. Gi effetti sull'ecosistema e sulla
biodiversità.
7. Che cosa rimane dopo. Gli effetti sull'ambiente e un caso di
studio: Iraq
Autore: Carlo Pona, Massimo Zucchetti
Quali sono gli effetti sull'ambiente e sulla salute - a medio e lungo
termine - delle "guerre chirurgiche"? Quali sono gli indicatori
biologici che ci consentono di capire l'inquinamento bellico? Viene
portato l'esempio dell'Iraq, a oltre un decennio dalla guerra. Dati
sullo stato dell'ambiente, sulla salute della popolazione in seguito
al mix di guerra, inquinamento, embargo.
La seconda parte riguarda una stima delle conseguenze a lungo termine
dell'uso di Uranio Impoverito in Iraq.
8. La guerra all'Afghanistan
Autore: Silvana Salerno
Un "instant chapter" sullo scenario dell'ultima guerra e su quello che
ha lasciato. Degrado di ambiente, territorio, società, patologie
vecchie e nuove nella popolazione. Una sintesi su questi temi per
rendere evidenti gli effetti su un'intera nazione di una guerra che ha
davvero poco di chirurgico.
9. Bombe nucleari di quarta generazione: la nostra bomba quotidiana?
Autore: Angelo Baracca
Dopo tanta attenzione al passato e al presente, non è male uno sguardo
sul futuro, in particolare sulla evoluzione e possibile degradazione
di uno scenario che per molto tempo è rimasto apparentemente statico e
quindi è stato messo nella nostra attenzione in secondo piano: gli
armamenti nucleari. Il cambio di scena della "nuove guerre" ridà
invece fiato ai novelli "Dottor Stranamore" e anche questa volta le
"nuove tecnologie" vengono in loro soccorso.
10. Conclusione: la guerra non dichiarata
Autore: Massimo Zucchetti
Cui prodest? Questo capitolo conclusivo riprende alcuni temi
dell'introduzione, e svela - note le cause che stanno dietro le nuove
guerre - i reali effetti immediati e futuri della "guerra non
dichiarata" per la quale esse vengono combattute, cioè la bomba
ecologica delle emissioni inquinanti dei paesi industrializzati.
Le "nuove guerre" mirano a portare avanti più possibile la finzione di
un mondo a risorse infinite: la "enduring freedom" è la libertà di
continuare all'infinito a consumare in maniera criminale le risorse
del pianeta, uccidendone il clima, per sostenere un modello di
sviluppo sconsiderato. Ma si dimostrerà che ciò non può durare.
Quali sono e quanto dureranno gli effetti letali sulla salute e
sull'ambiente delle popolazioni colpite ?
Quali sono le risposte ad una emergenza umanitaria che in Iraq
perdura, infinita dal 1991 ?
E quali armi si prepareranno per le prossime guerre preventive ?
Il 4 giugno 2002, ore 21,00
presso l'Exmercato24, via Fioravanti 24 Bologna
Il Comitato Cittadino Contro la Guerra, l'UDAP-Bologna [Unione
Democratica Arabo Palestinese in Italia], Un Ponte Per ...,
l'Xm24-Infoshock
presenteranno il volume:
"Guerra infinita, guerra ecologica.
I danni delle nuove guerre all'uomo e all'ambiente"
a cura di Massimo Zucchetti, Jaca Book, Milano 2003
interverranno:
Massimo Zucchetti - Impatto Ambientale dei Sistemi Energetici -
Politecnico di Torino
Angelo Baracca - Fisica, Università di Firenze
Paolo Bartolomei - fisico, Bologna
Sergio Coronica - Un Ponte Per ... - Comitato Cittadino Contro la
Guerra
introdurrà
Alberto Tarozzi - Sociologia delle relazioni internazionali,
Università Bologna - Comitato Cittadino Contro la Guerra
=== Presentazione del libro ===
Guerra infinita, guerra ecologica
I danni delle nuove guerre all'uomo e all'ambiente
A cura di Massimo Zucchetti, Jacabook Editore, Milano, Aprile 2003
Questo libro non è un libro facile. Non è piacevole. Contiene
affermazioni pesanti, dati sconvolgenti, immagini a volte
raccapriccianti. Riguarda la guerra, tuttavia. Gli effetti della
guerra sulla popolazione mondiale e sull'ambiente della Terra, più in
particolare.
Indice Commentato dei Contenuti
0 Prefazione: Una lettera di Gino Strada di Emergency
1. I perchè delle nuove guerre
Autore: Massimo Zucchetti
Dietro alle campagne degli anni novanta c'è un disegno non difficile
da discernere: il dominio degli scacchieri geo-politici importanti non
è più mirato ad acquisire una posizione di vantaggio in vista della
terza guerra mondiale (che, pare, non scoppierà), ma all'assicurarsi
il controllo delle zone strategiche del pianeta in vista del
progressivo esaurimento delle risorse energetiche. Cerchiamo in questa
introduzione di alzare qualche velo sui principali "motori" delle
nuove guerre.
2. Le nuove guerre: lo scenario internazionale e la "preistoria"
Autore: Carlo Pona
Questo capitolo iniziale fornisce una inquadratura ed una introduzione
sulle nuove guerre, inquadrandole nello scenario internazionale dei
"trattati negati" e concludendo con un interessante episodio di
"preistoria", cioè l'agente Orange e la guerra nel Vietnam.
3. Le nuove armi per le nuove guerre
Autore: Vito Francesco Polcaro
Guerre a bassa intensità, guerre chirurgiche, missioni di
peacekeeping: questi neologismi - per potersi reggere - necessitano
dello sforzo della scienza bellica per fornire loro nuovi ritrovati.
Questo capitolo elenca verità e non verità sulle nuove armi: dalle
armi non letali, alle armi di distruzione di massa "convenzionali",
alle armi nucleari "tattiche", alle nuove armi balistiche, alle armi
batteriologiche e chimiche.
4. Chimica e biologia bellica
Autore: Edoardo Magnone
Si ripercorrono e si elencano le varie sostanza chimiche che sono in
uso o allo studio in campo bellico, con le rispettive armi e nazioni.
L'elenco è atipico perchè associa ad ogni sostanza o arma non tanto le
caratteristiche belliche, quanto le informazioni che la tecnica
"civile" mette a disposizione, per quanto riguarda gli effetti sulla
salute e sull'ambiente in caso di loro dispersione accidentale
nell'ambiente per usi non-militari.
5. Uranio impoverito fra realtà e mitologia
Autore: Massimo Zucchetti, Carlo Pona, Mauro Cristaldi.
La "nuova arma" radioattiva: caratteristiche radiologiche e tecniche,
fatti sull'utilizzo in Iraq, nei Balcani e in altri scenari. Si
tratterà l'uranio impoverito come un qualunque inquinante radioattivo
e se analizzeranno - tecnicamente - gli effetti sulla salute e
sull'ambiente. Seguirà una analisi di prospettiva sul futuro dei
territori inquinati da uranio impoverito, alla luce delle ultimissime
scoperte.
6. La "guerra chimica": un caso di studio
Autori: Ivan Grzetic, Carlo Pona, Massimo Zucchetti
La guerra chimica non è uno scenario ipotetico elaborato nei
laboratori sotterranei di Saddam o del Pentagono: è una realtà di
utilizzo corrente nelle "guerre chirurgiche", quando si bombardano
impianti chimici, energetici e industriali. Viene portato l'esempio di
quantità ed effetti sulla Jugoslavia, da parte di uno studioso
ambientale docente dell'Università di Belgrado, in collaborazione con
due studiosi italiani. Gi effetti sull'ecosistema e sulla
biodiversità.
7. Che cosa rimane dopo. Gli effetti sull'ambiente e un caso di
studio: Iraq
Autore: Carlo Pona, Massimo Zucchetti
Quali sono gli effetti sull'ambiente e sulla salute - a medio e lungo
termine - delle "guerre chirurgiche"? Quali sono gli indicatori
biologici che ci consentono di capire l'inquinamento bellico? Viene
portato l'esempio dell'Iraq, a oltre un decennio dalla guerra. Dati
sullo stato dell'ambiente, sulla salute della popolazione in seguito
al mix di guerra, inquinamento, embargo.
La seconda parte riguarda una stima delle conseguenze a lungo termine
dell'uso di Uranio Impoverito in Iraq.
8. La guerra all'Afghanistan
Autore: Silvana Salerno
Un "instant chapter" sullo scenario dell'ultima guerra e su quello che
ha lasciato. Degrado di ambiente, territorio, società, patologie
vecchie e nuove nella popolazione. Una sintesi su questi temi per
rendere evidenti gli effetti su un'intera nazione di una guerra che ha
davvero poco di chirurgico.
