Informazione
Difendiamo la lotta contro l'imperialismo, per un'altra società, senza guerre, disoccupazione, povertà e sfruttamento. Per il socialismo.
=== DEUTSCH ===
Oggetto: Internationaler Aufruf "Gegen die anti-kommunistische Verfälschung des 23. August" Data: 17 settembre 2009 11:27:25 GMT+02:00
Liebe Leute,
der nachstehend dokumentierte Internationale Aufruf kann hier unterschieben
werden: http://23august.kke.gr/portal_url/sign_form
GEGEN DIE ANTI-KOMMUNISTISCHE VERFÄLSCHUNG DES 23. AUGUST
Wehrt Euch massiv und entschieden gegen den Antikommunismus in allen
Erscheinungsformen
Wir, Funktionsträger, Mitglieder, Freunde und Unterstützer von
kommunistischen und Arbeiterparteien in Parlamenten, Gemeindevertretungen,
Gewerkschaftsführungen und Massenorganisationen verurteilen den Versuch, den
Nazismus mit dem Kommunismus durch Bemühungen gleichzusetzen, den 23. August
zum „Tag der Erinnerung ihrer Opfer“ zu erklären.
Dieser die Geschichte verzerrende Versuch findet Unterstützung bei
politischen Kräften, die dem Kapital dienen, und tritt in den letzten Jahren
auf verschiedene Weise zutage, unter anderem in Resolutionen von Gremien
verschiedener zwischenstaatlicher Gremien und parlamentarischen
Einrichtungen.
Nachdem sie zuerst den 9. Mai, den Tag des Sieges der Völker [1945], in
„Europatag“, umbenannt haben, um das Bild der über dem Reichstag wehenden
roten Fahne abzuschreiben, gehen sie nun dazu über, unter Bezugnahme auf den
Tag der Unterzeichnung des Molotow-Ribbentrop-Nichtangriffspakts [23. August
1945] die Opfer mit ihren Schlächtern auf dieselbe Stufe zu stellen.
Sie wollen damit den imperialistischen Klassencharakter des Nazi-Faschismus
verschleiern.
Sie möchten die Tatsache unterdrücken, dass der Sieg der Völker das
unauslöschliche Siegel der Sowjetunion, der Roten Armee und der
Partisanenbewegung trägt, in der die Kommunisten weltweit an vorderster
Front standen.
Sie betreiben weiter die Reinwäsche des Imperialismus, aus dem der
Faschismus hervorging, und der heute, 20 Jahre nach der Konterrevolution,
überall in der Welt ungehemmte Metzeleien veranstaltet.
Sie machen sich Hoffnung, auf diese Weise all jenen politische und
ideologische Schläge zu versetzen, die gegen Klassenausbeutung und
Ungerechtigkeit kämpfen, die Widerstand leisten gegen den unter den
Bedingungen der globalen ökonomischen Krise des Kapitalismus entfesselten
barbarischen Angriff auf jedwede sozialen, gewerkschaftlichen und
demokratischen Rechte.
Arbeiter, Bauern, Frauen, Jugendliche.
Rentner, Veteranen und Kämpfer des antifaschistischen Kampfes.
Mobilisiert gegen die Umschreibung und Verzerrung der Geschichte!
Erteilt eine entschiedene Antwort, um jeden Versuch zu verhindern, zum 23.
August anti-kommunistische Veranstaltungen zu organisieren.
Verbreitet die geschichtliche Wahrheit.
Verteidigt kompromisslos den Kampf gegen den Imperialismus für eine andere
Gesellschaft ohne Kriege, Beschäftigungslosigkeit, Armut und Ausbeutung. Für
den Sozialismus.
(Übersetzung aus dem Englischen : Klaus von Raussendorff)
Die Versuche, die Geschichte des Sieges der Völker über den Faschismus
umzuschreiben, erhalten auch vom russischen Ministerpräsidenten eine
deutliche Abfuhr. In einem Brief an Polen, der in "Gazeta Wyborcza" (v. 31.
Aug. 09) erschien, erklärt Wladimir Putin u.a.:
„So legt man uns heute völlig bedenkenlos nahe, den deutsch-sowjetischen
Nichtangriffspakt vom 23. August 1939 als den einzigen Auslöser des Zweiten
Weltkrieges anzuerkennen. Allerdings stellen sich die Verfechter dieser Idee
nicht die ganz elementaren Fragen: Hinterließ der Versailler Vertrag, der
den Schlussstrich unter dem Ersten Weltkrieg gezogen hatte, etwa keine
"Zeitbomben", von denen die wichtigste war, nicht nur die Niederlage
festzuschreiben, sondern Deutschland obendrein zu demütigen? Begann man
nicht schon lange vor dem 1. September 1939 damit, die Grenzen in Europa zu
zerstören? Und gab es keine Annexion Österreichs, keine zerfetzte
Tschechoslowakei, als sich nicht nur Deutschland, sondern auch Ungarn, und
im Grunde auch Polen, an der territorialen Umverteilung Europas beteiligten?
Genau an dem Tag, an dem das Münchener Abkommen unterzeichnet wurde, stellte
Polen sein Ultimatum an die Tschechoslowakei und schickte seine Armee
gleichzeitig mit den deutschen Truppen in die Gebiete von Teschen und
Freystadt.
Und kann man vor den Versuchen der westlichen Demokratien, sich hinter den
Kulissen von Hitler "freizukaufen" und seine Aggression "auf den Osten"
umzulenken, die Augen verschließen? Davor, wie systematisch und von allen
geduldet, die Sicherheitsgarantien und Systeme der Rüstungsbegrenzung, die
es in Europa gab, demontiert wurden? Schließlich, wie war das
militärpolitische Echo des Abkommens, das in München am 29. September 1938
getroffen wurde? Hat Hitler nicht etwa damals schon beschlossen, dass "alles
erlaubt" war? Dass Frankreich und England keinen Finger rühren werden, um
ihre Verbündeten zu verteidigen? "Der seltsame Krieg" an der Westfront, das
tragische Schicksal des in Stich gelassenen Polen zeigen leider, dass
Hitlers Hoffnungen nicht unbegründet waren.“
(Quelle: " Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung“ v. 6. September 2009, S.
11)
Mit internationalistischen Grüßen
Klaus von Raussendorff
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E N D E
Gaetano Saya’s staccato voice rises to a near-hysterical pitch as he points skywards, jabbing his finger in the direction of four giant marble eagles with outspread wings that tower above the semicircular porticoes of Rome’s Piazza della Repubblica. “Look! There they are — symbols of the mighty Roman Empire. They are everywhere!”
Saya is almost spitting with rage as he speaks. For most of the time that we sit in the sweltering summer heat, sipping espressos in a bar tucked under the arches of the busy piazza, he maintains his composure. But when it comes to discussing the uproar caused by the insignia chosen for the recently formed patrol units of his revived neo-fascist party — which include the imperial eagle once worn by Musso-lini’s Blackshirts, the camicie nere — he can barely contain his fury. “The eagles on our badges are Roman, not fascist emblems. If you ban them you would have to tear the eagle off every public building in Italy. They are part of our history. Just as Cromwell is part of yours,” he rants, stroking his clipped moustache.
For the first time since the second world war, Rome is now run by a right-wing mayor. Gianni Alemanno is not only right-wing, but a former neo-fascist street protestor, whose supporters flashed fascist salutes at his victory rally. Alemmano was swept into office in spring last year in the wake of national hysteria following the brutal murder in Rome of an Italian naval officer’s wife by a Romanian Roma gypsy. Her attacker stole the few coins in her purse, attempted to assault her sexually, then left her for dead as she was returning home along a deserted street in October 2007. The 47-year-old religious education teacher’s face was beaten to such a pulp that police could only describe her as of “indeterminate age” before she died of her injuries.
Following sensationalist coverage of the “Roma beast” responsible for Giovanna Reggiani’s death, vigilante groups sought revenge. Four Romanians begging in the centre of Rome were beaten and stabbed, while immigrant shacks all over Italy were set on fire. Since then the country has found itself in the grip of a growing wave of xenophobia that politicians on the right are ruthlessly exploiting. Extremists such as Saya, with his reinvigorated Italian Social Movement-National Right (MSI-DN) party, are also feeding off the fear of immigrants.
The ultimate beneficiary has been Silvio Berlusconi, the 72-year-old perma-tanned billionaire prime minister. Using the might of his extensive media empire, he quickly declared that his country was in the grip of a “Roma emergency” of criminal activity. Many reports at the time wildly inflated the extent to which immigrants account for crime in Italy, with one leading outlet even suggesting that “all Romanians harbour criminal intent”.
Overall crime figures in Italy have not risen for over a decade, yet more than a third of prisoners are now foreigners. Last year foreigners were charged with 68% of rapes and 32% of thefts.
Concern about immigrant crime levels helped to sweep Berlusconi back into power in April 2008 on a law-and-order ticket. He immediately announced the introduction of a “national security package” that has seen thousands of uniformed soldiers in camouflage combat suits deployed to stand guard on street corners in Italian cities and towns. The package is billed as an attempt to crack down on both crime and illegal immigration, now often depicted as entirely synonymous in Italy, which Berlusconi says should never be allowed to become a “multi-ethnic society”.
With so much attention focused on the bed-hopping antics of the flamboyant premier, this ugly undercurrent of racism has been allowed to spread quietly and insidiously. Berlusconi’s decision to legalise new vigilante patrols is raising particular alarm.
Waving his hands with a flourish of self-satisfaction, Saya boasts that thousands of Italians are now clamouring to join the extreme right-wing vigilante patrols he has called the Guardia Nazionale Italiana, or Italian National Guard, set up by his party in June. When the National Guard unveiled its uniform — military-style black caps bearing the imperial eagle, black gloves, black ties, khaki shirts and armbands with the symbol of the black sun long associated with Nazism — Italian prosecutors immediately launched a judicial enquiry into the group. Both Nazi and fascist symbols have been banned in Italy since after the second world war. But Saya, 52, who has been investigated in the past for inciting racial hatred, is confident that the enquiry will be quietly dropped.
“We are just ardent patriots. How can anyone object to that? We favour ultra-nationalism. We defend our history and we are on the march,” he says. He blames the “millions of foreigners invading Italy” for the economic, social and moral crisis he believes his country now faces. “Mussolini was a great man inspired by a real love of his nation. He was a legitimate leader, not a dictator.”
Saya waves his hand to beckon a young follower who has been hovering nearby. Riccardo Lanza is an eloquent 33-year-old stockbroker, neatly dressed in a suit and striped shirt. The reason the paramilitary uniform of the National Guard is hanging in his wardrobe, he says, is that “Italians are no longer in charge of their own country”. He blames the Russian and Chinese mafias for the “total chaos” in Italy. “They have infiltrated our economy, just as foreigners have taken over our streets. We need to put a stop to this.”
Unlike in many European countries with long colonial pasts, mass immigration is a relatively recent phenomenon in Italy, which traditionally was more used to the steady emigration of its citizens. Waves of immigration — first from eastern bloc countries such as Albania and the former Yugoslavia in the wake of the fall of the Berlin Wall, and more recently from north and sub-Saharan Africa — have seen an estimated 3.5m people coming to live in Italy legally, and another 1.5m illegally, over the past 20 years. The country is left grappling with the fact that it is no longer monocultural. Berlusconi recently complained that his birthplace, Milan, “looks like an African city”.
