Informazione
(ANSA) - MADRID, 4 GEN - Il Kosovo come esempio da seguire per la futura indipendenza del paese basco dalla Spagna: e' la tesi sviluppata da portavoce dell'Eta in una intervista che sara' pubblicata domani dal giornale basco Gara, di cui sono state diffuse anticipazioni oggi. Nell'intervista, secondo Gara, il gruppo armato basco, che dopo una tregua l'anno scorso ha ripreso gli attentati, afferma che l'indipendenza del paese basco ''non e' una utopia'' citando l'esempio di Kosovo e Scozia. Il popolo basco, sostiene l'Eta, ''ha diritto al proprio sviluppo''. La maggioranza albanese del Kosovo, provincia serba sotto amministrazione Onu, si prepara a una proclamazione unilaterale dell'indipendenza con l'appoggio degli Usa e di buona parte dei paesi occidentali, nonostante l'opposizione di Belgrado e della Russia. In Scozia il partito nazionalista Snp prevede di organizzare nel 2010 un referendum sull'indipendenza. Una consultazione popolare sulla auto-determinazione e' auspicata entro il 2010 anche dal capo del governo autonomo basco, il nazionalista moderato Juan Jose' Ibarretxe. Il premier spagnolo Jose' Luis Zapatero si e' dichiarato contrario all'iniziativa. (ANSA). CEF
04/01/2008 19:38
04. januar 2008. 19:05 (Izvor: Beta / Glas Srbije)
Ukoliko albanski lideri na Kosmetu jednostrano proglase nezavisnost te pokrajine, baskijska separatistička organizacija ETA će slediti taj primer i zatražiti odvajanje Baskije od Španije – najavljeno je na sajtu lokalnog lista ''Gara''. Taj dnevnik, koji ETA koristi za komunikaciju sa javnošću, prenosi da baksijski narod ima pravo na samoopredeljenje i u tom kontekstu navodi primere Kosmeta i Škotske. Španski mediji navode da baskijski lideri žele da do 2010. godine organizuju referendum o državnoj samostalnosti tog regiona.
Kosovo: Un’altra guerra nei Balcani?
Dall’indipendenza tutelata alla violenza senza tutela
Andrej Grubacic - Znet
18/12/2007
Recentemente ho ricevuto parecchia corrispondenza che mi chiedeva se ci sarà un’altra guerra nel Kosovo. Quest’articolo vuole rispondere a quelle domande.
Quali sono gli ultimi fatti circa il futuro del Kosovo? Secondo la BBC i mediatori fra Kosovo e Serbia sono giunti alla conclusione che non ci può essere un accordo sullo status finale del Kosovo.
Quali sono questi mediatori? I media dominanti li chiamano “la troica” : UE, USA e Russia.
La “troica” dopo 120 giorni di lavori passati a decidere della sorte di serbi, albanesi e rom che vivono in Kosovo, non è riuscita ad imporre un “accordo” per risolvere l’imminente crisi di quella regione. Ricordo ai lettori che il Kosovo è ancora una provincia serba, per lo meno secondo il diritto internazionale. E’ stato “liberato” nel 1999 durante la prima guerra della Nato, un intervento umanitario con l’obiettivo di promuovere la democrazia in quella parte semi - barbara del mondo, quella a cui i vicini europei occidentali si riferiscono, a volte, come all’Europa Selvaggia.
La democrazia stabilitasi recentemente è un protettorato coloniale che ospita basi militari statunitensi e prigioni simili a quella di Guantanamo, utilizzate per interrogatori nella “guerra contro il terrore”. I serbi e rom che rimangono sono periodicamente sottoposti a “pulizia etnica” o rinchiusi in remote enclavi. I rom vivono per lo più in campi eretti su terreni contaminati. Il governo coloniale ha scacciato i rom da tre campi per sfollati costruiti su siti tossici per piazzarli in un campo al nord di Mitrovica, abbandonato dai francesi a causa della contaminazione da piombo. Vivono terrorizzati, aspettando la prossima azione del governo albanese.
Il governo albanese di Hashim Tachi, famoso criminale di guerra dell’UCK (ELA) ed uno dei dirigenti del cartello criminale del Kosovo, ha minacciato di dichiarare in modo unilaterale l’indipendenza dopo l’intervento dell’ONU. Le sue minacce sono appoggiate dalle dichiarazioni dei governi di USA, Regni Unito, Germania, Francia e Italia, che insistono perché la comunità internazionale (e questa comunità è davvero internazionale, personifica gente internazionale estranea al Kosovo che decide sulla vita della gente del Kosovo) “deve onorare le sue responsabilità nei confronti del Kosovo” Il ministro degli esteri russo Sergey Lavrov, ha accusato d’impazienza i suoi soci di negoziato: “Sfortunatamente, i nostri soci occidentali bloccano i negoziati dicendo che l’indipendenza del Kosovo è inevitabile”. Il portavoce della Nato, James Appathurai, è stanco di parlare: Il punto di vista della Nato è che “il processo dovrebbe muoversi ora, e .. dovrebbe essere un movimento di soluzione.” Il tenente colonnello Grossmann della K- FOR dice che “la Nato rimarrà qui il tempo necessario, fino a quando la comunità internazionale lo ritenga necessario per risolvere questo conflitto.” La Nato come rimedio a questo conflitto? Nella sua reazione a questo “mezzo adeguato” Aleksandar Simic, consigliere del primo ministro Vojislav Kostunica, ha detto ai media che la Serbia ha il diritto legale di usare la guerra come mezzo per difendere il suo territorio se il Kosovo dichiara l’indipendenza. Questo ha molto contrariato Sua Eccellenza Wolfgang Ischinger, membro europeo della troica ..”Come si permette Simic! Sua Eccellenza ha dichiarato ai giornalisti “E’ inammissibile e intollerabile che di fronte alla troica una delle parti si esprima in questo modo” Ma è interessante che non consideri inammissibile e intollerabile che gli inviati della comunità internazionale e della Nato dicano che l’indipendenza del Kosovo è “imminente”.
E non parla nemmeno di Thaci, che ha assicurato alla UE e a Washington che lui, impulsivo com’è, ha cambiato opinione e attenderà ancora qualche riunione della comunità internazionale, ma dichiarerà l’indipendenza, al più tardi, all’inizio del nuovo anno.
Il presidente albanese del Kosovo, Fatmir Sejdiu, ha detto anche lui che l’indipendenza del Kosovo sarà una cosa che avverrà in modo molto rapido, ma non ha fornito una data precisa.
Il governatore coloniale del Kosovo, Joachim Rucker, è sicuro che il popolo della regione è maturo a sufficienza per lasciare che lavorino i meccanismi internazionali. Probabilmente si riferisce alla prossima conferenza della UE a Bruxelles, il 14 dicembre, da cui si aspetta un segnale di appoggio dalla maggioranza di Stati. E’ anche probabile che alla Serbia venga offerto un “incentivo”, una promessa circa l’ingresso nell’Unione Europea.
Si può anche dire, senza paura di sbagliarsi, che attaccheranno i serbi ed i rom del “nord serbo” del Kosovo, così come capiterà alle enclavi al centro e al sud della regione. Seguirà un nuovo ciclo di violenza etnica, ed il Kosovo, “il crogiolo del conflitto che più divide l’Europa nella storia recente” farà scoppiare un conflitto regionale vero e proprio. Il Gruppo Internazionale di crisi, che è totalmente a favore dell’indipendenza del Kosovo, ha espresso la sua preoccupazione di fronte ad un possibile “processo di indipendenza senza supervisione, probabilmente violento”. E’ importante segnalare che l’indipendenza che promettono agli albanesi del Kosovo è una “indipendenza tutelata”. Questo significa che l’indipendenza degli albanesi sarà tutelata e limitata da un cosiddetto Rappresentante Civile Internazionale, e appoggiata su di una forte presenza militare internazionale (ciò che in tempi di maggiore onestà si chiama: occupazione).
La mia risposta, l’unica che posso dare, alla domanda se ci sarà un’altra guerra tra la Nato e la Serbia e tra gli albanesi del Kosovo e le minoranze, è sì. Ci sarà un’altra guerra. Se la “comunità internazionale” con il suo esercito e il suo apparato coloniale, non permette che albanesi, serbi e rom decidano da soli il loro futuro, la guerra, o per lo meno, la “violenza localizzata” (e internazionalmente supervisionata) e un’altra ondata di pulizia etnica di serbi e rom, saranno inevitabili. L’unica possibilità per la pace nei Balcani è la fine dell’occupazione dei Balcani. In Kosovo come in Bosnia, i signori europei e statunitensi, le ONG “umanitarie” internazionali, i benamati membri della comunità internazionale, facciano il favore di andarsene! E non si dimentichino di portare con sé i giornalisti della BBC!
*Andrej Grubacic è uno storico anarchico e scrive per Znet sui Balcanes. Fa parte del collettivo post - yugoslavo “Lotta per la a libertà”, della rete "Global Balkan" e del consiglio editoriale della rivista Balkan Z. Per contatti: zapata@... http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2007-12/10grubacic.cfm
Traduzione dallo spagnolo per www.resistenze.org di FR
Dal Kosovo al Belgio. La dissezione (germanica) dell'Europa (1/2)
1) Anschlusspläne / Accession Plans
"... The ongoing current government crisis in Brussels is provoking discussions of
secession projects in Belgium's Germanophonic eastern cantons (...) The Germanophonic
community (DG), an administrative conglomeration, representing the 70.000
Germanophonic minority around Eupen and St. Vith (...) It has its own parliament and its
own government. Questions are being raised about the DG's future - if Flanders separates
from Wallonia. (...) "If Belgium splits, we, of course, have to keep all options open" ..."
(GFP 2007/12/11)
2) Das Ende von Belgien?
Kleinstaaten für das internationale Kapitalmonopol: Wie die »Zeitung für Deutschland« die
Landkarte Europas neu zeichnet
Von Andreas Wehr (junge Welt - 31.12.2007)
3) La Vallonia è preoccupata per le conseguenze dell'indipendenza kosovara
(Radio Serbia 13 dicembre 2007)
4) Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe
Experts have calculated that in the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in
Europe
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 19, 2007
5) Opponents of Kosovo Independence Fear Separatist Reaction
Will an independent Kosovo give rise to separatist movements elsewhere?
