Gli Stati Uniti d'America hanno reso noti i nuovi diktat rivolti
alla Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia. Lo hanno fatto per bocca
del senatore Biden, noto lobbyista filocroato e filoalbanese,
presente ad un recente pranzo di gala organizzato dalla "Lega
Civica Albano-Americana", l'organizzazione che fa da tramite tra
le bande degli stragisti dell'UCK ed i settori politici
statunitensi, organizzati attorno a Bob Dole e Dioguardi, che
sostengono il progetto della "Grande Albania".

Queste le condizioni cui la Jugoslavia dovra' adeguarsi:

1. Interrompere l'influenza politica esercitata sulla Repubblica
Serba di Bosnia e sul Kosovo settentrionale.
2. Rispettare le richieste e decisioni del "Tribunale ad hoc"
dell'Aia, spec. riguardo alla cattura e consegna degli
"incriminati".
3. Abbandonare al suo destino la enclave-ghetto serba di
Mitrovica, tra le ultime aree del Kosovo ancora popolate da
popolazione non albanese, oggi ancora difesa da squadre di
vigilanza e ronde create dalla popolazione locale per evitare
di subire la sorte gia' riservata alle altre aree etnicamente
"diverse".
4. Scuse ufficiali alla Croazia, alla Bosnia ed al Kosovo per
la politica "di genocidio" attuata nel corso degli anni Novanta.

Sulla figura del senatore Biden e sulla sua partecipazione al
suddetto pranzo di gala si veda:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1759

U.S. SENATOR BYDEN PAID TO LOBBY AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA,
SAYS PRESIDENT KOSTUNICA

BELGRADE, May 16 (Beta) - Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
has said that the Belgrade authorities should neither
underestimate nor overestimate senator Joseph Byden's statement
on his view on conditions Yugoslavia should meet in order to
keep receiving aid from the U.S. "Byden's statement on what
more the U.S. should demand from Serbia ought to be treated as
a hint or warning that it might happen in October that the
law on U.S. aid, thanks to lobby group pressures, includes
further demand on our country," Kostunica wrote in an article
in the latest issue of the weekly NIN.
He said that "we should not close our eyes" to this warning
but neither should we be scared and do things we have not
been asked to.
"Of course, it would be both meaningless and irresponsible to
accept to be branded as a genocidal state and nation, which is
how Byden describes us, in order to get the second installment
of U.S. economic aid. At the same time, this does not mean that
we do not appreciate U.S. aid and their attitude towards our
involvement in international financial organizations,"
the Yugoslav president said.
Kostunica added that Byden had voiced his opinion as "a paid
lobbyist" at a charity dinner organized by an association of
American-Albanian friendship.
At the occasion, the senator said that the U.S. aid to
Yugoslavia should also depend on Belgrade quitting "negative
influences" in Kosovo and Republika Srpska, as well as on
apologies by Kostunica and Zoran Djindjic to Albanians, Croats,
and Bosnian Muslims.

+++ USA diktieren neue Bedingungen +++

WASHINGTON, BELGRAD, 10.Mai 2002. Die USA haben
heute vier neue Bedingungen diktiert ohne deren
Erfüllung Serbien keine Hilfe von den USA zu
erwarten habe:

"1. Aufgabe des negativen politischen Einflußes auf
den Norden Kosovos und die Republika Srpska.
2. Absolute Erfüllung aller Forderungen der
internationalen Gemeinschaft, insbesondere die
Verhaftung aller (angeblicher, d.Red.)
Kriegsverbrecher, insbesondere General Mladics,
sofern er sich auf dem Territorium Serbiens aufhält.
3. Aufgabe der Teilung Kosovska Mitrovicas, Rückkehr
aller Albaner in die Stadt im Austausch für das
Rückkehrrecht von Serben und Romas in den von
Albanern kontrollierten Stadtteil.
4. Öffentliche Äüßerung Kostunicas und Djindjics zur
Politik Serbiens in den neunziger Jahren und eine
Entschuldigung für den Genozid in Bosnien, Kroatien
und im Kosovo."

Der Ministerpräsident Serbiens, Zoran Djindjic
lehnte die Forderungen der USA umgehend ab und
erklärte, die neuen Regierungen Jugoslawiens und
Serbiens hätten mit der Politik der neunziger Jahre
im Gegensatz zu denen in Bosnien und Kroatien nichts
zu tun.

TANJUG / AMSELFELD.COM

Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (4)
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 13:55:26 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.4 - May 14, 2002

Terrorist Commander, A Civilian As Well

What is the function of a witness for the
prosecution in The Hague, perhaps was best seen
today during the cross-examination of the
witness Isuf Ljoku from the village Kotlina near
Kacanik. Except for the fact that he was not
able to say more than what he was obviously
prepared to do, he kept denying himself from a
sentence to the next. At Milosevic's question
how many soldiers he had seen entering his
village, he first replied seeing 25 of them.
After being asked were they on foot or in
vehicles, he replied seeing 13 tanks, 2 armored
vehicles and 10 trucks. While in his written
statement, given to the tribunal representatives
a year ago, he had claimed having seen several
thousands of soldiers entering his village.