Political expediency lies behind the creation of vigilante groups. Berlusconi was helped back into power with the backing of the far-right Lega Nord (Northern League), originally founded to lobby for the secession of northern Italy from the rest of the country, but more recently defined by its opposition to mass immigration. Ten years ago it was the Northern League that started organising unofficial anti-crime street patrols in towns and cities throughout the north with large numbers of immigrants. When it became clear that Berlusconi’s newly formed People of Freedom Party (a loose coalition between his former Forza Italia movement and the National Alliance, run by the reformed neo-fascist politician Gianfranco Fini) needed the support of the Northern League, promises were made about security, including the introduction of vigilante patrols. The way to tackle illegal immigration, declared Roberto Maroni, a key Northern League politician and subsequent interior minister, was to “get nasty”.
The security package, introduced in stages over the past 12 months, also includes stringent new rules making illegal immigration a criminal offence punishable by a fine of up to €10,000. Children of illegal immigrants are banned from attending school or receiving health care, and those who knowingly harbour illegal immigrants face up to three years in prison. These measures have been compared by leading academics and writers to Mussolini’s infamous race laws banning Jews from work and education. The Vatican has described them as “of great concern” and “a reason for sadness”.
Even Berlusconi soon appears to have realised that he had gone too far in his support of vigilantism. When groups such as Saya’s National Guard started strutting about in fascist-style uniforms, and violent clashes broke out between an extreme right-wing patrol group and left-wing opponents in the Tuscan resort of Massa in late July, Maroni announced that vigilante groups would have to meet strict criteria before being allowed to start patrolling the streets. Patrols should be of no more than three people, members should not wear military-style uniforms, and they should be armed only with walkie-talkies and mobile phones to alert police to trouble.
But the genie of mob rule had already been let out of the bottle. Nowhere is this more apparent than among the followers of the far-right group at the centre of the violence that erupted over the summer in the small city of Massa.
Massa appears to be a typical Italian seaside resort, with its neat rows of sunbeds and striped umbrellas. But it is perched on the edge of the craggy Apuan mountains and has a proud record of resistance. In the second world war these mountains provided hiding places for scores of partisans. Some of the most notorious atrocities committed in Italy by German SS forces were carried out in the area, including the massacre at Sant’Anna di Stazzema, a small village where 560 civilians, mostly women, children and the elderly, were rounded up and shot and their bodies burnt.
So when Stefano Benedetti spins me a yarn about how the name for the vigilante patrol group he and other right-wing extremists set up in Massa came to him by chance, it is clearly laughable. The group is called Soccorso Sociale e Sicurezza (Social Help and Security), and its initials, SSS, are seen as highly provocative.
Benedetti, a travelling salesman well known for playing fascist anthems on his car stereo and hanging a portrait of Mussolini at home, is the only right-wing city councillor in a municipality controlled by the left.
“People call me a Nazi and a fascist. But I am just doing my civic duty,” he argues, explaining how his SSS patrols began to operate at night earlier this year, touring areas of the city frequented by immigrants, on the lookout for trouble.
“There are too many foreigners in our community and they are turning to crime, stealing cars, breaking into houses, becoming violent.”
When SSS members congregated outside a bar close to where left-wing union members were staging an annual solidarity march on the night of July 25, fighting between the two factions sent tourists scurrying. Three policemen and two demonstrators were admitted to hospital; left-wing protestors staged a sit-in on the high-speed rail link.
As news of the emergence of the SSS started circulating among the small immigrant and Roma communities in and around Massa, local officials reported that foreign-born parents were starting to pull their children out of summer activity programmes. A visit to one ramshackle Roma camp of makeshift huts and caravans scattered along the railway tracks between Massa and the neighbouring town of Carrara soon reveals why. “The Italians have always hated us. But until now they have left us alone most of the time,” said one 23-year-old father of three boys, who would only be identified by his first name, Ercoles. “These patrols say they will make the streets safer. But now we are afraid to let our children out of our sight. We’re afraid if we let them go to local swimming pools or beaches, they will be attacked.”
“Massa has a reputation as the sixth safest city in Italy,” its mayor, Roberto Pucci, explains wearily. “But the way these right-wing patrols operate is to create a false sense of fear, create a perception that there are more problems than there are, then portray themselves as the only ones interested in and capable of solving them.
“We are a young democracy, and what is happening here should be taken seriously,” Pucci concludes. “It is not a pleasant situation.”
Pucci has now banned the SSS from operating in Massa, and many left-wing municipalities throughout Italy are expected to follow suit. But Benedetti and his followers vow they will resume their patrols. “They have forbidden the SSS from operating. So we will just change our name and reform as a different organisation,” says one supporter. “What we are doing is within the new law. No one can stop us now.”
This defiance is echoed by Gaetano Saya. Although the National Guard has delayed starting its vigilante patrols as a result of the judicial investigation, he says they will circumvent the rules banning uniforms by reclassifying themselves as a “party militia”.
“The guard will become the operational arm of our party, accompanying our politicians wherever they choose to go on the streets. That they can’t stop,” says Saya, who claims to have the backing of a group of rich industrialists who funded a surveillance helicopter the group recently bought.
The prospect of vigilante patrols mutating into political militias, as existed under Mussolini, has many Italians alarmed, especially in the wake of government measures such as the decision to fingerprint the country’s entire population of 150,000 Roma gypsies, some of whose families have been in Italy since the Middle Ages. The fingerprinting programme quickly got under way in some cities, but has since been watered down to exclude children, following human-rights protests. But such programmes have already had a desensitising effect. The bodies of two young Roma sisters, who drowned while swimming off a Naples beach in the summer of 2008, were left draped in towels for hours on the sand as bathers carried on picnicking and playing Frisbee.
In Padua, heartland of the Northern League, local authorities erected a three-metre-high steel barricade around an immigrant community held responsible for bringing prostitution and drug-dealing to the area. The barrier has since been removed, but in the nearby city of Ardo the mayor posted a bounty of €500 for anyone turning in an illegal immigrant. In some areas of the north, where vigilante patrols are now expected to flourish, the Northern League has also proposed that kebab shops and Chinese restaurants be banned from city centres because they are deemed “incompatible with the historical context”.
In recent years many Italians have felt uncomfortable about the proliferation of prostitutes from eastern Europe and Africa plying their trade openly in streets across the country. And the rise in organised crime and gang violence has had a wider effect. Earlier this year anti-immigrant feeling flared in Rome after a 21-year-old Italian woman was gang-raped and her boyfriend brutally beaten by a group of five Romanians.
But with the country’s plummeting birth rate and ageing population, many parts of the economy would find it hard to survive without foreign workers. Last year a government report on immigrant relations showed that 42% of Italians recognise that immigrants are essential to the economy. But this has not prevented a series of vicious attacks on foreigners in the past 12 months. These include a homeless 35-year-old Indian being beaten and set on fire at a seaside town near Rome last February, and before that an immigrant from Burkino Faso being beaten to death with an iron bar by a Milan shopkeeper who claimed he had stolen a packet of biscuits.
Marco Rovelli, an academic from Massa who has written about Italian immigration, attributes the emergence of vigilantism and the success of political movements like the Northern League in fostering xenophobia to the country’s own history as a poor nation of emigrants until the middle of the last century. “When Italians see foreigners living in the sort of poverty they have only relatively recently left behind, they feel afraid. For some it is a painful reminder of their own past and makes them wary of losing the prosperity they have achieved.”
Beneath the government’s manipulation of national insecurity lies another agenda, warns a fellow academic. James Walston is professor of international relations at the American University of Rome. “By focusing attention on immigrants — and that’s the intention of the vigilante patrols, though it is never said — and creating a feeling that the streets of Italy are unsafe and blaming foreigners,” he says, “Berlusconi is diverting the spotlight from the real problem in this country.”
The real problem, he believes, is organised crime and the mafia. “But any mention of the mafia has largely fallen off the agenda, partly because of the prime minister’s own links with it.” Walston cites the conviction of Marcello Dell’Utri, one of Berlusconi’s closest advisers, on charges of conspiracy with the Sicilian mafia.
In large parts of Italy a significant proportion of the population still pays protection money to local mafia groups every day. Some fear that, in the south particularly, vigilante patrols will soon fall under the control of the mafia, consolidating their hold and leading to more bloodshed.
Last September a hit squad of the notorious Casalesi clan gunned down six West Africans near Naples in a turf war over prostitution and drug-dealing. Several months before that, thugs of the Camorra clan unleashed an orgy of violence against Roma camps in Naples, setting fire to caravans, beating up occupants and driving them from their homes after rumours circulated that a baby girl had been abducted by a gypsy woman. The response of the government’s interior minister, Maroni, was simply to shrug and say: “That is what happens when gypsies steal babies.”
Little wonder, then, that the Italian judiciary — condemned by Berlusconi in the past as a “cancer on society” — and police unions are very critical of the premier’s new security package, including the legalisation of vigilante patrols, for “creating confusion” and diverting resources from official law-enforcement agencies.
Patrols approved by local municipalities will also be entitled to limited funding. The police say that exactly where this money ends up will be hard to track — as a meeting with two burly vigilantes in Milan soon confirms.
Vincenzo Scavo does not bother to introduce me to his heavily muscled associate, whose mobile phone rings constantly with the theme tune from The Godfather. Scavo is too busy complaining.
Until the beginning of July he ran a group in Milan called the Blue Berets that was paid more than half a million euros to conduct anti-crime street patrols in city trouble spots such as the railway station and the Metro system. This was until it was discovered that Scavo held a membership card for the neo-fascist MSI-DN party run by Gaetano Saya. The contract was suspended and Milan’s mayor immediately ordered an investigation into the Blue Berets.
Scavo, a tattooed private-security guard who is originally from Sicily, explains in hurt tones that the only reason he had a party membership card was because he had been contacted several years before to provide private security for the party. He was never hired and claims he had no contact with the party after that.
“For this our good work, our mission, has been stopped,” he complains. The contract, he insists, was only part of the work of the Blue Berets. “We also had volunteers running shopping errands for the elderly in marginal areas of the city, near gypsy camps and immigrant communities where Italians are afraid to walk the streets. Now our citizens will face danger again and live in fear of foreigners.”
Take a walk in some of the areas Scavo identifies as trouble spots, such as Via Padova to the northeast of Milan’s city centre, and it becomes clear that it is the immigrants who are afraid. “A lot of people in these patrols are just racists who use them as an excuse to be abusive to foreigners,” says 39-year-old Isabel Ceveño from Ecuador, who has lived in Italy for 13 years.
Many immigrants I approached in this area with a group called the City Angels, a humanitarian organisation that helps the homeless, no longer dare voice their real concerns. “They used to speak openly to us. But now they are far more cautious. Some think we are part of these new vigilante patrols,” says Mario Furlan, the founder of City Angels. “Whereas we go on the streets to look for people to help, the classic vigilante is someone who goes out looking for an enemy.”