Deutsche Welle - December 11, 2007
6) Kosovo independence seen fueling nationalist movements in EU
EU Business - December 11, 2007
VEDI ANCHE / SEE ALSO:
Le foto della manifestazione per l'unità del Belgio /
Manifestation pour l'unité de la Belgique à Bruxelles, 18 novembre 2007
http://www.ptb.be/fr/nouvelles/article/manifestation-pour-lunite-de-la-belgique-a-
bruxelles.html
E' la fine del Belgio?
Un drammatico ma significativo allarme sui progetti di destrutturazione sociale e statuale
della borghesia nel cuore dell'Europa
di Herwig Lerouge
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5705
The End of Belgium?
Door Herwig Lerouge
http://www.pvda.be/nl/nieuws/article/the-end-of-belgium.html
Belgique - Transferts Flandre-Wallonie: mythes et vérités
« Séparer le pays ? Non, mais il faut arrêter les transferts d'argent de la Flandre vers la
Wallonie», entend-on souvent au Nord du pays. Enquête sur les chiffres.
David Pestieau & Herwig Lerouge - http://www.solidaire.org/ mardi, 4 septembre 2007
http://www.michelcollon.info/articles.php?dateaccess=2007-09-
09%2015:51:02&log=invites
An uncertain future
The year that was: As an enlarged EU searched for a raison d'etre, Belgium spent much of
this year struggling with its own identity crisis
Khaled Diab, The Guardian, December 26, 2007
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/khaled_diab/2007/12/an_uncertain_future.html
German "Imperium" Europe
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56041
http://www.freenations.freeuk.com/gc-63.html
Deutsches Imperium Europa
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/56679
L'Europe, empire allemand
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/fr/fulltext/55940
=== 1 ===
(Der folgende Artikel ist auch auf Deutsch zu lesen:
Anschlusspläne
11.12.2007 - Angesichts der anhaltenden Regierungskrise in Brüssel werden
Sezessionspläne für die deutschsprachigen Ostkantone Belgiens diskutiert...
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/57099 )
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56118
Accession Plans
2007/12/11
BRUSSELS/EUPEN/DUESSELDORF/BERLIN (Own report) - The ongoing current government
crisis in Brussels is provoking discussions of secession projects in Belgium's
Germanophonic eastern cantons. If the two large regions in Belgium, Flanders and
Wallonia, really separate, why should the Eupen and St. Vith region not reorient itself - is
a question being raised among the 70.000 Germanophones in eastern Belgium, who are
also discussing their region's possible accession to Luxemburg or Germany. Intensive
preparations by Germany's North Rhine-Westphalia, in close cooperation with the
Germanophonic administration in eastern Belgium, point toward the German option. The
two regions initiated new forms of cooperation last summer. Flemish separatism is at the
root of Belgium's current government crisis and could, eventually, lead to a breakup of the
country. In the past, Flemish separatism was strongly influenced by an anti-French
alliance with a westward spreading German hegemonic policy. Berlin's objective was
always to roll back French influence on its western neighbor.
Government Crisis
Belgium's current government crisis which has persisted for several months began during
coalition negotiations following the June 10, 2007 legislative elections, that were won by
Yves Leterme, from the conservative Partei Christen Democratisch en Vlaams (CD en V).
His efforts to form a government alliance failed because of demands advanced by Dutch
speaking Flanders. For years Flemish forces, demanding a halt to the flow of tax money
from this wealthier northern region to the poorer French-speaking region, Wallonia, have
been gaining strength. Included among them are also those seeking the secession of
Flanders from Belgium. Flemish separatism has its base in influential milieus. This year -
with the aid of the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA) political party - it was able to enter an
electoral alliance with the conservatives (CD en V), and play an important role in the
coalition negotiations. But the Wallonian partners in the negotiations refuse to meet the
demands to transfer powers from the central government in Brussels to regional
governments, as raised by the CD en V and N-VA - because of their well-founded fear of
the breakup of Belgium, as a nation.
Options
The persistent dispute around the formation of a government in Brussels has provoked
debates about Belgium's future, including its eastern cantons. The Germanophonic
community (DG), an administrative conglomeration, representing the 70.000
Germanophonic minority around Eupen and St. Vith, has been granted numerous
autonomous rights over the past decades. It has its own parliament and its own
government. Questions are being raised about the DG's future - if Flanders separates from
Wallonia. As Karl-Heinz Lambertz, the social-democrat prime minister in Eupen declared:
"If Belgium splits, we, of course, have to keep all options open." According to Lambertz,
several scenarios are currently on the table - ranging from sovereignty to unifying with
Luxemburg to the south or accession to Germany to the east.[1] In the DG one hears that
Luxemburg's prosperity is to its advantage, "salaries are excellent and pensions not
bad".[2] The long preparatory political work speaks in favor of Germany.
Project Promotion
For a long time, German influence in eastern Belgium was centered on cultural affairs,
through subsidies for Germanophonic Belgians paid, among others, by the Hermann-
Niermann-Foundation (Duesseldorf / North Rhine-Westphalia). In the late 1980s, this
foundation was heavily criticized because some of its personnel came from the extreme-
rightist milieu and because of contacts to terrorist circles in South Tyrol, which persisted
up to 1987.[3] At the end of 1994 the Hermann-Niermann-Foundation ceased financial
support for eastern Belgium, but successfully won lawsuits against east Belgian critics,
strongly protesting German financial interference in east Belgian cultural affairs. At the
time the suits was filed, an undersecretary of the German interior ministry, in charge of
the promotion of Germanophonic minorities abroad, was board chairman of the
foundation.[4] The critics resistance against Germany's interference collapsed with their
defeat in court. Today there is little protest heard against DG's close collaboration with the
Federal Union of European Nationalities, FUEN. FUEN, subsidized with German taxes, has
built a network connecting Germanophonic minorities all over Europe with officials of the
German interior ministry.[5]
Cooperation Treaty
The cultural lobbying, with financial aid for selected projects, was replaced by a
cooperation treaty between the DG in Eupen and the administration of North Rhine-
Westphalia. On March 4, 2004, the respective prime ministers signed a "common
Declaration" aimed at establishing "a close linkage between the two regions," including the
fields of "the educational system, art and culture, the media, recreation, sports and
tourism, youth, social security and health, professional training and employment, Europe
and regional structural policies as well as general administrative affairs." In all of these
areas, the DG has autonomous authority independent of the central government in
Brussels.[6] Too small to have their own sovereign policy, the east Belgian cantons are now
transferring these responsibilities to the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Just last
summer, ministries from eastern Belgium and North Rhine-Westphalia intensified their
cooperation in the fields of education and research. But independently from that, German
and Belgian communes are intensifying their cross border collaboration, mainly within the
so-called "Euregio Maas-Rhein" framework.[7]
Opposing Interests
If Flanders separates from Wallonia, Flemish separatism would release and irretrievably
detach the DG from Brussels. Throughout its history, Flemish separatism, especially its
radical variation, has been also influenced by Germany. When, in the course of World War I,
the government of the German Reich realized that its chances to win were fading away and
was preparing for a compromise peace, it intensified its so-called Flemish policy.
Strengthening Flemish collaborators, Germany was hoping to keep Belgium under its
influence after a peace accord. In 1917, to the advantage of Flemish nationalists, the
German occupying power divided Belgium into two administrative regions - Flanders and
Wallonia. This collaboration "gave birth to the notion of contradictory vital interests
between `Flanders' and `Belgium', which had been largely unknown to the Flemish
movement before the war," according to an analysis of the German-Flemish
relationship.[8] Flemish separatism is today still based on this notion.
Knowledge and Support
Following its defeat in 1918, the German Reich considered Flemish nationalism to be a
guarantee against France becoming stronger. As assumed by the historian Robert Paul
Oszwald (Potsdam) in 1927, Paris was struggling "with all its intellectual, economic and
military means to win influence in northwestern Europe, to take control over the German
lifeline, the estuary of the Rhine." Only the nationalist and radically Anti-French Flemish
came into question as a counteracting force.[9] Oszwald, who was "the key figure in the
relationship between German and Flemish nationalists during the Weimar epoch" [10]
served as advisor to the German foreign ministry in the 1920s. He functioned as a broker
between the German Reich and the "niederlaendischen Kulturkreis" (Dutch cultural circle)
"with the knowledge and support of the foreign ministry, up to 1932, when government
policy changed course" wrote Oszwald in a "report on the situation of the neutral western
states Belgium and Holland,"[11] in early February 1940 - just three months before the
German invasion of its western neighbors. But already in 1933, he was able to continue his
work - on behalf of Division VII of the Reich's Propaganda Ministry.
Against Paris
The anti-French posture is still an element of Flemish separatism. When the winner of the
June 10, elections, Yves Leterme, was asked by a TV reporter to sing the Belgian national
anthem, he chimed in the wrong melody. Rather than the Belgian national anthem,
Leterme, the known promoter of a greater autonomy for Flanders, began to sing the
Marseillaise. The candidate for the prime minister's office thereby underlined an important
element of his policy. It is directed against French influence in Belgium, thus favoring
Berlin.
Please read also: Autonomy for "German" Belgium, "Dissolve frontiers like a sugar lump in
tea", Anschluss an Deutschland: "Kein Fehlverhalten", German pressure group in East
Belgium, Brückenkopf im Westen, Identitätsfindung, Baldiger Anschluss, Gemeinsam mehr
erreichen! and Ethno-Netzwerk.
[1] Ostbelgier sehen die Regierungskrise noch gelassen; Aachener Zeitung 08.11.2007
[2] Eine Nation gerät ins Wanken; Südwest Presse 15.11.2007
[3] see also Baldiger Anschluss and Ethno-Netzwerk
[4] see also "Conspiracy against Belgium" and Fliehkräfte
[5] see also Aktionseinheiten
[6] Ministerpräsident Peer Steinbrück: "Zusammenarbeit zwischen NRW und der
Deutschsprachigen Gemeinschaft Belgiens vorbildhaft"; Landespresse- und
Informationsamt Nordrhein-Westfalen 04.03.2004. See also Ostbelgien im deutschen Netz
[7] see also "Die Potenziale des Nachbarn nutzen", "Raumordnung" um Aachen herum and
Stilles Wachstum
[8] Winfried Dolderer: Der flämische Nationalismus und Deutschland zwischen den
Weltkriegen, in: Burkhard Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen,
Münster 2003
[9] Robert Paul Oszwald: Nordwesteuropa, in: Volk und Reich Jahrgang 3 Nummer 12,
Dezember 1927
[10] Winfried Dolderer: Der flämische Nationalismus und Deutschland zwischen den
Weltkriegen, in: Burkhard Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen,
Münster 2003
[11] Stephan Laux: Flandern im Spiegel der "wirklichen Volksgeschichte", in: Burkhard
Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen, Münster 2003
=== 2 ===
http://www.jungewelt.de/2007/12-31/052.php
31.12.2007 / Schwerpunkt / Seite 3
Das Ende von Belgien?