When witness Ljoku kept asserting
unbelievably illogic statements, such as that
his village was abandoned by all of his
inhabitants before the military got in, and that
the military had shelled the village for four
hours before getting in. Judge May tried to help
him by warning Milosevic to be fair towards the
witness. As Judge May intervened in this way at
Milosevic insisting the witness should explain
how come the military had not found him after
"escaping to the mountain" and hiding just 50
meters away from his house, Milosevic than
"warned" May that he does not have to interpret
for him what the witness is talking about.

Although there were serious clashes
going on with the KLA in his and in the
neighboring villages, the witness Ljoku claimed
no KLA member had been to his village. At
Milosevic's question does he know that his
cousin Miljaim Ljoku was in command of the
so-called Kacanik KLA brigade and died in an
armed clash of that unit with the YA, the
witness said his cousin had died as a civilian.

Today the testimonial of Ratomir
Tanic has begun, from whom the prosecution
obviously expects quite a lot, so that their
examination of the witness today was not
finished. His face was scrambled, although he
identified himself, and his voice was heard.
Tanic has been a high official of "New
Democracy" Party at the time it was in power in
coalition with SPS and JUL. Before that he has
been one of the founders of opposition parties
like UJDI and the Civic Alliance. As he himself
stated, he was conducting some negotiations with
Albanian representatives in Kosovo on behalf of
his party. More than that, according to him, he
collaborated with officials of the State
Security Service (whom he did not want to name),
but also with the Intelligence Services of
England, Italy and Russia (from which he got
paid). From the testimonial of this witness
today anyone could assert that his role in this
trial is to help the prosecution show that it
was allegedly possible to find a political
solution for Kosovo and Metohia and that the war
was not unavoidable, in other words to justify
NATO aggression against our country.

While announced as the first "insider" witness
at this trial, he could hardly be called as
such, since he has been a minor player and never
part of the ruling SPS gear. Having been member
of "New Democracy", his role in this trial may
easily be understood, if one knows the political
"beliefs" of this party, whose leader for the
last 15 years has been in power within all
Governments, regardless it were Communist,
Socialist or "Democratic" ones. The party itself
never participated alone in the elections,
but was the first to advocate admission of
Yugoslavia to NATO. Its leader, Dusan
Mihajlovic, whose "special adviser" Mr. Tanic
was, is currently Serbian Interior Minister and
one of main responsibles for abduction of
President Milosevic and fabrication of
"refrigerator trucks" stories.

To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

===*===

Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (5)
Date: Thu, 16 May 2002 14:14:57 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.5- May 15, 2002

"Protected Witness" Tanic -
Co-Author In the Writing Of The Indictment

Today's testimonial of the
(partially) protected "insider" Ratomir Tanic
speaks more about his personality and about the
role of intelligence services in the trial, than
about the very subject of the testimonial. It
appeared that these services directly, but badly
prepared Tanic's testimony. Indicative is the
today's statement of his former Party leader and
current Interior Minister in the Serbian
Government, Dusan Mihajlovic, published in
today's edition of the Belgrade daily
"Nacional", which goes: "I knew Ratomir was
crazy enough to apply for witness and testify,
but I had no vague presentiment that those ones
were stupid enough to take him as witness".

Tanic has testified about all kinds of
things, as if he has been the closest Milosevic's
associate, or high state official, for the lightness
with which he talked about things that could have been
within reach exclusively to the highest state and
military leadership. For the rest, at the very beginning
of his examination by the prosecutor, he has identified
himself as paid collaborator of British, Italian and
Russian intelligence services.

Tanic's testimonial looked more like
some kind of political analysis, by which it was
intended to show that a political solution to
the Kosovo and Metohia problem was possible,
which Milosevic never accepted, since his goal
was ethnic cleansing, i.e. the expulsion of
Albanians from the province. Tanic kept
developing this theory through an alleged
parallel civilian chain of command, introduced
by Milosevic, that by-passed the Army and Police
command structures. As sources for these
allegations he mentioned some "leading figures"
within the Army and Police, whose names he did
not want to reveal. After Milosevic and the
Court insisted on the matter, he referred to
Dusan Mihajlovic (leader of "New Democracy"
party), General Momcilo Perisic
(ex-Chief-of-staff of the YA), Jovica Stanisic
(State Security Service - SDB - chief), as well
as SDB officer Bogdan Tomas (for the events
around Djakovica).

Tanic appeared with senseless
allegations that the leadership of Yugoslavia
wished for a "little bombing" in order to
continue harassing end forcing the Albanians
into exile, as well as to reduce the strength of
the Serbian opposition. For this he recalled an
alleged conversation with the British and German
Ambassadors, in which he took part as well,
never though mentioning in what capacity. He
used the same pattern to affirm that he knows
who ordered the Racak operation, but "may not
reveal the foreign source".

Tanic insisted on proving the
existence of a military training plan called
"Horse shoe", that envisaged military operations
in Kosovo and Metohia in the case of foreign
aggression supported by the Albanian
population. He further speculated that this
"training" plan had been subsequently abused and
applied in real conditions, no matter that
'there was neither a foreign aggression nor a
rebellion of the Albanian population'.

