Informazione
Kosovo, sei anni fa la proclamazione unilaterale dell'indipendenza
Sei anni fa, il 17 febbraio del 2008, il Kosovo proclamava in modo unilaterale la sua indipendenza dalla Serbia. Oggi il Paese è riconosciuto come Stato indipendente da 23 dei 28 membri dell'Unione Europea e dallo scorso anno si sono aperti i negoziati per la ratifica dell'accordo di stabilizzazione e associazione con l'Unione Europea, prerequisito per entrare nella comunità. Massimiliano Menichetti ha raccolto il commento di Matteo Tacconi esperto dell’area: 00:04:16:92
R. - Il Kosovo è un Paese che ancora stenta a trovare una sua fisionomia sia a livello diplomatico, perché non è ancora membro dell’Onu - permane il veto della Russia e della Cina - e sia perché la sua economia non funziona. A questo proposito, c’è stato un calo delle rimesse durante questi anni di crisi, il Kosovo poi è legato mani e piedi alle donazioni e agli investimenti occidentali - anche qui il flusso si è ridotto - fermo restando che poi rimangono i problemi strutturali come l’assenza di una rete di piccole, medie e grandi imprese, il problema della corruzione … Poi, però, tante cose sono cambiate in positivo, ci sono stati dei progressi: il più importante, senz’altro, è quello recente che riguarda il dialogo con la Serbia e il tentativo di sbloccare - almeno parzialmente - i problemi che ci sono nella parte nord del Kosovo, quella a maggioranza serba.
D. - Qui permangono, di fatto, due realtà …
R. – La zona era, ed ancora lo è in parte, controllata dalla Serbia tramite le cosiddette istituzioni parallele: giustizia, polizia, dogane, scuola, moneta. Il Kosovo, di fatto, non esercita sovranità. Però recentemente ci sono stati degli accordi, mediati dall’Unione Europea, in base ai quali si è arrivato ad un tentativo di edulcorare un po’ questo status quo, renderlo un po’ più leggero. La Serbia ha parzialmente smantellato le sue istituzioni parallele, soprattutto per quanto riguarda giustizia e polizia. Di fatto, queste strutture passano sotto il controllo amministrativo del governo kosovaro.
D. - La situazione però in quella striscia di Kosovo rimane tesa …
R. - Più che dal Kosovo, che comunque dovrà dimostrare una volontà di dialogare ed integrare la minoranza serba, dipende dalla Serbia: i serbi del Kosovo sono disposti a questo compromesso accettando quello che la loro madrepatria, Belgrado, ha negoziato? Finora è sembrato di no. Però, se la situazione continua ad essere la stessa, questa potrà tornare ad essere incandescente; e in parte si è già visto alle recenti elezioni amministrative in quell’area di Kosovo, elezioni segnate anche da violenze, che la situazione è tutt’altro che stabilizzata.
D. - Proprio per quanto riguarda le elezioni terminate a dicembre, l’opposizione ha rovesciato molti sindaci delle forze di governo in numerose amministrazioni …
R. - Il governo di Hashim Thaçi, in carica da diversi anni, fisiologicamente sta registrando un calo del proprio consenso e, anche a livello internazionale, non è più sostenuto come lo era fino a qualche tempo fa, perché comunque è un governo che ha dimostrato di non essere del tutto trasparente.
D. - Lo scorso anno si sono aperti i negoziati per la ratifica dell’accordo di stabilizzazione e associazione con l’Unione Europea. Che cosa significa questo per il Paese?
R. - Potrebbe significare molto, perché questi accordi sono il primo passo per un approfondimento delle relazioni con l’Europa. Significa: fondi europei, accordi sulle dogane, visti per l’espatrio concessi in maniera molto più fluida, e questa è la cosa più importante per il Kosovo. Non dobbiamo dimenticare che in Kosovo c’è una disoccupazione altissima, soprattutto tra i giovani, cosa che, potenzialmente, rappresenta una miccia sociale sempre accesa.
D. - Quindici anni fa il sanguinoso conflitto per l’indipendenza dalla Serbia. Un Paese piccolo ma che spesso è al centro delle attenzioni internazionali …
R. - La Serbia è il Paese di riferimento del Sud-Est europeo. Quindi se i suoi rapporti con il Kosovo sono conflittuali, si possono radicalizzare alcuni conflitti “etnici” e non solo, come nel caso della Macedonia, dove c’è un rapporto difficile tra la maggioranza slava e la minoranza albanese, come il caso della Bosnia – lo abbiamo visto nei giorni scorsi – dove c’è stata una serie di proteste contro l’élite politica: la Bosnia è un Paese che presenta una tripartizione dal punto di vista etnico-culturale. La Serbia è quindi il Paese chiave: più questo Paese riuscirà ad amalgamarsi in uno scenario europeo, più fluida sarà la situazione nei Balcani. Poi bisogna dire che la Serbia, nelle ultime settimane, ha aperto i negoziati di adesione con l’Unione Europea. In teoria una strada è stata imboccata e questo potrà avere delle ripercussioni positive su tutta la Regione.
Kosovo bipartisan
Camera: no secessione
t.d.f. - Il parlamento, con il voto di maggioranza e opposizione, ha
approvato due mozioni, del centrosinistra e della Lega, che impegnano
il governo a spingere per il proseguimento delle trattative sulla
status «al fine di arrivare a una soluzione condivisa» tra Serbia e
leadership albanese-kosovara. Ma è stata la mozione della Lega a
impegnare il governo a «non riconoscere un'eventuale dichiarazione
unilaterale di indipendenza da parte kosovara e a sollecitare
un'analoga e unitaria presa di posizione da parte di tutti i paesi
dell'Ue». In contropiede il governo, rappresentato dal viceministro
Ugo Intini, ha dato parere favorevole alla mozione della Lega a
condizione che fosse tolto l'inciso «condannare una eventuale
dichiarazione unilaterale di indipendenza». La richiesta, motivata da
«considerazioni diplomatiche» è stata accolta dai leghisti. In aula
però nel dibattito prima del voto, unanime la condanna della
secessione del Kosovo dalla Serbia minacciata per il 10 dicembre,
quando la trojka negoziale (Usa, Russia e Ue) relazionerà sul flop
delle trattative al Consiglio di sicurezza Onu. Le due mozioni
chiedono al governo di impegnarsi perché quella scadenza non venga
considerata «insuperabile» e perché continuino i negoziati della
trojka. In molti hanno ricordato l'esodo dei serbi dal Kosovo:
«Contro la minoranza etnica serba sono stati compiuti dei pogrom» ha
denunciato Luana Zanella (Verdi) che ha proposto per il Kosovo uno
«statuto speciale» nel rispetto della Risoluzione Onu 1244. Mentre
avveniva questo pronunciamento unitario del parlamento, Prodi
dichiarava a Le Figaro che «il processo d'indipendenza non si può
arrestare».
Il Manifesto 8-12-07
il commento
Appesi al Kosovo
Tommaso Di Francesco
Chi l'avrebbe detto che il Kosovo, da sempre oscurato, diventasse il gancio al quale è rimasta appesa la fiducia al governo Prodi, passato venerdì sera al Senato per il voto del senatore a vita Francesco Cossiga. «Voto la fiducia - ha dichiarato - affinché il governo non cada proprio alla vigilia d'eventi che, con la scadenza del 10 dicembre, termine per la formulazione di una proposta al Consiglio di Sicurezza Onu oggi presieduta dall'Italia in materia di status della provincia del Kosovo, nell'eventualità non remota di una deprecabile dichiarazione unilaterale di indipendenza da parte del governo autonomo d'etnia albanese, potrebbero aprire scenari di tragici conflitti in quel teatro nel quale il nostro Paese è anche militarmente impegnato».
La decisione di Cossiga svela il disastro dell'Europa - divisa - e dell'Italia sul Kosovo. Ieri il vertice Nato ha deciso l'invio sul campo di altri uomini, oltre i 16.500 uomini dei contingenti che, con quello italiano, occupano la regione. La decisione della leadership kosovaro-albanese di proclamare in modo unilaterale l'indipendenza dalla Serbia, sconvolge i malcerti Balcani e la scena internazionale. Nonostante che le elezioni del 17 novembre, che avrebbero dovuto essere plebiscitarie per l'indipendenza, siano state non solo boicottate dai pochi serbi rimasti ma disertate dal 57% degli stessi albanesi. E nonostante che non esistano standard democratici e rispetto delle minoranze messe in fuga nel terrore da una nuova contropulizia etnica, ben 150 monasteri ortodossi sono stati rasi al suolo, 200mila serbi e altrettanti rom sono stati cacciati, con migliaia di vittime e desaparesidos. I serbi, numerosi solo a Kosovska Mitrovica, vivono in bantustan protetti dalla Kfor-Nato. Ecco il punto. Le truppe della Nato sono entrate in attuazione degli accordi di Kumanovo (giugno 1999) che posero fine alla guerra «umanitaria» contro l'ex Jugoslavia, un accordo assunto dal Consiglio di sicurezza Onu con la Risoluzione 1244 che riconosceva la sovranità di Belgrado. Ora una dichiarazione d'indipendenza - lunedì 10 dicembre la trojka negoziale (Usa, Ue e Russia) farà rapporto all'Onu sul proprio fallimento - porrebbe le truppe Nato in una pericolosa zona fuori dal diritto internazionale. Col rischio evidente di diventare insieme bersaglio-baluardo militare, tra indipendentisti da una parte e nuova Serbia democratica dall'altra che rivendica territori «fondativi» e «inalienabili».
Gli Stati uniti, principali sostenitori dell'indipendenza del Kosovo, per bocca del segretario di stato Condoleezza Rice invitano l'Ue ad accettare il nuovo status autoproclamato a Pristina e Washinton. Loro se ne lavano le mani delle conseguenze: spingendo per l'indipendenza hanno di fatto impedito qualsiasi compromesso, così rifiutano la nuova proposta della Russia di continuare le trattative e, quanto a presenza militare, hanno costruito in Kosovo Camp Bondsteel, la più grande base militare d'Europa. Ora il ministro degli esteri D'Alema - favorevole all'indipendenza - preme perché l'Ue avvii una missione che garantisca in modo indolore la secessione, superi il ruolo della Nato e sostituisca quello dell'Onu (nefasto nell'amministrare questi 8 anni ed escluso dalle decisioni sulla guerra nel 1999). Ma è credibile?
No. Tanto che la soluzione mette in contraddizione - pare incredibile - il presidente della commissione esteri della Camera Umberto Ranieri (Pd) con lo stesso Massimo D'Alema che anche ieri ha ripetuto: «Un riconoscimento dell'indipendenza non viola il diritto internazionale». Ranieri, ben consapevole del voto bipartisan dei giorni scorsi del parlamento contrario al riconoscimento dell'indipendenza, ha polemizzato duramente con il ministro degli esteri britannico David Miliband convinto che «la Risoluzione 1244 prevede l'indipendenza del Kosovo». «Sorprendente - ha denunciato Ranieri - è l'opposto. La 1244 affida all'Onu l'amministrazione del Kosovo, ma con riferimento all'unità territoriale della Serbia». L'avrà sentito il britannico D'Alema?
di Luciana Castellina
su Il Manifesto del 19/02/2008
In Kosovo la legge internazionale è una legge violata perché la legge internazionale è quella che rimanda alla Risoluzione 1244, non ci possono essere altre interpretazioni. E anche la considerazione che la 1244 dovrebbe riguardare solo una parte del Kosovo, quella abitata dai serbi, è una cosa che non può essere possibile né pensabile. La 1244 riguarda tutto il Kosovo che si configura nei confini della provincia serba del Kosovo, per cui la legge internazionale da applicare dovrebbe essere quella. Purtroppo non è stata applicata in primo luogo quando la stessa Unmik, che è rappresentante e garante della 1244, ha fatto finta di non vedere che l’assemblea provvisoria di Pristina che dichiarava l’indipendenza unilaterale del Kosovo in pratica violava le norme della stessa 1244. Penso che ci sia stata una contraddizione fortissima nell’ambito del campo legale. Oggi è veramente difficile ma anche estremamente pericoloso cercare di ricavare un quadro di legalità diverso dalla 1244. Per questo bisognerebbe davvero tornare alle origini.