Kleinstaaten für das internationale Kapitalmonopol: Wie die »Zeitung für Deutschland« die
Landkarte Europas neu zeichnet
Von Andreas Wehr
Nun also Belgien! Die Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, die sich in ihren bisherigen
Berichten über das Auf und Ab in der sich nun schon seit einem halben Jahr hinziehenden
belgischen Regierungskrise mal belustigt, mal mäßig besorgt zeigte, sprach jetzt ihr
Verdikt: »Das Ende von Belgien«, ausdrücklich ohne ein Fragezeichen versehen, lautete die
Überschrift eines Zweispalters von Dirk Schümer im Feuilleton der »Zeitung für
Deutschland« Mitte Dezember (siehe auszugsweise Dokumentation unten). Ganz so, als sei
dieses Ende bereits eingetreten. Und genau so ist es auch gemeint. Zwar wird dem
Gesamtstaat eine Gnadenfrist eingeräumt, da diesmal »der landestypische Kompromiß«
wohl noch mal erzielt werde. Doch der kann nach Schümer nur »der letzte sein«. Und so
macht sich der Autor bereits Gedanken darüber, was aus Brüssel, dem Königshaus und der
»maroden Wallonie« anschließend werden soll.
Daß tatsächlich nur wenige im Land, bei aller Gereiztheit und Ratlosigkeit über die nicht
endenwollende Regierungskrise, ernsthaft über eine Scheidung nachdenken, ist für
Schümer nebensächlich: »Zwar spricht sich nur eine Minderheit von weniger als zwanzig
Prozent der Belgier für eine sofortige Teilung aus, doch dürfte die Spaltung auf mittlere
Sicht gar nicht mehr zu verhindern sein (...)«. Daß die in Europa einflußreiche Frankfurter
Allgemeine mit Sympathie über eine Auflösung des Nachbarstaats schreibt, wird von den
flämischen Separatisten aufmerksam registriert und als Ermutigung verstanden werden.
Wie bereits zuvor bei der Zerstörung Jugoslawiens, der Auflösung der Sowjet union und
der Teilung der Tschechoslowakei ist auch jetzt wieder die Rede von einem »Kunststaat«,
der zu Recht untergehe. Laut FAZ soll auch »Belgien als lukratives Kunstprodukt
erschaffen« worden sein und »zwar von einem kleinen Kreis reicher Kulturfranzosen«. Da
kann man nur staunen! Nicht etwa das von oben zusammengezimmerte, auf
mittelalterlichen Dynastien errichtete und mit Hilfe eines Krieges aus der Taufe gehobene
Bismarcksche Deutsche Reich war ein Kunststaat, nein, dies soll vielmehr das 40 Jahre
zuvor gegründete Belgien sein. Und so zählen die seinerzeit beispiellose liberale und mo
derne Verfassung und die dort gelebten Freiheitsrechte des 1830 gegründeten, ersten
wirklich bürgerlichen Staates Europas nichts. Ein natürlicher und eben nicht »künstlicher«
Staat ist nach Meinung Schümers offensichtlich nur einer, der sich durch einheitliche
Sprache, ethnische Geschlossenheit und auch Blutsverwandtschaft der Stämme
auszeichnet. Dies ist klassisch romantisch, durch und durch reaktionär und leider auch
sehr deutsch. Wir wissen, wohin das bei uns geführt hat. Erst nach dem Zusammenbruch
des Wilhelminischen Reiches konnte Deutschland gut 90 (!) Jahre nach Gründung
Belgiens an jene dort vorweggenommene Entwicklung endlich anknüpfen.
»Kunststaaten« wären nach diesem Maßstab übrigens die meisten Länder der Welt. Und so
ist das herbeigeschriebene Schicksal Belgiens denn auch nur ein Menetekel für
Kommendes. In der Ankündigung des FAZ-Artikels heißt es: »Ein Staat zerfällt. Dieses
Szenario werden wir bald noch häufiger erleben, bei den Schotten, den Kosovaren, auch
den Südtirolern.«
Was zerreißt nun auch westeuropäi sche Staaten in einem historischen Augenblick, in dem
sich doch Europa angeblich gerade vereint? Es ist genau jener europäische
Einigungsprozeß, der ja nichts anderes ist als ein Ein- und Unterordnungsprozeß in das
System der Globalisierung, der die Nationalstaaten sprengt. Lange war angenommen
worden, daß die Grundfreiheiten der EU, der freie Waren-, Personen-, Dienstleitungs- und
Kapitalverkehr allein die Mitgliedsstaaten in einen erbarmungslosen Standortnationalismus
treibt. Nun machen sich auch die reichen Regionen dieser Länder auf, die innerstaatliche
Solidarität aufzukündigen und notleidende Gebiete abzuschütteln. Im erbarmungslosen
Kampf der Regionen jede gegen jede wird innerstaatliche Solidarität zu einem Luxus. In
Belgien ist es Flandern, das dem »maroden Wallonien« angeblich »die Renten- und
Sozialkassen alimentiert«. Die Schotten wollen die Einnahmen aus dem Nordseeöl nicht
länger teilen, die Anhänger der italienischen Lega Nord nicht für den armen Süden zahlen,
und die reichen Katalanen fühlen sich eh als ein eigenständiges Mittelmeervolk. Die Liste
ließe sich um einige Kandidaten verlängern, auch um deutsche. »Aus deutscher
Perspektive zeigt der Verfall Belgiens, daß eine Nation mit eingebautem Wohlstandsgefälle
nur schwer überlebt«, resümiert Dirk Schümer. Und die FAZ weist schon mal den Weg:
»Diese wohlhabenden Entitäten, denen der Nationalstaat des vorigen Jahrhunderts zu eng
wird, eint der Wille, nach dem Loswerden der Zentralmacht und einer angepeilten
Unabhängigkeit schnellstmöglich der EU beizutreten.« Und so könnten statt der heute 27
bald 40 oder gar 50 Staaten diese Union bilden. Das internationale Monopolkapital wird es
freuen, sind doch solche Kleinstaaten Wachs in ihren Händen.
Der Kapitalismus neoliberalen Zuschnitts macht sich auf, die Landkarte Europas neu zu
zeichnen. Die nationalen Bourgeoisien sind an großen und einheitlichen Territorien immer
weniger interessiert, spielen doch Grenzen dank der EU-Binnenmarktfreiheiten für den
ungehinderten Kapital- und Warenfluß keine Rolle mehr. Doch Nationalstaaten sind nach
dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges in harten Klassenauseinandersetzungen und unter dem
Eindruck des Vorbilds des Ostens auch Sozialstaaten geworden. In ihnen wird Solidarität
durch den Transfer erheblicher Mittel zugunsten notleidender Regionen geübt. Dafür ist
die EU kein Ersatz. Der Kampf für den Erhalt des Nationalstaats ist daher in erster Linie
eine soziale Auseinandersetzung. Traditionelle und liebgewordene antietaistische
Sichtweisen trüben in diesem Kampf nur den Blick auf die wirklichen Gefahren.
Der Autor lebt und arbeitet in Brüssel
MEHR AUS DER RUBRIK SCHWERPUNKT (31.12.2007)
Ein Nationalstaat zerfällt Das Ende von Belgien
Auszüge aus dem FAZ-Artikel vom 14.12.07
=== 3 ===
www.radioserbia
La Vallonia è preoccupata per le conseguenze dell'indipendenza kosovara
13 dicembre 2007 15:24
I deputati di tutti i partiti politici della Vallonia, regione meridionale belga in cui si parla il
francese, hanno espresso una seria preoccupazione per la possibile indipendenza del
Kosovo, valutando che questo potrebbe avere un effetto-domino sul Belgio, di cui la parte
settentrionale, Flandria, in cui si parla la lingua olandese, tende a secedere. Dobbiamo
fermare la nascita di nuovi, artificiali stati in Europa, ha dichiarato il deputato del
principale partito di Vallonia, Movimento riformista, Francois Xavier de Donneas. Il
deputato del partito ecologista Josie Dubier ha dichiarato di temere che, come ha detto, si
stia accendendo una macchina infernale separatista, e il socialista Patrick Morieau ha
avvisato che esiste il pericolo del separatismo nel cuore dell'Europa. Il Belgio si trova in
una delle più profonde crisi politiche nella sua storia, perché i partiti politici della Vallonia
e della Flandria, a causa di insuperabili divergenze nelle posizioni sul futuro ordinamento
del paese, non riescono già da sei mesi a formare il governo.
=== 4 ===
http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20071219/93261437.html
Russian Information Agency Novosti
December 19, 2007
Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe
MOSCOW - The Kosovo issue has been forwarded to the UN
Security Council. The Russian Foreign Ministry
suggests that Belgrade and Pristina should have
another chance to come to terms. A decision on
Kosovo's cessation from Serbia will create a precedent
and violate international law.
Today, Europe is the venue of both integration and
separatist processes. Experts have calculated that in
the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in
Europe.
The Basque Country is the most traditional example of
European separatism.
In Spain, about two million Basques live in three
provinces of what is called the Basque Country.
It has broader powers than other Spanish regions; the
living standards are above the average; and Basque is
recognized as an official language. But despite this
devolution deal, the advocates of secession from Spain
(to be merged with the Basque-populated part of
France) are not going to stop at that.
Francisco Franco was responsible for the growth of
separatism - the Basques were not allowed to publish
books and newspapers; conduct instruction in Basque
(native name - euskara); give children Basque names or
put out their national flag.