“The patrols are just going to create more agitation on the streets,” says Jona Qamo, a 27-year-old from Albania. “Wouldn’t it be better to help immigrants fit in rather than spy on them?”
Qamo has a point. The attitude of the Italian authorities at all levels has been to assume that people would just muddle through and accept immigrants in their midst because Italians traditionally have a laid-back attitude to life.
“But the presumption of Italian tolerance is not enough,” says Walston, “when you have between 5 and 10% of the population made up of foreigners.” What is needed, he argues, is “real leadership” in promoting integration. “But that is the opposite of what is happening.”
Jean Leonard Touadi, born in the Republic of Congo and now Italy’s first black MP from sub-Saharan Africa says: “It is very hard for Italians to admit they are racist, since they don’t associate themselves with that part of Europe with a long colonial history.”
Touadi has lived in Italy for three decades and has seen a marked rise in racism in recent years. “You can’t say we are living in a fascist regime. But some of what is happening now is very dangerous. With all the problems this country has, not least with the mafia, to single out immigrants as the top priority for law enforcement and throw them to the mercy of vigilantes is clearly just making them scapegoats.”
Il Servizio di spionaggio estero della Russia ha tolto il top secret di documenti sulla politica prebellica polacca
Il Servizio di spionaggio estero della Russia ha tolto il top secret a tutta una serie di documenti sulla politica prebellica polacca. Ce ne parla il capo dell’ Ufficio stampa Serghej Ivanov:
Serghej Ivanov: Si tratta di una raccolta di documenti messi a disposizione dell’opinione pubblica che comprende lettere e trascrizioni di colloqui diplomatici, rapporti di attache militari, telegrammi di missioni diplomatiche. Certo non vengono svelati tutti i segreti della politica polacca prebellica,ma i materiali pubblicati ci permettono di comprendere meglio la sua posizione allo scoppio della seconda guerra mondiale.
Oggi i politici di alcuni paesi dell’est sono fortemente impegnati a rivedere la storia del conflitto di cui stravolgono la realta’
In Polonia si ritiene che il loro paese sia stato vittima dell’aggressione tedesca. Il che non viene messo in dubbio da nessuno. Il punto e’ che ben pochi si chiedano se allora Varsavia avesse fatto abbastanza per evitare quella guerra. Su questo argomento si preferisce glissare. Perche’ la leadership prebellica polacca accecata dall’antisovietismo fece di tutto per il fallimento di un sistema di sicurezza collettiva in Europa. Anzi la Polonia fu a fianco del Terzo Reich nella spartizione della Cecoslovacchia e con il suo consenso pensava di mettere le mani sulla Lituania. Addirittura alcuni politici proponevano di scendere in guerra contro l’Unione Sovietica a fianco della Germania.
Con quella politica miope la Polonia si precluse da sola la via di alleanze preziose,le uniche che avrebbero potuto proteggerla dall’aggressione hitleriana.
Tutto cio’ deve essere materia di riflessione alla vigilia del 70 esimo anniversario dello scoppio della guerra.
Non e’ la prima volta che il Servizio di spionaggio estero della Russia rende pubblici documenti segreti. M Di recente e’ stata pubblicata una raccolta di documenti sul Trattato di Monaco del 30 settembre del 1938.
L’informazione raccolta dal nostro spionaggio in quei giorni dimostra che la politica di pacificazione e i continui cedimenti occidentali avrebbero soltanto provocato nuove rivendicazioni e nuove pretese. Questa politica rappresenta una delle cause della seconda guerra mondiale.
Tolto il segreto di stato sui documenti di un decennio cruciale
Alla vigilia del 70 esimo anniversario del Patto Molotov Ribbentrop il Servizio di spionaggio della Russia ha pubblicato una serie di documenti del decennio 1935-1945 da cui e’ stato tolto il top secret.
Leggendo queste pagine possiamo avere una idea delle posizioni reali dei paesi che sarebbero poi stati coinvolti dalla guerra. Tutta la politica delle potenze europee si riduceva a non ostacolare la Germania nazista e a incanalare le sue mire aggressive contro l’Unione Sovietica.
Questo il motivo principale del fallimento del negoziato che il nostro paese porto’ avanti con Londra e Parigi nell’estate del 1939 per un sistema comune di sicurezza.
In quella situazione l’unica cosa da fare per garantire la sicurezza nazionale era un patto di non aggressione con la Germania. Tanto piu’ che il destino della Polonia era stato gia’ deciso. Hitler non nascondeva affatto che indipendentemente dal negoziato con l’Urss il problema polacco sarebbe stato affrontato e risolto a settembre
Il Patto di non aggressione fu firmato dai ministri degli esteri Molotov e Ribbentrop. Esisteva anche un protocollo segreto in due punti principali: la rinuncia alla violenza e il rispetto della neutralita’ in caso di della partecipazione alla guerra di una delle parti. In quel documento veniva inoltre delimitata la rispettiva sfera di interessi in caso di rivolgimenti politici e territoriali.
I protocolli segreti ci sono sempre stati, ma su questo si sono concentrati i riflettori. Dice la professoressa Elena Rudaja.
Elena Rudaja: Sono decenni che questo protocollo viene visto come l’origine di tutti i mali,come se fosse stato la causa vera della seconda guerra mondiale. Si tratta di una affermazione che non sta in piedi perche’ il mondo ha incominciato a scivolare verso la guerra dalla meta’ degli anni 30. Fra altro perche si afferma che la guerra e’ iniziata il 1 settembre del 1939,quando allora gia’si sparava in tre continenti?
E’ evidente che l’esagerata attenzione verso il Patto Molotov Ribbentrop e’ servita all’Occidente per nascondere le sue responsabilita’ per aver spianato la strada ad Hitler acconsentendo all’annessione dell’Austria e della Cecoslovacchia.
This rewriting of history is spreading Europe's poison
Blaming the USSR for the second world war is not only absurd - it boosts the heirs of the Nazis' wartime collaborators
Seumas Milne
The Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/sep/09/second-world-war-soviet-pact
Through decades of British commemorations and coverage of the second world war - from Dunkirk to D-day - there has never been any doubt about who started it. However dishonestly the story of 1939 has been abused to justify new wars against quite different kinds of enemies, the responsibility for the greatest conflagration in human history has always been laid at the door of Hitler and his genocidal Nazi regime.
That is until now. Fed by the revival of the nationalist right in eastern Europe and a creeping historical revisionism that tries to equate nazism and communism, some western historians and commentators have seized on the 70th anniversary of Hitler's invasion of Poland this month to claim the Soviet Union was equally to blame for the outbreak of war. Stalin was "Hitler's accomplice", the Economist insisted, after Russian and Polish politicians traded accusations over the events of the late 1930s.
In his introduction to this week's Guardian history of the war, the neoconservative historian Niall Ferguson declared that Stalin was "as much an aggressor as Hitler". Last month, the ostensibly more liberal Orlando Figes went further, insisting the Molotov-Ribbentrop non-aggression pact was "the licence for the Holocaust".
Given that the Soviet Union played the decisive military role in Hitler's defeat at the cost of 25 million dead, it's scarcely surprising that Russians are outraged by such accusations. When the Russian president Dmitry Medvedev last week denounced attempts to draw parallels between the role of the Nazis and the Soviet Union as a "cynical lie", he wasn't just speaking for his government, but the whole country - and a good deal of the rest of the world besides.
There's no doubt that the pact of August 1939 was a shocking act of realpolitik by the state that had led the campaign against fascism since before the Spanish civil war. You can argue about how Stalin used it to buy time, his delusions about delaying the Nazi onslaught, or whether the Soviet occupation of the mainly Ukrainian and Byelorussian parts of Poland was, as Churchill maintained at the time, "necessary for the safety of Russia against the Nazi menace".
But to claim that without the pact there would have been no war is simply absurd - and, in the words of the historian Mark Mazower, "too tainted by present day political concerns to be taken seriously". Hitler had given the order to attack and occupy Poland much earlier. As fellow historian Geoff Roberts puts it, the pact was an "instrument of defence, not aggression".
That was a good deal less true of the previous year's Munich agreement, in which British and French politicians dismembered Czechoslovakia at the Nazi dictator's pleasure. The one pact that could conceivably have prevented war, a collective security alliance with the Soviet Union, was in effect blocked by the appeaser Chamberlain and an authoritarian Polish government that refused to allow Soviet troops on Polish soil.
Poland had signed its own non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany and seized Czech territory, which puts last week's description by the Polish president Lech Kaczynski of a Soviet "stab in the back" in perspective. The case against the Anglo-French appeasers and the Polish colonels' regime over the failure to prevent war is a good deal stronger than against the Soviet Union, which perhaps helps to explain the enthusiasm for the new revisionism in both parts of the continent.
But across eastern Europe, the Baltic republics and the Ukraine, the drive to rewrite history is being used to relativise Nazi crimes and rehabilitate collaborators. At the official level, it has focused on a campaign to turn August 23 - the anniversary of the non-aggression pact - into a day of commemoration for the victims of communism and nazism.
In July that was backed by the Organisation of Security and Cooperation in Europe, following a similar vote in the European parliament and a declaration signed by Vaclav Havel and others branding "communism and nazism as a common legacy" of Europe that should be jointly commemorated because of "substantial similarities".
That east Europeans should want to remember the deportations and killings of "class enemies" by the Soviet Union during and after the war is entirely understandable. So is their pressure on Russia to account, say, for the killing of Polish officers at Katyn - even if Soviet and Russian acknowledgment of Stalin's crimes already goes far beyond, for example, any such apologies by Britain or France for the crimes of colonialism.
But the pretence that Soviet repression reached anything like the scale or depths of Nazi savagery - or that the postwar "enslavement" of eastern Europe can be equated with wartime Nazi genocide - is a mendacity that tips towards Holocaust denial. It is certainly not a mistake that could have been made by the Auschwitz survivors liberated by the Red Army in 1945.
The real meaning of the attempt to equate Nazi genocide with Soviet repression is clearest in the Baltic republics, where collaboration with SS death squads and direct participation in the mass murder of Jews was at its most extreme, and politicians are at pains to turn perpetrators into victims. Veterans of the Latvian Legion of the Waffen-SS now parade through Riga, Vilnius's Museum of Genocide Victims barely mentions the 200,000 Lithuanian Jews murdered in the Holocaust and Estonian parliamentarians honour those who served the Third Reich as "fighters for independence".
Most repulsively of all, while rehabilitating convicted Nazi war criminals, the state prosecutor in Lithuania - a member of the EU and Nato - last year opened a war crimes investigation into four Lithuanian Jewish resistance veterans who fought with Soviet partisans: a case only abandoned for lack of evidence. As Efraim Zuroff, veteran Nazi hunter and director of the Simon Wiesenthal Centre, puts it: "People need to wake up to what is going on. This attempt to create a false symmetry between communism and the Nazi genocide is aimed at covering up these countries' participation in mass murder."
As the political heirs of the Nazis' collaborators in eastern Europe gain strength on the back of growing unemployment and poverty, and antisemitism and racist violence against Roma grow across the region, the current indulgence of historical falsehoods about the second world war can only spread this poison.