La crisi esplode a quattro anni dai pogrom antiserbi del marzo 2004. Il presidente della repubblica Fatmir Seidju ha condannato le «violenze serbe». Dov’era quattro anni fa quando assaltavano i monasteri? Inoltre Seidju ha gettato benzina sul fuoco: «Per le elezioni dell’11 maggio in Serbia, non ci saranno seggi in Kosovo, siamo un altro paese». I serbi per votare diventeranno profughi?
Quando il regime di legalità viene violato al più altissimo livello poi tutti, ai livelli inferiori, si sentono autorizzati a violarlo o a interpretarlo. Non mi meraviglia molto la posizione del presidente Seidju. Lui dà per assodato che questa repubblica del Kosovo abbia legittimità nell’ambito dei conflitti di quella che lui considera ex provincia serba. Così, come può accettare che si creino dei seggi all’interno del «suo» Kosovo? C’è un fatto fondamentale da considerare però: nella dichiarazione d’indipendenza ci si è dimenticati che la provincia serba era costituita dal Kosovo e dalla Metohja, due entità ma non inscindibili. Una territoriale, che apparteneva alla provincia dei serbi, l’altra (Metohja) sia spirituale che terrena, che riguardava le proprietà della chiesa serbo-ortodossa. È una operazione quella di definire i nuovi confini cancellando queste entità, fuori dal diritto internazionale. Poi, visto che i serbi non si sentono né si potranno mai sentirsi appartenenti al Kosovo indipendente, hanno secondo me il diritto di andare a votare o in Serbia e tornare, oppure di farsi i seggi lì dove vivono. O garantiamo questo o si innesca una serie quasi infinita di altre illegalità. Che vanno a minare, come cellule eversive, questo nuovo stato.
Il ministro degli esteri D’Alema ha espresso pieno sostegno alle missioni Unmik e Kfor e «al loro impegno volto a mantenere ordine e sicurezza in tutto il Kosovo, in linea con la risoluzione 1244»…
La 1244 mi sembra diventata veramente una coperta strettissima, qualcuno cerca di tirarla da una parte o dall’altra soltanto quando conviene. Nel momento in cui veniva dichiarata l’indipendenza unilaterale del Kosovo nessuno si è preoccupato di capire o di spiegarsi o di chiedersi perché veniva violata la sostanza e la forma della 1244. Adesso che ci sono i disordini che tutti si aspettavano, anzi che tutti si aspettano, purtroppo, che si estendano anche a parte del Kosovo, in questo momento si ritorna a considerare che esisteva una 1244 da rispettare. Come aderire ad una tale coerenza politica alternata?
3 marzo 2008
per il numero 6 della rivista Rocca della “Cittadella della Pace” di Assisi
Quella cambiale tuttavia non poté essere subito pagata, per gli intralci della Russia, di una parte dell’Europa e dell’ONU. Ed ecco ora è venuto il tempo: la secessione è stata proclamata e Stati Uniti ed Europa (ma non la Spagna) si sono affrettati a riconoscere il nuovo Stato. La Serbia protesta, perché si sente amputata di un pezzo di sé, e staccata dalle sue radici, che pur oggi sono tanto di moda; e lamenta che la comunità internazionale abbia favorito il distacco del Kosovo al di fuori di una soluzione negoziata e nonostante che Belgrado avesse riconosciuto alla provincia albanese un’autonomia che giungeva fino ad oltre il novanta per cento delle competenze statali.
Che cosa ha voluto aggiungere il Kosovo, attribuendosi anche quel dieci per cento che gli mancava? Ha voluto aggiungere la sovranità, che è l’idea di un potere assoluto e non subordinato ad alcun altro potere, su cui si sono costruiti gli Stati moderni. È proprio quell’idea che oggi va abbandonata, e che del resto è erosa dall’interdipendenz a sempre più accentuata arrecata dalla globalizzazione; e di certo il Kosovo non potrà essere “sovrano” nei confronti degli Stati Uniti e dei suoi protettori europei. Dunque la sovranità ora proclamata aggiunge allo status precedente una sola cosa, che storicamente ad essa è indissolubilmente legata: aggiunge il diritto, proprio del sovrano e di nessun altro, di muovere guerra, lo “ius indicendi bellum”; il diritto di guerra è ciò che ultimamente distingue l’iindipendenza dall’autonomia; il Sud Tirolo è autonomo, ma solo l’Italia può dichiarare la guerra.
Proclamando la propria indipendenza il Kosovo ci vuol far sapere che si riserva il diritto di guerra; ed è evidente che la sola guerra che esso può fare è quella contro la Serbia. Ma poiché sarebbe troppo debole per farla, è chiaro che conta sul concorso delle potenze, Stati Uniti in testa, che col riconoscimento gli hanno garantito l’indipendenza, e con l’alleanza le forze necessarie per difenderla. La Russia non sarebbe d’accordo; ed ecco il pericolo di una nuova conflagrazione a partire dai Balcani.
Il fatto è che nessun popolo è solo al mondo, e i gesti degli uni si ripercuotono sugli altri, fino a poterli coinvolgere in una catastrofe. Questo spiega per esempio perché i palestinesi, che la catastrofe l’hanno subita, non abbiano mai proclamato unilateralmente lo Stato: sono più responsabili, e sanno che la comunità internazionale, che usa due pesi e due misure, non permetterebbe a loro ciò che ha consentito ieri agli israeliani e oggi ai kosovari.
Il principio di autodeterminazione dei popoli, non vuol dire in effetti che ognuno può fare quello che vuole, né il costituirsi in Stato sovrano è il punto d’arrivo obbligato di una lotta di liberazione. La Fondazione Internazionale per il diritto e la liberazione dei popoli, che si batte per questa causa, ha chiarito più volte che il diritto all’autodeterminazi one non coincide con il diritto di secessione.
In Europa poi ci sono particolari ragioni per non cambiare i confini. Su di essi si sono combattute tutte le guerre europee e mondiali, e quando di nuovo stava per scatenarsi un conflitto tra i due blocchi dell’Est e dell’Ovest, la pace fu assicurata quando nella Conferenza di Helsinki per la cooperazione e la sicurezza in Europa si stabilì che in nessun modo dovevano essere rimessi in causa e modificati i confini esistenti. Forse non tutti i confini erano giusti; ma era giusto che non si mandasse il mondo al rogo per loro.
In uno Stato mondiale di diritto, in cui si realizzasse l’universalità dei diritti fondamentali, legati non alla cittadinanza ma al fatto stesso di essere uomini, non ci sarebbe bisogno di difendere le identità nazionali dentro le fortezze, i confini perderebbero di significato e quello che conterebbe sarebbe di attraversarli, e non di rinchiudervisi.
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - December 10, 2007
Cyprus opposes separation and recognizing the independence of Kosovo
Nicosia - The Republic of Cyprus will not agree with
the separation or recognition of the independence of
Kosovo, the spokesman of the Cypriot Government
Vasilis Palmas said, cited by the Greek daily
Naftemporiki.
According to Palmas, the position of Cyprus against
the separation of Kosovo is coordinated with
international law.
---
http://www.cyprus-mail.com/news/main.php?id=36583&cat_id=1
Cyprus Mail - December 16, 2007
We’re right to be worried about Kosovo
Even without Russian goading, it is hardly surprising
that Cyprus should be extremely nervous at current
developments over the status of Kosovo, to the point
where Cyprus looks likely to block a common EU
position recognising any declaration of independence.
Such a declaration is expected within weeks, after the
expiry of a final deadline for talks aimed at securing
agreement on the future of Kosovo between Serbia and
the ethnic Albanian leaders of its breakaway province.
All along, the United States and the European Union
have encouraged the Kosovo Albanians in their demand
for independence, indicating that it would secure
international recognition irrespective of Serbia’s
consent. Belgrade, meanwhile, has received equally
consistent support from Russia, ensuring the UN
Security Council at least would never ratify
independence for Kosovo.
Cyprus has made it clear it will back Belgrade all the
way on the issue within the EU. Some may look back to
Cyprus’ traditional solidarity with Serbia, or point
to Nicosia’s desire to please Moscow out of spite
against the ‘Anglo-Americans’.
But the fact is that the precedent set by
international recognition of a unilateral declaration
of independence in Kosovo could potentially have
catastrophic implications for Cyprus.
....
To partition a sovereign member of the United Nations
without its consent would be a flagrant violation of
the UN charter, rewriting the rules of international
diplomacy.
Indeed, Cyprus is not the only European country to be
reticent. Spain, with its own regional separatist
movements, is worried about the implications of the
move, while Moscow’s support for Belgrade is not just
a throwback to the Cold War but an acknowledgment of
the precedent it could set for separatists within its
own country.
For Cyprus, the dangers are obvious: international law
– for decades the basic platform for the country’s
political struggle – is replaced by the ruthless
interests of power politics.
If Kosovo is recognised by the United States and
others, why not the ‘TRNC’ and to hell with the legal
niceties!
Serbia is weak, recovering from more than a decade as
an international pariah.
What are the dangers that Cyprus too may soon be seen
as an unreliable partner to be sacrificed on the altar
of expediency, especially if the Greek Cypriots are
perceived to be the obstacle to a solution?
Recognition of the north may soon no longer be the
taboo for the international community that it has been
until now. The government may at last be waking up to
that reality. It is worried, and with reason.
---
Jurnalul National (Romania) - December 16, 2007
Romania Will Not Recognize Kosovo As An Independent State
The heads of state and government of the 27 European
Union member states debated yesterday on a common EU
strategy regarding the independence of the Kosovo
region, in the Former Republic of Yugoslavia.
While other leaders in Brussels took a wait-and-see
approach to not avoid provoking both Serbia – who is
against the independence of its neighboring province –
and Russia – who backs the Serbs, the Romanian
prime-minister Calin Popescu Tariceanu begged to
differ.
He did so along Cyprus, Greece, Slovakia and Spain,
who all stated they would not recognize the
independence of the Kosovo province.
“We shall not recognize the independence of Kosovo as
we have our reserves regarding it,” said Tariceanu.
The PMs latest statement collides with the one he made
back in July, when he said that he agreed with the
Ahtisaari Plan, which provided for a Serb-supervised
independence for Kosovo.
President Traian Basescu showed a rare agreement with
Tariceanu, stating that Romania's stance at the UE
summit “was constructive, European and defended the
country's national interest.”
He also said Romania would take part in the EU mission
in Kosovo to avoid signing treaties with a state it
does not recognize, in case the region would go ahead
and unilaterally proclaim its independence.
A EU mission will be dispatched to Kosovo after
Christmas, according to the Portuguese Prime Minister
Jose Socrates.
Voice of Russia - December 23, 2007
Cyprus opposes unilateral recognition of Kosovo’s independence
Cyprus has confirmed it would oppose the unilateral
recognition of Kosovo’s independence.
Foreign Minister of the Republic of Cyprus Erato
Kozako-Markuli has told the journalists that the
partners in the EU had been informed already on
Cyprus’s position on the issue.
Nicosia fears that the Kosovo precedent may provoke
protests among the Cyprus Turks.
The island was divided in 1974, after Turkey occupied
its northern part and proclaimed it’s the Republic of
Northern Cyprus.
Only Ankara recognized the new state.
On Saturday three Balkan countries - Greece, Romania
and Bulgaria - backed Russia’s position on Kosovo and
called on the rest of the participants to continue
diplomatic consolations.
PanArmenian.net - February 18, 2008
Spain, Georgia, Indonesia not going to recognize Kosovo independence
"The Spanish government is not going to recognize the
unilateral act proclaimed yesterday by the Kosovar
assembly," said Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel
Moratinos. “We eye this move as disrespect for
international legislation,” he added.
Georgia also joined the states refraining from
recognizing independence of the breakaway province.
“We wonder what will happen to our territories. We
will wait and see how Russia behaves as regards
Abkhazia and South Ossetia,” he said.
Indonesia also announced it’s not ready to recognize
the independence of Kosovo, Reuters reports.
---
Romania says Kosovo's declaring independence illegal
BUCHAREST - Romanian President Traian Basescu said on
Monday that Kosovo's unilateral declaration of
independence is illegal.
Basescu summoned the parliamentary parties leaders at
Cotroceni Presidential Palace to discuss the recent
developments in the region.
He reiterated that Romania's stand on Kosovo's
independence remains unchanged.