Euskadi Ta Askatasuna or ETA (Basque for "Basque
Homeland and Freedom") was set up in 1959 as an
anti-Franco party. Franco has long been dead and the
Basque country has received autonomous status, but
this does not prevent the Basque terrorists from
fighting. More than 900 people have fallen victim to
the struggle for "independence."
Catalonia, an autonomous province in the northeast of
Spain, is also a headache for Madrid.
Having their own language and culture, the Catalans
have always stressed their separate identity in Spain.
Their province enjoys extensive autonomy in Spain, a
constitutional monarchy.
Relations with the central government in Madrid are
being regulated by a separate charter. In 2005, the
new version of the charter said that the Catalans are
a separate nation.
However, there are dozens of parties and public
organizations in the region, mostly left-wing, which
are advocating cessation from Spain. Their goal is to
hold a referendum on independence until 2014.
Another Spanish province, Valencia, received new
autonomous status in July 2007.
France has long-standing experience of resisting
separatism and extremism on its territory, above all
in the Mediterranean island of Corsica.
Corsican national groups clashed with the French army
in the middle 1970s.
The Corsican Nationalist Union and the Movement for
Self-Determination are the biggest and most
influential among these groups.
Both have combat units.
In the last 25 years, the island's status was upgraded
twice - in 1982 and 1990 the local authorities were
given increasingly broad powers in the economy,
agriculture, energy industry, transportation,
education, and culture.
Several years ago, the French parliament recognized
the existence of the Corsican nation. This decision
was later cancelled as contradicting the Constitution
of the French Republic.
The Breton Revolutionary Army (BRA) has operated in
Bretagne, a north-western French province, since the
early 1970s.
The descendants of the Celts, who once came from the
British Isles, do not identify themselves fully with
the French, or consider themselves special among other
French citizens.
During censuses, many of them call themselves Bretons
although put French as their native tongue. The BRA
(apparently named by analogy with the Irish Republican
Army - IRA) belongs to the extremist wing of the
nationalist movement Emgann, which is fighting against
the "French oppressors."
In Italy, separatist attitudes are strong in the
industrially advanced northern regions. The
influential League of the North has so far given up
its demand of secession and insists on Italy becoming
a federation. There are also people wishing to see
South Tirol [Tyrol], which Italy received after WWI,
reunited with Austria.
Belgium may separate into northern Flanders (whose
residents speak Dutch and are leaning towards the
Netherlands) and southern French-speaking Wallonia.
This confrontation between Belgium's two linguistic
communities is rooted in the beginning of Belgium's
independent history when the Walloons and the Flemish
formed a union against the Netherlands.
Having once united in the name of freedom, they have
been trying to break apart for almost two centuries.
Appeals for independence are growing stronger and
stronger - the economically advanced Flanders does not
want to "feed" the Walloon Region. Polls show that
more than 60% of the Flemish and over 40% of the
Walloons believe that Belgium may disintegrate.
In Britain, the separatist attitudes have moved from
Ulster [Northern Ireland] to Scotland.
The recent Scottish parliamentary elections were won
by the supporters of the formation of a new
independent state from the Scottish National Party
(SNP).
The head of the Scottish government Alex Salmond
declared that Scotland may become independent within a
decade.
So far, only 23% of Scots support the idea of their
independence (as compared with 30% a year ago).
However, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon
Brown (the current British Prime Minister) warned in
the press that Britain would be threatened with
"Balkanization" if the 300 year-long union between
England and Scotland continued weakening.
Denmark's Faroe Islands are a semi-autonomous
territory, living on the government's subsidies of
almost $170 million a year. This fact is a restraint
for the local separatists, although five years ago
they tried to conduct a referendum on independence.
Quiet Switzerland also has its own separatists. The
Front for the Liberation of Yura has been demanding
this canton's independence from the confederation for
over 30 years.
At one time, Yura, inhabited by French-speaking
Catholics, was transferred to the canton of Bern with
its predominantly German-speaking Protestant
population. The Front's leaders admit that their
chances of success are minimal.
Vojvodina is a Serbian autonomous region located some
35 km (22 miles) away from Belgrade.
The Alliance of Vojvodina's Magyars, whose
representatives control almost 70% of the region's
territory, demand a republican status for the region,
a referendum on secession from Serbia and a
confederation with Hungary.
Late last March, the Association asked the European
Union to send a mission to study the situation.
Hungarians now account for more than 40% of the
region's population.
A similar scenario is developing in Romanian
Transylvania (in 1940-1945 it belonged to Hungary; in
1919-1939 to Romania; and before that to
Austria-Hungary).
The percentage of Hungarians there already exceeds
45%.
The Union for the Revival of Hungarian Transylvania,
set up under Ceausescu, has already held referendums
on territorial autonomy in three Transylvanian
districts late last March. The local Hungarians
expressed themselves for the maximal autonomy from
Bucharest and independent relations with Budapest.
"Anti-colonial" raids have become more frequent in
Italian Sardinia, and in the Austrian provinces of
Stiria and particularly Carinthia, mostly populated by
Croatians and Slovenians.
The South Albanian Greeks and residents of the
Portuguese Azores have also become increasingly active
in demanding autonomy.
=== 5 ===
http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,2998982,00.html
Deutsche Welle - December 11, 2007
Opponents of Kosovo Independence Fear Separatist Reaction
Will an independent Kosovo give rise to separatist movements elsewhere?
The expected declaration of independence by Kosovo has
a number of nations on edge. Those who oppose Kosovo's
autonomy harbor separatists of their own. A free
Kosovo could be just the rallying call these movements
need.
With all the signs pointing towards a declaration of
independence from Kosovo after the UN-set deadline for
reaching a settlement passes on Monday, the European
Union is bracing itself for a wave of renewed calls
for autonomy from separatist movements across Europe.
If Kosovo declares independence from Serbia, it will
set a powerful precedent for movements from Spain to
Scotland, all wanting to rewrite the map of Europe and
form their own independent states, according to
experts.
"There is a real risk that the quasi-dogma of the
intangibility of borders which has existed since the
end of the World War II will fall," French political
scientist Jean-Yves Camus of the Paris-based IRIS
institute told AFP. "This would benefit movements
which seek to rewrite the map of Europe based on
ethnic, linguistic or cultural criteria," added Camus,
a specialist on separatist movements in Europe.
The emergence of similar lifestyles and English as a
common language in Europe, combined with the
disappearance of borders and the lack of democratic
legitimacy of EU bodies, had fueled "the development
of micro-distinctive identities," said Camus.
While Kosovo's ethnic majority leaders have vowed not
to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia
without US and European Union approval, they are
expected to announce their intentions to form a new
state in early 2008.
Opposition includes fear of own breakaway states
Many of the countries which oppose the creation of an
independent state of Kosovo have at least one
separatist movement working towards autonomy within
their own borders.
Serbia's ally Russia, which leads the opposition, has
problems with separatists in Chechnya and the Caucasus
region while Spain has had a long-running dispute with
the armed ETA movement. Other countries against
Kosovo's independence such as Cyprus and Greece have
ethnic minorities which demand more power.
"In the West, this [Kosovo] solution will set off
separatists in Europe," Russian President Vladimir
Putin said in an interview published in French
newspaper Le Figaro earlier this year. "Look at
Scotland, Catalonia and the Basque Country."
Spain is currently experiencing a period of unease as
its northern Basque Country and its wealthy
northeastern region of Catalonia have stepped up their
demands for more autonomy.
Last year Catalan voters overwhelmingly backed a new
charter which recognized the region as a "nation"
within Spain and grants it enhanced powers in taxation
and judicial matters.
Separatists claim EU structure makes autonomy possible
As in other separatist regions of Europe like
Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium,
and northern Italy, supporters said Catalonia deserved
extra powers because it makes a bigger contribution to
the economy.
The armed Basque separatist group ETA ended a 15-month
ceasefire in June while the Scottish National Party,
which came to power in May, plans to hold a referendum
on independence in 2010.
Belgium meanwhile has been without a government for
six months after a general election on June 10
highlighted deep divisions between the nation's
majority Dutch-speakers and Francophones.
For many nationalists, membership in the 27-nation
European Union has only served to make separation seem
more viable.
"Europe can regulate our functionings and transfer
payments. Why must we maintain this intermediate roof
we call Belgium," the leader of the Flemish
nationalist party, Bart De Wever, told French daily Le
Monde last month.
Russia to block independence at UN level
Meanwhile, Russia stepped up its opposition Tuesday by
announcing that it would demand that the UN Security
Council annul any unilateral declaration of
independence by Kosovo.
"Russia will of course demand the annulment of such a
decision. We will demand a meeting of the Security
Council because it would be a violation of a Council
resolution," Russia's Interfax news agency quoted the
country's chief Kosovo negotiator Alexander
Botsan-Kharchenko as saying.
=== 6 ===
http://www.eubusiness.com/news-eu/1197337627.56
EU Business - December 11, 2007
Kosovo independence seen fueling nationalist movements in EU
MADRID - If Kosovo declares independence from Serbia
after Monday's UN-set deadline for reaching a
settlement has passed, a powerful precedent will be
set for separatist movements across Europe, from Spain
to Scotland, observers say.
"There is a real risk that the quasi-dogma of the
intangibility of borders which has existed since the
end of the Second World War will fall," French
political scientist Jean-Yves Camus of the Paris-based
IRIS institute told AFP.
"This would benefit movements which seek to rewrite
the map of Europe based on ethnic, linguistic or
cultural criteria," added Camus, a specialist on
separatist movements in Europe.
Kosovo's ethnic majority leaders are widely expected
to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia in
early 2008 but have vowed not to do so without US and
European Union approval.
Although the province formally remains part of Serbia,
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations and NATO
since 1999, when NATO airstrikes ended a Serbian
crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Serbia, backed by its ally Russia, opposes Kosovo's
plan and at least four EU nations - Cyprus, Greece,
Slovakia and Spain - are reluctant to recognise a
unilateral declaration of independence, in part
because of the precedent it might set for separatists
nearer to home.
"In the West, this solution will set off separatists
in Europe. Look at Scotland, Catalonia, the Basque
Country," Russian President Vladimir Putin said in an
interview published in French newspaper Le Figaro
earlier this year.
Kosovo's expected declaration of independence comes at
a time when Spain's northern Basque Country and its
wealthy northeastern region of Catalonia have stepped
up their demands for more authonomy.