9. Bombe nucleari di quarta generazione: la nostra bomba quotidiana?
Autore: Angelo Baracca
Dopo tanta attenzione al passato e al presente, non è male uno sguardo
sul futuro, in particolare sulla evoluzione e possibile degradazione
di uno scenario che per molto tempo è rimasto apparentemente statico e
quindi è stato messo nella nostra attenzione in secondo piano: gli
armamenti nucleari. Il cambio di scena della "nuove guerre" ridà
invece fiato ai novelli "Dottor Stranamore" e anche questa volta le
"nuove tecnologie" vengono in loro soccorso.
10. Conclusione: la guerra non dichiarata
Autore: Massimo Zucchetti
Cui prodest? Questo capitolo conclusivo riprende alcuni temi
dell'introduzione, e svela - note le cause che stanno dietro le nuove
guerre - i reali effetti immediati e futuri della "guerra non
dichiarata" per la quale esse vengono combattute, cioè la bomba
ecologica delle emissioni inquinanti dei paesi industrializzati.
Le "nuove guerre" mirano a portare avanti più possibile la finzione di
un mondo a risorse infinite: la "enduring freedom" è la libertà di
continuare all'infinito a consumare in maniera criminale le risorse
del pianeta, uccidendone il clima, per sostenere un modello di
sviluppo sconsiderato. Ma si dimostrerà che ciò non può durare.
http://www.swans.com/
S W A N S c o m m e n t a r y
May 26, 2003
Note from the Editor: This issue of Swans takes a look at the
strategic moves through violent means that the Western powers
have unleashed on the entire world since the fall of the Berlin Wall,
with a primary focus on the exceptional book written by
Diana Johnstone, FOOLS' CRUSADE: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western
Delusions. It is exceptional for at least two reasons. First,
it may well be the most thorough and rigorous work that has been
published in the past four years on the disintegration of
Yugoslavia, with an acute historical perspective that clearly explains
the current strategic policies of the western powers; and
second, because it has been remarkably ignored by the main media and
the so-called alternative press. Freedom of speech is a lofty
principle, but if your voice is literally buried so deep that no one
can hear it, then the principle becomes moot!
We are publishing an excerpt of the book -- the introduction -- with
the permission of the author and her publishers in both the
U.K. and the U.S. Then Louis Proyect, Edward Herman and Gilles
d'Aymery review Fools' Crusade from different angles, each
providing additional perspective. Furthermore, we are presenting four
other articles in support of Diana Johnstone's work.
Konstantin Kilibarda provides a legal analysis on the dismantling of
Yugoslavia and Jan Baughman looks at the common threads
among the wars in the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq. Lest you not be
outraged by these analyses, read the transcript of the
interviews that Greg Elich conducted with Serb refugees. Their
experiences were far from the 'humanitarianism' in the name of
which these wars were conducted. Finally, Aleksandra Priestfield looks
at the other non-reasons for going to war.
Please do your utmost to read and disseminate Johnstone's book.
In addition on Swans, Deck Deckert cleverly imagines the truths we
could learn if journalists were embedded in various
circumstances. Embedded journalists at peace rallies? Imagine the
possibilities! Richard Macintosh questions the dreadful and
superb sides of America where, according to Philip Greenspan, knowing
the right person is as good as being on the right side of the law.
Last but not least, Sabina Becker and Gerard Smith have once again
produced two powerful poems to tie it all together.
As always, please form your OWN opinion, and let your friends (and
foes) know about Swans. It's your voice that makes ours grow.
From the Balkans to Iraq: Hungry Man, Reach For The Book
FOOLS' CRUSADE: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western Delusions
by Diana Johnstone
Book Excerpt
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/dianaj01.html
[Ed. This is the full introduction of the book, published by
permission of the author and the publishers, Monthly Review Press
(http://www.monthlyreview.org/foolscrusade.htm), in the U.S., and
Pluto Press (http://www.plutobooks.com/), in the U.K.]
At the end of November 1999, an important new movement against
"globalization" emerged in massive protests against the World Trade
Organization meeting in Seattle. Strangely enough, only months
earlier, when NATO launched its first aggressive war by bombing
Yugoslavia, there had been remarkably little protest. Yet NATO's
violent advance into southeast Europe was precisely related to the
globalization process opposed in Seattle. Few seemed to grasp the
connection. Was it really plausible that overwhelming military power
was being wielded more benevolently than overwhelming economic power?
Or that the two were not in some way promoting the same interests and
the same "world order"? ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/dianaj01.html
Diana Johnstone is a widely-published essayist and columnist who has
written extensively on European and international politics.
Diana Johnstone's Fools' Crusade
Book Review by Louis Proyect
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/lproy04.html
On December 8th 2002, George Packer wrote the following in a New York
Times Magazine article titled "The Liberal Quandary Over Iraq":
"Why there is no organized liberal opposition to the war?
"The answer to this question involves an interesting history, and it
sheds light on the difficulties now confronting American liberals. The
history goes back 10 years, when a war broke out in the middle of
Europe. This war changed the way many American liberals, particularly
liberal intellectuals, saw their country. Bosnia turned these liberals
into hawks. People who from Vietnam on had never met an American
military involvement they liked were now calling for U.S. air strikes
to defend a multiethnic democracy against Serbian ethnic aggression.
Suddenly the model was no longer Vietnam, it was World War II --
armed American power was all that stood in the way of genocide.
Without the cold war to distort the debate, and with the inspiring
example of the East bloc revolutions of 1989 still fresh, a number of
liberal intellectuals in this country had a new idea. These writers
and academics wanted to use American military power to serve goals
like human rights and democracy -- especially when it was clear that
nobody else would do it."
If George Packer's assertion is true, and I believe it is, then it
becomes necessary to revisit the Yugoslavia events in the light of
everything that has transpired over the past decade. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/lproy04.html
Louis Proyect is a computer programmer, the moderator of marxmail.org,
and a regular contributor to Swans.
Diana Johnstone On The Balkan Wars
Book Review by Edward S. Herman
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/herman10.html
[Ed. This review was first published on Monthly Review and is
re-published courtesy of the author and the publisher.]
Diana Johnstone's Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western
Delusions (Monthly Review Press, 2002;
http://www.monthlyreview.org/foolscrusade.htm ) is essential reading
for anybody who wants to understand the causes, effects, and
rights-and-wrongs of the Balkan wars of the past dozen years. The book
should be priority reading for leftists, many of whom have been
carried along by a NATO-power party line and propaganda barrage,
believing that this was one case where Western intervention was
well-intentioned and had beneficial results. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/herman10.html
Edward S. Herman is a Professor Emeritus of Finance at Wharton and a
regular contributor to Swans.
Diana Johnstone And The Demise Of 'Yugoslavism'
Book Review by Gilles d'Aymery
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/ga156.html
On May 21, 2003, the US Senior Senator of West Virginia, Robert Byrd,
delivered one of his customary Senate Floor Remarks that began thus:
"Truth has a way of asserting itself despite all attempts to obscure
it. Distortion only serves to derail it for a time. No matter to what
lengths we humans may go to obfuscate facts or delude our fellows,
truth has a way of squeezing out through the cracks, eventually.
But the danger is that at some point it may no longer matter. The
danger is that damage is done before the truth is widely realized. The
reality is that, sometimes, it is easier to ignore uncomfortable facts
and go along with whatever distortion is currently in vogue. We see a
lot of this today in politics. I see a lot of it -- more than I would
ever have believed -- right on this Senate Floor." ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/ga156.html
Gilles d'Aymery is Swans' publisher and co-editor.
Selective Recognition and the Dismantling of SFR Yugoslavia
by Konstantin Kilibarda
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/kkilib03.html
The conflicts that wracked the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) during the 1990s -- and international responses to
these crises -- have profoundly shaped the face of the post-Cold
War order. The nature of Western intervention, not to mention its
ultimate outcome, casts a long shadow on the heavily mediated and
selective rhetoric of a "new (militarized) humanitarianism" and the
promise it holds out of an increasingly just and law governed global
order. In fact, for the peoples of the global South, the ascendancy of
such interventionist impulses among the wealthy states of the global
North increasingly threatens to undermine fifty years of widespread
and progressive gains stemming from the process of decolonization and
the national liberation struggles of formerly colonized peoples. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/kkilib03.html
Konstantin Kilibarda is completing a Collaborative MA in International
Relations and Political Science at the University of Toronto, Canada.