Basescu told the parliamentary party leaders that
neither himself, nor Prime Minister Calin
Popescu-Tariceanu made any statements on Sunday, right
after Kosovo's declaration of independence, because it
was established that no head of state or government
would make any statements before the end of the CAGRE
(the Council of General Affairs and External
Relations) meeting in Brussels, devoted to
consultations on the status of Kosovo.
Basescu has repeatedly said Romania will not recognize
an independence that might be declared unilaterally by
the Pristina-based ethnic Albanian authorities.
Kosovo on Sunday morning declared its independence,
after the Parliament in Pristina adopted a declaration
of independence from Serbia, read at the extraordinary
meeting of the Kosovo's legislative by Premier Hashim
Thaci.
---
Azeri Press Agency - February 18, 2008
Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry: Kosovo’s declaration of
independence from Serbia contradicts international
legal norms
Baku - “Kosovo Provisional Authority’s declaration of
independence from Serbia contradicts international
legal norms and is illegal,” spokesman for Foreign
Ministry Khazar Ibrahim told journalists while
expressing Azerbaijan’s position on the declaration of
Kosovo’s independence, APA reports.
According to him, unilateral achievement of
self-determination and declaration of independence is
forbidden in the framework of international law.
The diplomat said Azerbaijan supports the positions of
none of the sides.
“Azerbaijan’s position is based on its national
interests. It shows that Azerbaijan respects
international law and understands its items properly.
"Supporting somebody, or building policy in any
direction is out of question.
"Azerbaijan prefers its national interests, Azerbaijan
is an independent and a self-reliant state and will
always act in line with its interests and
international law,” he said.
Taking a stance on the international organizations’
deploying forces in Kosovo, Khazar Ibrahim said if the
international organizations – the European Union and
others - pass decisions on deploying any forces in
Kosovo, this process should be in the framework of
relevant international documents.
....
---
Deutsche Presse-Agentur - February 18, 2008
Moldova calls Kosovo independence "worrying"
Chisinau - The government of Moldova on Monday called
Kosovo's recent declaration of independence 'worrying'
and 'a dangerous precedent,' the Interfax news agency
reported.
The Romanian-speaking former Soviet republic Moldova
lost control of roughly one-third of its territory,
the Russian-speaking province of Transnistria, in a
civil war ending in 1992.
'The possibility of (international support) of
Kosovo's declaration of independence is a cause of
deep concern to the Republic of Moldova,' a statement
made public by the Foreign Ministry said in part.
It was the first official reaction by Chisinau to
Kosovo's declaration of independence.
Transnistria's...leadership has long argued that if
Kosovo should be independent, so should Transnistria.
The NATO nations' argument that Kosovo is a special
case and so its separation from Serbia should not
apply to other breakaway regions is, in the opinion of
the Moldovan government, dangerous and destabilising,
according to the statement.
'In spite of however unique the Kosovo problem might
be, its 'resolution' is not only a unilateral
violation of the territorial integrity of Serbia, but
a serious factor for the destabilisation of Europe,
and a dangerous stimulus for separatist movements in
other conflict zones,' the statement said.
Moldova's Communist government has long touted Moldova
as a potential European Union candidate with a free
market economy and European values. The Foreign
Ministry statement was one of the harshest criticisms
of EU and NATO policy by Chisinau in a half-decade.
Moldova's opposition parties in a rare show of
solidarity with the Communist leadership also
criticised Kosovo's declaration of independence,
without exception on grounds it would give impetus to
Transnistria's efforts to separate from Moldova.
Moldova and Transnistria have been locked in talks of
a return of Transnistria to Moldovan sovereignty since
1994.
Russia, Ukraine, and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) have attempted to broker
the conflict, but differences of opinion on the need
for Russian troops in Transnistria, and the terms of
Transnistria's return to Moldovan control, have
stalled the talks for years.
---
Associated Press - February 18, 2008
Slovakia won't recognize Kosovo
BRUSSELS, Belgium - Slovakia reiterated Monday that it
will not recognize Kosovo as an independent nation.
"Slovakia does not see a way to recognize Kosovo,"
Foreign Minister Jan Kubis said after a meeting of EU
foreign ministers.
Slovakia, with a sizable Hungarian minority living in
the south, fear Kosovo's move to break away from
Serbia could exacerbate its own ethnic tensions.
---
KATHIMERINI (GREECE)
COMMENT
Wednesday February 27, 2008
Glaring errors in the Balkans
The end of the Kosovo crisis is being written in the most crude and illegal
manner. Regardless of who was right or wrong 10 years ago, a country is
being punished with amputation, while at the same time the Pandora's box of
Balkan border shifts has been reopened.
I have long tried to understand why the US got involved in Kosovo. I spoke
to many of the protagonists of the war and was unable to get a convincing
answer. The Balkan region has no oil fields or rich ore deposits and has
little geopolitical significance.
One theory, perhaps the most convincing, is that the Kosovo war was the
first time Washington was without a serious adversary and with a lot of
clout. When there is no one to fear, you lose your geopolitical bearings.
Fresh out of the Cold War and dizzy with the power you have, you end up
wasting it in areas of little importance. In Kosovo, the US acted like a
fully armed version of the Red Cross. It leveled the Serb army and ended a
heinous humanitarian crisis. In the minds of some US officials, they thus
also showed they cared about some Muslims. It was an antidote to the
anti-American fever spreading across the Islamic world.
America's biggest mistake was entering the Balkans for no particular purpose
and with no real plan. Washington was lured by the Albanian lobby in the US
without knowing what lurked behind. The Americans entered the Balkans,
ignored history, turned it upside down and are now rushing to tie up all the
loose ends.
What actually collapsed in Kosovo was the dream of an effective common
European foreign policy. This may even have been the US's real target. But
now that the political geography of the Balkans is being redrawn, it remains
to be seen how far Russia is prepared to go, whether Washington has an an
ulterior motive and whether Europe has since matured.
Agence France-Presse - February 18, 2008
Cyprus Warns Against Kosovo Precedent
For the Greek Cypriots in the south, Kosovo`s
declaration could set a precedent for the
self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
"We consider that a unilateral declaration of
independence is outside the framework of international
principles and the international community,"
government spokesman Vasilis Palmas told AFP.
"This type of recognition causes a precedent and will
cause problems in the future and I wonder where this
type of recognition will stop with other states
seeking to do the same," said the spokesman of the
internationally-recognised government.
For the island's majority Greek Cypriots in the south,
Kosovo's declaration could set a precedent for the
self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
(TRNC), which is recognised only by Ankara.
"Our position has been made crystal clear and it is
understood by the EU. This doesn't cause disunity
among member states, simply our objection has been
registered in a constructive manner," said the
spokesman.
EU foreign ministers were holding a crisis meeting on
Monday on Kosovo's split from Serbia amid signs of
intense behind-the-scenes wrangling over recognition
of the new state.
Spain has led a number of EU nations - Cyprus,
Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, and Slovakia - reluctant to
back Kosovo because of their own territorial integrity
issues. But the EU's Slovenian presidency said many
European nations were still set to recognise the new
state.
The TRNC hailed Kosovo's declaration.
"I salute the independence of Kosovo," Turkish Cypriot
leader Mehmet Ali Talat said in a statement. "I ask
that those who object to the independence of Kosovo
take into consideration that no people can be forced
to live under the rule of another people."
....
---
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=02&dd=19&nav_id=47835
Beta News Agency - February 19, 2008
Cyprus rejects Kosovo declaration
NICOSIA - Cyprus has today officially condemned the
ethnic Albanians' unilateral declaration of
independence.
A Foreign Ministry statement says that Nicosia views
this move as a violation of Serbia's territorial
integrity and sovereignty.
The announcement comes one day after an EU ministerial
meeting in Brussels, unable to come up with a joint
policy over recognizing Kosovo, leaving it instead to
its member states to decide individually.
And while some large European countries such as
France, the UK and Italy have decided to recognize
Kosovo with record speed, despite Serbia's position
that both the declaration and its recognition are
illegal, Cyprus held its ground on the issue.
"This act of secession falls outside of the framework
of international law, and is therefore null and void,"
official Nicosia said.
The statement, which can be viewed as strong support
for Belgrade's position, adds that this EU member also
considers the declaration in breach of the UN Charter,
the Helsinki Final Act and UN Security Council
Resolution 1244.
"We are certain that a final status solution agreed on
by both sides can and must be reached through dialogue
and negotiations, and then approved by the Security
Council, the body that has the role of maintaining
peace and security," the statement concluded.
---
Voice of Russia - February 26, 2008
Ghali: Kosovo’s independence creates dangerous historical precedent
The tearing away of the province Kosovo from Serbia
and recognition of Kosovo’s independence by some
countries creates a dangerous historical precedent,
says the former UN Secretary-General and one of the
more authoritative international politicians, Boutros
Boutros-Ghali.
He underscored in an interview with the Qatar Arraya
newspaper that encouraging separatism threatens the
unity of many countries, a reason why this kind of
approach was rejected in many cases last century.
Boutros-Ghali said some of the countries that the
Kosovo precedent may cause to break up are Spain,
Turkey and Macedonia.
Cyprus Will Never Recognise Kosovo
Belgrade | 17 June 2009 |
Cyprus' Defence Minister, Costas Papacostas, told reporters in Belgrade yesterday that his country will never recognise Kosovo's independence.
"This is the consistent stand of the Republic of Cyprus and one that we advocate in the European Union," Papacostas said at a news conference in Belgrade after formal meetings with Serbian Defense Minister Dragan Sutanovac.
Papacostas underlined that Cyprus fully supports the Serbian path toward European integration and that this issue is completely separate from the issue of Kosovo.
"Serbia is part of Europe and should be a member of the European Union if it wishes so," Papacostas said.
"Cyprus is the only country in Europe that is under occupation," Papacostas continued. He claimed it was being occupied by Turkey -- another country that wishes to join the EU.
He also added that his government is dedicating resources and energy to resolving this longstanding conflict through negotiations with the Turkish side.
Sutanovac announced that "Cyprus and Serbia are sharing the security risks and threats" and thus, by the end the year both countries are planning to sign a defence cooperation agreement.
Slavica Djukic-Dejanovic, Serbian Parliament Speaker met with Papacostas and agreed that Serbia's integration into the European Union is a matter that needs expediting and is of greatest political importance for the EU when considering the Western Balkans.
Papacostas offered its full support to Serbian endeavors in preserving its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and restated Cyprus' commitment to Serbia's path toward European integration, including its right to preserve its territorial integrity.
13 dicembre 2007 17:06 - Il premier britannico Gordon Brown ha dichiarato che l’intenzione di Belgrado di associarsi all’Unione europea potrebbe dipendere dall’accettazione del diritto del Kosovo di ricevere l’indipendenza. L’interesse a lungo termine della Serbia dipendere veramente dal fatto se accetterà il fatto che rischia i rapporti con l’Europa se non si raggiungerà la soluzione per il problema kosovaro, ha evidenziato Brown davanti ai parlamentari britannici. Lui ha lanciato un appello alla Serbia di raggiungere l’accordo sul futuro del Kosovo, ed ha ripetuto che Londra si sta adoperando per l’indipendenza supervisionata della regione meridionale serba, con la garanzia dei diritti ai serbi.
18 febbraio 2008. 15:11 - Il membro permanente del Consiglio di sicurezza dell’ONU con il diritto di veto, Cina, ha espresso una profonda preoccupazione per la proclamazione di ieri della spartizione del Kosovo dalla Serbia, ed ha invitato ambedue le parti a continuare i negoziati. Il portavoce del Ministero cinese degli esteri Liu Jiaciao, nel comunicato della Pechino ufficiale ha ripetuto la posizione della
(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
5) Pro-memoria: The Helsinki Final Statement on the issue of "Non-intervention in internal affairs"
In the late 1990s NATO dropped bombs and supported armed insurgencies in Yugoslavia while insisting that its motives were purely humanitarian and that its only goal was peace. However, George Szamuely argues that NATO interventions actually prolonged conflicts, heightened enmity, increased casualties, and fueled demands for more interventions.
Eschewing the one-sided approach adopted by previous works on the Yugoslavian crisis, Szamuely offers a broad overview of the conflict, its role in the rise of NATO’s authority, and its influence on Western policy on the Balkans. His timely, judicious, and accessible study sheds new light on the roots of the contemporary doctrine of humanitarian intervention.