Last year Catalan voters overwhelmingly backed a new
charter which recognized the region as a "nation"
within Spain and grants it enhanced powers in taxation
and judicial matters.
As in other separatist regions of Europe like
Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium,
and northern Italy, supporters said Catalonia deserved
extra powers because it makes a bigger contribution to
the economy.
The armed Basque separatist group ETA ended a 15-month
ceasefire in June while the Scottish National Party,
which came to power in May, plans to hold a referendum
on independence in 2010.
Belgium meanwhile has been without a government for
six months after a general election on June 10
highlighted deep divisions between the nation's
majority Dutch-speakers and Francophones.
For many nationalists, membership in the 27-nation
European Union has only served to make separation seem
more viable.
"Europe can regulate our functionings and transfer
payments. Why must we maintain this intermediate roof
we call Belgium," the leader of the Flemish
nationalist party, Bart De Wever, told French daily Le
Monde last month.
The emergence of similar lifestyles and English as a
common language in Europe, combined with the
disappearance of borders and the lack of democratic
legitimacy of EU bodies, had fueled "the development
of microdistinctive identities," said Camus.
"The hour of Europe has dawned," declared pompously Luxembourg's foreign minister Jacques Poos in May 1991, as he led the negotiations that would begin the dismemberment of Yugoslavia. Sixteen years hence, Yugoslavia's mutilated corpse is still haunting Europe, this time in Mr. Poos' front yard.
Luxembourg's neighbor to the west, Belgium, has been without a government for over 100 days. Tensions between the majority Flemings and minority Walloons have reached an impasse, and there is open talk of the country's dissolution. Politically, Belgium is beginning to look like Bosnia in 1991, before it plunged into brutal civil war.
The irony, of course, is that Belgium is the headquarters of both the European Union (Brussels), and NATO (Mons). Thus the fountainhead of "Euro-Atlantic integrations," pitched to post-Communist countries as the panacea for all their ills, can hardly keep itself integrated any more. If Belgium, a model for artificial states everywhere for over 170 years, cannot stay together, what fate does that portend for the EU? Most assuredly a grim one.
One Land, Two Peoples
Belgium was established in 1831 by the British, following a Francophone rebellion in what was then southern Netherlands. The Dutch-speaking Flemings and the French-speaking Walloons have been ruled by a German dynasty (cousins of the British royals) ever since, but their cohabitation has always been restive at best.
The most recent Belgian crisis began in June, when following the general elections no party was able to form a government. According to the country's constitution, a government must be composed of equal parts Flemings and Walloons; since the Flemings are some 60% of the population, and French-speaking Walloons make up 30%, it is clear that no government can be established without Walloon approval. The gap in policies and beliefs between the major Fleming and Walloon parties is so wide, however, they have been unable to reach any sort of agreement for over three months now.
Flemish politicians are riding the wave of popular discontent with what most Flemings perceive as Francophone oppression. Flanders contributes 70% of the country's GDP, but the Walloons consume 60% of it in welfare and subsidies. While Fleming parties are largely conservative, Francophone politicians are mostly left-liberal, and often make alliances with Muslim immigrants – which is another bone of contention in Belgium.
A protest against the Islamization of Europe, scheduled for September 11, was the only political demonstration in recent history actually banned by Brussels mayor Freddy Thielemans. Brussels police savagely attacked the protesters. Many of the demonstrators were from Flanders, and were set upon by Francophone riot police. Arguably, the brutality with which the Brussels authorities treated the protesters has further inflamed ethnic tensions in Belgium.
All this has led to Flemish politicians openly considering the dissolution of Belgium. Maps have already been drawn, covering just about every possibility, from two independent states to Flanders joining the Netherlands while Wallonia joins France.
Troubles on the Horizon
Belgium is not the only Western European country dealing with ethnic/regional issues. Spain has had a particularly rough time as well, with the Basques and the Catalans in particular demanding more cultural, political and linguistic autonomy. Recent disputes about the proper display of the Spanish national flag (in relation to regional flags) and the lyrics to the national anthem has once again elevated tensions between the government in Madrid and the autonomy-demanding regions.
Things are not going so well on the British isles either. The current Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, is Scottish, as are many other Labor cabinet members. His predecessor, Tony Blair, established parliaments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland; England, however, has no parliament of its own. The one at Westminster has members from all over the UK – meaning that Scottish MPs have direct input in decisions affecting England, but English MPs have limited or no influence in Scottish affairs.
As Scottish nationalists lobby for independence from the UK, English nationalists are increasingly resentful of this situation, also known as the "West Lothian Question."
It is a situation most resembling that of Serbia in 1987, when Slobodan Milosevic rose to power on the wave of popular discontent with the constitution that gave Serbian provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo power over Serbian affairs, while making them virtually independent of Belgrade.
The Balkans Threat
It is therefore ironic that the government in London supports the separatists in Kosovo, most likely the first to follow the U.S. in recognizing their unilateral declaration of independence. That Washington intends to do so was announced by the New York Times this week, quoting U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and an unnamed "European diplomat."
According to the anonymous diplomat, once the arbitrary deadline of December 10 arrives, the U.S. will recognize an independent Kosovo and "the Europeans, as far as they can remain united, will follow, too" The Albanian separatists don't need to negotiate, only run out the clock.
But how united can Europe remain? Formerly championed only by Washington and London, the independence cause has now been taken up by France's Sarkozy, and his foreign minister (and onetime viceroy of Kosovo) Bernard Kouchner. Several European countries – Greece, Cyprus, Romania and Slovakia in particular – have been opposed to the independence of Kosovo, mindful of possible conflicts of their own. Although dissenting voices inside the EU were suppressed earlier this year by threats from Brussels and Washington, the failure of the Empire to impose Kosovo's independence through the UN may have changed things.
She's Annoyed, He's Broke
France's cozying up to the U.S. is also causing troubles with Germany. Ever since the Treaty of Paris established the Coal and Steel Community in 1951, Western Europe has revolved around a Franco-German axis. However, with the election of Nicolas Sarkozy to French presidency, relations between Paris and Berlin have become significantly cooler. In mid-September, German magazine Der Spiegel reported on a series of surprises Sarkozy has thrown at the German leadership, claiming that the "hyperactive" president "has the tendency to approach sensitive diplomatic issues with all the finesse of an Energizer bunny," which flusters his German counterparts.
"Merkel, [Foreign Minister Frank-Walter] Steinmeier and German Finance Minister Peer Steinbrück have all been surprised, stymied, annoyed and flabbergasted time and time again by his proposals," says Der Spiegel, citing as the most recent Sarkozy's offer of nuclear weapons to Germany, which the Germans rejected straight away. From style to substance, disagreements between Paris and Berlin are multiplying.
Meanwhile, French Prime Minister Francois Fillon declared this week during a visit to Corsica that he was "at the head of a state that is in a position of bankruptcy." He was responding to a demand by Corsican farmers for more government subsidies. The exasperated PM explained that France hasn't had a balanced budget in 25 years, and is about to present a 2008 budget with a €41.5billion deficit.
Leaving the Sinking Ship
Weighed down by welfare statism, cultural Marxism, decline of traditional culture and the tides of Muslim immigrants, Europe is imploding. With the slow death of old identities such as British or French, communities that consider themselves distinct – Flemings, Basques, Catalans, Corsicans and Scots, to name just a few – are seeking statehood.
This may not happen for a while yet, or it might happen tomorrow. It is hard to tell. But all things remaining equal, it is inevitable. If Washington does go ahead and force the recognition of Kosovo, that will provide a precedent for any who wish to follow; then all there is left is the threshold at which separatism will move from speculation to reality.
There are many possible scenarios from there, two of which are very likely. One would be a "Sovietization" of the EU, with the newly separated states remaining inside the Union, much as ethnic "republics" were established by the Communists in the Soviet Union. The bureaucracy would stay in Brussels, bloat some more, and continue to attempt managing the continent until the EU eventually follows its Soviet exemplar. (Ironically, the introduction of the Euro may actually be promoting political Balkanization!) The second option is potentially more violent, with the new states refusing to join the Union and prompting its wholesale breakup. Attempting to preserve the Union by force will most likely fail, and be exceptionally bloody.
It is unwise to ignore or deny these possibilities, just as it was to ignore the 1990 portents of impending bloodshed in Yugoslavia, or the 2003 warnings concerning Iraq. The fate of Belgium may yet decide whether Europe can find a path of peace and liberty, or descend into the darkness of war.
Traduzione dall’inglese Bf per www.resistenze.org
Future of Kosovo: To allow Kosovo's independence would demonstrate that violent secessionism works, a precedent that must be avoided
Kosovo's march toward independence is gathering pace, with the leaders of Kosovo's Albanians - Hashim Thaci and Agim Ceku - threatening to declare unilateral independence any day now. This is something that Serbia will undoubtedly reject, with the backing of Vladimir Putin's Russia.
Much of the world seems to think that Serbia's role in the Balkan wars of the 1990's puts it in the wrong, and that that should be the end of the matter. But Serbia's point of view is not without merit, and many other countries with territorially concentrated ethnic minorities have reason to be anxious about the precedent that might be set if Kosovo's declaration of independence is recognised.
Consider, first, that Kosovo is the historical heart and religious soul of Serbia. Hundreds of Serb Orthodox churches, monasteries, and holy sites in Kosovo attest to this.
Moreover, Kosovo's demographic transformation over the last 100 years, when Albanians overtook the local Serb population, partly reflects an influx of Albanians from Albania - for decades a political and economic basket case, owing to Enver Hoxha's hermetic communism. At the same time, many Serbs have left Kosovo before and after Nato's intervention in 1999, whether fleeing from Albanian violence against them or simply lured by better opportunities in Serbia proper.
Serbia's claim to Kosovo is, to Serbs, far stronger than Russia's claim to Chechnya, China's to Xinjiang, India's to Kashmir (a claim still disputed by Pakistan), and the Philippines' to the island of Mindanao. All of these are provinces with Muslim majority populations that are part of non-Muslim majority states.
But Russia, China, and India are big states and will not tolerate any detachment of their territories. So there is no serious international effort to force them to do so. The Philippines has effectively lost control of Mindanao, just as Serbia has lost control of Kosovo, yet no one has recognised Mindanao's unilateral declaration of independence. So why should Kosovo's declaration be accepted?