Lessons From Yugoslavia: Blueprint for War?
by Jan Baughman
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/jeb125.html
In March 1999 NATO forces began their 'humanitarian' war on Yugoslavia
to stop the 'ethnic cleansing' of Albanians by the Serbs. We related
to the pain and suffering of the alleged refugees of war, and
Slobodan Milosevic became the Hitler of the '90s. Operation Allied
Force unleashed 78 days of bombing and destroyed the infrastructure of
a country that no longer exists in name or in the cultural diversity
the bombing was intended to preserve. Milosevic is embroiled in the
war crimes tribunal in The Hague, and what lead us to war, and the
aftermath of it -- has been long forgotten, if at all understood. It
is no surprise that we've learned no lessons from this tragedy. Or
have we? ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/jeb125.html
Jan Baughman is a Biotech scientist and Swans' co-editor.
We Have The Right To Live
Interviews with Kosovo Serbian refugees
by Gregory Elich, Jeff Goldberg and Iman El-Sayed
With an Introduction by Gregory Elich
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/elich011.html
Four years ago NATO waged war against Yugoslavia in what was billed a
"humanitarian" war. The lofty motives proclaimed by Western leaders
had the hollow ring of hypocrisy for those on the receiving end of
NATO bombs. In order to destabilize the last remaining socialist
nation in Europe, the United States and Great Britain supported and
armed the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), a violent secessionist
organization. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/elich011.html
Gregory Elich is a long-time peace activist and a Swans' columnist.
Making War Out Of Nothing At All
by Aleksandra Priestfield
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/alekp027.html
You know how you sometimes like a song, for nebulous reasons -- a
haunting tune, a turn of phrase in the lyrics? I have several like
that. One of them is "Making love out of nothing at all," by a band
called Air Supply. On the face of it, it has nothing to do with
anything -- it's a song. Just a song. But that refrain -- those two
phrases -- making love out of nothing at all -- those just transformed
themselves in my head of late.
Watching the turns that history has taken in the past ten years or so,
watching the role that the United States has played in that history,
the Air Supply song's refrain comes back to haunt me as something
completely different.
Making war, out of nothing at all. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/alekp027.html
Aleksandra Priestfield is a technical writer, an editor, and a Swans'
columnist.
America: Myths and Realities
Embedding The Truth
by Deck Deckert
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rdeck039.html
The embedding of reporters with military units invading Iraq was a
disaster, both for the anti-war movement and the cause of journalism.
Right from the start, the embeds were emotionally involved with the
men and women of their units and were incapable of achieving the
detachment and objectivity that used to be one of the hallmarks of
great reporting. Instead, they became partisan cheerleaders for the
invaders.
Clearly this was a coup for the Pentagon, White House and other
warmongers. But that doesn't mean that embedding is a bad idea. It
just needs to be extended. We need embeds everywhere. For example...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rdeck039.html
A former copy, wire and news editor, Deck Deckert is a freelance
writer and a Swans' columnist.
Courage And Cowardice
by Richard Macintosh
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rmac06.html
I remember T. Chadbourne Dunham, Professor Emeritus at Wesleyan
University, saying that the Germans were "wonderful and horrible."
Dunham had been in Germany as an American graduate student when
Adolf Hitler became Chancellor in 1933. He had great interest in
"altphilologie," or the study of ancient cultures and civilizations.
He had special interest in the work of Heinrich Schliemann, who
pioneered excavation of Ancient Troy, hence his presence in Germany.
During his stay, Dunham met Hannah Arendt, who introduced him to
Hermann Broch and Thomas Mann. Following World War II, Dunham worked
as a translator for Thomas Mann, while Mann was in the United States.
To Dunham, the Germans were "wonderful," because of their literature,
music and scientific achievements. They were "horrible," because they
allowed a gifted culture to descend into a pit of war, terror and
murder through thoughtlessness. How do we reconcile such things? Can
they be reconciled? Is this a German problem, or is this something
that applies to all human cultures? Are we all "wonderful" and
"horrible?" ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rmac06.html
Richard Macintosh is a former Public High School Teacher, a part-time
consultant on Personnel/Team matters and a regular contributor to
Swans.
An Awful Lawful World: Who Wins, Who Loses
by Philip Greenspan
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/pgreen24.html
Certain moral precepts accepted as standards of conduct provide the
basis of laws throughout the world. It is assumed those laws will be
equally applied in all situations and to all individuals and groups.
But experience discloses major differences in how those laws are
enforced and to whom they apply.
Accordingly, it is appropriate to modify the belief of equality before
the law to a more realistic concept that enforcement varies from
lenient to harsh based on how favorably the enforcing authority views
the perpetrator. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/pgreen24.html
Philip Greenspan is a retired attorney, a World War II veteran and a
Swans' columnist.
Poetry
Accomplishments
by Sabina C. Becker
There was an evil man
Out in Afghanistan
At least, our Georgie Bushie told us so.
He hid out in a cave,
He wasn't very brave.
Just ask our Georgie Bushie, he should know. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/sbeckr06.html
Sabina Becker is a poet and a writer who lives in Cobourg, Ontario.
She graces Swans with her poetry on a regular basis.
My Appearances
by Gerard Donnelly Smith
i am nothing if not expression
a meaningless even if then,
never a poem decrypted,
never wave particle wave.
if not this chiasmus:
i am without this nothing,
nothing within this:
a chair
on it a pipe
the smoke about to fill the room
with an unmistakeable odour
of burning flesh;
the bomb explodes through walls
both thick and thin. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/gsmith04.html
Gerard Donnelly Smith teaches creative writing, literature and
composition at Clark College in Vancouver, WA.
Announcements
* A book to read: Johnstone, Diana; Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia, Nato,
and Western Delusions, Monthly Review Press, 2003, ISBN:
1-58367-084-X - http://www.monthlyreview.org/foolscrusade.htm
* Another book to read: Catalinotto, John & Flounders, Sarah
(editors); Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of Yugoslavia,
International Action Center, 2002, ISBN: 0-9656916-7-5 -
http://www.iacenter/org/
* Yet another book to read: Blaker, Kimberly; The Fundamentals of
Extremism: the Christian Right in America, New Boston Books, 2003,
ISBN: 0-9725496-0-9
* If you wish to receive an e-mail regarding each new rendition (twice
a month) with the Note from the Editor and the URL to each article,
please send an e-mail (mailto:aymery@...) with
"Subscribe Swans" in the subject line. Please also include your
first/last name in the body of the message.
* Remember, every time you reload the front page, one of 82 different
quotes appears randomly in the left margin (below the link to the
French translation).
Latest indexing on Swans
- The Balkans and Yugoslavia -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/yugoslav.html
- America the 'beautiful' -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/usofa.html
- Dossiers - http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/dossiers.html
- Greens in the USA - http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/green.html
- Israel-Palestine -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/israpal.html
- Letters to the Editor -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/letters.html
- Main Media & Propaganda -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/newsspin.html
- *** More indexed subjects
http://www.swans.com/library/archives.html ***
The classification of all the work published on Swans is an ongoing
project. We are adding subjects slowly but surely. We could use some
help on this classification. If someone wants to volunteer his or her
time, please contact us (mailto:aymery@...). Thank you.
Be the change that you want to see in the world. --Gandhi
S W A N S c o m m e n t a r y
May 26, 2003
Note from the Editor: This issue of Swans takes a look at the
strategic moves through violent means that the Western powers
have unleashed on the entire world since the fall of the Berlin Wall,
with a primary focus on the exceptional book written by
Diana Johnstone, FOOLS' CRUSADE: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western
Delusions. It is exceptional for at least two reasons. First,
it may well be the most thorough and rigorous work that has been
published in the past four years on the disintegration of
Yugoslavia, with an acute historical perspective that clearly explains
the current strategic policies of the western powers; and
second, because it has been remarkably ignored by the main media and
the so-called alternative press. Freedom of speech is a lofty
principle, but if your voice is literally buried so deep that no one
can hear it, then the principle becomes moot!
We are publishing an excerpt of the book -- the introduction -- with
the permission of the author and her publishers in both the
U.K. and the U.S. Then Louis Proyect, Edward Herman and Gilles
d'Aymery review Fools' Crusade from different angles, each
providing additional perspective. Furthermore, we are presenting four
other articles in support of Diana Johnstone's work.
Konstantin Kilibarda provides a legal analysis on the dismantling of
Yugoslavia and Jan Baughman looks at the common threads
among the wars in the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq. Lest you not be
outraged by these analyses, read the transcript of the
interviews that Greg Elich conducted with Serb refugees. Their
experiences were far from the 'humanitarianism' in the name of
which these wars were conducted. Finally, Aleksandra Priestfield looks
at the other non-reasons for going to war.