Tanic's testimonial looks more like
a script for an action movie in which the "bad
guys" were Serbia and its leadership, and the
"good guys" were the Kosovo and Metohia
Albanians and NATO. The first ones are "guilty"
because they have not solved the problem by
political means and with selective use of force,
which by Tanic's estimates was quite possible,
while the latter are good because by bombardment
they forced a solution for the province, that
seemingly only Tanic is actually satisfied with.

In his senseless statements Tanic
even said the purpose of sending the Army to the
area of Djakovica (near the border with Albania)
during NATO bombing was to prove that NATO
committed crimes by killing Yugoslav soldiers,
as well as to clean-up the Albanian population
there.

Although Milosevic's
cross-examination of this witness has only just
started, it has been immediately clarified that
Tanic was collaborating with the British
Intelligence Service in writing The Hague
indictment against Slobodan Milosevic. Such an
obvious conclusion appears from simple
comparison of the indictment and Tanic's written
statement, as well as from his answers to the
prosecutor's questions. Besides that, on
Milosevic's question, he confessed that at
least two members of the British Intelligence
Service were present during the writing of his
statement. On the other hand, the fact his face
was scrambled on TV transmition from the
courtroom is rather indicative, meaning that
"somebody" insured his secret for-life sojourn
somewhere in the World with a false identity and
changed looks.

The cross-examination of this
'protected witness' will go on, but it is
already certain that it is going to be Tanic who
will carry, for as long as he lives, the burden
of having been the first Serb to testify against
Milosevic and against the truth, but also
against the right of his own nation to defend
its citizens and territory from terrorism,
regardless was it of Albanian or U.S./NATO kind.
This 'testimony' also exposes unbelievable low
level of the NATO political trial and of its
Hague machinery, in which as one of crucial
witnesses appears a person which never had any
official position in Yugoslavia and which admits
paid liaisons with foreign secret services.

To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

===*===

Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (6)
Date: Fri, 17 May 2002 11:44:53 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.6 - May 16, 2002

Prosecution In Trouble

All of the examinations of the witnesses to the
Prosecution so far have shown that the authors of
the Indictment against Slobodan Milosevic are in a
big trouble. This was definitely proven after
today's cross-examination of Ratomir Tanic. His
written 40-pages long statement, two days of
answering to prosecutor's questions, as well as the
issues he is covering, show that he is one of the
indictment's crown witnesses. However, his answers
on Milosevic's questions today have not only cut the
reliability of his testimonial, but have also
seriously compromited his credibility as a witness.
All participants in the trial have become aware of
that, so even Judge May himself had often to
seriously warn Tanic, something he was not
accustomed to do with the witnesses so far.

Yesterday, at the very beginning of
examination, Milosevic had proven that Tanic gave
his statement under "control" of the British
Intelligence Service with whom he co-wrote the
indictment itself. Today Tanic at one point
confessed that he made his voluminous statement in
English, finding that as an excuse why he was not
quite precise during his testimonial today.

There was practically no question where
Tanic had not denied himself. So he said that in
1997 Milosevic and his associates, having plans of
ethnic cleansing on their mind, claimed less than a
million Albanians lived in Kosovo and Metohia. When
Milosevic made him admit that at that time
preparations went on for the presidential elections
in Serbia and that a positive environment for
negotiations with the Kosovo Albanians was set
(their participation in the election was expected),
Tanic could not deny the fact that their number was
discussed within the framework of estimating the
election results, as well as keeping in mind they
had always exaggerated their number.

In his statement Tanic had also claimed
that on June 25, 1997 Milosevic in his Pristina
speech had provoked the Albanians and annulled all
preparations for a political settlement achieved
till then. However, when Milosevic quoted that
speech whose accent was on the equality of all
ethnic minorities and mutual tolerance, a confused
Tanic replied: "As long as I remember, Milosevic had
insisted on Kosovo being an integral part of
Serbia". In some totally private and intelligence
activities Tanic had supported the independence of
Kosovo, a fact visible from a document of a round
table on Kosovo held abroad, in which he took part
and practically joined the Albanian participants who
advocated independent Kosovo (that had been the very
purpose of the gathering). Tanic tried in vain to
prove that he was there on behalf of the
authorities, whose partner then was his party New
Democracy, especially after Milosevic quoted a
document of that party in which Kosovo was
considered as integral part of Serbia.

The unreliability of the witness Tanic
was visible on every question. When Milosevic asked
him to clarify the whereabouts of his presidential
office where Tanic claimed having meetings with him,
Tanic explained it was left from the entrance to the
building of the Presidency of Serbia. After
Milosevic explained his office was on the next
floor, Tanic confusedly replied that he had seen him
walking out from the ground floor hall and believed
that was his office.