“This book is an important reanalysis of the propaganda and self-serving deceptions that were used by NATO governments and major human rights organizations during the Yugoslav conflicts.”
(Robert M. Hayden University of Pittsburgh)
About the Author
George Szamuely is a senior research fellow in the Global Policy Institute at London Metropolitan University. He has worked as an editor and editorial writer at the Times(UK), the Times Literary Supplement, and the National Law Journal.
Објављено 5. фебруар 2014. | Од СУБНОР
АГРЕСОРИ ЗА ПАМЋЕЊЕ
У Тимочкој крајини, у Неготину, борачка организација се припрема да на достојан начин обележи петнаестогодишњицу мучке агресије НАТО трупа на нашу земљу.
Према плану, који је под председништвом Драгољуба Филиповића усвојио Општински одбор СУБНОР-а, организоваће се низ манифестација да се не заборави недело агресора током бомбардовања 1999.године.
Предвиђена је, поред осталог, изложба ликовних и литералних радова ученика месних основних школа, а посебно трибина о последицама ракетирања и уопште о светској ситуацији – о чему ће, према жељи Неготинаца, говорити и представници Републичког одбора СУБНОР-а, Београдског форума за свет равноправних и Клуба генерала и адмирала Србије.
У Неготину, у борачкој организацији, нису заборавили ни стогодишњицу почетка Првог светског рата, па ће у том смислу, окупљајући ширу популацију и посебно школарце, организовати разговоре у коме ће учествовати и еминетне личности образлажући поводе, узроке и последице једне од највећих страдија човечанства, а посебно у светлу тренутних фалсификата историјске истине.
Law of the jungle cannot last forever
by Willy Wimmer, retired State Secretary of the Federal Ministery of Defence
Denying the responsibility for the caused disaster, and refusing the necessary reparation is a prominent feature of the NATO countries’ law of the jungle.
To this day, the mixture of lies, threats, and the willingness to pursue power politics in violation of any law defines the policies of the NATO countries. That will only come to an end, if more forces will support, what Willy Wimmer demands: putting an end to the law of the jungle and a renewed commitment to international law.
Those who, in violation of applicable international law and in a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations, used the NATO military machine against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 28 March 1999, driven by their mere political and especially economic power, want to enforce the acceptance of their aggression’s
consequences by those who were attacked. Their purpose is to achieve a delayed and subsequent legitimation of their bellicose aggression. In this effort they even willingly accept to compel certain NATO and EU Member States, who are particularly affected by the extorted resolution of disputes concerning the territory of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. What they demand from the aggression’s victims on the territory of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, strikes at the very heart of certain NATO and EU Member States and is sowing new
hatred.
In order to avoid any doubt on the occasion of the 15th NATO-war anniversary against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: to consider a domestic threat to NATO and the EU, to even commence a still refused relentless investigation of this war by all parliaments of NATO and the EU, are not at all sufficient. Who, if not those who, in violation of applicable international law, did wage a crude war of aggression against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, should be punished by the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague? Who, if not those who, in violation
of applicable international law, did wage war against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, must restore the Republic‘ s status as it had existed before the outbreak of this war?
Who, if not those who, in violation of international law, have invaded a United Nations Member State in peace-time, must provide compensation for the damages to life and limb and infrastructure that were caused by their acts of aggression?
The damages to life and limb are sufficiently known. Estimates of the extent of damage to infrastructure as well. Damages caused by using uranous munition can only be estimated.
• Approximately 4,000 people have lost their lives as a result of the NATO aggression.
• About 10,000 people were among those injured as a result of the NATO aggression.
• The amount of damage to any form of infrastructure is over 100 billion dollars.
Today, it is clearer than ever, what led to this European disaster, for the war against the former Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia is nothing else. Europe was full of hope, when the consequences of 1945 seemed to have been
overcome with the national unification of Germany in 1990. Above all, the Soviet Union and the United States of America stood for the success of the Helsinki process.
The Helsinki Charter of 1975 did not only help to overcome the division of Germany and thus of Europe. The peoples of Europe could breathe again, and they cherished the well-founded hope to see that even the long-term consequences of the alleged peace conferences at the end of the First World War were solved by the scales and diplomatic means of the so-called Helsinki process.
Together with Mikhail Gorbachev – and as a close friend of George W. Bush – Helmut Kohl wanted to open a new
chapter in the German-Russian history of the 20th century, which had been determined by immense suffering. He
also had in mind this target with respect to the relations between the Germans and Serbs. At the same time he had in
mind the history since 1914. Only this way you can understand that he had already scheduled a visit to Belgrade in
the summer of 1999, and immediately after the completion of the internationally illegal war against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The Honorary Citizen of Europe, Helmut Kohl in Belgrade – and that, after the NATO bombs had wiped out not only lives in Belgrade – it would have been a visible sign that there had existed – and still exists – a different Europe than a Europe of aggression. It is part of the tragedy of those years that it had been Henry Kissinger of all people, the so highly esteemed Henry Kissinger who – after Helsinki and its successes
– had not called for the further development of the valid international law, but had championed the destruction and
elimination of international law that had continuously been developed since the Thirty Years’ War and even before, and that his own government had followed him on this path. The law of the jungle – the power of the strongest – was to set the tone, exercised by the „indispensable nation“ as Mrs Albright had postulated. Not only that henceforth no peace dividend should be paid any longer in Europe and other parts of the world after the end of the Cold War; a war in Europe, in total disregard of international law, was the rejection of international law and the postulated
return to the law of the jungle that had always brought nothing but misery to the people.
It is now – after the wars against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia up to the war against Iraq – almost general understanding that there is no end of history, but there is a limitation to the time of the ruling fist law, such as the international treaties on the Syrian chemical weapons or the interim agreement with Iran demonstrate. Here we must understand that a number of questions from the period between Belgrade and Tehran shine through and demand
our answer:
1. Where were the United States as the haven of freedom and justice in the period from 1999 to 2013?
2. Can there be a prosperous world with international law as the backbone of the international community, without a
Russia that is capable of acting?
3. Is Europe more than the brat, with which everyone do as he likes? •
(Current Concerns, No 1, 26 January 2014)
Are we the last generations? Radioactivity as the gradual extinction of life
Original-text of the interview with
Dr. ROSALIE BERTELL in 2010
Interviewer: I think you did a lot of research about the radiation, even when it is a low radiation where usually it is said: “Don’t worry, no problem at all”. What have you found out about the effects of low radiation in the long run?
Bertell: Well, my background is as a researcher. And I started by studying the effects
of medical diagnostics x-ray, dental x-ray and chest x-ray. We had a huge population that was
followed over three years. So we had about 64 million person years in the study, it is very big.
If you have a big population like that and you have measurable x-ray exposures, you can see
what happens in the population. I am coming from looking at medical x-rays, and then seeing
environmental pollution as bigger. With many other researchers studied the atomic bomb and
they go down to these low levels and I said: Oh it´s not anything! So a lot depends on your
perspective. So when you look at a large population and you start saying and you ask what
happens when they were exposed to radiation, I think generally the question has been wrong.
People ask: How many cancers does it cost. I don’t think that is the answer. Because if you
look at live in general, the most obvious thing is we grow old. And we grow old in a kind of
systematic way and even the cancers are old age diseases. So what I did was to change the
question. And I said: How much medical x-ray would you need to be exposed to so that you
get the equivalent of one year of natural aging. That is a very different research question. In
order to measure natural aging I use the non-lymphatic leukaemia. They go up in a large
population like compound interest, ranging from about age 15 every year there is a 3% to 4 %
increase in the rate of the non-lymphatic leukaemia. It is just when you have money in the
bank that interest is not very big when you are 16 or 20 years old, but by the time you get to
60 that is a large amount of money, it is also a large rate of this cancer. That is why they come
at the end.
So I used that as my measuring stick and asked: how much medical x-ray would be
the equivalent? I actually measured the aging effect of having dental x-rays or chest x-ray.
What was surprising to me: It’s the same amount as you would get background in a year. So it
didn’t make any difference if you got that radiation exposure very fast, because you got a
chest x-ray or whether you had it slowly over a year. You still in terms of vulnerability you
were aged. What that means then practically: If you are in your 20s or 30s and you have an
accident and need extensive x-rays probably you won’t feel much in terms of the difference.
However if you are vulnerable like 60, 70 years old, the annual level of what you experience,
you will experience more vulnerability from the x-rays because it is a percentage and a higher
rate if incidents. So you are more vulnerable as you get older.
And so I started looking at young people who got leukaemia and I mean the cases
under 45 years of age. And I found within certain groups they are something like six times as
likely to get leukaemia in that younger age group. And if you have young people with things
like diabetes arthritis, often we associate them with old age. There it is 12 times as likely to be
in a young group to have leukaemia. So there are some signals to us that a person is
prematurely aged and those people are more vulnerable to radiation exposure. It’s like they
have already moved further on the list. And it’s not exactly medical x-ray, because for
example with people who have heart-disease, some are treated more aggressively with respect
to x-ray. Some people with heart-disease are x-rayed every year. Other have an x-ray may be
five or six years and it was the once who had the x-rays more frequently that came up with the
leukaemia. So I started moving people at the age line according to their own personal record
of medical diagnostic x-ray. And it explains very many biological phenomena. There seems to
be a whole lot of aging processes connected with this.
One of the most remarkable things is very often in radiation studies that men and
women radiation measurements are different. I put them on the exposure age which was your
ordinary age plus your medical exposure. When I did them with exposure age many women
were the same and I found that it had much to do with the cultural difference in the use of xrays.
Many young men had x-rays because of sports. They had all these sport injuries. Women
don’t start to get x-rays until they are pregnant. And then it is mostly dental. And then you get
to the midlife-crisis. So where is a difference in the way we treat men and women and boys
and girls with x-rays.
Interviewer: Could this relate also to this kind of radioactive radiation which we have through atomic testing or Chernobyl?
Bertell: When we get into the nuclear industry whether it is uranium mining or milling
or the reactors or use of weapons or even the radioactive waste, you are into particular
radiation which we can either breathe in or take in in water and food. It can stay in the body
and differentially expose some organs and not other organs. So, you get these small amounts
of radiation operating in the body, and you get what I would call „differential aging“. So
many of the problems we see come from who long this material stays in the body and where it
goes.
Interviewer: So would you say these general reactions of the governments if there is any accident that there is no danger for the citizens, that this is basically wrong?
Bertell: It is basically wrong. It is basically wrong because this particles release energy.
The DNA that carries all your genetic material or the RNA which are the messenger
molecules which run our body, which make our body work. So we have to ask: how much
energy will it take to break them? It only takes 6 to 10 electron-volts of energy to break these
big molecules. If you take something like uranium, which is not considered very radioactive,
just one atom and one event releasing an alpha-particle is over 4 million electron-volts. You
cannot release that in tissue that is living and not do damage. So when you talk probabilities,
you are moving from the fact that you break DNA, you break RNA, you can destroy the
membrane of a cell, you can break things like the mitochondria that can do the energy of the
cell.
You can say, we do not care about all the damage, we only care if this damage leads to a
fatal cancer. So that is the only one will count. You can start making the probability smaller if
you make the end point more particular and say: I don´t care if I get diabetes, I don´t care if
my immune system is down, I don´t care for all these other things.
Interviewer: Iraq DU (Depleted Uranium) Can you say something about DU in weapons as they were used during the Iraq war?
Bertell: Depleted uranium is the waste from the uranium enrichment process, which is a
process needed both for a nuclear reactor and for nuclear weapons. In term for the United
States the greatest amount of waste is depleted uranium. If it is radioactive, it requires a
licence to be able to even handle it. And when they do the tests of these weapons in the
United States they do it in a superbox, which is totally sealed, in the same way they would
experiment with biological warfare, chemical warfare agents. So it is a level for high
protection for even to test it.
It is chemical warfare, because uranium is a heavy metal, a very toxic heavy metal, and
it is also radiological warfare, because these things are radioactive. Something special
happens to it in the field. It is not just like radioactive dust in a mine or a mill. Because if you
put it in a bullet or a missile and it hits the target this friction is enough to set it on fire and it
goes to very high temperature. What happens is it forms an aerosol, which is ceramic or glass.
It is like pottery and putting it in an oven it becomes ceramic. So what you have are very
small particles of glass which are radioactive, which can be breathed, which are light, so they
can move a great distance from the point of impact. It is easily measured 40 kilometers from
impact.