If you have any questions about this email, please contact the guardian.co.uk user help desk: userhelp@....
guardian.co.uk Copyright (c) Guardian News and Media Limited. 2009
da Partito Comunista della Grecia - http://inter. kke.gr - in www.solidnet. org
Traduzione dall'inglese per www.resistenze. org a cura del Centro di Cultura e Documentazione Popolare
Risoluta risposta all'anticomunismo
02/09/2009
Lunedì 31 agosto una massa enorme di persone e di giovani ha dato una risposta forte alla falsificazione della storia e alla distorsione del socialismo, partecipando a una grande manifestazione organizzata ad Atene dal KKE contro il nuovo tentativo imperialista di equiparare il socialismo con il nazismo. Questa manifestazione ha rappresentato il culmine di una serie di eventi e attività organizzate dalle varie sezioni territoriali del partito in tutto il paese, in vista del tentativo di istituire il 23 agosto come "Giornata della Memoria" delle vittime dei regimi totalitari.
L'incontro, segnato da un ricco programma culturale, ha visto l'intervento di Aleka Papariga, Segretaria Generale del CC del KKE. Papariga ha sottolineato nel suo discorso che "le radici dell'anticomunismo sono parte integrante della strategia borghese di contrasto allo sviluppo della lotta di classe, finalizzata a mantenere in vita il deteriore sistema capitalistico; inoltre l'anticomunismo anticipa nuove misure reazionarie contro i diritti delle persone".
"Siamo qui nel luogo del martirio di 200 eroici militanti e quadri del KKE per dichiarare che l'attuale campagna anticomunista guidata dall'Unione Europea, volta a equiparare il socialismo con il fascismo e il nazismo, non rimarrà senza risposta; né senza risposta sarà la proclamazione del 23 agosto come giorno della memoria delle vittime del fascismo e del comunismo e Giornata Europea della celebrazione del rovesciamento controrivoluzionari o del socialismo. La nostra risposta si ripeterà tutti i giorni, attraverso l'organizzazione della lotta di classe, attraverso la mobilitazione e l'alleanza delle forze antimperialiste, attraverso la lotta per il potere popolare, attraverso la lotta per il socialismo".
Migliaia di manifestanti, con una rimarchevole presenza giovanile, hanno partecipato alla manifestazione che si è svolta nel quartiere popolare di Kaisariani, nel luogo in cui 200 comunisti traditi dalla borghesia greca sono stati giustiziati dai tedeschi il 1° maggio 1944.
La mobilitazione lancia il risoluto messaggio che la storia, le cui pagine più gloriose sono state scritte con il sangue di migliaia di comunisti e di altri combattenti, non sarà cancellata né plagiata nella coscienza del popolo: è un messaggio di piena condanna per l'istituzione del 23 agosto come giorno della memoria per le vittime dei regimi totalitari, come giorno di equiparazione del fascismo con il nazismo e della celebrazione della caduta del socialismo. E' stato un energico avvertimento militante al potere dei monopoli: l'anticomunismo non si affermerà poiché costituisce un attacco a tutti i lavoratori, ai giovani, agli strati popolari e ai loro diritti.
Il corteo si è diretto alla sede della UE dove la Segretaria Generale del CC del KKE ha pronunciato il suo intervento. Di fronte al palazzo della UE i manifestanti hanno bruciato bandiere dell'Unione Europea e degli USA.
Chacun de nous est maintenant invité à signer l'appel contre la falsification anti-communiste du 23 août sur http://23august.kke.gr
Je reproduis ci-dessous en français l'appel
Jean Pestieau
Ripostons massivement et résolument à l'anticommunisme et à toutes ses expressions
Nous, cadres, membres, amis et sympathisants des Partis communistes et ouvriers, élus aux parlements, au niveau local, à la direction des syndicats et des organisations de masse, dénonçons la tentative d'assimiler le communisme avec le nazisme au travers des efforts visant à proclamer le 23 août de “jour de la mémoire de leurs victimes”.
Cet effort de falsifier l'histoire a le soutien de forces politiques au service du capital. Il s'est manifesté de diverses façons au cours des dernières années, notamment par des résolutions de divers organes inter-étatiques et d' institutions parlementaires.
Ayant d'abord rebaptisé le 9 mai, jour de la victoire des peuples [1945] en “journée de l'Europe” dans le but d'effacer la photo du drapeau rouge flottant sur le Reichstag, ils poursuivent aujourd'hui leur plan d'identifier la victime avec le bourreau en se référant à la journée [23 août 1939] où le pacte Molotov-Ribbentrop de non agression a été signé.
Ces forces visent à dissimuler le caractère de classe impérialiste du nazisme-fascisme
Elles veulent cacher le fait que la victoire des peuples porte le sceau indélébile de l'Union soviétique, de l'Armée rouge et des mouvements de partisans, dans lesquels les communistes ont été à l'avant-garde dans le monde entier.
Ces forces veulent blanchir l'impérialisme, qui a engendré le fascisme. Aujourd'hui, 20 ans après la contre-révolution, elles veulent blanchir les massacres impunis que ce même impérialisme perpètre le monde.
De cette façon, elles aspirent à atteindre politiquement et idéologiquement tous ceux qui continuent à lutter contre l'exploitation et l'injustice de classe, qui résistent à l'attaque barbare contre tout droit social, syndical et démocratique du peuple projeté dans les conditions de crise économique mondiale du capitalisme .
Travailleurs, paysans, femmes, jeunes, retraités, anciens combattants et combattants de la lutte antifasciste,
* Mobilisez-vous vigoureusement contre la ré-écriture et la falsification de l'histoire
* Donnez une réponse résolue afin d'annuler toute tentative
d'organiser des manifestations anti-communistes, le 23 août.
* Faites connaître la vérité historique
* Défendez la lutte intransigeante contre l'impérialisme, pour une autre société, sans guerre, sans chômage, sans pauvreté et exploitation. Pour le socialisme
International appeal regarding the 23rd of August
We, cadres, members, friends and supporters of Communist and Workers'
Parties elected to parliaments, local authorities, directions of trade unions and mass organizations denounce the attempt to equate the Nazism with Communism through the efforts to proclaim the 23rd of August of "day of remembrance of their victims".
This history-distorting effort has the support of political forces serving the capital and is manifested with various ways over the last years, including resolutions of bodies of various interstate bodies and parliamentary institutions.
Having at first renamed the 9th of May from day of the peoples' victory into "Day of Europe" in order to write off the picture of the Red Flag waving in Reichstag, they now pursue to identify the victim with the victimized adducing the day that the Molotov-Ribbentrop non aggression pact was signed.
- They aim at concealing the imperialist, class character of Nazism-Fascism
- They want to withhold the fact that the Victory of the People bears he indelible seal of the Soviet Union, of the Red Army and the partisan movements, in which the communists had been at the forefront all over the world.
- They pursue to whitewash imperialism, that had bred the fascism and today, 20 years after the counterrevolution, unchecked slaughters the people around the world.
- In this way, they aspire to hit politically and ideologically all those that continue to struggle against the class exploitation and injustice, that resist the barbarous attack on every social, labor and democratic rights of the people unleashed in conditions of global economic crisis of the capitalism.
Pensioners, veterans and fighters of the antifascist fight.
- Mobilize vigorously against the re-writing and the falsification of history
- Give resolute response, and cancel any attempt to organize anti-communist events on 23 of August.
- Disseminate the historical truth
- Defend intransigently the struggle against imperialism, for an other society, without wars, unemployment, poverty and exploitation. For Socialism
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com/2009/09/14/266/
Stop NATO - September 14, 2009
Balkans Revisited: U.S., NATO Expand Military Role In Southeastern Europe
On September 11 a Balkans news source cited the chairman of the South East Europe Center at the Woodrow Wilson International Center in Washington, DC, John Sitilides, as claiming that "Although the United States is not focused on the Balkans as it was in the 1990s, the challenges in this region are still reviewed at a very high level in Washington." [1]
Sitilides founded and was executive director of the Western Policy Center in the U.S.'s capital in 1998 which specialized "in U.S. foreign and security policies in the eastern Mediterranean, Balkan and Black Sea regions," before merging it with the Woodrow Wilson Center and is a "regular speaker on foreign policy at the Pentagon's National Defense University and the National Foreign Affairs Training Center." [2]
In the news story mentioned above he stated "The recent visit to the Balkans of the US Vice President Joe Biden was a signal that although the region is not the subject of the President’s constant attention, the challenges in this region are still reviewed at a very high level.” [3]
Biden visited the Balkans this past May and was the highest ranking American official to travel to Kosovo since its unilateral declaration of independence in February of 2008. While in the capital of the breakaway Serbian province he insisted on the "absolutely irreversible" nature of Kosovo's secession - nineteen months afterward still not recognized by 130 of the world's 192 nations - and highlighted that "The success of an independent Kosovo is a priority for our administration." [4]
While still in the U.S. Senate Biden played a major role in fostering the break-up of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and in promoting its former republics' integration into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Over the past six years most every nation in the Balkans was ordered to provide troops for the war in Iraq as a precondition for future NATO membership and currently every single nation in the peninsula except for Serbia - Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania and Slovenia - has troops serving under NATO command in Afghanistan or, in the case of Montenegro, soon will have.
Many of the above nations also now have U.S. military bases stationed on their soil and most if not all have signed a status of forces agreement (SOFA) to host American and NATO troops.
After NATO's first military operations in its history - Operation Deliberate Force in Bosnia in 1995 and Operation Allied Force against Yugoslavia in 1999 - and its deployment of troops to Macedonia in the beginning of this decade with Operation Essential Harvest in 2000 and Operation Amber Fox the following year, the attention of Alliance members and the bloc collectively shifted to the so-called Broader Middle East and the wars they launched in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Even during that interim, though, Washington and Brussels have exploited the Balkans for training, transit and troops for both the Afghan and Iraqi campaigns. The Pentagon has acquired the permanent use of seven military bases in Bulgaria and Romania since both nations were granted full NATO membership in 2004 and those installations have been linked with the U.S. and NATO base in Incirlik, Turkey for the West's wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and for surrogate conflicts in the Black Sea like the Georgian-Russian war in August of 2008.
The Balkans are slated to play an even more prominent role in the West's drives east and south into former Soviet space, including the Caucasus and Central Asia, and into South Asia, the Middle East and Africa.
The area, Southeastern Europe, is now also targeted for the latest extension of American and NATO global interceptor missile plans. [5]
Former Yugoslavia has become a training ground for the Pentagon and NATO to integrate the armed forces of Balkans, former Soviet, Scandinavian, Middle Eastern and African NATO partners involved in the Partnership for Peace, Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative programs.
As of September 13 multinational NATO exercises were occurring simultaneously in the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia.
On September 3 NATO launched the two-week Combined Endeavor 2009 exercises to be held in three locations in Bosnia with the participation of sixteen NATO nations and the host country.