Another Tanic's affirmation, that he had
been member of some New Democracy delegation (Dusan
Mihajlovic and him only, according to his written
statement) negotiating with Milosevic, was unmasked
after he now had testified it had been a quite
numerous one. After Milosevic reminded him that his
former boss stated last night (in a live broadcast
on Belgrade TV) that Tanic had been involved in
those events no more than any other citizen of
Serbia, Tanic tried to give explanations not even
clear to himself. A similar thing happened with his
claims that he had meetings with Milosevic during
receptions held in JUL headquarters. Tanic insisted
these meetings were taking place in a room of the
JUL building, while Milosevic explained that all JUL
receptions were held in that building's garden. This
was confirmed in a statement of a former JUL
official earlier today in Belgrade.

Tanic got caught in quite a lot of discrepancies,
related to differences between his written statement
and current testimonial, such as his written
allegations of being the "main negotiator" (reduced
today to "talks engine" by his own words), of
starting his collaboration with the British
Intelligence Service in l993 "during preparations
for Dayton" (Milosevic reminded him that the Dayton
negotiations were agreed only two years later), as
well as of Milosevic attempting to provoke a civil
war in Serbia in late 1996 and after that being put
under a "mild control of the Army and Police forces"
in order to stop him realizing such intentions
(which looked like a Sci-Fi plot to all who lived in
Serbia at that time).

When asked who did let him start collaborating with
the British Intelligence Service, Tanic replied -
"Both sides - Serbian and British Services".
Questioned what has been his post within New
Democracy, Tanic claimed being empowered by Dusan
Mihajlovic to negotiate with the Albanians as
"advisor to the party leader", "Member of its
Executive Board" and "Member of the Presidential
Cabinet of New Democracy". Things have become really
rough for Tanic when Milosevic proposed examining
Tanic's party application form, from which
unequivocally results that he has been just a
sympathizer, and not even an outright member of New
Democracy.

About the nature of Tanic's testimonial the quote
"Albanians should be the Piedmont of Southern
Europe" from his written statement speaks for
itself, since it can only mean the creation of a
Greater Albania by cutting parts of Montenegro,
Serbia, Macedonia and Greece. Tanic at first denied
having testified that, and after seeing the
original, simply explained it as being a print
error!

After all we have heard from Tanic these last few
days, it is more than obvious that we are dealing
with a collaborator of foreign secret services who
took part in preparing the indictment against
President Milosevic, but even more so it is obvious
that he is completely disable to play a role of
crown witness to the prosecution, as those services
had planned.

Tanic's cross-examination by Milosevic and the
"Amici Curiae" will be resumed, and most probably
over, on next Tuesday.

To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian
newspaper advocating liberation)

AGINFORM
Numero 24 - marzo 2002
http://www.pasti.org/indice24.htm

Processo Milosevic

Il silenzio assordante della sinistra

Sono stato presente all'Aja il 12 febbraio per l'inizio del
formale `'processo" contro Slobodan Milosevic insieme
a rappresentanti di vari Paesi del Comitato
internazionale per la difesa di Milosevic e del Tribunale
Clark La sera precedente si era tenuto ad Amsterdam
un incontro pubblico sul tema e, nel pomeriggio del 12,
una conferenza-stampa. Televisione e stampa italiani
(compresi i giornali cosiddetti antagonisti) hanno
sostanzialmente taciuto su queste iniziative,
manifestando in tal modo l'usuale faziosità pregiudiziale
nei confronti del Presidente Milosevic, la cui vera colpa
storica, anche agli occhi dei movimentisti e buonisti
pure di sinistra e "comunisti", è quella di non aver
imitato il rinnegato Gorbaciov.

Milosevic ha fatto pure compromessi per la pace, per i
quali taluni lo rimproverano, ma ha opposto nella
sostanza una resistenza sino agli estremi limiti del
possibile. Tutti i buonisti, pacifisti, antagonisti dai buoni
sentimenti e dalle mobilitazioni parolaie, oltre che i
fautori liberisti e "progressisti" delle aggressioni
occidentali, sono rimasti spiazzati di fronte alle solide
argomentazioni sulla illegittimità dello
pseudo-Tribunale dell'Aja, fondato da un Consiglio di
sicurezza che non ha tale potere, e sulla totale
mancanza di imparzialità nonché sulla scorrettezza nel
suo procedere. Ma soprattutto dalla dignitosa, strenua,
elevata, competente e abilissima condotta di autodifesa
di Milosevic, che ne ha rivelato le doti di grande e
coraggioso dirigente contro l'imperialismo e la
cosiddetta globalizzazione: di ciò avevo avuto un saggio
preciso nella visita che gli avevo reso il 16 agosto 2001
nel suo ingiusto carcere.

La resistenza di Milosevic galvanizza quella jugoslava
e di tutti i popoli contro l'imperialismo e pone a nudo la
farsa di un processo e di "magistrati" che stanno
disonorando la giustizia ponendosi al servizio dei
potenti. Come ha dimostrato l'archiviazione delle
denunce contro i crimini NATO in Jugoslavia e la
"dimenticanza"' delle responsabilità primarie e dei
crimini occidentali nella crisi jugoslava da parte del
procuratore Carla Dal Ponte e del suo vice Nice in una
"requisitoria" che ha mostrato chiaramente il carattere
precostituito e di teorema di tutto l'impianto
dell'accusa: Milosevic sarebbe colpevole di tutto
perchè, anche prima di assumere le cariche, avrebbe
controllato tutto e non avrebbe potuto non sapere tutto.