Please do your utmost to read and disseminate Johnstone's book.
In addition on Swans, Deck Deckert cleverly imagines the truths we
could learn if journalists were embedded in various
circumstances. Embedded journalists at peace rallies? Imagine the
possibilities! Richard Macintosh questions the dreadful and
superb sides of America where, according to Philip Greenspan, knowing
the right person is as good as being on the right side of the law.
Last but not least, Sabina Becker and Gerard Smith have once again
produced two powerful poems to tie it all together.
As always, please form your OWN opinion, and let your friends (and
foes) know about Swans. It's your voice that makes ours grow.
From the Balkans to Iraq: Hungry Man, Reach For The Book
FOOLS' CRUSADE: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western Delusions
by Diana Johnstone
Book Excerpt
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/dianaj01.html
[Ed. This is the full introduction of the book, published by
permission of the author and the publishers, Monthly Review Press
(http://www.monthlyreview.org/foolscrusade.htm), in the U.S., and
Pluto Press (http://www.plutobooks.com/), in the U.K.]
At the end of November 1999, an important new movement against
"globalization" emerged in massive protests against the World Trade
Organization meeting in Seattle. Strangely enough, only months
earlier, when NATO launched its first aggressive war by bombing
Yugoslavia, there had been remarkably little protest. Yet NATO's
violent advance into southeast Europe was precisely related to the
globalization process opposed in Seattle. Few seemed to grasp the
connection. Was it really plausible that overwhelming military power
was being wielded more benevolently than overwhelming economic power?
Or that the two were not in some way promoting the same interests and
the same "world order"? ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/dianaj01.html
Diana Johnstone is a widely-published essayist and columnist who has
written extensively on European and international politics.
Diana Johnstone's Fools' Crusade
Book Review by Louis Proyect
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/lproy04.html
On December 8th 2002, George Packer wrote the following in a New York
Times Magazine article titled "The Liberal Quandary Over Iraq":
"Why there is no organized liberal opposition to the war?
"The answer to this question involves an interesting history, and it
sheds light on the difficulties now confronting American liberals. The
history goes back 10 years, when a war broke out in the middle of
Europe. This war changed the way many American liberals, particularly
liberal intellectuals, saw their country. Bosnia turned these liberals
into hawks. People who from Vietnam on had never met an American
military involvement they liked were now calling for U.S. air strikes
to defend a multiethnic democracy against Serbian ethnic aggression.
Suddenly the model was no longer Vietnam, it was World War II --
armed American power was all that stood in the way of genocide.
Without the cold war to distort the debate, and with the inspiring
example of the East bloc revolutions of 1989 still fresh, a number of
liberal intellectuals in this country had a new idea. These writers
and academics wanted to use American military power to serve goals
like human rights and democracy -- especially when it was clear that
nobody else would do it."
If George Packer's assertion is true, and I believe it is, then it
becomes necessary to revisit the Yugoslavia events in the light of
everything that has transpired over the past decade. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/lproy04.html
Louis Proyect is a computer programmer, the moderator of marxmail.org,
and a regular contributor to Swans.
Diana Johnstone On The Balkan Wars
Book Review by Edward S. Herman
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/herman10.html
[Ed. This review was first published on Monthly Review and is
re-published courtesy of the author and the publisher.]
Diana Johnstone's Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western
Delusions (Monthly Review Press, 2002;
http://www.monthlyreview.org/foolscrusade.htm ) is essential reading
for anybody who wants to understand the causes, effects, and
rights-and-wrongs of the Balkan wars of the past dozen years. The book
should be priority reading for leftists, many of whom have been
carried along by a NATO-power party line and propaganda barrage,
believing that this was one case where Western intervention was
well-intentioned and had beneficial results. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/herman10.html
Edward S. Herman is a Professor Emeritus of Finance at Wharton and a
regular contributor to Swans.
Diana Johnstone And The Demise Of 'Yugoslavism'
Book Review by Gilles d'Aymery
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/ga156.html
On May 21, 2003, the US Senior Senator of West Virginia, Robert Byrd,
delivered one of his customary Senate Floor Remarks that began thus:
"Truth has a way of asserting itself despite all attempts to obscure
it. Distortion only serves to derail it for a time. No matter to what
lengths we humans may go to obfuscate facts or delude our fellows,
truth has a way of squeezing out through the cracks, eventually.
But the danger is that at some point it may no longer matter. The
danger is that damage is done before the truth is widely realized. The
reality is that, sometimes, it is easier to ignore uncomfortable facts
and go along with whatever distortion is currently in vogue. We see a
lot of this today in politics. I see a lot of it -- more than I would
ever have believed -- right on this Senate Floor." ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/ga156.html
Gilles d'Aymery is Swans' publisher and co-editor.
Selective Recognition and the Dismantling of SFR Yugoslavia
by Konstantin Kilibarda
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/kkilib03.html
The conflicts that wracked the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) during the 1990s -- and international responses to
these crises -- have profoundly shaped the face of the post-Cold
War order. The nature of Western intervention, not to mention its
ultimate outcome, casts a long shadow on the heavily mediated and
selective rhetoric of a "new (militarized) humanitarianism" and the
promise it holds out of an increasingly just and law governed global
order. In fact, for the peoples of the global South, the ascendancy of
such interventionist impulses among the wealthy states of the global
North increasingly threatens to undermine fifty years of widespread
and progressive gains stemming from the process of decolonization and
the national liberation struggles of formerly colonized peoples. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/kkilib03.html
Konstantin Kilibarda is completing a Collaborative MA in International
Relations and Political Science at the University of Toronto, Canada.
Lessons From Yugoslavia: Blueprint for War?
by Jan Baughman
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/jeb125.html
In March 1999 NATO forces began their 'humanitarian' war on Yugoslavia
to stop the 'ethnic cleansing' of Albanians by the Serbs. We related
to the pain and suffering of the alleged refugees of war, and
Slobodan Milosevic became the Hitler of the '90s. Operation Allied
Force unleashed 78 days of bombing and destroyed the infrastructure of
a country that no longer exists in name or in the cultural diversity
the bombing was intended to preserve. Milosevic is embroiled in the
war crimes tribunal in The Hague, and what lead us to war, and the
aftermath of it -- has been long forgotten, if at all understood. It
is no surprise that we've learned no lessons from this tragedy. Or
have we? ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/jeb125.html
Jan Baughman is a Biotech scientist and Swans' co-editor.
We Have The Right To Live
Interviews with Kosovo Serbian refugees
by Gregory Elich, Jeff Goldberg and Iman El-Sayed
With an Introduction by Gregory Elich
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/elich011.html
Four years ago NATO waged war against Yugoslavia in what was billed a
"humanitarian" war. The lofty motives proclaimed by Western leaders
had the hollow ring of hypocrisy for those on the receiving end of
NATO bombs. In order to destabilize the last remaining socialist
nation in Europe, the United States and Great Britain supported and
armed the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), a violent secessionist
organization. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/elich011.html
Gregory Elich is a long-time peace activist and a Swans' columnist.
Making War Out Of Nothing At All
by Aleksandra Priestfield
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/alekp027.html
You know how you sometimes like a song, for nebulous reasons -- a
haunting tune, a turn of phrase in the lyrics? I have several like
that. One of them is "Making love out of nothing at all," by a band
called Air Supply. On the face of it, it has nothing to do with
anything -- it's a song. Just a song. But that refrain -- those two
phrases -- making love out of nothing at all -- those just transformed
themselves in my head of late.
Watching the turns that history has taken in the past ten years or so,
watching the role that the United States has played in that history,
the Air Supply song's refrain comes back to haunt me as something
completely different.
Making war, out of nothing at all. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/alekp027.html
Aleksandra Priestfield is a technical writer, an editor, and a Swans'
columnist.
America: Myths and Realities
Embedding The Truth
by Deck Deckert
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rdeck039.html
The embedding of reporters with military units invading Iraq was a
disaster, both for the anti-war movement and the cause of journalism.
Right from the start, the embeds were emotionally involved with the
men and women of their units and were incapable of achieving the
detachment and objectivity that used to be one of the hallmarks of
great reporting. Instead, they became partisan cheerleaders for the
invaders.
Clearly this was a coup for the Pentagon, White House and other
warmongers. But that doesn't mean that embedding is a bad idea. It
just needs to be extended. We need embeds everywhere. For example...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rdeck039.html
A former copy, wire and news editor, Deck Deckert is a freelance
writer and a Swans' columnist.