Bosnian Army Brigadier-General Dragan Vukovic was quoted as saying "the exercise [is] a great opportunity for the Bosnian Armed Forces to show their preparedness and readiness to become a full member of NATO." [6]
A week later the 18-day Jackal Stone 2009 exercise began in neighboring Croatia which includes 1,500 soldiers from 10 countries - Albania, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Sweden, Ukraine and the U.S. - and "Croatian Air Force and Air Defence helicopters, US Air Force aircraft, US Army helicopters and a US Navy Destroyer." [7]
A Croatian newspaper announced that "The main objective of the exercise is to foster cooperation among the armed forces of participating countries in...strengthening regional security and stability...." [8]
An article called "Armies of 15 Countries in Serbia" provided details of the four-day MEDCEUR (Medical Central and Eastern Europe Exercise) NATO training in Serbia which ended on September 13 and which included the "participation of soldiers from 15 Central and Eastern European states." [9]
In truth the exercise's ambit reached further than Central and Eastern Europe into the South Caucasus. The participating NATO members and partners were Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Germany, Georgia, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Norway, Ukraine and the U.S.
Serbian Defence Minister Dragan Sutanovac, whose subservience to NATO warrants a treason charge, said that "This is the largest military exercise of this type in the world, whose organisation and planning lasted for a year. This is a major promotion for our defence system." [10]
The country's Defense Ministry stated "The participation in the exercise is of exceptional importance when it comes to following the innovations introduced in medical support in line with NATO standards, above all in the areas of support of battle and natural disasters operations" [11]
The exercise is sponsored by the Pentagon's European Command and was held for the first time in Serbia this year.
This was occurring as NATO and most of its members states are completing the severing of Kosovo from Serbia. In the middle of the NATO exercise in Serbia the European Union's EULEX (European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo) mission engineered a customs agreement between Kosovo and Serbia, thus recognizing the border between the two as an international one. That is, further formalizing Kosovo's independence.
Referring to United Nations Resolution 1244 of 1999 which recognizes Kosovo as part of Serbia, on September 12 EU representative to Kosovo Pieter Feith said, "EULEX is not status-neutral. It operates under the UN umbrella, which is status neutral, but that does not make EULEX status-neutral. The reality is that EULEX is supported by 27 EU member states, of which five have not recognized Kosovo, but they are still EU member states."
Serbian news sources wrote of the EU's role in supporting Kosovo separatism that "America is satisfied with EULEX's participation and welcomes this mission because of fulfillment of its mandate that has been approved by Kosovo authorities...." [12]
The preceding day the Russian ambassador to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) lodged a complaint against that organization for terminating an operation to protect the rights of Serbian, Roma, Goran and other persecuted Kosovo ethnic communities' rights and said, "Such steps, sanctioned by no one, are unilateral, and they affect the overall activity under the mandate of that mission." [13]
Eight days before the spokesman for the Russian Foreign Ministry, Andrei Nesterenko, "assessed that there is still a considerable potential for conflict in Kosovo and expressed the expectation that the international community will act impartially, preventing new anti-Serb provocations." [14]
Now the Western military bloc that mercilessly bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 and has wrested Kosovo from it is holding drills on Serbian territory.
North of former Yugoslavia on the Black Sea, last week Romanian Defense Minister Mihai Stanisoara announced that his nation would scrap Russian MiG 21 Lancers in its air force's inventory - as part of NATO demands for so-called weapons interoperability - and planned to acquire 48-54 fighters jets, most likely U.S. F-16 multirole fighter jets or F-35 fifth generation stealth warplanes. [15]
Also earlier this month the American guided-missile destroyer USS Stout returned from a deployment in the Black Sea where it visited ports in Romania, Bulgaria and Georgia, in the last case near the coast of Abkhazia, about which more shortly.
The destroyer, which also participated in naval exercises with Israel and Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean, was on its first deployment as part of the Pentagon's Aegis sea-based interceptor missile system. [16]
Across the Black Sea from Romania, Reuters announced on September 11 that the U.S. plans a $7.8 billion dollar deal with Turkey to supply it with Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (PAC-3) interceptor missiles. The PAC-3 is a substantially upgraded version of the Patriots that were sent to Israel on the eve of the 1991 war against Iraq and to Turkey ahead of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003. The pattern inescapably suggests an imminent replay of the first two attacks in the Persian Gulf, this time against Iran.
In revealing plans to provide advanced theater interceptor missiles to Turkey, the Pentagon's Defense Security Cooperation Agency said in a release:
"It is vital to the U.S. national interest to assist our North Atlantic Treaty Organization ally in developing and maintaining a strong and ready self-defense capability that will contribute to an acceptable military balance in the area." [17]
Reuters added this background information:
"Turkey's geostrategic importance for the United States depends partly on
Incirlik Air Base, located near Adana in southeast Turkey. KC-135 refueling
planes operating out of Incirlik have delivered more than 35 million gallons of fuel to U.S. warplanes on missions in Iraq and Afghanistan...." [18]
A later report added specifics - "the deal will include delivery
of nearly 290 Patriot missiles and includes 72 PAC-3 models along with
communications gear needed to establish an integrated air-defense system for more than a dozen command posts" - and also quoted from the Defense Security Cooperation Agency statement:
"Turkey will use the PAC-3 missiles to improve its missile defense capability, strengthen its homeland defense, and deter regional threats." [19]
The Turkish Hurriyet newspaper ran a feature on the topic on September 13 which casts the Patriot deployment within a far broader context, stating that "Washington also does not rule out the military option or plans to deploy a missile-defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic, which have created serious tension between Russia and the United States in the past. Earlier this month, a top defense lobbyist said the negotiations are continuing over U.S. plans to deploy a missile-defense shield in Turkey, a possibility floated last week by a Polish newspaper."
The article quoted a Turkish Iranian expert, Arif Keskin, as saying "[A]ny American missile could only be placed in Turkey if NATO gives a green light for the program" and warning that "if Turkey agrees to open its soil to the missile shield program, it would worsen its relations with not only Iran, but also Syria and Russia."
The same source quoted another analyst issuing a second alarm: "For Turkey's part, purchasing the Patriot missiles mean engaging in a conflict with Iran." [20]
Turkey is the only NATO member which borders Iran.
The recent trajectory of the American guided-missile destroyer Stout examined earlier, from the Eastern Mediterranean to the Black Sea, indicates Pentagon and NATO designs on the geopolitically vital arc that begins in the Balkans, dips south to the Middle East and proceeds back north to the Caucasus.
A Reuters dispatch titled "In restive Mediterranean, U.S. ship eyes risk of missile war" reported on the USS Higgins destroyer which had docked last week in Israel and included these specifics:
The USS Higgens is "one of 18 American ships deployed globally with
Aegis interceptor systems capable of blowing up ballistic missiles above the atmosphere. For Israel, where Higgins docked this week, Aegis is an especially close asset.
"Israel already hosts a U.S. strategic radar, X-band, and its Arrow II missile interceptor, which is partly underwritten by Washington, is inter-operable with Aegis." [21]
The story situated the above within wider geostrategic plans by the U.S. and its allies:
"According to a regional map issued last month by the U.S. Missile Defence
Agency, a Mediterranean-based Aegis could cover southern Turkey, Lebanon,
Israel, the Palestinian territories and north Egypt in the event of a missile war.
"Raytheon says the 'ashore' SM-3 [Standard Missile-3], due out in 2013, may also be considered by the Pentagon for Europe, where it could play a role with or without a missile defence deployment that former U.S. President George W. Bush had proposed in Poland and the Czech Republic and which has been fiercely opposed by Russia." [22]
Last week it was reported that Turkey, Israel and Azerbaijan "will launch the joint manufacturing of armored combat vehicles," according to an Azerbaijani government source, and that "Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defense Industry seeks to build tracked fighting vehicles, self-propelled bridges and armored military trucks on the body of T-54 and T-55 tanks which were decommissioned from the national army's arsenal." [23]
The following day the Vice-Speaker of Azerbaijan`s Parliament Ziyafat Asgarov, in speaking of the almost twenty-year-old conflict with Armenia over Nagorno Karabakh, one which could trigger an all-out war at any moment, said that "We would like NATO to demonstrate its resolute position regarding this issue." [24]
A week earlier the nation's Defense Ministry spokesman Eldar Sabiroglu had menacingly reitererated his government's position on Karabakh, one of four "frozen conflicts" in the Soviet Union:
"We are hoping for results while political negotiations continue. Otherwise our army will fulfill its function [to free the land] at a moment when our state finds it necessary.
"No one should doubt that. I am saying this taking into account the equipment of our military units with modern types of weapons and the high level of our troops' combat preparedness." [25]
Shortly thereafter Frank Boland, the head of the Force Planning Department of the NATO Defence Policy and Planning Division, led a delegation of Alliance experts to Georgia to assess the nation's military preparedness after its defeat in the war with Russia a year ago August and "to promote the development of the Georgian Armed Forces," according to the nation's Defense Ministry. [26]
"The goal of the visit is to evaluate the accomplishments of the Planning and Review Process (PARP) and obligations under the Annual National Plan (ANP), undertaken by the Ministry of Defence of Georgia." [27]
Shortly before the NATO delegation arrived, the U.S. client regime of Mikheil Saakashvili seized vessels in the Black Sea headed to Abkhazia. On September 2 Abkhazian President Sergei Bagapsh "ordered the Republican Naval Forces to destroy all Georgian ships violating Abkhazian territorial waters" [28] after Georgia had impounded 23 vessels in neutral waters so far this year.
The very next day the Pentagon's European Command reported of the recent deployment of Marines to Georgia that "the Marine Corps has committed its finest Marines to help train the 31st Battalion. All have deployed to Iraq or Afghanistan, many for multiple tours." [29]
The same day Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman Andrei Nesterenko reacted to the U.S.-trained Georgian navy's and coast guard's actions against Abkhazia by warning that "Aside from interrupting international maritime shipping, these actions of the Georgian leadership are an attempt to impose a blockade of the Abkhazian coast, which could lead to the deterioration of the situation in the region and new military conflicts." [30]
The military expansion and aggression begun by the U.S. and NATO in the Balkans fourteen years has not only continued unabated but has widened its area of operations to take in the former Soviet Union, the Broader Middle East from the Atlantic Coast of Africa to the Chinese border, and Northeast Africa.
Unless it is stopped much of the rest of the world confronts the same fate.
1) Makfax, September 11, 2009
2) Woodrow Wilson Center
3) Makfax, September 11, 2009
4) BBC News, May 21, 2009
5) U.S. Expands Global Missile Shield Into Middle East, Balkans
Stop NATO, September 11, 2009
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com/2009/09/11/u-s-expands-global-missile-shield-into-middle-east-balkans/
6) Xinhua News Agency, September 4, 2009
7) Croatian Times, September 11, 2009
8) Ibid
9) Balkan Insight, September 10, 2009
10) Ibid
11) Makfax, August 31, 2009
12) Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency, September 12, 2009
13) FoNet, September 11, 2009
14) Radio Serbia, September 3, 2009
15) The Financiarul, September 9, 2009
16) Virginian-Pilot, September 5, 2009
17) Reuters, September 11, 2009
18) Ibid
19) Bloomberg News, September 12, 2009
20) Hurriyet, September 13, 2009
21) Reuters, September 8, 2009
22) Ibid
23) Azeri Press Agency, September 9, 2009
24) Azertag, September 11, 2009
25) Interfax, September 4, 2009
26) Trend News Agency, September 9, 2009
27) Ministry of Defence, September 9, 2009
28) Voice of Russia, September 4, 2009
29) Civil Georgia, September 3, 2009
30) Russian Information Agency Novosti, September 3, 2009
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C’è un odore intenso di pini sull’isola di Rab, ti accompagna ovunque: lungo le vie strette della cittadina che porta lo stesso nome, salgono dal porto alla basilica cinquecentesca, lastricate di pietra d'Istria, la stessa di Venezia. Turisti ovunque, affollano caffè ricavati dalle antiche dimore, spiagge ghiaiose e vestigia romane, d’altra parte è difficile ambire all’atmosfera di antico villaggio di pescatori se ci vieni in piena estate.