Nor is it only Russia, China, and India that oppose Kosovo's independence, but also Muslim-majority Nigeria, which retains Biafra, where a bloody civil war with Catholic Ibos was fought in the late 1960's. Muslim-majority Indonesia lost its Catholic-majority East Timor through western political intervention, but its claims to East Timor were tenuous, as it only invaded the island a few decades ago.
Even in Europe, where Catalonia and the Basque region push for secession from Spain, some in Flanders want an end to Belgium, and Scotland's ruling Scottish National party wants eventually to break away from Britain, support for Kosovo's independence is far from universal.
Worse, ordinary Serbs see an obvious international double standard. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of Croatia and Bosnia were enforced in the 1990's, despite declarations of independence by the Serbian "Republic of Krajina" in Croatia and the Serbian "Republika Srpska" in Bosnia. Why is Kosovo being treated differently?
Today, there are roughly 700,000 Serb refugees in Serbia from Croatia and Bosnia who are unable or unwilling to return to their homes, including virtually all of Croatia's Serbs, except those converted to Catholicism to become Croats. Indeed, Serbia currently contains the largest refugee population in Europe. If Kosovo gains independence, these numbers will swell, as an exodus of all remaining Serbs is likely unless their territorial bastions - particularly in northern Kosovo, around Mitrovica - join with Serbia.
More broadly, to allow Kosovo's independence would demonstrate that violent secessionism works. In that case, the world ought to get used to seeing the Kosovo "strategy" applied elsewhere. First, faceless ethnic secessionists attack civilians and police. Not knowing where the enemy is hidden within the civilian population, security forces retaliate indiscriminately. Human rights violations elicit an international outcry and condemnation, followed by intervention and occupation by foreign military forces. And, in the denouement, the state loses control of its province as the secessionists declare independence.
Setting such a precedent in Kosovo must be avoided to ensure stability not only in the Balkans, but in all countries with dissatisfied ethnic minority populations. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia must be preserved in accordance with the United Nations Charter, the 1975 Helsinki Agreement Final Act guaranteeing the boundaries of Europe, and UN Resolution 1244 of 1999, which guaranteed Serbia's existing borders.
The former Yugoslavia has had enough destruction and mass killing. Preserving national integrity is a universal principle of peace from which Serbia should not be excluded.
In cooperation with Project Syndicate, 2007.
BUDAPEST - Il consiglio comunale di Pecs, Ungheria meridionale,
intende installare delle macchinette per la raccolta di offerte per
evitare la presenza di mendicanti, sempre più numerosi nel centro
della città. Incassato l'obolo, la macchina ringrazierà e le offerte
saranno poi distribuite fra i bisognosi tramite organizzazioni di
carità. L'idea è del sindaco socialista, Peter Tasnadi, secondo il
quale questa soluzione funziona in numerose città europee.
I mendicanti invece sono contrari, scrive il giornale locale
Dunantuli Naplo, perché sono convinti che le macchinette potranno
raccogliere molte meno offerte di quanto non riuscirebbero loro di
persona.
A Pecs, capoluogo della provincia di Baranya, quest'anno la polizia
ha multato più di 300 mendicanti che facevano l'elemosina
importunando i passanti, ma le contravvenzioni non servono a nulla
perché i mendicanti non sono comunque in grado di pagarle. L'idea
delle macchinette ha dei precedenti anche in Ungheria: nel 2004 a
Budapest, ne ha funzionato una per qualche tempo in Piazza Deak
vicino alla stazione della metro, e in sei settimane ha raccolto
20.000 fiorini (80 euro).
(Fonte: Rossana su forum@...-forum.org)
28.12.2007 / Ausland / Seite 7
Ein Pulverfaß
Bilanzen 2007. Heute: Balkan. Nächster Krieg in Sichtweite. Kosovo
vor Unabhängigkeitserklärung. Gefahr einer Kettenreaktion
Von Jürgen Elsässer
Eines Tages wird der große europäische Krieg wegen irgendeiner
Dummheit auf dem Balkan ausbrechen«, soll der deutsche Kanzler Otto
von Bismarck kurz vor seinem Tod gesagt haben. Die Prophezeiung trat
ein, auf die Schüsse in Sarajevo Ende Juni 1914 folgte ein
vierjähriges Schlachten, das die Welt zerstörte. Die südöstliche Ecke
unseres Kontinents ist seit Beginn der neunziger Jahre, nachdem die
Bipolarität sie vier Jahrzehnte vor den geopolitischen Stürmen
geschützt hatte, wieder für eine ähnliche Eskalation prädestiniert:
Erneut prallen im Gebiet zwischen Adria und Schwarzem Meer die
Interessen der westlichen Führungsmächte auf die Sphäre Rußlands und
die Vorposten der islamischen Welt. Nach der Zerschlagung des großen
Jugoslawiens, das die Minderheiten- und Grenzkonflikte überformte,
sind die alten Streitigkeiten wieder aufgeflammt.
Warnung vor Krieg
»Der nächste Krieg auf dem Balkan droht«, schrieb der Corriere della
Sera am 21. November, als das Scheitern der Verhandlungen um das
Kosovo bereits absehbar war. Auch General Klaus Reinhardt, der erste
Kommandeur der NATO-geführten Kosovo-Truppe KFOR, sah wenige Tage
später in einem Deutschlandfunk-Interview die »Gefahr einer ganzen
Kettenreaktion«: »Ich gehe mal davon aus, daß wenn die Kosovo-Albaner
die Unabhängigkeit erklären, sich die Serben im Norden in Mitrovica
und nördlich des Iber-Flusses ihrerseits unabhängig von diesem neuen
unabhängigen Kosovo erklären. Das kann die Konsequenz haben, daß die
Albaner in Südserbien, im Presevo-Tal, in Bujanova, wo sie ja schon
seit Jahren immer wieder den Anschluß versuchen, sagen, wenn jetzt im
Norden die Serben unabhängig sich vom Kosovo erklären, wollen wir aus
dem serbischen Staatenverbund raus. (...) dann ist der Druck aus
Belgrad nicht zu übersehen, die sagen, wenn Kosovo unabhängig wird,
dann wollen wir gucken, ob wir nicht auch die Republika Srpska aus
dem Staatenverbund Bosnien-Herzegowina rausbrechen und an Serbien
anschließen können. Das heißt, es kann im Worst Case sich eine
Kettenreaktion auf diesen ganzen Bereich ausdehnen, der mir riesige
Sorge macht.« Wenn ein deutscher Kommißkopp, der nach der
Stationierung seiner Truppen auf dem Amselfeld an seiner
Parteilichkeit zugunsten der Albaner keinen Zweifel gelassen hat, vor
deren Ambitionen auf einen eigenen Staat in derart dramatischen
Worten warnt, muß wirklich Gefahr im Verzug sein.
Kundige Beobachter hätten spätestens am 10. Februar 2007 merken
müssen, daß auf dem Amselfeld eine Bombe tickt, die die Tektonik des
Kontinents erschüttern kann. Bei seinem Auftritt auf der Münchner
Sicherheitskonferenz formulierte der russische Präsident Wladimir
Putin nämlich eine Kampfansage an die USA und ihre Verbündeten.
Weitere Verletzungen des Völkerrechts werde sich der slawische
Großstaat nicht bieten lassen. Während Putin auf der Konferenz selbst
den drohenden Aufbau eines neuen US-Raketensystems in Polen und
Tschechien und das Unterlaufen des KSE-Rüstungskontrollvertrages
geißelte, machte er im folgenden deutlich, daß auch das Kosovo zu den
Streitpunkten gehört, bei denen er kein Jota nachgeben werde.
Tatsächlich wäre die Herauslösung des Kosovo aus Serbien ohne dessen
Zustimmung oder ohne wenigstens einen Beschluß des UN-
Sicherheitsrates ein Gewaltakt ohnegleichen, selbst wenn dabei – was
noch nicht ausgemacht ist – kein Schuß fallen sollte: Die NATO-Mächte
würden das Völkerrecht brechen und nach eigenem Gusto entscheiden,
ein UN-Mitglied – in diesem Fall Serbien – zu zerstückeln und einen
neuen Staat zu bilden.
Als der Kosovo-Beauftragte Martti Ahtisaari jedenfalls am 21. Februar
den nach ihm benannten Plan für die Zukunft der serbischen Provinz
öffentlich machte, schlugen die Wogen der Empörung in Belgrad und
Moskau noch höher. Wieder einmal, wie im Februar 1999 im Vertrag von
Rambouillet, standen die größten Provokationen im schwer zugänglichen
Kleingedruckten: Während der Haupttext von Ahtisaaris Dokument von
einer »kontrollierten« oder »überwachten« Unabhängigkeit der
umstrittenen Region sprach, machte der Annex Nummer 11 klar, daß in
der nur pro forma selbständigen Republik Kosova der Militärgouverneur
der NATO das letzte Wort in allen Fragen haben sollte. Der serbische
Erziehungsminister Zoran Loncar kritisierte scharf: »Die Frage der
albanischen Minderheit diente der NATO nur als Rauchvorhang, um ihren
ersten militärischen Marionettenstaat zu schaffen (...) Die NATO hat
Serbien zuerst bombardiert, dann ihre Truppen in die Provinz Kosovo
gebracht und will jetzt (...) ihren ersten Militärststaat auf
serbischem Territorium errichten.«
Wie Eisenspäne in einem Magnetfeld richten sich die politischen
Akteure auf dem Balkan im Jahr 2007 nach dem Kosovo aus: In Bosnien-
Herzegowina verfügte der internationale Gouverneur Miroslav Lajzic im
Oktober eine Aufhebung der Vetorechte für den serbischen Landesteil
in den gemeinsamen Staatsinstitutionen; so soll verhindert werden,
daß die Republika Srpska dem Beispiel der Kosovo-Albaner folgt und
sich selbständig macht. In Mazedonien starben Anfang November in
einem stundenlangen Feuergefecht acht Kämpfer der
wiederauferstandenen Terrororganisation UCK. Noch dramatischer war
der Versuch von Anhängern UCK-naher Parteien im September, das
Parlament in Skopje zu stürmen; dort sollte ein neues
Minderheitengesetz verabschiedet werden, das die Rechte der größten
Minorität, der albanischen nämlich, zugunsten von Roma und anderen
beschneidet, um eine Sezession des mehrheitlich albanischen
Westmazedonien (und einen späteren Zusammenschluß mit dem Kosovo) zu
verhindern. Mit Montenegro schloß die NATO Ende November ein
Abkommen, das dem Pakt den Durchzug seiner Truppen durch die
ehemalige jugoslawische Teilrepublik gestattet – zum Beispiel ins
Kosovo.