Courage And Cowardice
by Richard Macintosh
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rmac06.html
I remember T. Chadbourne Dunham, Professor Emeritus at Wesleyan
University, saying that the Germans were "wonderful and horrible."
Dunham had been in Germany as an American graduate student when
Adolf Hitler became Chancellor in 1933. He had great interest in
"altphilologie," or the study of ancient cultures and civilizations.
He had special interest in the work of Heinrich Schliemann, who
pioneered excavation of Ancient Troy, hence his presence in Germany.
During his stay, Dunham met Hannah Arendt, who introduced him to
Hermann Broch and Thomas Mann. Following World War II, Dunham worked
as a translator for Thomas Mann, while Mann was in the United States.
To Dunham, the Germans were "wonderful," because of their literature,
music and scientific achievements. They were "horrible," because they
allowed a gifted culture to descend into a pit of war, terror and
murder through thoughtlessness. How do we reconcile such things? Can
they be reconciled? Is this a German problem, or is this something
that applies to all human cultures? Are we all "wonderful" and
"horrible?" ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/rmac06.html
Richard Macintosh is a former Public High School Teacher, a part-time
consultant on Personnel/Team matters and a regular contributor to
Swans.
An Awful Lawful World: Who Wins, Who Loses
by Philip Greenspan
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/pgreen24.html
Certain moral precepts accepted as standards of conduct provide the
basis of laws throughout the world. It is assumed those laws will be
equally applied in all situations and to all individuals and groups.
But experience discloses major differences in how those laws are
enforced and to whom they apply.
Accordingly, it is appropriate to modify the belief of equality before
the law to a more realistic concept that enforcement varies from
lenient to harsh based on how favorably the enforcing authority views
the perpetrator. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/pgreen24.html
Philip Greenspan is a retired attorney, a World War II veteran and a
Swans' columnist.
Poetry
Accomplishments
by Sabina C. Becker
There was an evil man
Out in Afghanistan
At least, our Georgie Bushie told us so.
He hid out in a cave,
He wasn't very brave.
Just ask our Georgie Bushie, he should know. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/sbeckr06.html
Sabina Becker is a poet and a writer who lives in Cobourg, Ontario.
She graces Swans with her poetry on a regular basis.
My Appearances
by Gerard Donnelly Smith
i am nothing if not expression
a meaningless even if then,
never a poem decrypted,
never wave particle wave.
if not this chiasmus:
i am without this nothing,
nothing within this:
a chair
on it a pipe
the smoke about to fill the room
with an unmistakeable odour
of burning flesh;
the bomb explodes through walls
both thick and thin. ...
http://www.swans.com/library/art9/gsmith04.html
Gerard Donnelly Smith teaches creative writing, literature and
composition at Clark College in Vancouver, WA.
Announcements
* A book to read: Johnstone, Diana; Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia, Nato,
and Western Delusions, Monthly Review Press, 2003, ISBN:
1-58367-084-X - http://www.monthlyreview.org/foolscrusade.htm
* Another book to read: Catalinotto, John & Flounders, Sarah
(editors); Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of Yugoslavia,
International Action Center, 2002, ISBN: 0-9656916-7-5 -
http://www.iacenter/org/
* Yet another book to read: Blaker, Kimberly; The Fundamentals of
Extremism: the Christian Right in America, New Boston Books, 2003,
ISBN: 0-9725496-0-9
* If you wish to receive an e-mail regarding each new rendition (twice
a month) with the Note from the Editor and the URL to each article,
please send an e-mail (mailto:aymery@...) with
"Subscribe Swans" in the subject line. Please also include your
first/last name in the body of the message.
* Remember, every time you reload the front page, one of 82 different
quotes appears randomly in the left margin (below the link to the
French translation).
Latest indexing on Swans
- The Balkans and Yugoslavia -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/yugoslav.html
- America the 'beautiful' -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/usofa.html
- Dossiers - http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/dossiers.html
- Greens in the USA - http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/green.html
- Israel-Palestine -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/israpal.html
- Letters to the Editor -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/letters.html
- Main Media & Propaganda -
http://www.swans.com/library/subjects/newsspin.html
- *** More indexed subjects
http://www.swans.com/library/archives.html ***
The classification of all the work published on Swans is an ongoing
project. We are adding subjects slowly but surely. We could use some
help on this classification. If someone wants to volunteer his or her
time, please contact us (mailto:aymery@...). Thank you.
Be the change that you want to see in the world. --Gandhi
Ciao,
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /IMMAGINI/Petar_Kujundzic.jpg
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : I festeggiamenti per l'abbattimento dello Stealth statunitense, Serbia primavera 1999
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/IMMAGINI/Petar_Kujundzic.jpg
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /IMMAGINI/Petar_Kujundzic.jpg
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : I festeggiamenti per l'abbattimento dello Stealth statunitense, Serbia primavera 1999
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/IMMAGINI/Petar_Kujundzic.jpg
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "mauro gemma" ha scritto:
LETTONIA: I GIOVANI CONTRO LE DISCRIMINAZIONI ETNICHE
Intervista a Martijans Bekasovs a cura di Jef Bossuyt
www.ptb.be =
23 maggio 2003
Un grande concerto musicale allestito il 24 maggio a Riga, capitale
della Lettonia, per celebrare l'ingresso del paese nell'Unione
Europea, e ripreso dalle telecamere di "Eurovisione", potrebbe
rappresentare l'occasione per richiamare l'attenzione di tutto il
continente sulle sistematiche violazioni dei diritti delle minoranze
etniche presenti nel paese (il 40% della popolazione). E' prevista,
infatti, una manifestazione di massa organizzata dal movimento
progressista "Lasjor", che raggruppa i giovani vicini al Partito
Socialista Lettone (in cui sono confluiti i comunisti, dal momento che
la denominazione "Partito Comunista" è stata vietata dalla
Costituzione lettone).
Sulle finalità della manifestazione e sulla drammatica situazione dei
diritti umani e civili in Lettonia si sofferma, alla vigilia del suo
svolgimento, in un'intervista concessa al sito internet del Partito
del Lavoro del Belgio, Martijans Bekasovs, deputato del raggruppamento
"Per i diritti civili in Lettonia", di cui è parte essenziale il
Partito Socialista, che ha ottenuto 25 dei 100 seggi parlamentari nel
corso delle recenti elezioni politiche.
M.G.
D. Cosa vogliono questi giovani?
R. Il diritto all'insegnamento nella propria lingua! Il governo ha
adottato una legge che viola questo diritto fondamentale dell'uomo.
Secondo la nuova legislazione, solamente le scuole che insegnano in
lingua lettone verranno ancora sovvenzionate. Ora, circa il 40% della
popolazione della Lettonia parla un'altra lingua materna: il russo,
l'ucraino o il bielorusso. Il governo intende puramente e
semplicemente chiudere le loro scuole. E' evidente che gli scolari e
gli studenti si oppongano a tali chiusure!
D. Si tratta solo dell'insegnamento?
R. No, si tratta di un largo movimento per l'uguaglianza dei diritti.
La Lettonia conta due milioni e mezzo di abitanti, di cui circa mezzo
milione è privato dei diritti civili. Essi non beneficiano né del
diritto di voto, né del diritto di impiego nella funzione pubblica.
Non godono della pensione, in quanto ex combattenti e vengono
discriminati nelle richieste di affitto e di lavoro. Sul loro
passaporto figura la dicitura "non cittadino". Questa gente vive in
Lettonia da tre generazioni e da allora aveva beneficiato dei diritti
civili. Al momento attuale, essi sono obbligati a passare un esame di
lingua e storia lettone. Solo il 10% riesce a superare il test.
D. Un sistema di apartheid in Europa. Ma come è concepibile?
R. Tutto ha avuto inizio nel 1990, quando la Lettonia si è separata
dall'Unione Sovietica. I nazionalisti hanno seminato l'odio tra i
gruppi linguistici e contro l'Unione Sovietica, affermando che coloro
che parlavano una lingua diversa dal lettone erano degli occupanti.
Hanno promesso il benessere alla Lettonia, se essa avesse aderito alla
NATO e all'Unione Europea. Ultimamente la Lettonia ha inviato 36
soldati in Iraq, che sono stati integrati nella forza americana di
occupazione. Ma il nostro paese è affondato economicamente. Noi non
siamo in grado di pagare le spese militari necessarie alla NATO. La
metà delle nostre fabbriche è chiusa. Abbiamo il tasso di suicidi più
alto d'Europa. L'80% dei pensionati vive al di sotto del minimo
vitale. Allo stesso tempo, se noi aderiamo all'Unione Europea, i
nostri agricoltori non riusciranno ad affrontare la concorrenza con
gli altri paesi dell'UE.