In piena estate arrivarono anche loro, gli internati del campo di concentramento di Kampor, era il luglio del 1942 e gli eserciti nazi-fascisti erano ancora convinti che avrebbero dominato il mondo. Rastrellamenti a casaccio lungo le strade e i villaggi della Slovenia e della Croazia ammassarono in poco tempo migliaia di civili, intere famiglie, in un campo inadeguato e condizioni disumane, nato alla rinfusa, tanto che ben presto dovettero montare tende o ripari di fortuna, sotto il sole rovente, con scarsità cronica di acqua e cibo.
La strada asfaltata fuori dalla cittadina di Rab che corre verso nord si fa stretta e angusta, sale e scende come un otto volante seguendo i capricci del terreno, ombrata da pini e da case vacanziere affittate da ex pescatori e cresciute come funghi negli ultimi anni con una bislacca architettura “fai da te”. All’ombra di un grande pino vicino al vecchio monastero francescano un’anziana signora, gonna lunga nera, grembiule e foulard in testa, vende canestri di piccoli fichi e olio di oliva travasato in bottiglie riciclate. Era una ragazza a quei tempi, quando la violenza della guerra e della razza non risparmiò neppure il paradiso di sole e mare dell’arcipelago del Quarnario.
Vorrei fermarmi e farmi raccontare, ma dovrei almeno conoscere la sua lingua e poi rivangherei solo dolori, meglio continui a offrire ai turisti canestri di piccoli fichi per arrotondarsi la pensione prima dell’arrivo dell’inverno. L’inverno arrivò anche nel '42, duro, estremo per gli stremati del campo di Kampor, provati dalla fame e dalla sete.
L’indicazione per il mausoleo è coperta dalla vegetazione, una stradina fra le case scende al bordo di una palude salmastra, c’è un parcheggio occupato da due automobili con targa slovena. C’è pace qui, l’aria e carica del profumo dei pini e del richiamo delle cicale, è passato mezzo secolo e la vegetazione a coperto il pianto e i dolori umani. A ricordo dello sterminio sono rimaste quindicimila lapidi ovali di rame, alcune senza nome, un piccolo mausoleo, cinque fotografie e una lunga lastra d’acciaio con i nomi; protetti da un muro a secco come quelli che per migliaia di chilometri corrono sugli anfratti rocciosi dal mare ai Balcani.
Un cartello all’ingresso racconta in diverse lingue e poche parole un orrore a cui si stenta credere:“Campo di concentramento di Kampor sull’isola di Arbe. Durante la seconda guerra mondiale dal 27 luglio del 1942 al 11 settembre del 1943 sull’isola di Arbe operò un campo di sterminio italiano fascista in cui penavano circa 15.000 internati. La maggioranza erano sloveni, seguiti dai croati e dagli ebrei. A causa delle condizioni di vita insopportabili, denutrizione, malattie e violenza gli internati morirono in massa. Molti poi moriranno per le conseguenze di tutto questo poco dopo il trasferimento in altri campi o dopo il ritorno in patria. In memoria delle vittime.”
Dimenticati erano morti per sete e fame o per malattie e violenza. Una delle automobili dalla targa slovena è di una famiglia: papà, mamma e due figlioli, hanno acceso un cero e messo dei fiori dinnanzi ad una delle quindicimila lapidi, fermi in silenzio. Loro non hanno dimenticato.
Nessuno dopo la guerra venne mai processato o condannato per quei delitti assurdi, Kampor si perse nelle nebbie della memoria, il generale Roatta se ne andò in vacanza in Spagna dal suo caro amico Francisco Franco e rientrò in Italia molti anni dopo amnistia. Valentin aveva un anno, tra luglio del 1942 e settembre del 1943. E' nato e morto nel campo di sterminio fascista. Dimenticato.
Comment le bourreau d'un journaliste suisse a voulu tuer Evo Morales |
Bernard Perrin
Eduardo Rozsa Flores, le chef des mercenaires séparatistes de Santa Cruz abattu en avril par la police bolivienne, avait déjà sévi en ex-Yougoslavie. Rozsa et l’un de ses lieutenants, incarcéré à La Paz, sont suspectés d’avoir torturé et assassiné en 1992 un journaliste suisse infiltré dans leur milice d’extrême droite.
Il ne fait pas encore jour à Santa Cruz, la capitale des basses-terres de Bolivie. En plein centre-ville, les forces spéciales de la police investissent silencieusement le quatrième étage de l’Hôtel Las Americas. Cinq mercenaires soupçonnés de préparer une série d’attentats, dont un contre le président Evo Morales en personne, dorment encore, mais ils sont armés jusqu’aux dents. Pour la police, les consignes sont claires: ne pas leur laisser le temps de faire exploser l’immeuble. Il est un peu plus de cinq heures du matin, la police enfonce les portes, et ouvre le feu...
En ce petit matin du 16 avril, le mercenaire Eduardo Rozsa Flores meurt comme il a vécu depuis dix-huit ans, par une rafale de mitrailleuse, et dans un bain de sang. L’homme ne répondra jamais de ses crimes devant la justice, et notamment de la mort du journaliste bâlois Christian Würtenberg, torturé et étranglé près d’Osijek (Croatie) en janvier 1992.
Insaisissable
Eduardo Rozsa Flores... Un personnage insaisissable, sorti du plus sombre des romans noirs. Un personnage qui aura hanté pendant presque deux décennies les théâtres de conflits les plus abjects, des Balkans à l’Angola.
Un personnage «fanatique de toutes les causes», qui semble avoir construit sa vie «pour dérouter le plus entêté des enquêteurs», comme le souligne Pablo Stefanoni, directeur de l’édition bolivienne du Monde diplomatique: né à Santa Cruz d’un père juif hongrois et d’une mère espagnole et catholique, il est tout d’abord membre des jeunesses communistes de Hongrie avant d’être peu à peu attiré par le séparatisme ethnique et l’extrême droite; fidèle de l’Opus Dei, il se convertira ensuite à l’islam. Il soutient, enfin, la cause palestinienne autant que les groupes séparatistes et racistes de Santa Cruz, opposés au gouvernement d’Evo Morales, comme l’organisation d’extrême droite Nacion Camba.
Journaliste infiltré
Eduardo Rozsa Flores débarque en Croatie en 1991 comme journaliste pour le quotidien catalan La Vanguardia. Mais rapidement, exalté par les champs de bataille, il décide de s’engager «corps et armes» pour défendre cette terre en quête d’indépendance. En octobre, appuyé par le président Franjo Tudjman, le milicien hongro-bolivien fonde la Brigade internationale des volontaires, qui regroupera des anciens de la Légion étrangère et des aventuriers de la droite radicale, venus de toute l’Europe participer à cette guerre aussi brutale qu’anarchique.
C’est dans cette Brigade internationale que s’incorpore en novembre 1991 un jeune Bâlois de 27 ans, Christian Würtenberg, collaborateur de l’ATS, l’Agence télégraphique suisse. «Avant de retrouver Christian à Osijek, en Croatie, je l’avais déjà croisé en Tchétchénie et en Géorgie. Dans notre groupe de journalistes de guerre, tout le monde l’adorait. C’était le plus jeune, le plus intrépide. Et il nous faisait rire, son sac était toujours parfaitement ordonné: un vrai Suisse!», se remémore Julio César Alonso.
Ce reporter espagnol spécialiste des Balkans se souvient avec émotion du courage et de la fougue de Christian Würtenberg, avide de dénoncer les injustices et les crimes de ce monde: «Il avait infiltré la Brigade internationale, qui combattait alors aux côtés de l’armée croate, afin d’enquêter sur le mode de financement de ces mercenaires, sur leurs liens avec les groupes d’extrême droite européens, et notamment le Front national français de Jean-Marie Le Pen, et sur les réseaux de trafics d’armes et de drogue. Les Balkans se trouvaient sur la route de l’héroïne, entre la Turquie et l’Europe, et durant le conflit, le prix de cette drogue avait fortement baissé en Suisse.»
Mais Christian Würtenberg, comme en témoigne son frère Michael, avait surtout mis le doigt dans un engrenage qui allait lui être fatal, liant notamment le financement de la milice internationale à l’Opus Dei, dont Rozsa Flores était un adepte à cette époque, comme en témoignent ses fréquents voyages à Vienne au bureau de «L’Œuvre».
«Au début de 1992, Eduardo Rozsa Flores a soupçonné Christian d’être un espion. Et il a ordonné son arrestation puis son exécution. Christian a été torturé et étranglé à mains nues et à l’aide d’une corde», raconte Julio César Alonso. Ce dernier ne doute pas une seconde de la culpabilité d’Eduardo Flores Rozsa: «Lors d’une rencontre à Zagreb, Rozsa m’a confié que Christian s’était infiltré au sein de son unité, et que cette situation n’allait pas durer. J’ai tenté de rallier Osijek, base de la Brigade, au plus vite pour le prévenir. Mais quand je suis arrivé, je suis tombé sur Rozsa, qui m’a dit en souriant: c’est bon, le problème suisse est réglé!»
Lâcheté suisse
Eduardo Rozsa Flores n’en restera pas là, abattant quelques jours plus tard, d’une balle dans la nuque, le photographe britannique de l’agence AP Paul Jenks, venu enquêter sur le décès de Christian Würtenberg. Les enquêtes menées par Reporters sans frontières et la Fédération internationale des journalistes accuseront clairement le mercenaire d’être responsable de la mort des deux journalistes.
La famille de Christian Würtenberg réclamera un procès en Suisse. Mais le journaliste ne jouira d’aucun soutien dans son pays. Son employeur, en direct sur la DRS, s’en distanciera publiquement, estimant ne pas être responsable de la prise de risque «inconsidérée» de son collaborateur. Quant au système judiciaire suisse, il dissuadera la famille d’entreprendre toute poursuite, considérant Christian comme un mercenaire, portant un uniforme militaire étranger: un outrage à la Constitution fédérale.
Eduardo Rozsa Flores continuera, lui, ses basses besognes en Bosnie, où il se battra au sein de la Brigade Tomislav, et participera au nettoyage ethnique des musulmans à Mostar notamment. En Angola, il se battra ensuite pour l’UNITA de Jonas Savimbi. «Après la mort du rebelle, Rozsa réapparaît au Kosovo notamment sous l’uniforme de l’UCK. Un de ses objectifs: Korenica, où il assassine cinq policiers serbes désarmés. But de l’opération: déclencher une réplique et faire dégénérer le conflit», poursuit Alonso.