Siamo in presenza di una farsa giudiziaria che rivela la
natura e il modo di agire dell'imperialismo e al tempo
stesso, la fragilità - quando non almeno oggettiva
complicità, di una sinistra e di "comunisti" che rifiutano
pilatescamente la solidarietà dovuta ad un eroico
combattente antimperialista e al popolo jugoslavo. Non
dimentichiamo certo l'incosciente e obbrobriosa
esultanza di costoro dopo il colpo di stato contro
Milosevic (da qualche parte abbiamo letto `'Belgrado
ride"). Sono i frutti velenosi del distacco dalla storia
reale, l'opportunismo, e forse peggio, di teorizzazioni di
"rifondazione" che, lungi dal costruire, distruggono un
grande patrimonio storico del movimento comunista
internazionale e si staccano da partiti e popoli che
lottano - da quello jugoslavo a quello russo, ad es. -
invece di cercare più ampie unità anche con questi
elementi fondamentali della battaglia antimperialista.

Aldo Bernardini

Intervista a Vladimir Krsljanin
segretario internazionale del
Partito Socialista della Serbia

Che impressione le ha fatto Milosevic?

Ha fatto un impressione enorme, non solo a me, ma a
tutti i presenti. C'erano un migliaio di giornalisti da tutto
il mondo e credo sia stato un fatto unanime.
L'impressione è stata rafforzata dal fatto che Milosevic
ha tenuto testa da solo a un `tribunale' che è un enorme
apparato al servizio della NATO e con ammirevole
fermezza ha portato avanti la sua difesa sbaragliando
tutte le menzogne che gli staff degli esperti NATO
avevano costruito per mesi e mesi impiegando immense
risorse tecniche.

Milosevic finora si era rivolto alla `corte' in inglese.
Che lingua ha usato per la sua difesa?

Ha parlato in serbo-croato. Aveva usato l'inglese per
trattare alcune questioni procedurali all'inizio del
processo, ma poi aveva smesso e negli ultimi mesi
aveva usato solo il serbo croato di fronte al `tribunale' e
continua a farlo. Non potrebbe essere altrimenti perchè
il più importante canale televisivo serbo trasmette
direttamente dall' `aula' e Milosevic utilizza questa
possibilità di rivolgersi a tutta la nazione.

Che effetto ha avuto il suo discorso a Belgrado? Mi
faccia dare qualche cifra, che dice più di molte parole.
Secondo i nostri sondaggi adesso il 77% dei cittadini
della Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia appoggia
Milosevic e ritiene che egli stia difendendo non solo se
stesso ma tutta la nazione che all'Aja viene denigrata e
umiliata. Il 67% ritiene che Milosevic vincerà e con lui
la verità e la giustizia e che la nazione serba farà valere
il proprio diritto di fronte al mondo intero. ...

Data la grande impressione suscitata dalla difesa di
Milosevic molti hanno incominciato a speculare su
chi lo abbia aiutato. Che cosa ne pensa?

E' una domanda che mi è stata posta spesso nelle
conferenze stampa. Credo che abbiano operato due
fattori. La forza e le capacità intellettuali di Milosevic,
da un lato, e dall'altro il fatto che non è solo, ma dietro
di lui ha tutto il partito, tutti i veri patrioti e praticamente
tutta la nazione e molti amici a livello internazionale.
Egli è cosciente di questo sostegno e sente la
responsabilità di distruggere con le sue parole ogni
menzogna. ...

Alcuni osservatori sono sorpresi del fatto che
Milosevic anche dopo una lunga prigionia sembri in
condizioni fisiche e psichiche eccellenti.

Sì è un fatto notevole. Quando lo incontrai circa un
mese fa rimasi impressionato dalla sua vtalità. Tanto
più che è tenuto in isolamento in condizioni che minano
le forze di una persona, in una cella minuscola, con
minime possibilità, esposto a continue pressioni fisiche
e anche psicologiche. La coscienza di lottare per la
giustizia per il suo popolo gli dà la forza morale per
resistere in condizioni così distruttive ...

Mi chiede come vedo il futuro del 'processo'. Sono
convinto che i suoi carcerieri e i loro padroni della
NATO sono preoccupati e sono giunti alla conclusione
che per batterlo bisogna fiaccarlo fisicamente.
Milosevic ha distrutto lo scenario che era stato
preparato per il 'processo', ha messo in luce la
debolezza delle loro argomentazioni prefabbricate e le
menzogne dei loro testimoni, ha conquistato il pubblico
e guadagnato il sostegno delle persone oneste in tutto il
mondo. Con la prospettiva di un 'processo' che, come
vien detto dal 'tribunale', potrebbe durare due anni o
anche più, penso che ci sarà il tentativo di sfinirlo
fisicamente... Dobbiamo esigere che venga liberato in
modo da potersi difendere in libertà. Il Comitato
Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic ha
fatto propria questa rivendicazione pur non cessando di
chiedere che venga liberato senza condizioni e che il
tribunale sia abolito. I suoi carcerieri sanno che non lo
possono sconfiggere se non per lo sfinimento fisico.