Schweigende Mehrheit
Das vielleicht bemerkenswerteste Ereignis des gesamten Jahres waren
die Wahlen im Kosovo Mitte November. Weniger als die Hälfte, nur etwa
43 Prozent der Stimmberechtigten, gingen an die Urnen – das ist der
niedrigste Wert, seit die serbische Provinz im Sommer 1999 unter UN-
Verwaltung kam. Deutlicher könnte die schweigende Mehrheit nicht
demonstrieren, daß ihr die angekündigte Proklamation des eigenen
Staates ziemlich egal ist. Nicht die Menschen machen Druck für einen
neuen Staat – nur die lokale Mafia und die Strategen der NATO-Mächte.
Am 20. Januar wird es Parlamentswahlen in Serbien geben. Tomislav
Nikolic, der Kandidat der NATO-kritischen Radikalen Partei, wirbt für
die Errichtungt eines russischen Stützpunkts in Serbien. Das hat
Sinn: Alleingelassen, wie vom russischen Präsidenten Boris Jelzin in
den neunziger Jahren, ist Serbien zu schwach, um seine Interessen zu
verteidigen. Umgekehrt entstünde mit einer Moskauer
Sicherheitsgarantie, wie vor 1914, eine Bündnisautomatik, die Serbien
schützen kann – aber nur dadurch, daß ein großer Krieg riskiert wird.
Vor dieser Zwickmühle graute Bismarck, und zeitlebens versuchte er
sich deswegen zumindest auf dem Balkan als »ehrlicher Makler«. Tempi
passati ...
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http://www.jungewelt.de/2007/12-19/047.php
19.12.2007 / Schwerpunkt / Seite 3
Marionettenstaat Kosovo
Debatte im Weltsicherheitsrat über Zukunft der serbischen Provinz.
Belgrader Premier Kostunica: »Gefährlichster Präzedenzfall seit dem
Zweiten Weltkrieg«
Von Jürgen Elsässer
Am heutigen Mittwoch wird vor dem Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten
Nationen ein Schlagabtausch zwischen Rußland, Serbien und den NATO-
Mächten erwartet. Auf der Tagesordnung steht die Zukunft des Kosovo.
Verhandlungen einer Vermittlertroika im Auftrag der UNO über die
Zukunft der Provinz der Republik Serbien waren am 10.Dezember für
endgültig gescheitert erklärt worden. Der designierte
Ministerpräsident des Kosovo, der frühere Terroristenführer Hashim
Thaci, hatte daraufhin das Bekenntnis erneuert, im nächsten Frühjahr
die Unabhängigkeit zu proklamieren. Als Zeitpunkt hatte er den März
ins Spiel gebracht; internationale Beobachter gehen aber davon aus,
daß der neue Staat bereits Ende Januar ausgerufen werden könnte.
Moskau lehnt diesen Schritt unabhängig vom Zeitpunkt ab, da damit
einem UN-Mitgliedsstaat – Serbien – etwa 15 Prozent seines
Territoriums entrissen würden. Sollte Rußland, wie bisher, im
Weltsicherheitsrat mit Veto drohen, entstände der neue Staat ohne
Zustimmung der UNO – also völkerrechtswidrig.
EU bricht Völkerrecht
Die Vertreter der NATO-Mächte werden in der heutigen Debatte ihre
Rechtsposition darstellen. Demnach wäre eine Unabhängigkeitserklärung
des Kosovo mit der Sicherheitsratsresolution 1244 vereinbar. Mit
diesem Beschluß des höchsten UN-Gremiums endete 1999 der Krieg
zwischen der NATO und Jugoslawien, er bildet seither die juristische
Grundlage für die Arbeit der UN-Übergangsverwaltung UNMIK und die
Stationierung der NATO-geführten Besatzungsstreitmacht KFOR. Die
Entschließung 1244 betont die »territoriale Integrität« Jugoslawiens
und schützt damit dessen Rechtsnachfolger Serbien bis heute vor
Zerstückelung, etwa durch die Abspaltung des Kosovo. Doch die NATO-
Führungsmächte sind der merkwürdigen Auffassung, daß der Bezug auf
die Unverletzlichkeit des Staatsgebietes in dem Dokument kein Gewicht
habe, obwohl er gleich an drei Stellen hergestellt wird.
Wie fadenscheinig die Argumentation der NATO-Mächte ist, bewies der
Beschluß der EU-Außenminister vom vergangenen Freitag. Vereinbart
wurde die Entsendung von EU-Polizeikräften in einer Sollstärke von
bis zu 1800 Mann in die serbische Provinz. Im Unterschied zur Arbeit
von UNMIK und KFOR, die in der Resolution 1244 immerhin umrissen und
durch spätere Festlegungen des Sicherheitsrates präzisiert wurden,
tauchen EU-Polizeikräfte in keinem völkerrechtlichen Dokument auf.
Ohne die Existenz eines solchen oder die Einladung durch die
serbische Regierung ist die Entsendung der EU-Polizisten ins Kosovo
ein Akt kolonialistischer Einmischung.
Serbien bleibt standhaft
Serbiens Ministerpräsident Vojislav Kostunica wird heute vor der UNO
wiederholen, was er bereits in den letzten Tagen ausgeführt hat: Die
geplante EU-Mission im Kosovo sei »ungesetzlich« und »unakzeptabel«.
Sie ziele darauf, in der Provinz einen »Marionettenstaat« der NATO zu
schaffen und sei »der gefährlichste Präzedenzfall seit dem Zweiten
Weltkrieg«. Selbst Außenminister Vuk Jeremic, ein Politiker der
prowestlichen Demokratischen Partei (DS), betonte nach dem EU-
Beschluß vom Freitag, ein Tausch von serbischem Territorium gegen den
EU-Beitritt des Landes sei in jeder Form unmöglich. Serbiens Kosovo-
Minister Slobodan Samardzic wurde deutlicher und drohte mit einem
Ende des EU-Assoziierungsprozesses. Man könne nicht Mitglied in einer
Organisation werden, die Serbien 15 Prozent des Territoriums stehle,
sagte der Minister von Kostunicas Demokratischer Partei Serbiens
(DSS). Laut Umfragen würden drei Viertel der serbischen Bevölkerung
lieber auf einen EU-Beitritt als auf das Kosovo verzichten.
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http://www.jungewelt.de/2007/12-12/049.php
12.12.2007 / Ansichten / Seite 8
Stunde der Radikalen
EU deckt Abspaltung Kosovos
Von Jürgen Elsässer
Die EU ist offenbar bereit, die völkerrechtswidrige Abspaltung des
Kosovo von Serbien zu unterstützen. Der EU-Gipfel am kommenden
Freitag wird die Weichen dafür stellen, ohne formell zu beschließen.
Zwar gibt es weiterhin heftigen Widerspruch: Anhaltende Skepsis wird
von den Regierungen in Athen, Madrid und Bukarest gemeldet. Der
slowakische Premier Robert Fico sagte am Montag, daß es für sein Land
»extrem schwierig« wäre, den neuen Staat anzuerkennen. Der
tschechische Präsident Vaclav Klaus betonte am selben Tag, daß er
»den vollen Konsens aller Beteiligten« bei dieser Entscheidung
»bevorzuge«. Doch diese Formulierungen sind windelweich.
Nur Zypern bleibt eisern beim Nein. Aber die tapferen Inselgriechen
werden gar nicht die Möglichkeit bekommen, ihr Veto einzulegen, weil
am Freitag vorsichtshalber nicht über die Sezession selbst
entschieden wird, sondern nur über ihre militärische Absicherung: EU-
Außenpolitik-Koordinator Javier Solana will sich genehmigen lassen,
eine 16000 Mann starke Polizeitruppe in der Provinz zu stationieren
und auch dort zu belassen, falls der neue Staat proklamiert wird.
Damit wird die Abspaltung präjudiziert. Das einzige, was NATO und EU
noch zurückschrecken lassen könnte, wäre die Entsendung russischer
Schutztruppen in den Nordkosovo. Aber selbst, wenn Putin das wollte,
er könnte es nicht: Rußland hat keine Landgrenze zu Serbien, und auf
dem Luftweg müßten russische Flugzeuge NATO-Territorium überfliegen –
da ist kein Durchkommen.
Also müssen sich die Serben selbst helfen. Das größte Hindernis dabei
sind ihr eigener Präsident, Boris Tadic, und seine Demokratische
Partei (DS). Tadic hat sich darauf festgelegt, den Internationalen
Gerichtshof gegen die Sezession anzurufen und überdies seine
Botschafter aus allen Staaten, die das Kosovo anerkennen, »zu
Konsultationen« zurückzurufen. Geht es noch harmloser? Mehr Schmackes
hat Premier Vojislav Kostunica, der über seinen Berater Aleksandar
Simic vergangene Woche erklären ließ, die Provinz »mit allen Mitteln«
zu verteidigen – und das schließe auch militärische ein. Kostunicas
Problem: In seiner Regierungskoalition ist die DS die stärkste Kraft.
Und: Über das Militär bestimmt nicht er, sondern der Präsident.
Also braucht Serbien schleunigst einen neuen. Tomislav Nikolic, der
Chef der Radikalen Partei, unterlag schon bei der letzten
Präsidentschaftswahl Tadic nur knapp. Jetzt, angesichts der
Aggressivität des Westens, hat er Aussicht zu gewinnen. Der Urnengang
soll am 20. Januar stattfinden. »Nach der Wiederwahl Tadics könnten
zuerst die großen EU-Länder und die USA den neuen Staat auf dem
Balkan anerkennen«, beschrieb die Süddeutsche am Dienstag das Kalkül
von NATO und EU. Was aber, wenn der Radikale siegt – und dann
Soldaten an die administrative Grenze zum Kosovo schickt? Si vis
pacem, para bellum. Frei übersetzt: Wenn du zur NATO gehst, vergiß
die Parabellum nicht.