Selon ce dernier, Rozsa Flores aurait ensuite fait des offres au gouvernement soudanais et proposé de «travailler au Darfour, pour nettoyer la région de l’ethnie Fur et des ONG présentes».
Le journaliste espagnol a ensuite perdu sa trace... Jusqu’à ce 16 avril 2009 à Santa Cruz: «Je ne suis pas partisan de la peine de mort. Mais je suis sûr que ce jour-là, en Suisse, en Angleterre, en Bosnie, en Angola ou au Kosovo, de nombreuses familles ont remercié la police bolivienne.»
Source : Le Courrier
Paru le Vendredi 21 Août 2009
http://www.lecourrier.ch/index.php?name=News&file=article&sid=443271
- No al razzismo
- Per la regolarizzazione generalizzata per tutti
- Ritiro del pacchetto sicurezza
- Accoglienza per tutti
- No ai respingimenti e agli accordi bilaterali che li prevedono
- Per la rottura netta del legame tra il permesso di soggiorno e il contratto di lavoro
- Diritto di asilo per i rifugiati e profughi
- Per la chiusura definitiva dei Centri di Identificazione ed Espulsioni (CEI)
- No alle divisioni tra italiani e stranieri
- Diritto al lavoro, alla salute, alla casa e all’istruzione per tutti
- Mantenimento del permesso di soggiorno per chi ha perso il lavoro
- Contro ogni forma di discriminazione nei confronti di LGBT
- Solidarietà a tutti i lavoratori in lotta per la difesa del lavoro
Unione Cittadini Immigrati Roma - Comitato Immigrati in Italia (Roma) - Centro sociale Ex Canapificio Caserta - Movimento Migranti e Rifugiati Caserta - Migrantes Y Familiares MFAM - Comitato Immigrati in Italia (Napoli) - Collettivo Immigrati Auto-Organizzati Torino - Ass. Dhuumcatu - Lega Albanesi Illiria - Ass. Filippini Roma - Ass. Sunugal Milano - Ass Insieme per la Pace - Ass Mosaico Interculturale (Monza-Brianza) - Federazione Senegalesi della Toscana - Ass. FOCSI (Roma) - Ass. Bangladesh (Roma) - Ass. Pakistan (Roma) Ass. Indiani (Roma) - El Condor (Roma) - Uai (Como) - Centro delle culture (Milano) - Ass. Punto di partenza (Milano) - Movimento lotta per la casa (Firenze) - Ass. El Mastaba (Firenze) - Ass. Arcobaleno (Riccione) - FAT (Firenze) - Ass. Interculturale Todo Cambia (Milano) - Studio 3R di mediazione (Milano) - Centro delle culture (Firenze) - Federazione Nazionale RdB-CUB - SdL intercategoriale - Confederazione Cobas - Naga - Coordinamento Migranti Verona - Sportello Immigrati RdB Pisa - Missionari Comboniani Castelvoturno - PRC – Pdci - Ass.ne Razzismo Stop e ADL-Cobas - Sinistra Critica - Rete Antirazzista Catanese - Coordinamento Stop razzismo - Ass. antirazzista e interetnica `3 febbraio´ - Partito Umanista - Partito di Alternativa comunista - Socialismo Rivoluzionario - Unicobas - Socialismo Libertario - Centro delle Culture - Ass.Umanista Help To Change - Comitato antirazzista Abba (Fi) - Comitato Antirazzista (Vi) - Donne in Nero (Italia) - Clan Destino Doc - Medici e Operatori della salute dalla parte dei migranti - Ass.LibLab - Libero laboratorio - Associazione Culturale Musicale illimitate Villaricca (Napoli) – CIPAX (Centro interconfessionale per la pace) - Sud Pontino Social Forum - Cooperativa Immigrazionisti (Mi) - Gruppo Every One - Rifugiati di piazza Oberdan Milano - Gruppo Watching the Sky, Ass. culturale molisana " Il bene comune" - Associazione Utopia Rossa - Punto pace di Napoli movimento Pax Christi - Ass. Donne e colori ( Roma) - Marenia (gruppo musicale) - Bidonvillarik (gruppo musicale) - Associazione Peppino Impastato - Casa Memoria (Cinisi) - Slai Cobas Nazionale - Action (Roma) - Associazione "Kamilla" (Cassino) - Collettivo Teatri OFFesi di pescara - Associazione Arrakkè - Centro per la tutela dei diritti umani (Siracusa) - USI AIT Nazionale - Associazione Yakaar Italia-Senegal - Corrispondenze Metropolitane (Roma) - RETELEGALE (Torino) - ASIA-RdB (Bologna) - L'associazione Solidarietà Proletaria (Napoli) - Coordinamento Diversi Uguali (Arezzo) - Periodico Bianco e Nero - PCL - Rivista CARTA - Associazione "Romano pala tetehara" Rom per il futuro - Associazione Nazionale USICONS - Associazione cittadini del mondo - COLLETTIVO " IQBAQL MASIH" DI LECCE - Associazione interculturale Grammelot (Napoli) - Emergency - Casa Internazionale delle donne (Roma) - Piattaforma Comunista - Associazione-centro interculturale delle donne trama di terre (Imola) - Libreria la locomotiva (Savona) - perUnaltracittà (Firenze) - G.A.S TAPALLARA di Catania - Circolo di cultura glbt Maurice (Torino) - Comitato spontaneo per la pace di Faenza - Centro di documentazione don Tonino Bello di Faenza - PdCI Fed Prov di Torino - Ass. Culturale Artiglio - Mondo senza Guerre- Il centro Open Mind GLBT di Catania - Centro delle Culture di Roma - Collettivo MAREMMANO AUTORGANIZZATO (GROSSETO) - Organizzazione Comunista Alternativa Proletaria - IL MONDO IN IV (Roma) - Collettivo Antagonista Primaverile (Roma) - Associazione Postribù - Collettivo l'evasione (Cosenza) - Cobas pt cub - Sinistra Unita e Plurale (Firenze) – JVP Italia - Padri Sacramentini (Caserta) - Casa Rut (Caserta) - Pastorale Giovanile (Caserta) - Radio Vostok - Associazione Agora - CARC - Gruppo Antifascista Partigiano (Cremona) - DONNE PER L'INTEGRAZIONE di Borgomanero (NO) - Rete28Aprile - Centro Open Mind GLBT (Catania) – ARCI - Sinistra e Liberta - Piero Soldini (dipartimento immigrazione CGIL) – Fiom - Comitato antirazzista e contro l'omofobia “ALZIAMO LA TESTA " (Milano) - Cantieri Sociali - Cooperativa Sociale Dedalus (Napoli) - Associazione Priscilla (Napoli) - Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici - Assolei sportello donna - Associazione voceDonna (Forli) - Csoa Villaggio Globale (Roma) - Associazione SocialismoeSinistra - FGCI (Roma) - Comitato Solidarietà Antirazzista (Martesana) – Sindacato lavoratori in Lotta – ATTAC (Roma) - EMMAUS – BPM (Roma) – PLT – Associazione Yaku (Italia) - Associazione Askavusa-Arci (Lampedusa) - Giovani Comunisti (Roma) – Associazione l’Altro diritto ONLUS -Circolo arci "Malaussene" (Palermo) - Laboratorio Zeta (Palermo) - Web magazine "Kom-pa.net" (Palermo) - Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia Onlus - Associazione Afroitaliani/e - Associazione ALBANESI IN ITALIA - Associazione Le radici e le ali ONLUS (Milano) – Associazione Senza confine - Laici Missionari Comboniani (Palermo) - Associazione Sacco e Vanzetti - Associazione culturale multietnica " La Kasbah "(Cosenza) - Associazione Babele Grottaglie (TA)
PER ADESIONI:
PROMUOVE: COMITATO 17 OTTOBRE
Cara "Liberazione", volevo segnalare ai compagni la lettura del libro "La Divisione Partigiana Garibaldi. Montenegro 1943-1945" editrice Mursia, Milano 1981. Una pagina di storia unica e straordinaria che penso pochi conoscano. Qualche giorno dopo l'otto settembre 1943 in Montenegro due divisioni italiane, la Venezia e la Taurinense, mandate nel 1941 dal regime fascista a occupare quella regione, si ribellano agli ordini del gen. Renzo Dalmazzo, comandante la nona armata, e decidono di combattere accanto ai partigiani iugoslavi. L'autore del volume fu capo ufficio amministrativo della Divisione Venezia e partecipò a tutto il periodo della guerra e poi della liberazione in Montenegro. L'ordine del gen. Dalmazzo era di abbandonare armi e fortificazioni nelle mani dell'esercito nazista e trasferirsi verso nord-est affrontando una marcia di 100 chilometri in territorio di guerra dove operavano, oltre ai nazifascisti, formazioni armate nazionaliste, cetnici e ustascia. Un ordine che rappresentava un vero e proprio tradimento e un suicidio che i soldati non potevano accettare. L'ultimo dei tanti atti di assoluto disprezzo e umiliazione che gli alti comandi militari italiani e tedeschi avevano inflitto alla truppa. Tuttavia neanche la minaccia di essere giudicati dal tribunale marziale tedesco potè costringere i soldati a eseguire quell'ordine. Sulla decisione di allearsi con i partigiani influirono anche il disgusto per le stragi nazifasciste delle popolazioni montenegrine e il fatto che numerosi fra soldati e ufficiali di basso grado erano antifascisti. Molti altri venivano da famiglie che si erano opposte all'intervento del 1915, altri ancora avevano fatto parte delle Leghe operaie e contadine. Fu così, come racconta l'autore, che il 13 settembre alle «ore 22,15 lasciamo il comando divisione per raggiungere il comando partigiano a Cevo; uscendo da Danilovgrad in autocarretta superiamo un posto di blocco tedesco sistemato con cavalli di frisia sfondandoli ad alta velocità, i tedeschi non sparano. Ore 22,30 incontriamo un gruppo di partigiani; diciamo che stiamo andando al loro comando; ci lasciano passare. Ore 23 fermati da un gruppo di cetnici; dopo lungo tergiversare con il tenente Sabalich ci lasciano passare. Ore 23.30 fermati da una sentinella partigiana, "Stoj", e da un masso di roccia per interruzione stradale; abbandonata l'autocarretta, la sentinella ci accompagna. Ore 24 raggiungiamo a Cevo il comando di Nikola Popovic». Per quasi due anni la Divisione combattè fino alla liberazione di tutto il Montenegro, avvenuta nel gennaio 1945. Nel marzo dello stesso anno iniziò il rientro in Italia e il 27 aprile, a due giorni dalla liberazione italiana venne sciolta dallo Stato Maggiore diventando Reggimento Garibaldi. Il contributo dato dalla divisione partigiana Garibaldi alla guerra di Liberazione fu anche di 2.190 morti, 7.931 feriti, 7.291 dispersi.
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Per chi arriva da Fornovo si segue la SS62 in direzione Parma attraversando Ozzano Taro e passando a fianco di Collecchio). Dopo aver attraversato Stradella si gira a sinistra in strada Ponte Lupo. Dopo circa 800 metri si gira a destra in strada Lemignano e si prosegue fino al campo (sulla sinistra).