da «Halo Noviny», Praga, 2 marzo

===*===

"Il Manifesto", 10 Marzo 2002

Milosevic, scontro tra i "giudici"

Cassese versus Del Ponte.
Documento dell'Fbi su Al Qaeda in Kosovo e Bosnia

TOMMASO DI FRANCESCO

Certo, come da copione. Ma quel che è accaduto alla fine della quarta
settimana del processo Milosevc al Tribunale dell'Aja merita di essere
sottolineato. Perché è accaduto di tutto. Fuoco e fiamme, letteralmente
con l'incendio di un fornello nelle cucine e piccola evacuazione. Ma
anche fuoco e fiamme sull'istruttoria del procuratore Carla Del Ponte da
parte dell'ex presidente jugoslavo, che dalle prime battute ha
rovesciato le accuse di crinimi di guerra sulla Nato e sull'Uck,
favorito dall'incauto procedimento dell'accusa che ha unificato
politicamente diversi capi d'imputazione per diversi periodi storici
trovando alla fine un solo colpevole, Milosevic, e per l'unica colpa del
nazionalismo della Grande Serbia.

Intanto è accaduto che i giudici hanno "litigato" fra loro.

Il giudice Antonio Cassese, docente di diritto internazionale a Firenze,
presidente- fondatore del Tribunale dell'Aja, ha apertamente criticato,
in un'intervista all'Ansa la presenza di "ombre e cose strane" nel
processo: "l'inopportuno battage fatto dal procuratore e la scelta di
alcuni testimoni", oltre al "modo scorretto con cui Milosevic è stato
consegnato all'Aja...in fondo si è trattato di un mercanteggiamento", e
infine il fatto che il capo d'accusa voluto dall'allora capo procuratore
Louise Arbour, riguardava "cinque imputati e l'esecuzione riguarda uno
solo". Carla Del Ponte ha, nervosamente, subito telefonato a Cassese il
quale avrebbe risposto "d'esser stato frainteso", ma l'Ansa (il
giornalista Franco E. Vaselli) conferma.

Comunque, nonostante queste perplessità "interne" allo stesso Tribunale
dell'Aja (alla sua prestigiosa storia, se non altro), la corte
presieduta dal giudice Richard May ha ritenuto opportuno martedì
rispondere no alla richiesta di libertà provvisoria avanzata da
Milosevic allo scopo dichiarato di avere più possibilità di difendersi:
"Ho un solo telefono e neanche funziona bene" aveva detto l'ex
presidente jugoslavo. La corte non è convinta che Milosevic libero
farebbe ritorno all'Aja "e non rappresenterebbe un pericolo per le
vittime, i testimoni". E il processo è andato avanti. Con il testimone
Sabit Kadriu, che ha denunciato incendi, saccheggi e stragi nella
regione di Cicavica nel settembre 1998, mentre era in corso un'offensiva
dell'esercito di Belgrado contro l'Uck. Anche stavolta Milosevc non si è
scomposto e ha ricordato tre cose: che nel settembre 1998 la Comunità
internazionale avviava la trattativa tra lui e Rugova e il piano della
missione Osce, accettato da Belgrado con la mediazione dell'inviato di
Clinton, Holbrooke, che c'erano stragi "false" - famosa quella di
Orahovac, prima di quella di Racak - e anche massacri di civili serbi ad
opera dell'Uck e che la Comunità internazionale e i governi europei
accusavano l'estremismo degli attacchi armati dell'Uck che impedivano
così l'avvio della trattativa.

Non contento venerdì scorso ha letto in aula un lungo documento che
tutti hanno creduto suo, sul fatto che dietro l'Uck e l'attività di
cellule islamiste in Bosnia c'è stato il gruppo terrorista Al Qaeda di
Osama bin Laden. Tanto che il testimone Sabit Kadriu ogni tanto lo
interrompeva: "Non è vero, questo lo dice lei...". Poi, colpo di teatro.
Milosevic ha consegnato il documento alla corte dicendo: è su carta
intestata dell'Fbi ed è stato redatto per l'Amministrazione Usa "nel
dicembre 2001, dopo l'11 settembre".

===*===

Subject: Fw: Processo a Milosevic
Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 12:56:33 +0200
From: "Sergio"
To: "Peacelink"


Mi sono imbattuto per la prima volta in alcuni siti
che trattano l'argomento in questione e devo dire che
sono rimasto sbalordito dalla assenza di commenti dalla
quasi "totalita' della nostra stampa sul "processo
del secolo" come e' stato battezzato dai
global-media alla sua apertura.

La CNN per esempio che e' partita con grande enfasi
si e' subito defilata quando si sono accorti come
"tira il vento".

Mi viene il dubbio che qualcosa non "funzioni" a
dovere all'Aja. I siti riportati me l'hanno
confermato. Si sarebbe dato molta piu' pubblicita'
all'avvenimento se il copione avesse recitato:

Il "macellaio dei Balcani" avra' finalmente cio' che
si merita: E giu' con le accuse, con Slobo che
digrigna i denti e i servizi stracolmi a mostrare la
"bestia in gabbia"..