Because of being glass they are highly insoluble in water and that is very important,
because it means they stay in the body longer. To understand that: If you sit in the sun for 15
minutes is not same as if you sit there for 12 hours. So if you take very soluble uranium it can
pass through the body in 12 hours and be gone. Some of the more insoluble may take to years.
But this stuff looks like it is taking 10 years or more. So right now the veterans from the gulf
war – they were exposed in 1991, this is 1999 (in the research) and they are still excreting
between 4 and 5 microgram of this depleted uranium every day in urine. That is totally
unacceptable. It is no wonder they have medical problems. It does damage to the blood, the
bone, the lever, the spleen, the lymph-knots, the kidney. You got this material which is
radioactive inside the body for nine years, ten years. That is why you are dealing with such a
massive and such a mysterious kind of medical syndrome.
According to the Pentagon 400.000 of the American veterans where exposed with
depleted uranium: on the map is the whole southern part of Iraq. So you had 400.000 exposed.
They say 200.000 have sought medical care through the veterans-administrations since they
are home. Of that a 115.000 have been diagnosed with gulf war syndrome, which means these
man are unable to work. Many have died. I have had various estimates that the number of
those that have died reaches upwards 8000 to 10.000. The others can’t work. They have
chronic fetite (fatigue?), vomiting, blinding, headache, inability to sleep, respiratory
problems, various kinds of pain, cramps – just general disability. They also had an abnormal
number of deformed children. And this depleted uranium has been found in seminal fluid. So
it is a very serious problem. If I have to say how much of the gulf syndrome would be due to
depleted uranium, I would guess about 50% of the damage. (.....)
What they like about the uranium is it is free. They get it free because it is radioactive
waste. And it saves the company money because they would have to properly keep it away
from the biosphere. They like it because it is free. (...) 600) It is very much like landmines,
because it will continue to kill long after the war is over. It differentially will kill the women
and the children, because women have high risk tissue, breast and uterine tissue which are
more radiation sensitive. Children are growing so they incorporate more in bones and will
have the long term cancer effects. It is also a violation of the international law because it has
very broad pollution effect that will go across national boundaries. It also makes the
„precision-bombing“ lutecrice (ridiculous?). It is not precision bombing. And I think it also
undermines NATO’s claim of this being a humanitarian war, because what they are doing it
terms of poisoning the land and the people and the water and the food is certainly not
humanitarian. So it is a complete contradiction to everything they claim to be standing for.
I understand from international lawyers that we do not even need a new convention for
it, it is already condemned under international law. The opinion of the human rights tribunal
in Geneva (it is in Strasbourg) is that it is a weapon of „mass and indiscriminate destruction
and therefore it is unlawful“. The United Nations has appointed a reporter for this issue and
they are going to present their brief in August this summer. The World Health Organisation is
trying to set up an Investigative Committee to look at Iraq´s claim, because they now have six
times the rate of childhood cancer and some of the Iraqi Veterans, that were exposed now
have between five and six times the lymphomia and leukaemia rate of veterans that where not
exposed. So the World Health Organisation has asked for funding and volunteers and wants to
do a three year study in Iraq. All of that supportive information is not in, but it is already clear
that it violates the international laws and it certainly violates the public relations material
coming out on this war.
Interviewer: …Severe consequence for future generations?
Bertell: It will have consequences. I have done a lot of work on the Marshall Islands where
they got the fallout from the weapon testing. And the Rongalap people are people that are
dying out, that whole clan.
Interviewer: …Marshall Islands- example
Bertell: It increases infertility and inability to have children. They went for about five
years without even being able to get pregnant. Then they started having spontaneous
abortions, what they call jelly-fish-babies. It is a pregnancy of something like a tumour, a
child is not formed. It is a molar pregnancy. Then they started having deformed birth. But the
birth rate is dramatically down at this whole clan of people and there next generation is
physically less fit. Their birth rate is down, they die younger, in the 30s and 40s. So it is
obvious that this whole line of people is dying, it is not going to survive. What I think we are
doing is that our generation is making a decision on how many future generations there will
be. How much in shorted depends on how careless we are. So we already shortened future
generations because whenever you introduce genetic defect then this line will eventually die
out. But some will go two generations, some will go seven generation.
When you are talking about constant low radiation exposure, what you are doing is
introducing mistakes into the gene-pool. And those mistakes will eventually turn up by killing
that line, that cell line, that species line. The amount of damage determines whether this
happens in two generations or in seven generations or 10 generations. So what we are doing
by introducing more mistakes into the DNA or the Gene pool is we are shortening the number
of generations that will be viable on the planet.
We have shortened the number of generations that will follow us. We have
shortened that already. So we reduced the viability of living systems on this planet,
whether it can recover or not. We don’t have any outside source to get new DNA. So
have the DNA we have, whoever will live on this planet in the future is present right now
in the DNA. So if we damage it we don’t have another place to get it.
There will be no living thing on earth in the future that is not present now in a seed, in
a sperm and the ovum of all living plants and animals. So it is all here now. It is not going to
come from Mars or somewhere. Living things come from living things. So we carry this very
precious seed for the future. And when you damage it you do two things. You produce a less
viable harmonized organism with the environment; at the same time we are leaving the toxic
and radioactive waste around. So you are going to have a more hazardous environment and a
less capable organism. That is a death syndrome for the species, not only for the individual. It
is going to be harder to live. And the body will be less able to take stress and you are
increasing the stress at the same time.
We are responsible for what we turn over to the next generation. It is amazing to me
because I am the daughter of people that came from Europe, migrated to Canada and the
United States for a better life for their children. And it seems that our generation does not care
for the future. It is not our heritage. Our heritage was to give something better to our children,
than we received. And we seem not to care. I find these very strange and I think most of our
grandparents would turn over in their graves, if they would know what we are doing.
Yes we certainly have to chance our heads and there are very good ways to carry this
message. I think we even need a legal protection. We are thinking in terms of a „Seven
Generations Law“, which means that everything that is passed through legislation, you have
to answer the question what is the impact of this to our great grandchildren´s great
grandchildren. You have to be asked an answer this question before you take any major
planning or major changes or major laws. It is the North American indigenous peoples´ rule
that it has to (be) safe for grandchildren´s grandchildren. Otherwise it is not acceptable.
There is no real protection from it but you can reduce the effects by some things.
Certainly stay in the house with windows closed during these bombing episodes and as long
afterwards as possible. But your main concern will be getting it through the food chain. They
are same key-leading agents. They take inorganic material out of living tissues. One very
simple key-leading agent and a mild one is distilled water. You can use distilled water to cook
your vegetables. If there were any uranium in the vegetables it will go out with the liquid.
You can also drink the distilled water instead of either bottled or filtered or regular water.
Distilled water will do the same thing in the body. It will tend to take out the unwanted
inorganic chemicals. Another thing that available generally is „spirulina“, which is a bluegreen
algae you can usually get in a health-food-store. That is also mild key-leading agent and
will help to rid the body of some of these toxins, included the depleted uranium.
Or try to get rid of it through sweat respiration: Saunas. If you get it out through the skin
you save the kidneys. The idea is to get it out of the tissue and out of the blood and then out of
the body instead of going back into storage.
We need to learn to get along with each other, because we live on a small planet. If we
fight over it nobody is going to have it. Another thing is: We are straining the natural ability
of the earth to generate itself. The earth can usually take it back within a year. But when we
measure what we now take out (as) resources (fish, food, iron, coal, oil), all these resources
which we take for our lifestyle. We are now taking out about 1.33 times what the earth can
replenish in a year. So we are running an ecological deficit. In 1992 we were at 1.25, so is
going up. People worry about financial deficit, but that is nothing compared to an ecological
deficit. It means constantly reducing the carrying power of the globe. At the same time we are
increasing in the number of people. If we don’t do something this will be a global dimension
crisis. That´s the reason to say: the most important thing to do is to eliminate the military
globally. The military is one of the most rapid consumer of resources. If you got rid the
military globally you would immediately get rid of the ecological deficit, that we are running
up every year. This is buying us time to set up a better way to live on this planet. Yes, we
need globalisation in the heads. We don’t need Mono-culture, but we need to learn how to
live together on this earth, how to use conflict resolution in place of military, yes we need a
police-force, yes we need laws and courts and that sort of thing. But we don‘t need military.
Military is an abnormality. It is destroying our culture, it is destroying our environment, it is
destroying everything we want. And it is time to get rid of it.
Interviewer: 7 Generations?
Bertell: I would maximize the health of this beautiful living planet as much as I could
and I would say: I give you this with love. Keep it and give it to as many generations as you
can. Life can be good. And live is really a beautiful gift. Not of us has asked for it. None of us
deserves it. It shouldn’t be something that is a disaster for everybody. It should be something
enjoyable and that means that we have to do it differently from the way we are doing it now.
For most people live is a terrible thing. People are committing suicide, because it is so ugly
for them. That is not life. That is not the way it should be. No other species is going around
committing suicide like humans. So there is something very radically wrong with the way we
are behaving.
http://www.beoforum.rs/en/comments-belgrade-forum-for-the-world-of-equals/340-non-in-tervention-in-interal-affairs.html
NON-INTERVENTION IN INTERNAL AFFAIRS
The participating States will refrain from any intervention, direct or indirect, individual or collective, in the internal or external affairs falling within the domestic jurisdiction of another participating State, regardless of their mutual relations.
They will accordingly refrain from any form of armed intervention or threat of such intervention against another participating State. They will likewise in all circumstances refrain from any other act of military, or of political, economic or other coercion designed to subordinate to their own interest the exercise by another participating State of the rights inherent in its sovereignty and thus to secure advantages of any kind. Accordingly, they will, inter alia, refrain from direct or indirect assistance to terrorist activities, or to subversive or other activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the regime of another participating State.”
la Redazione di www.diecifebbraio.info,
il Coordinamento Antifascista di Trieste,
del Partito della Rifondazione Comunista
e del Partito dei Comunisti Italiani
promuovono il convegno
LA CATTIVA MEMORIA.
Le falsificazioni storiche
attorno ai giorni
della Memoria e del Ricordo
martedì 18 febbraio 2014 ore 18
via Tarabocchia 3, sala PRC primo piano.
La memoria di Trieste e l’amnesia sulla sede dell’Ispettorato Speciale; la recensione dello spettacolo Magazzino 18 e la costruzione di una finta memoria; il linguaggio delle cerimonie e degli articoli; le ripercussioni internazionali; il recentissimo video curato dalla Guardia di Finanza.
Partecipano:
Vincenzo CERCEO, Claudia CERNIGOI,
Claudio COSSU, Alessandra KERSEVAN,
Samo PAHOR, Federico TENCA MONTINI.
Seguirà dibattito.
per contatti: Claudia Cernigoi <nuovaalabarda @ gmail.com>
evento Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/1466236380264774/
Caro amico romano, ecco il mio augurio per il Giorno del Ricordo
Bene. A questo punto, io di solito prendo un bel respiro, e racconto la mia storia. La storia del mio essere italiana. Che però è molto diversa da quella che si aspetta il mio interlocutore. Racconto che i miei nonni paterni, sloveni, erano commercianti: avevano una bottega di alimentari in via San Lazzaro. E che durante il fascismo erano stati “invitati” – diciamo così – a rinunciare alla loro nazionalità, perché a Trieste in quel periodo bisognavaessere italiani. E quindi, per evitare ritorsioni, per non subire violenze, mio nonno, che si chiamava “Ivan Zelen”, aveva accettato che il suo nome venisse trasformato in “Giovanni Seleni”, ed aveva abbandonato lo sloveno per l’italiano. La rinuncia alla sua identità gli era valsa, in quel frangente, di aver salva l’attività commerciale… ma i miei nonni avrebbero vissuto la snazionalizzazione con un senso di colpa che li avrebbe accompagnati per tutta la vita, portandoli quasi alla follia.