Scarica il volantino-programma della Festa: https://www.cnj.it/INIZIATIVE/volantini/FestaLiberazioneParma2009.pdf
Oggetto: La storia rovesciata: Sulle origini della II guerra mondiale
Data: 03 settembre 2009 9:46:06 GMT+02:00
Jacques R. Pauwels
Edizioni La Città del Sole
Collana Univesale di Base n. 18
ISBN 978-88-8292-409-6 cm. 11x17 96 pagine 6,00 euro
Nel momento in cui i “liberatori” di ieri “esportano” oggi “la democrazia” in mezzo mondo, questa lettura può essere preziosa per comprendere le relazioni – di ieri e di oggi – tra guerra e profitto: l’alta finanza e le grandi corporations degli Stati Uniti (Standard Oil, General Motors, Ford, IBM, Coca Cola, Du Pont, Union Carbide, Westinghouse, General Electric, Goodrich, Singer, Kodak, ITT, J. P. Morgan, etc. etc.) finanziarono l’ascesa al potere del nazionalsocialismo, l’aiutarono a riarmarsi e a preparare la guerra, lo sostennero nelle sue aggressioni e continuarono a lavorare per lo sforzo bellico tedesco anche quando il proprio paese scese in guerra contro la Germania. Business are business: e la guerra è certamente l’affare più remunerativo che si possa immaginare, ieri come oggi. ’alta finanza statunitense è stata sempre maestra in quest’“arte” di mettere il profitto uber alles.
Alexander Höbel
L'aggressione era stata preparata con cura. I piani d'invasione della Wehrmacht erano pronti già alla fine di giugno. Mentre per motivare il pubblico tedesco, meno smanioso di guerra di quanto avrebbero voluto i capi nazisti, si inscenavano provocazioni, come la bomba piazzata il 28 agosto da agenti tedeschi alla stazione ferroviaria di Tarnow o il finto assalto di uomini delle SS in uniformi polacche alla radio di Gleiwitz il 31 agosto. Anche la favola per cui sarebbero stati i polacchi i primi a sparare era a uso e consumo della popolazione tedesca.
Ovviamente Hitler non aveva trascurato di preparare il terreno anche sul piano diplomatico. Lo scellerato patto di «non aggressione» con l'Urss lo metteva al riparo da sorprese all'est.
A fine luglio del 1939 Berlino aveva segnalato a Mosca che tra il Baltico e il Mar Nero non c'erano controversie geopolitiche che non si sarebbero potute risolvere «con reciproca soddisfazione». Anche in direzione opposta erano venuti segnali concilianti, come la sostituzione del ministro degli esteri Litvinov, ebreo, con Molotov.
Il 23 agosto Molotov ricevette a Mosca il suo collega tedesco Ribbentrop, e la stessa notte i ministri firmarono due documenti passati alla storia come «patto Hitler-Stalin».
Il primo, che fu reso pubblico tra lo sconcerto degli antifascisti europei, impegnava i due stati al reciproco rispetto dei propri territori e alla neutralità, con formulazioni che lasciavano ampio spazio all'aggressione contro terzi, da parte di uno o di entrambi.
Ma nemmeno i critici antifascisti poterono allora immaginare che c'era anche un annesso segreto, la cui esistenza i sovietici riconobbero solo nel 1989. In questo secondo testo si scambiavano garanzie sulle rispettive sfere d'influenza. L'Urss vedeva riconosciute le sue pretese su territori persi dall'impero zarista in seguito alla prima guerra mondiale, anche come conseguenza della condotta di guerra tedesca in quel conflitto: Finlandia, Estonia, Littonia, Bessarabia (che grosso modo corrisponde all'attuale Moldavia) e i territori polacchi a est di una linea che passava per i fiumi Narev, Vistola e San. La Polonia a ovest di questa linea e la Lituania venivano assegnate alla «sfera d'interesse» del Reich tedesco. Si trattava di un ritorno ai piani di spartizione ottocenteschi della Polonia tra le potenze continentali. E del più vergognoso dei tradimenti delle promesse internazionaliste della rivoluzione d'Ottobre: l'Unione sovietica di Stalin era tornata a operare secondo la logia dell'impero zarista.
Nei primi giorni di settembre Stalin se ne rimase tranquillo, aspettando che i tedeschi facessero il grosso del lavoro sporco e spezzassero il nerbo delle resistenze militari. Del resto la Russia era impegnata in un conflitto in Manciuria con i giapponesi, che si concluse a vantaggio dei sovietici il 15 settembre. Solo due giorni dopo, il 17 settembre, lo stesso giorno in cui il governo polacco lasciò Varsavia per l'esilio, le truppe sovietiche invasero la Polonia da est.
Preso tra due fuochi, l'esercito polacco capitolò a Varsavia il 27 settembre. Alcune unità continuarono a resistere ancora per dieci giorni.
Mentre le truppe tedesche si preparavano a entrare a Varsavia, Ribbentrop tornò a Mosca, e già il giorno seguente, il 28 settembre, si accordò con Molotov su tre emendamenti al patto territoriale segreto firmato in agosto. Stavolta la Lituania ricadeva nella «sfera d'influenza dell'Urss». In cambio la Polonia centrale passava ai tedeschi, per cui le truppe sovietiche sarebbero arretrate dalla Vistola al Bug.
I due ministri e le loro delegazioni tracciarono con matita copiativa la nuova linea di demarcazione su una carta geografica. Raggiunta l'intesa, sopraggiunse nella stanza Stalin in persona, e appose sulla carta anche la sua firma. Quella carta geografica è conservata nell'archivio del ministero degli esteri tedesco. La firma di Stalin è grossa e vistosa: indelebile marchio d'infamia apposto senza alcuna remora.
Un sondaggio ha recentemente constatato che solo 16 russi su cento sanno che il loro paese occupò mezza Polonia, in combutta con Hitler. Ancora meno sapranno di quel che successe durante quell'occupazione, o hanno sentito nominare Katyn, dove Stalin fece uccidere migliaia di ufficiali polacchi. Il 22 giugno del 1941 toccò alla Russia essere aggredita, e nella memoria collettiva è rimasto il ricordo della «Grande guerra patriottica». Ma ciò non dovrebbe far dimenticare l'infame ruolo giocato da Stalin tra il 23 agosto 1939 e l'aggressione nazista.
[tratto da Problemi della transizione al socialismo in Urss (a cura di Catone A., Susca E.), La Città del Sole, 2004].
La Repubblica dell’1 settembre riferisce che a Danzica, durante le
celebrazioni per il settantesimo anniversario dell’aggressione
nazista alla Polonia e dell’inizio della seconda guerra mondiale,
Vladimir Putin ha dichiarato: "Ogni patto concluso con Hitler allora
fu immorale". Il ;premier russo non ha fatto riferimento al
vergognoso patto di Monaco né ai tanti accordi delle potenze e di
imprese occidentali che avevano prima permesso la ricostruzione del
potenziale bellico tedesco e che, l’avevano sostenuto poi anche
durante lo svolgimento stesso della guerra. Putin ha rifiutato
“però ogni tentativo di definire il Patto Molotov-Ribbentrop …
come unica causa della guerra”.
Per anni la propaganda occidentale prima e il revisionismo storico
poi hanno demonizzato il patto di non aggressione che l’Unione
Sovietica si decise a firmare con la Germania per ritardare il più
possibile la prevista invasione nazista dell’URSS. Politici,
giornalisti e storici hanno sempre sottaciuto che a questa decisione
l’Unione Sovietica fu costretta dopo aver visto fallire tutti i suoi
tentativi di sottoscrivere con Francia e Gran Bretagna un trattato di
alleanza antitedesca: in realtà le potenze occidentali speravano che
la furia hitleriana si dirigesse a oriente e spazzasse via l’odiato
e temuto nemico bolscevico.
Un uso rigoroso delle fonti basato sulla ricerca comparata e puntuale
dei documenti tratti dagli archivi delle diplomazie francese,
britannica e sovietica fa giustizia ora di affermazioni arbitrarie e
giudizi temerari della propaganda e della storiografia revisionista.
Questo lavoro è opera di Michael Jabara Carley, professore ordinario
e direttore del Dipartimento di Storia dell’Università di Montréal.
Nella minuziosa ricostruzione storica delle modalità e delle cause
che portarono al fallimento dei tentativi di accordo tra URSS e anglo-
francesi e alla decisione sovietica di siglare il patto di non
aggressione con la Germania nazista, l’autore ricorre alla analisi
comparata e contestuale delle fonti britanniche, francesi e russe,
utilizzando anche i materiali resi copiosamente – ma ancora
disordinatamente e discrezionalmente – disponibili dall’apertura e
desecretazione degli archivi sovietici dopo la fine dell’URSS.
L’accesso a questo nuovo materiale sovietico d’archivio offre
alcune conferme circa le valutazioni e il comportamento dei dirigenti
dell’Unione Sovietica.
Ciò che rende particolarmente interessante il lavoro di Carley è
l’analisi contestuale di tutte le fonti. È illuminante la lettura
di quelle franco-inglesi, da cui emerge l’orientamento antisovietico
e la sostanziale diffidenza occidentale nei confronti dell’URSS, che
a sua volta ricambiava pienamente questa diffidenza. L’illusione
della diplomazia britannica di trovare ancora un appeasement con
Hitler scongiurando la guerra, e la scelta deliberata di non favorire
l’affermazione di un ruolo nuovo e importante che l’URSS avrebbe
inevitabilmente assunto nel continente europeo, divenendo un perno
essenziale dell’alleanza antitedesca (come di fatto avvenne con la
partecipazione dell’URSS nel giugno 1941 all’alleanza
antifascista), spingono la direzione sovietica a siglare il patto
Ribentropp-Molotov.
È un lavoro meticoloso, di uno storico specialista delle relazioni
internazionali tra Occidente e URSS nel periodo 1917-1945, supportato
da un ampio apparato di note e da una vasta bibliografia, scritto,
tra l’altro, in uno stile che, senza nulla togliere al rigore
scientifico, riesce a “catturare” il lettore come fosse un racconto.
Dopo la prima edizione inglese uscita a Chicago, ne è stata
pubblicata una seconda a Londra. Sono poi seguite l’edizione
francese e quella in russo.
L’edizione italiana è arricchita da una presentazione dell’autore
che tiene conto di pubblicazioni successive e dibattiti tra storici
sull’argomento.
Michael Jabara Carley, professore ordinario e direttore del
Dipartimento di Storia dell’Università di Montréal, è uno
specialista delle relazioni internazionali nel XX Secolo e della
storia della Russia e dell'Unione sovietica. Ha lavorato e lavora
sulle relazioni dell'Unione Sovietica con l'Europa Occidentale e gli
Stati Uniti tra il 1917 ed il 1945, su cui ha scritto diversi libri e
articoli, pubblicati in Canada, Stati Uniti, Gran Bretagna, Francia e
Russia. Notevole anche la sua produzione sull’intervento straniero
contro i bolscevichi dopo l’Ottobre.
Edizioni La Città del Sole
Collana La foresta e gli alberi n. 18
Michael Jabara Carley
ISBN 978-88-8292-370-9 cm. 13,5 x 21 360 pagine 24,00 euro
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