D. Che cosa avete intenzione di fare sabato?
R. Il movimento "Lasjor" ha chiesto l'autorizzazione a manifestare
nella capitale, in prossimità del luogo in cui si svolgerà il festival
della canzone. Il governo ha risposto che non sarà possibile, perché
non è in grado di spostare forze di polizia per assicurare il
mantenimento dell'ordine. La polizia deve occuparsi della sicurezza di
"Eurovisione". Allora noi abbiamo chiesto l'autorizzazione per un
meeting nel luogo del concerto. Nuovo rifiuto del governo. Ma alla
fine ha accettato di negoziare, facendo delle concessioni parziali. Le
autorità temono una condanna dell'opinione internazionale. Il
movimento Lasjor assicurerà esso stesso il servizio d'ordine. Se non
riusciremo a tenere un meeting, organizzeremo un "incontro con i
parlamentari". Nessuno può impedircelo legalmente. Oltre agli
studenti, ci saranno anche gli insegnanti, i genitori, a migliaia. Il
movimento non può più essere fermato.
Traduzione di Mauro Gemma
--- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
LETTONIA: I GIOVANI CONTRO LE DISCRIMINAZIONI ETNICHE
Intervista a Martijans Bekasovs a cura di Jef Bossuyt
www.ptb.be =
23 maggio 2003
Un grande concerto musicale allestito il 24 maggio a Riga, capitale
della Lettonia, per celebrare l'ingresso del paese nell'Unione
Europea, e ripreso dalle telecamere di "Eurovisione", potrebbe
rappresentare l'occasione per richiamare l'attenzione di tutto il
continente sulle sistematiche violazioni dei diritti delle minoranze
etniche presenti nel paese (il 40% della popolazione). E' prevista,
infatti, una manifestazione di massa organizzata dal movimento
progressista "Lasjor", che raggruppa i giovani vicini al Partito
Socialista Lettone (in cui sono confluiti i comunisti, dal momento che
la denominazione "Partito Comunista" è stata vietata dalla
Costituzione lettone).
Sulle finalità della manifestazione e sulla drammatica situazione dei
diritti umani e civili in Lettonia si sofferma, alla vigilia del suo
svolgimento, in un'intervista concessa al sito internet del Partito
del Lavoro del Belgio, Martijans Bekasovs, deputato del raggruppamento
"Per i diritti civili in Lettonia", di cui è parte essenziale il
Partito Socialista, che ha ottenuto 25 dei 100 seggi parlamentari nel
corso delle recenti elezioni politiche.
M.G.
D. Cosa vogliono questi giovani?
R. Il diritto all'insegnamento nella propria lingua! Il governo ha
adottato una legge che viola questo diritto fondamentale dell'uomo.
Secondo la nuova legislazione, solamente le scuole che insegnano in
lingua lettone verranno ancora sovvenzionate. Ora, circa il 40% della
popolazione della Lettonia parla un'altra lingua materna: il russo,
l'ucraino o il bielorusso. Il governo intende puramente e
semplicemente chiudere le loro scuole. E' evidente che gli scolari e
gli studenti si oppongano a tali chiusure!
D. Si tratta solo dell'insegnamento?
R. No, si tratta di un largo movimento per l'uguaglianza dei diritti.
La Lettonia conta due milioni e mezzo di abitanti, di cui circa mezzo
milione è privato dei diritti civili. Essi non beneficiano né del
diritto di voto, né del diritto di impiego nella funzione pubblica.
Non godono della pensione, in quanto ex combattenti e vengono
discriminati nelle richieste di affitto e di lavoro. Sul loro
passaporto figura la dicitura "non cittadino". Questa gente vive in
Lettonia da tre generazioni e da allora aveva beneficiato dei diritti
civili. Al momento attuale, essi sono obbligati a passare un esame di
lingua e storia lettone. Solo il 10% riesce a superare il test.
D. Un sistema di apartheid in Europa. Ma come è concepibile?
R. Tutto ha avuto inizio nel 1990, quando la Lettonia si è separata
dall'Unione Sovietica. I nazionalisti hanno seminato l'odio tra i
gruppi linguistici e contro l'Unione Sovietica, affermando che coloro
che parlavano una lingua diversa dal lettone erano degli occupanti.
Hanno promesso il benessere alla Lettonia, se essa avesse aderito alla
NATO e all'Unione Europea. Ultimamente la Lettonia ha inviato 36
soldati in Iraq, che sono stati integrati nella forza americana di
occupazione. Ma il nostro paese è affondato economicamente. Noi non
siamo in grado di pagare le spese militari necessarie alla NATO. La
metà delle nostre fabbriche è chiusa. Abbiamo il tasso di suicidi più
alto d'Europa. L'80% dei pensionati vive al di sotto del minimo
vitale. Allo stesso tempo, se noi aderiamo all'Unione Europea, i
nostri agricoltori non riusciranno ad affrontare la concorrenza con
gli altri paesi dell'UE.
D. Che cosa avete intenzione di fare sabato?
R. Il movimento "Lasjor" ha chiesto l'autorizzazione a manifestare
nella capitale, in prossimità del luogo in cui si svolgerà il festival
della canzone. Il governo ha risposto che non sarà possibile, perché
non è in grado di spostare forze di polizia per assicurare il
mantenimento dell'ordine. La polizia deve occuparsi della sicurezza di
"Eurovisione". Allora noi abbiamo chiesto l'autorizzazione per un
meeting nel luogo del concerto. Nuovo rifiuto del governo. Ma alla
fine ha accettato di negoziare, facendo delle concessioni parziali. Le
autorità temono una condanna dell'opinione internazionale. Il
movimento Lasjor assicurerà esso stesso il servizio d'ordine. Se non
riusciremo a tenere un meeting, organizzeremo un "incontro con i
parlamentari". Nessuno può impedircelo legalmente. Oltre agli
studenti, ci saranno anche gli insegnanti, i genitori, a migliaia. Il
movimento non può più essere fermato.
Traduzione di Mauro Gemma
--- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
George Soros' agenda for the Balkans
---
NOTA:
In un articolo pubblicato sull'ultimo numero del Financial Times
George Soros *spiega* all'Unione Europea - in vista del summit di
Salonicco - che cosa si deve fare e che cosa non si deve fare per il
futuro dei Balcani. La ricetta di Soros - tutta espressa a forza di
benevoli condizionali tipo: "EU should... could... ought to...",
eccetera - prevede come primo punto l'"indipendenza" del
Kosovo-Metohija e la dissoluzione della fittizia "Unione" di Serbia e
Montenegro.
Il ruolo di Soros nello squartamento della Jugoslavia, attraverso il
finanziamento di gruppi ed iniziative "ad hoc", e' abbastanza noto. Un
portavoce dell'"Open Society Institute" di Soros spiegava alla
belgradese "TV Novosti" il 21 gennaio 1998: "Tra i giornali aiutiamo
NIN, Danas, Nasa Borba, Vreme, Vranjske Novine, Borske Novine [serbi],
Monitor, Vjesnik [montenegrini], Nezavisnu Svetlost, Porodicni krug in
ungherese, Tibiskus in rumeno, Koha Ditore e Zeri in albanese, poi
Radio B-92; allo Studio B abbiamo consegnato l'installazione per la
grafica, poi l'Associazione dei media indipendenti ANEM, il giornale
dei profughi Odgovor... in tutto una 50 - ina di media". Ed era il
1998 - figuriamoci oggi.
Come "astro" della finanza internazionale e dei rispettivi scandali,
Soros si e' reso celebre per una serie di manovre speculative, tra cui
quella del "mercoledi nero" delle borse europee (settembre 1992) che,
oltre a procurargli enormi guadagni, causo' il forzoso sganciamento di
una serie di valute dal sistema dell'ECU. Recentemente questo signore
e' stato condannato in Francia a pagare più di due milioni di euro
perché ritenuto colpevole di insider trading nel 1988, quando seppe
anticipatamente dell'acquisto della banca francese, Société Générale.
L'affare legato alla Société Générale sconvolse la vita politica
francese e fu un segnale preoccupante dei fenomeni di corruzione nel
periodo di governo del presidente Mitterrand (cfr. "il manifesto", 21
Dicembre 2002).