Poi, c’erano stati anche degli slavi che non si erano piegati, per quieto vivere, a questo tipo di ricatti. Oddio, non solo slavi, eh? Era un gruppo di persone eterogeneo, di nazionalità, appartenenza politica e credo religioso diversissimi, accomunate solo dall’aver partecipato alla resistenza al nazi-fascismo. Resistenza ad un mostro che ti ringhiava contro: “non puoi essere ebreo, non puoi essere omosessuale, non puoi essere questo e non puoi essere quello!”. Dalle mie parti, ringhiava pure “non puoi essere slavo”. Molte delle persone che fecero resistenza per poter essere slave, pagarono un prezzo ben più alto dei sensi di colpa che tormentarono i miei nonni fino alla morte. E a me piace che queste persone vengano ricordate molto bene, quando si parla della mia terra.
Così, finisco di raccontare la storia della mia famiglia al mio interlocutore romano. E sapete che cosa accade a questo punto? Accade che il malcapitato mi guarda stordito, senza parole… senza capire bene quello che io gli stia dicendo. Forse, gli sta addirittura frullando per la testa il dubbio che io sia una violenta slavo-comunista che mangia i bambini.
Perché?
Ecco, il punto è questo. Ogni 10 febbraio, quando nel resto d’Italia si parla della storia della Venezia Giulia, i riflettori vengono puntati quasi esclusivamente sui drammi dell’Esodo e delle Foibe. E questo, soprattutto laddove lo strumento utilizzato sia una rappresentazione artistica destinata al pubblico di massa (mi vengono in mente certe fiction televisive o opere teatrali), rischia di creare fraintendimenti. Credo infatti che certi spettacoli, che magari non hanno la pretesa di sostituirsi a documenti storici, ma si propongono di suscitare nel pubblico emozioni forti, possano confondere le idee a chi non conosce la storia della Venezia Giulia.
Il ricordo dei drammi dell’Esodo e delle Foibe è sacrosanto. Per questo, caro amico romano, se desideri conoscere la storia della mia terra, ti invito a guardare i programmi che le reti televisive vorranno oggi dedicare all’argomento. Ma ti prego di considerarli per quello che sono: solo uno spunto di riflessione, da cui partire per una ricerca più completa.
A mio avviso, infatti, per capire davvero bene la storia della Venezia Giulia, bisognerebbe parlare anche della persecuzione nazi-fascista nei confronti della popolazione slava. Credo che questo pezzo di storia non possa essere ignorato (o sintetizzato frettolosamente in cinque minuti di orologio), da chi decide di divulgare in Italia rappresentazioni artistiche sull’argomento. E credo anche che queste rappresentazioni non dovrebbero ignorare il ricordo della lotta partigiana, compiuta da slavi ed italiani, per la liberazione dal mostro del nazi-fascismo nelle nostre terre.
La legge istitutiva del Giorno del Ricordo prevede che il 10 febbraio vadano approfondite, oltre alla questione dell’Esodo e delle Foibe, “le più complesse vicende del confine orientale”. Il mio augurio, caro amico romano, è che lo si inizi a fare per davvero. E che, magari, lo si faccia basandosi su solide fonti storiche, piuttosto che sull’emozione che può suscitare uno sceneggiato TV o una canzonetta più o meno orecchiabile.
Da: Vladimir Kapuralin (SRP)Oggetto: Izjava povodom događaja u BosniData: 13 febbraio 2014 14:14:10 CET
KONFERENCIJA ZA MEDIJE SRP-a
Mjesto održavanja: Pula
Vrijeme održavanja: 13. II 2014.
Tema: Pobuna naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini
Opravdani razlozi za nemire u BiH su svima razumljivi i oni ne začuđuju, a njihov zajednički nazivnik je teško socijalno stanje koje pogađa sve slojeve stanovništva. Ono je posljedica kontrarevolucije kao integralnog dijela secesije 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća, čime je ukinuto socijalističko društveno-ekonomsko uređenje na osnovama samoupravljanja i stečena socijalna prava radnih ljudi. Slijedila je pljačke društvene imovine i restauracija sirovog kapitalizma na razini prvobitne akumulacije. Tome treba dodati ljudske gubitke i materijalna razaranja tokom međuetničkog i međukonfesionalnog sukoba sa elementima građanskog rata 90-ih.
Iako su razlozi svima jasni, sam povod i događaji koji su uslijedili obiluju pitanjima koja su u ovom trenutku bez odgovora i koja pobuđuju niz pretpostavki, poput:
Tko stoji iza pobune naroda, koji su ciljevi demonstranata, tko je sve uključen, dali su uključene i međunarodne institucije i dali je moguć ukrajinski sindrom.
Ono što mi u SRP-u u ovom trenutku podržavamo je da su se ljudi uopće pobunili i da traže rješenje za svoje probleme i da su se pri tome oslonili na sebe. Dobro je i to što do sada pokret nije skliznuo na teren nacionalne diferencijacije, barem ne javno.
Manje smo zadovoljni ciljevima koji su se našli na meti demonstranata, poput kolateralne štete koja je nastala na arhivskoj građi u Sarajevu, iako je kako stvari stoje na sreću nastala šteta puno manja od onoga kakvom je na početku prikazana.
Također smatramo nedovoljnim i nepotpunim zahtjeve za smjenom postojeće garniture političke elite, jer su političari samo činovnici jednog sistema. Samom smjenom jedne garniture političara i njenom zamjenom drugom garniturom , unutar istog sistema ne daje klasni rezultat i ne mijenja bit ni tok stvari.
Ne podržavamo posjetu hrvatskog premijera Zorana Milanovića i turskog ministra vanjskih poslova Bosni i Hercegovini. Osim što je to uplitanje i miješanje u unutrašnje stvari druge države. Prvi ima dovoljno razloga da brine o situaciji u svojoj zemlji, koja se bitno ne razlikuje od one u BiH i koja će se dodatno pogoršati izglasavanjem predloženog novog zakona o radu, kojime se drastično ukidaju radnička prava i svode na razinu onih prije 1886. godine. Drugi nije kompetentan da smiruje pobunu u Bosni, obzirom da je ona po intenzitetu, na razini igrokaza dječjeg vrtića za roditelje, u usporedbi sa krvavim sukobima demonstranata i policije sa ljudskim žrtvama, koji su se održavali širom Turske tokom prošle godine. Osim toga postavlja se pitanje u kojoj funkciji je turski ministar došao u Bosnu u ovom trenutku izrazit svoju zabrinutost, ako to nije u funkciji predstavnika bivše višestoljetne okupacione sile, koja time pokazuje možebitne aspiracije.
Bez jasno definiranog cilja i organizacije koja bi se temeljila na postavkama naučnog socijalizma, životne prilike ovih ljudi neće se bitno promijeniti. To pokazuju i pokušaji neformalnih grupa da preuzmu vodstvo bez "vodstva" pokreta.
O tome svjedoči i fijasko jučer održanog tzv. Plenuma u Sarajevu, čime bi na anarhističkim zabludama pobornici anarhističkih struja na društvenim mrežama htjeli nadomjestit radničko samoupravljanje kao izraz neposredne demokracije.
Međutim bez obzira na ishod pobune, koji nažalost neće biti spektakularan, on će poslužiti učesnicima za sticanje neophodnog revolucionarnog iskustva i ukazat će na put kojime obespravljeni trebaju ići do konačnog oslobođenja.
Kapuralin Vladimir
Itar-Tass - February 12, 2014
Foreign factor behind events in Bosnia and Ukraine - expert
MOSCOW: Dismissal of the prime minister and all federal authorities as well as early elections are ultimatums put forward by participants in massive protests staged in a country situated in Central Europe. This is not Ukraine, but a small country of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, events in these two countries are almost identical.
As in Ukraine, protesters in Bosnia accuse authorities of corruption, illegal privatization of enterprises and impoverishment of local residents. According to different estimates, the unemployment rate in the country with a population of four million people makes from 27% to 44%.
The rresidential building, the supreme executive authority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the city of Sarajevo was damaged in the fire, 348 people were wounded in clashes continuing in many cities between demonstrators and police. Several officials were fired in several cities across the country.
Protests have engulfed only Muslim-Croatian part of the country that is one of two political entities of the federation. But authorities of neighboring Serbia are afraid that riots may spread on Republika Srpska within Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Such common foreign factor as interests of the European Union is behind dramatic events in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Ukraine, head of the Center for Studies of Modern Balkan Crisis of the Russian Academy of Sciences Yelena Guskova, who worked as an expert in the UN peacekeeping mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1994, believes.
“By their pledges to Kiev to make the country an EU member, the West actually pursues a goal of alienating Ukraine from cooperation with Russia. The EU has similar plans for Republika Srpska,” Guskova told Itar-Tass.
“Destabilization of situation in the region has a strategic goal to make Bosnia an integral country without Republika Srpska. Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik is the main mouthpiece of Serbian idea in the Balkans that is an idea of unifying Serbian space in cultural and national terms that the West opposes,” Doctor of Historical Sciences Guskova noted.
“In October 2014 elections of central authorities are to be held in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the EU seeks to oust Dodik from power in all possible ways. As in the case with Ukraine, the West cannot mainly accept Republika Srpska’s orientation towards Russia,” the expert believes.
“Current massive protests in Bosnia certainly have social underpinning caused by economic reasons. But politicians take up a banner of social protest always in their interests of the struggle for power,” Guskova recalled.
“The West has already responded to events in Bosnia with their intention to put the situation under their control to attain their goal. EU High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina from Austria Valentin Inzko proposed to bring peacekeeping troops in the region,” Guskova added.
Bosnia: una lotta operaia contro il modello Dayton
Quanto sta avvenendo in questi ultimi giorni in diversi centri della Bosnia-Herzegovina è importante e (ci si augura) denso di conseguenze per il futuro.
Dopo due decenni di sanguinosi scontri fratricidi, istanze di classe infiammano l'intero paese, liberando bisogni reali, fuori dalla morsa nazionalista.
Proponiamo qui di seguito un'intervista realizzata questa mattina da un nostro redattore su Radio Blackout e alcuni link di approfondimento.
Da diversi giorni la Bosnia Herzegovina è attraversata da imponenti manifestazioni contro il peggioramento delle condizioni di vita: Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar, Brčko, Orašje, Bugojno, Zavidovići, Livno, e altri centri minori il teatro di una protesta che, per la prima volta da 20 anni, non vede tra i propri contenuti le rivendicazioni nazionali, etnico-identitarie.
La protesta nasce come espressione di esplicite rivendicazioni operaie nella cittadina di Tuzla – importante centro industriale fin dal periodo jugoslavo - dove migliaia di persone sono scese in piazza per chiedere il pagamento dei contributi previdenziali e pensionistici e per protestare contro la privatizzazione delle industrie del territorio: Konjuh, Polihem, Dita e Resod-Gumig, principali fonti di reddito per la città e per la sua popolazione.
La polizia ha attaccato i blocchi dei manifestanti a Tuzla ma la risposta è stata determinata, producendo un dilagare della rivolta in altri centri urbani. Venerdì le manifestazioni sono sfociate in attacchi contro le sedi governative nella capitale, Sarajevo.
Dopo la fiammata del week-end le mobilitazioni non sono rientrate e i dimostranti si stanno ora organizzando in Forum civici nei diversi centri coinvolti dalle proteste. Per la prima volta dalla fine delle guerre jugoslave, una protesta di massa ha visto cittadini croati, musulmani e (più raramente) serbi manifestare insieme contro il governo centrale, all’insegna di rivendicazioni sociali ed economiche che il corrotto regime della Bosnia-Herzegovina non sembra più in grado di contenere entro il paradigma delle nazionalità. Un dettaglio significativo è dato dalla presenza di manifesti inneggianti al vecchio presidente Tito, da non leggersi tanto come testimonianza yugo-nostalgica ma come rifuto delle linee di faglia nazionaliste su cui il paese è stato diviso e governato dagli accordi di Dayton.
Sulle dinamiche e i contenuti della protesta abbiamo realizzato un’intervista con Andrea Oskari Rossini dell’Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso
Обојена револуција која се већ преко годину дана у Босни очекује најзад је почела. Али фундаментална чињеница која се мора истаћи је то да, насупрот очекивањима аналитичара, „промена режима“ није предвиђена само за Републику Српску. У току је пуч на територији целе државе, који ће обухватити и Федерацију БиХ и Републику Српску.
Ово је врло значајна чињеница зато што сугерише да западне обавештајне службе и, подразумева се, њихове владе желе да очисте политички терен у читавој земљи. План је да се растуће незадовољство друштвеним приликама – за које има више него довољно оправдања – искористи за изазивање општег хаоса. Тај хаос, и илузија „бољег живота“ коју ће западни медији и пропагандни центри подстицати у свести широке јавности, затим ће бити искоришћени да би се инсталирала нова екипа марионета, не само на ентитетском већ и на централном нивоу.