Credo che anche una buona fetta della sinistra lo
pensava e lo pensi tuttora (anche per ignoranza), o
anche per sfuggire alle proprie responsabilita' nell'avere
appoggiato la criminale campagna di bombardamenti
sulla Jugoslavia, in nome di una guerra "umanitaria"
che ora tutti pudicamente evitano di menzionare.

Il risultato delle politiche occidentali nei Balcani
e' sotto gli occhi di tutti:

Dalla stato socialista federale di Jugoslavia
(posso affermare felice ed in pace fino al 90')
sono scaturiti stati indipendenti etnicamente puri:
Slovenia, Croazia, Bosnia (nelle sue entita'), Kosovo
(nuova creatura dell'occidente), Macedonia (anche lei sotto tutela).

Non parliamo poi dell'inquinamento dell'uranio
impoverito in Kosovo ed in in Serbia risultato anche
questo dei "pacifisti globali".

Ecco i siti siti che mi hanno fatto "pensare":

http://www.icdsm.org/files/about.htm (free Slobodan
Milosevic) Interessante la lista dei personaggi che
fanno parte del comitato.

http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/issue_milosevic.htm (sito JURIST - con
relativi interventi ed opinioni)

http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4136440,00.htm
(oleodotto dal Caspio)

http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm (illegal indictment)

http://www.osce.org/odihr/features/trafficking_kosovo_2/ traffico di
prostituzione in Kosovo)

http://www.estripes.com/article.asp?section=126&article=7844
(Mujaheddins in Bosnia)

http://www.washtimes.com/world/20020422-7801660.htm Crimini di guerra
di Clinton

http://www.peacelink.it/webgate/balcani/msg01209.html (gli USA ed il
campo Bondsteel in Kosovo)

MI fermo qui........

Ma basterebbe questo a far capire che la sinistra non
avra' futuro finche' non fara' i conti con le azioni
del suo recente passato.
Che cosa ha fatto l'Europa di sinistra al potere per
evitare le tragedie europee?????

Il governo Olandese, per esempio si e' dimesso
quando e' venuto alla luce il rapporto su
Srebrenica, dove tra l'altro sta scritto che i
mussulmani (non sempre innocenti) incediarono
e massacrarono i civili serbi dei villaggi
circostanti per poi ritirarsi nell'enclave "protetta".

Ci si occupa di Palestina,di Cecenia,di Afganistan e
non si vede che IN CASA NOSTRA ALL'AJA si sta
celebrando un processo STORICO non SOLO per
l'imputato eccellente che ne prende parte, ma SOPRATTUTTO
per le conseguenze positive per la GIUSTIZIA nel
mondo se il RESPONSO non risultera' quello
"SCONTATO", e quindi nella condanna delle politiche
occidentali nei balcani. La conseguenza sarebbe un
POTENTE DETERRENTE ai futuri politici "FACILONI'
chiamati a decidere tra guerra e pace.

Quello che e' successo in Yugoslavia e' il risultato
del lato piu' OSCURO della GLOBALIZZAZIONE.
Il processo a Milosevic e' la classica FOGLIA DI
FICO per nascondere e depennare le responsabilita'
dei boombardamenti USA/NATO.

Rimango quindi perplesso a navigare sul vostro sito,
avendo l'impressione che vi occupiate solo di
controinformazione "autorizzata" e "omologata"
Certo che parlare di Milosevic oggi e' come
discuttere delle streghe nel medioevo in procinto di
essere mandate al rogo dalla Santa Inquisizione. -
Non so se rendo l'idea.

cordialmente
Sergio

1. TRUFFA ENERGETICA PER QUATTRO MILIONI DI DOLLARI NEL PROTETTORATO
2. LE NAZIONI UNITE GESTISCONO LA PRIVATIZZAZIONE DELLE RISORSE DEL
KOSMET


===1===

TRUFFA PER QUATTRO MILIONI DI DOLLARI NEL PROTETTORATO

( See also: Four million dollars lost in Kosovo energy fraud:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1764 )

> http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/20020430184432209258.html

UE: UFFICIO ANTIFRODE APRE INDAGINE SU USO FONDI IN KOSOVO

(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 30 APR - L'Olaf, l'Ufficio
antifrode della Ue, ha avviato un'inchiesta
sull'utilizzo di fondi comunitari in Kosovo, per
4,2 milioni di dollari nel settore dell'elettricita',
sui quali esistono sospetti di un uso fraudolento.
''L'Olaf ha intenzione di condurre la propria indagine
in stretta collaborazione con le autorita' competenti,
l'Agenzia europea di ricostruzione e la Missione delle
Nazioni Unite in Kosovo, che hanno gia' indicato la loro
volonta' di procedere insieme'', sottolinea una nota
dell'Olaf, dando notizia dell'inchiesta. (ANSA).
OS 30/04/2002 18:44

> http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/20020430133632208691.html