Ciononostante, il signor Soros e' stato visto dalla sinistra europea
post-Ottantanove come una specie di generoso filantropo, portatore di
una visione problematica e progressista di quel turbocapitalismo di
cui lui stesso e' "grande capo". Sperticate lodi alla sua idea
iperliberista di "societa' aperta" ("aperta" innanzitutto ai suoi
capitali) sono venute dagli ambienti movimentisti e libertari. I
rappresentanti delle sue organizzazioni, attive nei paesi "in
transizione" e soprattutto in Serbia, sono stati regolarmente invitati
alle iniziative organizzate da settori delle "ONG" vicine al
centrosinistra e ad alcuni "centri sociali" in Italia.
Italo Slavo
---
George Soros' agenda for the Balkans:
First kill the Serbia-Montenegro "Union"; then let's see.
---
A chance for soft power in the Balkans
Financial Times, 2002-05-23
George Soros
Yet the Balkans are a vital part of Europe. The US has made
clear its intention to diminish its involvement in the region, so
the European Union must take the lead. In the past, the EU has
responded to negative developments; now it must articulate a
positive vision.
Fighting in the Balkans has subsided but future peace is far
from assured. Kosovo remains unresolved; the union between
Serbia and Montenegro is tenuous at best; the Ohrid agreement
between Macedonia's Slavic majority and Albanian minority is
under attack from defeated politicians who are now trying to
divide the country; and the Dayton peace agreement, which
ended the fighting in Bosnia, is far too complicated.
The EU summit on June 21 in Thessaloniki offers an ideal
opportunity to carve out a meaningful agenda for the Balkans.
The summit bridges the presidencies of Greece and Italy, both
of which have a critical interest in the region. Thereafter, the
EU will be too preoccupied with its own constitutional
problems and the accession of 10 new members to have time to
deal with the Balkans in a coherent fashion.
The EU has so far tried to defer the problem of Kosovo by
preserving a non-existent status quo. That was why a new
union between Serbia and Montenegro was imposed. These
policies have retarded recovery. The EU should now spell out
how to resolve the outstanding issues to remove obstacles to
democratic development.
It should endorse eventual independence for Kosovo, subject to
safeguards for Serbian and other minorities. The United
Nations should transfer power to the Kosovars with the clear
aim of preparing Kosovo for independence. The union between
Serbia and Montenegro should remain, but the EU should not
oppose its dissolution when the three-year term expires. Bosnia
and Herzegovina should be encouraged to revise the Dayton
constitution that created a state too expensive and inefficient to
function.
After these modifications, the EU conference should reaffirm
the territorial integrity of all political units in south-east
Europe within existing borders. This would help allay fears -
particularly for Macedonia - that Kosovo independence means
the further fracturing of Balkan states. It would also be helpful
if the EU finally settled the controversy over the name
Macedonia.
The EU will then need to rethink its main policy instruments:
stabilisation and association agreements with individual
countries; a network of bilateral, free-trade agreements; and
financial assistance through the European Commission's Cards
programme. These are working, but should be supplemented.
The stabilisation agreements have helped to create a framework
for co-operation with the EU, but the process has been too slow
to have much impact. An optimistic timescale for EU
membership is 2007 for Croatia, 2010 for Serbia, Montenegro,
Macedonia and Albania, and perhaps 2015 for Bosnia and
Kosovo. The EU should provide a roadmap for membership.
Otherwise, the countries of the region will lose motivation to
persist with painful but necessary reforms.
The stability pact countries - the five western Balkan states,
Romania, Bulgaria and Moldova - have signed 21 bilateral free
trade agreements. The EU has extended trade preferences to the
five western Balkan countries, but that does not create a free
trade zone within the region because the various bilateral
agreements require different certificates of origin for imported
goods. The EU should take the lead in harmonising customs
procedures and upgrading them to an acceptable level.
The Cards programme was front-loaded and declines until the
EU budget cycle ends in 2006. Future funding is uncertain, and
threatens a serious economic crisis for Bosnia and Kosovo. As
part of its roadmap, the EU should offer new forms of
assistance. The unspent portion of the pre-accession funds for
new members could be redirected to the western Balkans.
Because of their budgetary difficulties, Germany and other
member states are likely to resist these proposals. As a result,
prospects for a coherent Balkan policy at the Thessaloniki
summit could be lost. That would be a pity. The EU ought to
show that it can foster democratic development in south-east
Europe. This would pose an attractive alternative to building
democracy by military force.
The writer is chairman of Soros Fund Management and
founder of the Open Society Institute
(source: http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/917258/posts )
---
---
NOTA:
In un articolo pubblicato sull'ultimo numero del Financial Times
George Soros *spiega* all'Unione Europea - in vista del summit di
Salonicco - che cosa si deve fare e che cosa non si deve fare per il
futuro dei Balcani. La ricetta di Soros - tutta espressa a forza di
benevoli condizionali tipo: "EU should... could... ought to...",
eccetera - prevede come primo punto l'"indipendenza" del
Kosovo-Metohija e la dissoluzione della fittizia "Unione" di Serbia e
Montenegro.
Il ruolo di Soros nello squartamento della Jugoslavia, attraverso il
finanziamento di gruppi ed iniziative "ad hoc", e' abbastanza noto. Un
portavoce dell'"Open Society Institute" di Soros spiegava alla
belgradese "TV Novosti" il 21 gennaio 1998: "Tra i giornali aiutiamo
NIN, Danas, Nasa Borba, Vreme, Vranjske Novine, Borske Novine [serbi],
Monitor, Vjesnik [montenegrini], Nezavisnu Svetlost, Porodicni krug in
ungherese, Tibiskus in rumeno, Koha Ditore e Zeri in albanese, poi
Radio B-92; allo Studio B abbiamo consegnato l'installazione per la
grafica, poi l'Associazione dei media indipendenti ANEM, il giornale
dei profughi Odgovor... in tutto una 50 - ina di media". Ed era il
1998 - figuriamoci oggi.
Come "astro" della finanza internazionale e dei rispettivi scandali,
Soros si e' reso celebre per una serie di manovre speculative, tra cui
quella del "mercoledi nero" delle borse europee (settembre 1992) che,
oltre a procurargli enormi guadagni, causo' il forzoso sganciamento di
una serie di valute dal sistema dell'ECU. Recentemente questo signore
e' stato condannato in Francia a pagare più di due milioni di euro
perché ritenuto colpevole di insider trading nel 1988, quando seppe
anticipatamente dell'acquisto della banca francese, Société Générale.
L'affare legato alla Société Générale sconvolse la vita politica
francese e fu un segnale preoccupante dei fenomeni di corruzione nel
periodo di governo del presidente Mitterrand (cfr. "il manifesto", 21
Dicembre 2002).
Ciononostante, il signor Soros e' stato visto dalla sinistra europea
post-Ottantanove come una specie di generoso filantropo, portatore di
una visione problematica e progressista di quel turbocapitalismo di
cui lui stesso e' "grande capo". Sperticate lodi alla sua idea
iperliberista di "societa' aperta" ("aperta" innanzitutto ai suoi
capitali) sono venute dagli ambienti movimentisti e libertari. I
rappresentanti delle sue organizzazioni, attive nei paesi "in
transizione" e soprattutto in Serbia, sono stati regolarmente invitati
alle iniziative organizzate da settori delle "ONG" vicine al
centrosinistra e ad alcuni "centri sociali" in Italia.
Italo Slavo
---
George Soros' agenda for the Balkans:
First kill the Serbia-Montenegro "Union"; then let's see.
---
A chance for soft power in the Balkans
Financial Times, 2002-05-23
George Soros
Yet the Balkans are a vital part of Europe. The US has made
clear its intention to diminish its involvement in the region, so
the European Union must take the lead. In the past, the EU has
responded to negative developments; now it must articulate a
positive vision.
Fighting in the Balkans has subsided but future peace is far
from assured. Kosovo remains unresolved; the union between
Serbia and Montenegro is tenuous at best; the Ohrid agreement
between Macedonia's Slavic majority and Albanian minority is
under attack from defeated politicians who are now trying to
divide the country; and the Dayton peace agreement, which
ended the fighting in Bosnia, is far too complicated.
The EU summit on June 21 in Thessaloniki offers an ideal
opportunity to carve out a meaningful agenda for the Balkans.
The summit bridges the presidencies of Greece and Italy, both
of which have a critical interest in the region. Thereafter, the
EU will be too preoccupied with its own constitutional
problems and the accession of 10 new members to have time to
deal with the Balkans in a coherent fashion.
The EU has so far tried to defer the problem of Kosovo by
preserving a non-existent status quo. That was why a new
union between Serbia and Montenegro was imposed. These
policies have retarded recovery. The EU should now spell out
how to resolve the outstanding issues to remove obstacles to
democratic development.