Основни циљ и даље остаје скидање са власти председника Милорада Додика и пресецање независне политике коју он води у Републици Српској, да би се у Бања Луци на његово место поставио колаборационистички тим који ће омогућити утапање аутономног српског ентитета у централизовану босанску државу. Даљњи циљеви су увођење целовите Босне и Херцеговине у НАТО пакт и њено потпуно уклапање у западне евроатлантске структуре. По важећем уставу то није могуће без сагласности владе Републике Српске. Зато је први корак да се таква кооперативна влада доведе на власт. Убрзо, данашњи протекторат – који ту и тамо, у скромној мери, ужива локалну аутономију – претвориће се у колонију под потпуном контролом Запада.
Протестанти у Босни, као и у Кијеву, мотивисани су илузијом да само треба да „отерају неваљалце“ да би постигли магловито замишљени и нимало јасно одређени „бољи живот“. Међутим, то се неће догодити никада ако ће посао бити поверен марионетама које жели да инсталира Запад. Као што смо видели у Украјини, у овом тренутку само Русија има материјални капацитет да допринесе побољшању њиховог животног стандарда. Европска Унија је јасно ставила до знања да не располаже средствима која би омогућила реконструкцију Украјине, мада, наравно, располаже довољном сићом да плати за услуге уличних руља. Оно што важи за Украјину, важи и за Босну и Републику Српску.
Нереди који се распламсавају, и који су пре неколико дана почели у Федерацији БиХ у Тузли, а одатле се шире на Сарајево у друге градске центре у Федерацији, обележени су од самог почетка коришћењем крајњег насиља са стране демонстраната. Пошто се операција „промене режима“ генерално оркестрира у складу са сценаријем „ненасилног отпора“ који је зацртао Џин Шарп, може да делује помало чудно да се у Босни ненасилна фаза бесцеремонијално прескаче. У почетној фази, уобичајени образац „провокација – ескалација,“ напротив, предвиђа навођење органа власти да нападају мирне протестанте да би се оруђа преврата могла приказати као невине жртве. Међутим, у овом случају западни диригенти су можда нестрпљиви да без одлагања заврше посао у обе таргетиране земље, у Украјини и Босни и Херцеговини. Можда су зато донели одлуку да убрзају процес инсталирања својих марионета, док је још могуће одржавати илузију „бољег живота“ под патронатом Запада и пре него што разочаравајућа вест о дубокој кризи у којој су западне земље заглибљене не допре до узнемирених маса на Истоку.
Начин како се руководи побуном у Босни и Херцеговини сажето је представљен на слици [1] која се може видети на једном од интернет сајтова што подржавају опозициону мрежу:
Ова сугестивна слика показује најмање три ствари. Прво, ниво уличне агресивности коју практикују демонстранти, што укључује и паљење аутомобилских гума. Друго, стари, познати симбол „Отпора,“ стиснута песница, који карактерише све операције ове врсте, од прве успешно изведене обојене револуције под западним руководством у Београду у октобру 2000. године, што убедљиво указује на покретачку снагу иза догађаја који су у току. Најзад, донекле депласирани текст на енглеском језику, на наводно босанској плакати. То је јасан лапсус који ће несумњиво временом морати да буде отклоњен зато што врло тачно открива ко се налази иза целе шараде.
Поред овога, присутни су и сви остали класични показатељи операције у стилу Џина Шарпа. Инфраструктура за промену режима, коју западни специјалисти у Босни већ две године стрпљиво изграђују, најзад је добила сигнал да се активира. Сада смо сведоци деловања одлично увезане мреже која прекрива Федерацију и Републику Српску и која удружено делује на постизању идентичних циљева, уз коришћење свих расположивих справа савремене технологије. Демагогија је прикладно магловита и бави се неодређеним циљевима, као „поштовање права“ и „боље сутра,“ што несумњиво ужива широку подршку у Босни као што би „зауставити нуклеарно зрачење“ вероватно било врло популарна крилатица у Фукушими. Али зачудо, конкретне политичке мере које би погодовале остварењу ових узвишених идеала нико од бунтовника не нуди. Међутим, позив полицајцима да се придруже демонстрантима је преузет право из Шарповог приручника. Анонимни организатори нереда у Тузли се представљају под акронимом „УДАР“, што очигледно евоцира назив политичке организације Виталија Кличка у Украјини.
Власти у оба босанскохерцеговачка ентитета су очигледно неспремне да се суоче са судбином која им се спрема. У Федерацији, муслимански политичари су досадашњу тактичку подршку Запада будаласто протумачили као трајну гаранцију, чинећи исту грешку у коју је упао египатски председник Мубарак пре њих, сматрајући свој положај безбедним док су у Сједињеним Државама активисти „Покрета 6. април“ били обучавани да га свргну. У Републици Српској, не само да је владајућа коалиција пропустила да донесе благовремену процену ситуације и да предузме ефикасне противмере, већ је и опозиција изгледа направила погрешан прорачун. Вође опозиције ће се, можда, једног дана пробудити и тада ће схватити да су и њих западни ментори изиграли са искључивим циљем да их искористе за подривање председника Додика, али да ће једна потпуно нова екипа протежеа, коју је Запад дискретно истренирао, бити уместо њих инсталирана на власт.
http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2014/02/14/bosn-f14.html
Calls for expanded European Union intervention in Bosnia
By Ognjen Markovic and Paul Mitchell
14 February 2014
The United States, European Union (EU), local politicians and middle class groups are seeking to channel these protests against austerity, unemployment of 40 percent and rampant poverty behind calls for the restructuring of government institutions and economic “reforms.”
Ever since the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was ended by the 1995 US-brokered Dayton agreement, the country has been divided into two semi-independent entities each with its own president, government, parliament and police. The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH), which comprises 10 administrative regions called cantons, is inhabited mainly by Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, and the Republika Srpska (RS) is mainly Serb. The country is overseen by an unelected United Nations-appointed High Representative with semi-dictatorial powers, currently the Austrian Valentin Inzko.
Both Inzko and the EU as a whole have come in for increasing criticism from the US for failing to end the deadlock between the two entities and move towards a more unified state.
Shortly after becoming US Assistant Secretary for Europe last October, Victoria Nuland warned Bosnian politicians, “It is well past time for leaders to demonstrate courage and vision, to move past the petty power interests and to build a modern, unified nation worthy of the talents and aspirations of all three communities.
“If these leaders continue to block their country’s path to the EU and to NATO membership, Bosnia’s international partners, the US included, should seriously re-evaluate our approach.”
One newspaper reported how “officials, diplomats and observers in Sarajevo readily say, US officials—chief among them Nuland—are deeply frustrated with the EU’s diplomacy in Bosnia.”
The protests, nearly all of which occurred in FBiH, have led to the resignation of four cantonal government heads and various other officials, but the FBiH federal government and FBiH Prime Minister Nermin Niksic remain in office despite demands they resign. Niksic announced that elections planned for October will be brought forward.
The FBiH political elite are so badly discredited that the police reportedly cannot even guarantee their safety. FBiH presidency members Zeljko Komsic and Bakir Izetbegovic were advised on Monday morning, when they appeared for work in the badly damaged presidency building in Sarajevo, to return home before the new protest scheduled for noon that day started.
The protests in Bosnia have stunned the EU. Talks between the bloc’s 28 foreign ministers in Brussels on Monday were forced to include them in the discussion, even though it was not on the original agenda.
“What happened in Bosnia is a wake-up call,” British Foreign Secretary William Hague told reporters. “We need to focus more efforts on helping Bosnia towards the EU, towards NATO membership.”
The European Parliament’s lead negotiator on Bosnia and Herzegovina, German Christian Democrat MEP Doris Pack, said the failure of Bosnia to develop a common state had helped fuel unrest. EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton said, “There are many leaders in Bosnia-Herzegovina and it is time that they demonstrate leadership, and we will support them in that.”
An EU political delegation will visit Bosnia within a week.
High representative Inzko declared, “If it comes to escalation we would have to consider the intervention of EU forces. Currently, we do not have such intention.” He later backtracked, claiming he was speaking hypothetically.
However, Inzko’s outburst suggests this option is being seriously deliberated. Himzo Selimovic, director of Directorate for Coordination of Police Bodies, speaking after last Friday’s protests said, “The international community and the EU should consider [deploying] international military forces in BiH if this occurs again.”
Leading Bosnian politicians have claimed that protests were imported and instigated from the outside, and aim to destabilize only the Bosnian Muslim part of the country. Niksic said it was “obvious someone is orchestrating, directing and ordering the demonstrators what to do.”
An announcement by the Association of War Veterans, published and obviously endorsed by Niksic’s Social Democratic Party, declared, “These are no spontaneous protests of socially endangered categories of people, but well-thought-out operations against the BiH state. In this case, the orders come from SANU [Serbian Academy of Science and Arts] and the Serbian government.”
In reply, the RS president said, “It is obvious that the economic and social problems in the Federation were not the only reason the buildings of three cantonal governments were set on fire, but that this is a political project intended to transfer the escalation of events in the Federation to Republika Srpska.”
Protests have continued this week. On Monday, in Sarajevo, demonstrators carried banners that read, “You have been stealing from us for 20 years and now it is over,” “Courts, police, all protecting the gang in power,” “Gang, resign,” and “We want the names of billionaires.” In other cities they declared, “No more luxury at the people’s expense,” “Hooligans are in power,” “Employer – slaveholder, worker – slave.” There are reports of villas and residences of the politicians and the rich having been set fire to.
Middle-class groups with semi-anarchist conceptions and generally reformist agendas are dominating the “citizens’ plenums” that have emerged such as that in Tuzla, the former industrial town in the north where the protests originated. On February 11, the fifth session of the Tuzla plenum was held in the People’s Theater and was filled to overflowing by workers and youth seeking a political solution to the crisis in Bosnia.
Much as was the case with the Occupy Movement internationally, or the Spanish Indignados, these forums are used to stifle political discussion in order to prevent the working class from turning consciously to socialism. They use the deep hatred of all bourgeois political parties to exclude any political tendency, in effect acting as the last line of defence for capitalist rule. A call for the first meeting of the Sarajevo plenum held on February 12 stated at the outset, “Everyone is welcome, EXCEPT MEMBERS OF POLITICAL PARTIES” (original caps).
In questi giorni la Bosnia, uno dei paesi più poveri di tutto il continente europeo con la disoccupazione reale tra il 40 e il 50%, un abitante su 5 al di sotto della soglia di povertà e i salari medi che si aggirano sui 300/400 euro, ha colto tutti di sorpresa.
La scorsa settimana le proteste popolari contro i governi locali e quello federale, originate dalla rabbia di migliaia di operai lasciati senza lavoro, senza sussidio e senza pensione da un truffaldino processo di privatizzazione delle aziende pubbliche che le ha mandate in malora, aveva assunto una forma durissima e violenta: assalti e incendi di sedi istituzionali e governative e scontri con la polizia in decine di città di tutta la federazione.
Calate di intensità e anche in termini di partecipazione, comunque le proteste popolari contro privatizzazioni, povertà e corruzione della classe politica sono continuate anche negli ultimi giorni in diversi centri della Bosnia, in alcuni dei quali i dimostranti stanno costituendo le ‘assemblee dei cittadini’.
Ieri A Tuzla, l’ex città industriale del nord dove ha preso avvio la protesta, mentre i rappresentanti dell'assemblea stavano discutendo con il consiglio cantonale le proposte per la formazione di nuovo esecutivo di carattere ‘tecnico’ oltre 300 operai delle aziende privatizzate e poi fatte fallire da manager incompetenti e corrotti hanno manifestato davanti al Tribunale. Tra i dimostranti circolavano denunce sulle privatizzazioni criminali, sulle connivenze tra la 'mafia dei fallimenti' e la giustizia, e anche sul ruolo avuto dai politici nelle privatizzazioni illegali. In seguito, i manifestanti sono andati a protestare davanti alla sede dei sindacati per criticarne l’assenza dalle lotte e la complicità con governi e classe imprenditoriale.