Questa relazione e’ suddivisa in sette parti.
1 Introduzione e siti web
2 Andreja P. e’ di nuovo in Italia
3 L’ultimo camion spedito a fine novembre
4 Cronaca del viaggio; i progetti in corso e quelli futuri
5 Informazioni generali sulla Serbia e sulla Zastava
6 Conclusioni
http://www.coordinamentorsu.it/
Trovate tutte le informazioni seguendo il link
Solidarietà con i lavoratori della Jugoslavia:
http://www.coordinamentorsu.it/guerra.htm
www.nonbombemasolocaramelle.org
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages Ricordo che molti dei progetti in corso a Kragujevac sono realizzati in collaborazione con altre associazioni: Fabio Sormanni di Milano, Zastava Brescia e ABC di Roma e Cooperazione Odontoiatrica Internazionale. Questi sono gli indirizzi dei loro siti: http://digilander.libero.it/zastavabrescia http://www.cooperazioneodontoiatrica.eu/
2 . Andreja P. e’ di nuovo in Italia Vi ricordate sicuramente di Andreja P., il ragazzino serbo che il 2 giugno 2007 è stato sottoposto a Bergamo a trapianto di fegato. A settembre era rientrato a casa, ma il 15 dicembre e’ dovuto rientrare in Italia, perche’ le analisi del sangue non erano delle migliori. Grazie alla collaborazione di molte persone, in una corsa contro il tempo, siamo riusciti ad ottenere per lui e la madre i visti di ingresso nell’ultimo giorno utile per un nuovo ricovero a Bergamo; siamo sicuri che e’ in buone mani e gli mandiamo il nostro piu’ affettuoso abbraccio. 3. L’ultimo camion spedito a fine novembre Come sapete, periodicamente spediamo un camion di aiuti. Il decimo di questi camion e’ partito da Trieste alla fine di novembre scorso, e conteneva le seguenti cose: una autoclave per la sterilizzazione di materiale sanitario 7 computers, di cui cinque destinati al centro per giovani di Zdraljica 7 bicliclette 4 ciclomotori 78 casse di vestiario, scarpe, giocattoli, pannoloni per adulti. Siamo partiti perfettamente in orario alle 8 e 30 da Trieste, utilizzando il solito pullmino pretasto dalla ASIT di Trieste; le spese di viaggio sono state sostenute in proprio dai partecipanti, e sono ammontate a consuntivo a 1538 euro, tutto compreso. La delegazione era formata da Gabriella e Gilberto da Trieste, Stefano da Fiumicello, Gino da Montereale Valcellina, Mauro da La Spezia, Giuseppina da Biella, Antonio da Treviso e Giandomenico da Conegliano Veneto. Slobodanka (Boba) di Napoli era gia’ ad attenderci a Kragujevac. Avevamo con noi 16855 euro per le 173 quote di affido da distribuire, per la maggior parte in quote trimestrali da 75 euro o da 85 euro. L’associazione di Bologna ci aveva chiesto di distribuire per loro conto 14 annualita’ da 310 euro ciascuna (4340 euro). Avevamo inoltre 3000 euro da consegnare alla Scuola Materna Nada Naumovic, ed un piccolo regalo di 250 euro per il centro 21 ottobre per ragazzi down. Come sempre avevamo anche farmaci per il Centro Medico Zastava per circa 10.000 euro. Infine 15 pacchi di regali da parte di altrettanti donatori italiani per le famiglie di ragazzi in affido. Il viaggio si e’ svolto senza alcun intoppo, anche se faceva piuttosto freddo; siamo arrivati alle 18 e 30 e, dopo la preparazione delle buste per la consegna degli affidi da effettuare sabato 15, ottima cena serba con i nostri amici del Sindacato Samostalni. Ore 9: visita al centro per giovani a Zdraljica (FOTO: Due scorci sotto la neve degli spazi previsti per il parco giochi a Zdraljica) Ore 10: incontro con i delegati sindacali della fabbrica Zastava Camion (FOTO: Esterno dell’edificio, Interno, Interno vista parziale, La nostra Boba sul palco) Ore 11: incontro con la direttrice della scuola materna ‘’Nada Naumovic’’ (FOTO: Due scorci del giardino, Firma della ricevuta di consegna dei 3000 euro) Ore 12: Il centro 21 ottobre per ragazzi down La mattina si e’ conclusa nel modo migliore con un incontro con i nostri ragazzi del centro 21 ottobre. Sono ormai due anni e mezzo che e’ stato inaugurato ed abbiamo potuto una volta di piu’ constatare come esso funzioni perfettamente, con grande soddisfazione dei ragazzi che lo frequentano e delle loro famiglie. Jelena Trufunovic, la direttrice, ci ha consegnato tutte le ricevute delle spese effettuate con l’ultima donazione lasciata a giugno scorso; anche questa volta abbiamo lasciaro un piccolo regalo di 250 euro, con la promessa di rivederci al prossimo viaggio. Ore 16: Incontro alla Scuola Infermiere ‘’Sestre Ninkovic’’ (i progetti di odontoiatria sociale) Come ricorderete questo progetto e’ nato nel 2005 in collaborazione con il presidio sanitario della Zastava (Zavod Za Zdravsvenu Zastitu Radnika, ZZZZR); si e’ poi allargato a dicembre 2006 alla Scuola Tecnica di Meccanica e Trasporti, ed infine a giugno 2007 alla Scuola per infermiere ‘’Sestre Ninkovic’’, su loro specifica richiesta. Insieme al COI (Cooperazione Odontoiatrica Internazionale) abbiamo iniziato il rinnovo della strumentazione degli ambulatori dentistici, con la donazione a luglio del 2005 di due poltrone dentistiche al ZZZZR; un’altra poltrona e la strumentazione accessoria (lampade, sterilizzatrici, polimerizzatrici, mobili da ambulatorio) sono stati consegnati alla Scuola Tecnica all’inizio del 2007; la strumentazione per la Scuola Infermiere e’ giunta a Kragujevac con il camion partito da Trieste e fine agosto scorso ed e’ stata consegnata solo all’inizio di dicembre per difficolta’ di sdoganamento, perche’ ci sono nuove documentazioni da produrre, delle quali non eravamo informati al momento della spedizione. Con lo stesso camion sono giunte anche due altre poltrone per ZZZZR insieme a molto materiale di consumo Queste nostre attivita’ vedono inoltre il coinvolgimento del Policlinico di Kragujevac, che distacca presso questi ambulatori un medico ed un infermiere ogni 1500 utenti. Questa nostri progetti sono stati supportati nel 2006 e nel 2007 da un cofinanziamento da parte dell’Assessorato all’istruzione, alla cultura, allo sport e al volontariato della Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia. Durante questo lungo incontro sono stati esaminati i progressi del progetto in corso presso il gerontocomio cittadino, e discussi i possibili ampliamenti nel 2008, che dovrebbero riguardare l’accesso alle cure odontoiatriche a due nuove categorie di soggetti deboli, i bambini rom presenti in citta’ (che non hanno alcun accesso alla sanita’ pubblica) ed i ragazzi paraplegici. Abbiamo inoltre consegnato un computer portatile usato (regalatoci dall’Universita’ di Milano) ed un PC nuovo, acquistato a Kragujevac con una spesa di 590 euro, da destinare alla nuova sala computers per gli studenti, nella quale pero’ al momento mancano in computers... (FOTO: La nuova poltrona, La strumentazione accessoria, Il computer nuovo, Il portatile usato) Ore 18 Visita alla Scuola Tecnica di Meccanica e Trasporti Questa intensa, faticosa ma coinvolgente giornata si e’ conclusa con una visita ed una cena presso la Scuola Tecnica di Meccanica e Trasporti, con la quale abbiamo ormai da quasi tre anni una importante collaborazione. L’ultimo progetto in corso prevede la sistemazione di una ampia officina meccanica dismessa di piu’ di quattrocento metri quadri nel seminterrato della scuola, che diventera’ un laboratorio polivalente per studenti (musica, pittura, arti teatrali, un piccola palestra). Il locale e’ ampio, si presta bene alle tramezzature; devono essere eseguiti importanti interventi al pavimento ed ai muri. Trovate tutte le informazioni e le foto su questo progetto nelle relazioni di marzo, giugno e settembre scorsi. Il Preside ci ha consegnato le ricevute delle prime spese effettuate per questo ripristino. Fa sempre molto male al cuore arrivare al grande palazzo della direzione Zastava, dove una moltitudine di persone e’ fuori dal portone in paziente attesa. Complici le feste di fine anno, l’atmosfera e ‘ comunque particolarmente festosa e di caldissima amicizia, anche se e’ palpabile la tensione provocata dall’ondata di licenziamenti avvenuti a fine agosto scorso. Dedichiamo il pomeriggio alla visita di due famiglie con figli in affido, anche se gli spostamenti con il pullmino sono ormai diventati molto difficoltosi a causa della neve. (FOTO: Kragujevac alla nostra partenza, Sulla via del ritorno...) Come in ogni relazione di viaggio concludo con un aggiornamento dei principali indicatori statistici. Inflazione, moneta e prezzi Il livello programmato di inflazione per il 2007 era del 6.5% A fine agosto il livello di inflazione e’ risultato del 6.0%, a ottobre del 8.5%, ed e’ atteso intorno al 10% per la fine del 2007. Il dinaro continua a essere irrealisticamente forte, il cambio contro euro e’ di circa 79 a 1, lievemente rafforzato rispetto al viaggio di settembre (quando era 80 a 1). Nel corso dei primi dieci mesi del 2007 si sono verificati i seguenti aumenti percentuali nei prezzi di alcune tipologie di merci prodotti agricoli 27.7% tabacco 21.1% alimentari 10.75 prodotti industriali 8.0% servizi 7.7% Rispetto al 2003 la verdura fresca e’ aumentata del 100%. Il latte fresco e’ aumentato del 70%4. Cronaca del viaggio (con molta neve); i progetti in corso e quelli futuri
Giovedi’ 13 dicembre 2007
Prodotto Croazia Slovenia Germania 52 51 63 66 101 82 71 93 23 38 28 35 65 66Prezzi di alcuni prodotti di base (in dinari) a confronto con altri Paesi
Serbia
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