It should endorse eventual independence for Kosovo, subject to
safeguards for Serbian and other minorities. The United
Nations should transfer power to the Kosovars with the clear
aim of preparing Kosovo for independence. The union between
Serbia and Montenegro should remain, but the EU should not
oppose its dissolution when the three-year term expires. Bosnia
and Herzegovina should be encouraged to revise the Dayton
constitution that created a state too expensive and inefficient to
function.
After these modifications, the EU conference should reaffirm
the territorial integrity of all political units in south-east
Europe within existing borders. This would help allay fears -
particularly for Macedonia - that Kosovo independence means
the further fracturing of Balkan states. It would also be helpful
if the EU finally settled the controversy over the name
Macedonia.
The EU will then need to rethink its main policy instruments:
stabilisation and association agreements with individual
countries; a network of bilateral, free-trade agreements; and
financial assistance through the European Commission's Cards
programme. These are working, but should be supplemented.
The stabilisation agreements have helped to create a framework
for co-operation with the EU, but the process has been too slow
to have much impact. An optimistic timescale for EU
membership is 2007 for Croatia, 2010 for Serbia, Montenegro,
Macedonia and Albania, and perhaps 2015 for Bosnia and
Kosovo. The EU should provide a roadmap for membership.
Otherwise, the countries of the region will lose motivation to
persist with painful but necessary reforms.
The stability pact countries - the five western Balkan states,
Romania, Bulgaria and Moldova - have signed 21 bilateral free
trade agreements. The EU has extended trade preferences to the
five western Balkan countries, but that does not create a free
trade zone within the region because the various bilateral
agreements require different certificates of origin for imported
goods. The EU should take the lead in harmonising customs
procedures and upgrading them to an acceptable level.
The Cards programme was front-loaded and declines until the
EU budget cycle ends in 2006. Future funding is uncertain, and
threatens a serious economic crisis for Bosnia and Kosovo. As
part of its roadmap, the EU should offer new forms of
assistance. The unspent portion of the pre-accession funds for
new members could be redirected to the western Balkans.
Because of their budgetary difficulties, Germany and other
member states are likely to resist these proposals. As a result,
prospects for a coherent Balkan policy at the Thessaloniki
summit could be lost. That would be a pity. The EU ought to
show that it can foster democratic development in south-east
Europe. This would pose an attractive alternative to building
democracy by military force.
The writer is chairman of Soros Fund Management and
founder of the Open Society Institute
(source: http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/917258/posts )
---
Ciao,
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /IMMAGINI/VarnivNATU.pdf
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Mladina 12.5.2003: "VARNI V NATU". Rasvoj slovenske zunanje politike od Genscherjevega rumenega brezrokavnika do Busheve bejzbol kapice
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/IMMAGINI/VarnivNATU.pdf
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.
File : /IMMAGINI/VarnivNATU.pdf
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Mladina 12.5.2003: "VARNI V NATU". Rasvoj slovenske zunanje politike od Genscherjevega rumenega brezrokavnika do Busheve bejzbol kapice
Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/IMMAGINI/VarnivNATU.pdf
Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files
Cordiali saluti,
jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Date: Sun, 25 May 2003 18:31:36 +0200 (CEST)
From: Enrico
To: Jugocoord
Qual è la situazione nel Kosovo, a quattro anni dalla fine della
"guerra umanitaria" ?
Un libro e un film rompono l'assedio del silenzio e ci forniscono
documentazione e testimonianze dirette sulla situazione attuale.
E. Vigna - Kosovo "liberato" - Ed. La Città del Sole - 6E
Il breve lavoro di E. Vigna fornisce tutta una serie di dati e aspetti
giuridico costituzionali, politici, culturali e sociali, legati a ciò
che era di fatto il Kosovo Methoija fino al 12 Giugno 1999, con alcuni
elementi storico - identitari relativi alla regione.
Nella seconda parte, utilizzando esclusivamente dati e documentazioni
di mass media e fonti di centri strategici occidentali, segue lo
svilupparsi degli eventi, delle contraddizioni, delle falsificazioni e
delle menzogne utilizzati con fini di ingerenza e distruttivi della
sovranità e integrità nazionali di un paese, indirizzati NON al
superamento e risolvimento delle problematiche dell'area, bensì al
contrario, sono state utilizzate con logiche di dominio e
asservimento.
Il terzo capitolo è una cruda e terribile cronologia di quale è la
situazione della vita quotidiana in un Kosovo che si dovrebbe ritenere
"liberato" e "democratizzato".
L'ultima parte è una raccolta di foto, testimoni della realtà
kosovara dell'oggi, che non hanno commenti, parlano da sé.
Nel testo è compresa una sintetica appendice sulla situazione relativa
alla questione "uranio impoverito" nella regione, curata da F. Rossi.
Sia la versione italiana del video, curata dallo stesso E. Vigna e
prodotta dall'Associazione " SOS Yugoslavia " di Torino, che il libro
sono interni al Progetto di solidarietà con l'Associazione Profughi
Zastava di Pec in Kragujevac (come da locandine allegate). Per cui lo
scopo e l'obbiettivo di questi lavori, oltre all'aspetto di
Informazione, sono quelli di portare una Solidarietà concreta, alle
genti che hanno subito gli eventi del 1999, uscendone come
sopravvissuti, vedove, orfani, senza più casa né terra, come profughi
insomma. O, come è titolato il film di M. Collon e V. Stojilkovic :
"Dannati del Kosovo".
Pertanto tutto ciò che verrà ricavato dalla vendita di essi sarà
devoluto al Progetto SOS Yugoslavia - Associazione Profughi Zastava di
Pec in Kragujevac.
Alla coscienza ed alla sensibilità CONCRETE di ciascuno :
comprarli, diffonderli e divulgarli il più possibile.
Per contatti, info e presentazioni : 328/7366501 -
posta@resistenze .org
From: Enrico
To: Jugocoord
Qual è la situazione nel Kosovo, a quattro anni dalla fine della
"guerra umanitaria" ?
Un libro e un film rompono l'assedio del silenzio e ci forniscono
documentazione e testimonianze dirette sulla situazione attuale.
E. Vigna - Kosovo "liberato" - Ed. La Città del Sole - 6E
Il breve lavoro di E. Vigna fornisce tutta una serie di dati e aspetti
giuridico costituzionali, politici, culturali e sociali, legati a ciò
che era di fatto il Kosovo Methoija fino al 12 Giugno 1999, con alcuni
elementi storico - identitari relativi alla regione.
Nella seconda parte, utilizzando esclusivamente dati e documentazioni
di mass media e fonti di centri strategici occidentali, segue lo
svilupparsi degli eventi, delle contraddizioni, delle falsificazioni e
delle menzogne utilizzati con fini di ingerenza e distruttivi della
sovranità e integrità nazionali di un paese, indirizzati NON al
superamento e risolvimento delle problematiche dell'area, bensì al
contrario, sono state utilizzate con logiche di dominio e
asservimento.
Il terzo capitolo è una cruda e terribile cronologia di quale è la
situazione della vita quotidiana in un Kosovo che si dovrebbe ritenere
"liberato" e "democratizzato".
L'ultima parte è una raccolta di foto, testimoni della realtà
kosovara dell'oggi, che non hanno commenti, parlano da sé.
Nel testo è compresa una sintetica appendice sulla situazione relativa
alla questione "uranio impoverito" nella regione, curata da F. Rossi.
Sia la versione italiana del video, curata dallo stesso E. Vigna e
prodotta dall'Associazione " SOS Yugoslavia " di Torino, che il libro
sono interni al Progetto di solidarietà con l'Associazione Profughi
Zastava di Pec in Kragujevac (come da locandine allegate). Per cui lo
scopo e l'obbiettivo di questi lavori, oltre all'aspetto di
Informazione, sono quelli di portare una Solidarietà concreta, alle
genti che hanno subito gli eventi del 1999, uscendone come
sopravvissuti, vedove, orfani, senza più casa né terra, come profughi
insomma. O, come è titolato il film di M. Collon e V. Stojilkovic :
"Dannati del Kosovo".
Pertanto tutto ciò che verrà ricavato dalla vendita di essi sarà
devoluto al Progetto SOS Yugoslavia - Associazione Profughi Zastava di
Pec in Kragujevac.
Alla coscienza ed alla sensibilità CONCRETE di ciascuno :
comprarli, diffonderli e divulgarli il più possibile.
Per contatti, info e presentazioni : 328/7366501 -
posta@resistenze .org
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