Manifestazioni ieri si sono svolte anche in altre località della Federazione Bh (entità a maggioranza croato musulmana di Bosnia) come Zivinice, Kalesija, Kakanj, Cazin, mentre a Bihac le proteste si sono placate da quando, tre giorni fa, si è dimesso il premier del cantone Hamdija Lipovaca.
Alcune centinaia di persone hanno manifestato invece a Zenica, invitando i cittadini a partecipare all'assemblea convocata per oggi mentre assemblee di cittadini sono state convocate per il pomeriggio di ieri a Bugojno, Mostar e a Sarajevo, dove circa duecento dimostranti hanno manifestato sotto la pioggia e su uno degli striscioni si leggeva "Non c'è la neve, avete rubato pure quella".
Recita il manifesto reso noto dall'assemblea dei cittadini di Brcko martedì sera: "Dietro di noi non c'è nessun partito od organizzazione, ma le umiliazioni di anni, fame, impotenza e disperazione".
Tra lunedì e martedì a migliaia i manifestanti sono scesi in piazza in parecchie città della Bosnia Erzegovina per chiedere la liberazione degli arrestati negli scontri della scorsa settimana, la dimissione dei vari governi e la cancellazione di tutte le privatizzazioni che in questi anni hanno portato allo smantellamento del patrimonio industriale del paese governato da un fiduciario della Nato. "Avete rubato per vent'anni, ora basta" e "Tribunali e polizia proteggono i banditi al potere", erano gli slogan più ricorrenti su cartelli e striscioni esposti a Sarajevo davanti al palazzo del governo della Federazione, in parte incendiato durante una delle manifestazioni del finesettimana. Nella capitale federale ai manifestanti si sono uniti anche molti lavoratori della locale azienda dei trasporti pubblici, anch’essa al collasso.
Interessante segnalare che una cinquantina di persone hanno manifestato nel centro di Belgrado, capitale della Serbia, per esprimere solidarietà e sostegno alla protesta popolare in corso nella confinante Bosnia. 'Coraggio Bosnia, siamo con te', 'Oggi Tuzla, domani Belgrado', 'Stop alla repressione', 'Il capitalismo é in crisi - la repressione poliziesca non lo può salvare' erano alcuni degli slogan gridati o scritti sui cartelli. In una dichiarazione letta ai dimostranti da uno degli organizzatori del presidio è stato sottolineato come i problemi della Bosnia siano comuni a tutti i Paesi dei Balcani, e come sia per questo necessaria una 'alleanza di tutti contro il nemico comune'. 'La lotta comune del popolo é l'incubo dei governi', 'Abbasso l'Unione europea e i loro regimi di tycoon. Abbasso il capitalismo e la privatizzazione. Viva la lotta dei popoli dei Balcani' ha concluso l’appello letto in piazza mentre a poca distanza manifestavano gruppi di ultranazionalisti serbi.
SAOPŠTENJE
povodom masovnih demonstracija u BiH
Savez komunista Bosne i Hercegovine smatra da su protesti započeli i da se nastavljaju zbog nezadovoljstva velike većine građana ekonomskim i socijalnim stanjem u zemlji. Iz tog razloga SK BiH podržava proteste i smatra ih opravdanima. Istovremeno, ukazujemo na nedovoljnu organizovanost koja je dovela do uplitanja u proteste huligana i onih kojima nije stalo do socijalne pravde i blagostanja naroda. Smatramo da plenumi građana, kao poželjna forma neposredne demokratije, treba da iznjedre konkretne zahtijeve čije ispunjenje demonstranti treba da zahtijevaju. Pozivamo građane da ne vjeruju konstruisanim tezama bošnjačkih, srpskih i hrvatskih nacionalista kojima žele da uguše proteste, zadrže vlast i onemoguće utvrđivanje njihove odgovornosti. Pogubno je isticanje političkih zahtijeva poput ukidanja kantona i entiteta, jer se time onemogućava da protesti dobiju opštenarodni karakter, zato se treba ograničiti na ekonomske i socijalne zahtijeve. Međunarodna zajednica koja do sada nije rješavala probleme nego ih je stvarala, ni sada ih neće riješiti, zato treba prestati sa naivnom vjerom u prijateljsku ulogu Međunarodne zajednice.
Davno je primijećeno da nagomilavanje socijalnih nepravdi i zala i uporno odbijanje da oni budu riješeni, na kraju dovodi do eksplozije nezadovoljstva. To se upravo događa u Bosni i Hercegovini. Predugo odlaganje rješavanja ekonomskih i socijalnih problema, uz njihovo stalno umnožavanje, preko noći je dovelo do eksplozije bunta kojoj se niko nije nadao i niko je nije mogao predvidjeti. Nasilje je postalo jedini izduvni ventil. U tom smislu, za njega su suštinski krive političke elite, koje su, zadovoljne postignutim i osvojenim, zatvarale oči pred katastrofalnom ekonomsko-socijalnom slikom društva. S te strane, nasilje koje se događalo nije prosto rezultat djelovanja huligana, kako neki govore, nego je samo materijalizacija dubokih antagonizama u društvu.
Na koncu, i ti huligani, kojih je očigledno bilo među demonstrantima, nisu postali huligani rođenjem, nego ih je društvo takvim načinilo. Dakle, uzroci su opet dublji. Neki kažu da su se u proteste upetljale navijačke grupe i drugi nasilnici. Pa, ako i jesu, sasvim sigurno oni nisu organizovali i osmislili proteste, niti samo oni u njima učestvuju. Osim toga, ako oni pribjegavaju nasilju, mora se postaviti pitanje zašto se ponašaju na takav način. Teško da bi iko smio tvrditi da je to zato što su ti ljudi prosto skloni nasilju, po svojoj prirodi ili porodičnoj istoriji. Prije će biti da ih je društvo učinilo takvima, a da je pribjegavanje nasilju odraz nekih neriješenih životnih problema.
Kad bi problem bili samo huligani, sve bi bilo jednostavno. Ali, zašto se huligani nisu okupili prije mjesec ili dva dana, pa počeli rušiti i paliti? Zar su oni to igdje tako radili? Prosto se dogovorili da se okupe i krenuli u rušenje? Smiješno. Huligani su samo iskoristili situaciju. Oni su se priključili masi demonstranata koji nisu huligani i nemaju nikakve nasilničke porive. Ne treba zaboraviti ono što je bilo prije samo par dana – značajan dio protestanata u Tuzli činili su radnici a ne huligani. Pa i danas i juče, demonstracije se nikako nisu svodile na nasilje huligana. Oni su se prosto umiješali u masu naroda, koja je imala do kraja opravdane porive da učestvuje u demonstracijama.
Ali, sad tu dolazimo do problema spontanosti. Lijepo je kad se narod počne spontano buniti i okupljati, samo je pitanje koliko to može trajati. Upravo je odsustvo vođstva protesta, bilo kakve organizacije koja ih osmišljava, dovelo do toga da se protesti odvijaju stihijno, da u njima prevlada element neosmišljenog, nesvrsishodnog nasilja. Da su protesti imali svoje vođstvo, ono bi ih usmjeravalo i sprečavalo nasilje, ili ga barem ne bi bilo u ovolikoj mjeri.
Dvije kantonalne vlade su pale upravo zato što su se stvari odvijale ovako kako su se odvijale. Mirni protesti ne bi primorali dva kantonalna premijera da se povuku. Oni su to učinili iz straha da se situacija ne zaoštri još više. Tako su protesti postigli vrlo opipljiv uspjeh. I tu dolazimo do ključnog pitanja: šta dalje? Moraće se formirati nove kantonalne vlade.
Ali, njih će formirati predstavnici starih stranaka. Tako, ispada da je jedna vlada samo zato da bi je zamijenila ista takva. Doduše, nove kantonalne vlade će možda promijeniti frazeologiju, možda čak najaviti neke nove mjere. Ali, pošto protesti ne mogu stalno trajati, neće biti nikoga da kontroliše te nove vlade. Sistem je ostao. On čak nije ni reformisan. Samo su promijenjeni njegovi nosioci. I to promijenjeni samo u personalnom smislu. Promijenili su se ljudi, ali su ostale politike. Naravno, ni to nije beznačajno, ako znamo da su vlade dosad bile potpuno neodgovorne i nesmjenjive, osim voljom stranačkih centrala.
U Republici Srpskoj skoro da nije bilo protesta. Nešto malo u Banjoj Luci i još manje u Prijedoru.
To možemo smatrati samo simboličnim. Ipak, premijerka je našla za shodno da izjavi da ne bi bilo dobro da se protesti preliju u Republiku Srpsku. Kao da postoji opasnost da proteste neko uveze u Republiku Srpsku, a građani treba da budu mudri i da tome ne nasjednu. Drugim riječima, premijerka poručuje da nema razloga za proteste u Republici Srpskoj. Međutim, dobro je poznato da u Republici Srpskoj postoje potpuno isti razlozi za proteste i da oni uopšte ne bi bili ni „uvezeni“ ni „preliveni“, već bi predstavljali odraz autentičnog neraspoloženja naroda. Ali, nije ih bilo iz više razloga. Prvi i osnovni je srpski nacionalizam, koji narod u Republici Srpskoj drži u svojevrsnom grču, jer se plaši da ne nasjedne na neku ujdurmu iz Federacije.
Drugo, suviše jaka entitetska i etnička barijera dovodi do toga da se nema u dovoljnoj mjeri osjećaj zajedničkih patnji, zajedničkih problema i, prema tome, zajedničke borbe. Treće, u Republici Srpskoj postoji tiranska vlast, koja drži pod svojom kontrolom i u strahu veliku većinu građana, pa i strah igra značajnu ulogu. Apsolutna dominacija SNSD-a učinila vlast još nedogovornijom nego u Federaciji, u kojoj nijedna partija nema toliku moć da može sama kontrolisati narod.
Kulminacija je prošla, nastupa oseka. To je neminovno iz više razloga. Prvo, neki demonstranti se plaše da i dalje učestvuju u protestima, bilo iz straha za sebe, bilo zato što ne žele da ih neko identifikuje sa nosiocima nasilja. Drugo, dio protestanata može smatrati da su se protesti oteli kontroli i da se mogu pretvoriti u svoju suprotnost ako se nastave odvijati na isti način. Treće, dio demonstranata ne vidi pozitivan ishod koji priželjkuje. Kako proteste dalje razvijati i šta u njima tražiti, to još niko nije definisao, a malo ko to i zna. Nema nikoga ko bi te zahtjeve definisao, a zatim ih saopštio javnosti.
Propuštena je prva prilika, kada protesti još nisu bili začinjeni nasiljem i kada se moglo vidjeti da radnici, pa i sindikalni aktivisti iz baze, kao i pripadnici različitih organizacija, učestvuju u protestima. Oni su morali formirati to aktivističko jezgro protesta, a potom se obratiti i ljudima van svoje sredine, za koje pretpostavljaju da im mogu pomoći u promišljanju zahtjeva protesta. Tako je protest od samog početka mogao biti jasno uobličen.
To ne znači da proteste treba okončati. Njih treba nastaviti, ali bez dosadašnjeg nasilja i sa jasno definisanim zahtjevima. Proteste treba da vodi određeno tijelo, koje će donositi odluke o sadržaju i pravcu protesta, koje će održavati red na protestima i imati svog glasnogovornika.
Prema posljednjim vijestima, protestanti u Tuzli su istakli nekoliko zahtjeva. Dobro je da su zahtjevi istaknuti, mada sa nemalim zakašnjenjem. Čitajući ih, vidimo da se radi o zahtjevima koji su ekonomsko-socijalne prirode, da se traži poštovanje radničkih prava, vraćanje fabrika radnicima i poništenje određenog broja privatizacija. Takođe, vidimo da se te privatizacije odnose na tuzlanska preduzeća, što znači da nema nikoga ko koordinira proteste u više gradova i osmišljava zajedničke zahtjeve. Treba primijetiti da su istaknuti zahtjevi suviše uopšteni i da ni samim protestantima nije sasvim jasno šta i kako treba raditi. Ovo će posebno dočekati političke elite, koje će zahtjeve proglasiti demagoškim.
Što se tiče zahtjeva, neki od njih bi mogli glasiti:
1. Uvođenje progresivnih poreza na svim nivoima na kojima se vrši oporezivanje;
2. Uvođenje diferencirane stope PDV-a, uz nultu stopu za određene proizvode;