KOSOVO: FRODE 4.5 MILIONI EURO PER COMPAGNIA ELETTRICA,UNMIK

(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 APR - La compagnia elettrica del Kosovo
(Kek) e' sotto accusa per una possibile frode da 4.5 milioni
di euro. A denunciare il fatto e' stato oggi a Pristina, il
vice amministratore dell'Unmik (amministrazione Onu in Kosovo)
Andy Bearpark, spiegando che si tratterebbe di ''sospetti per
abusi con i fondi internazionali offerti come aiuto per
l'acquisto di energia elettrica tra il 2000 e 2001''. Bearpark
non ha fatto nomi di presunti responsabili, ma non ha escluso
dai sospetti nemmeno il personale internazionale della Kek.
''In ogni societa', la corruzione deve essere sradicata a tutti
i livelli'', ha dichiarato Bearpark. Il vice amministratore ha
detto di aver gia' informato le autorita' dell'ufficio antifrode
dell'Unione europea chiedendo una loro investigazione sul caso.
(ANSA). COR 30/04/2002 13:36

===2===

LE NAZIONI UNITE VOGLIONO PRIVATIZZARE TUTTA L'ECONOMIA DEL KOSMET

Da: Glas Javnosti, 19/4/2002

Le Nazioni Unite hanno presentato il piano di privatizzazione
dei beni dello Stato serbo in Kosovo-Metohija.

ANNAN SVENDE LO STATO SERBO

Di chi sono le imprese e le risorse naturali che saranno offerte ad
acquirenti stranieri? La Serbia ancora sta pagando i crediti per
l'economia del Kosovo, destinata a passare nella mani del capitale
straniero. La regione ha risorse per nutrire cinque milioni di
persone, ed e' ricca di carbone, zinco e piombo. (Solevic)

Michael Steiner, capo dell'UNMIK in Kosovo-Metohija, ha presentato
l'altro ieri al governo locale il progetto di legge per la
privatizzazione di questa regione, con il quale si programma la
vendita delle imprese statali. Questo aiuterebbe la situazione
economica della regione ed attirerebbe investimenti stranieri,
ha detto Steiner.
Steiner ha presentato il programma al governo regionale e l'ha
consegnato al premier Bajram Rexhepi, che lo ha indicato come "una
buona mossa per la ricostruzione della regione e per ottenere posti
di lavoro per piu' del 65% della popolazione". La cosiddetta "Kosovo
Trust Agency" incaricata per la vendita della imprese che per la
maggiorparte sono di proprieta' della ex RFS di Jugoslavia; il
cammino della legge ora, in base a quanto scrive la Associated
Press / Reuters, passera' al vaglio della Assemblea. Non serve
ricordare che la legge per la privatizzazione e' gia' stata emanata
ed approvata alcuni mesi fa in Serbia. Bisogna dunque concludere
che questo e' un passo ulteriore verso la indipendenza del Kosovo
dalla Serbia, come viene spesso ripetuto dalle stesse Nazioni Unite?
Perche' la questione sia ancora piu' grave, gli autori del disegno
sono esperti delle Nazioni Unite. (...)

===

GLAS JAVNOSTI, 19.4.2002

Ujedinjene nacije predstavile svoj model privatizacije
srpske dr?avne imovine na Kosovu i Metohiji

Anan rasprodaje srpsku dr?avu

Èija su preduzeæa i prirodna bogatstva koja æe biti
ponuðena strancima? Srbija jos otplaæuje kredite
za kosovsku privredu koja treba da preðe u ruke tuðeg
kapitala. Pokrajina mo?e da hrani pet miliona ljudi, a
bogata je ugljem, cinkom i olovom (Soleviæ)

> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1739

===

UNMIK's Kosovo PRIVATIZATION concept unacceptable - Covic

BELGRADE, May 8 (Tanjug) - Serbian Deputy Premier and head of the
Kosovo coordination centre Nebojsa Covic said on Wednesday that
UNMIK's proposal for privatization in Kosovo was unacceptable
since it concerned an alienation of property, without making
any mention or paying any respect to creditors, of which Serbia
and Yugoslavia are the greatest.
"We have nothing against privatization, but the Privatization
Agency and its Managing Board do not include the greatest creditors,
including the Republic of Serbia and Yugoslavia, which invested
considerable funds in enterprises in Kosovo-Metohija," Covic told
a news conference at the Serbian government.
He said that Serbian Ministers of Privatization Aleksandar
Vlahovic and Finance and Economy Bozidar Djelic had voiced a
series of objections at the presentation of UNMIK's concept and
that a 30-day period lay ahead for a joint coordination of the
privatization concept.
Covic said that regional ministers would meet in Pristina on
May 10 at a conference dedicated to fight against smuggling and
crime, in which Serbian authorities' cooperation is necessary.

UNMIK NOT TO ABANDON PRIVATIZATION PLAN

PRISTINA, May 12 (Beta) - UNMIK chief Michael Steiner has said
that the UNMIK would not give up on its program of privatizing
so-called sociallyowned companies, despite the fact that Belgrade
had rejected the plan, adding that the international mission in
Kosovo would "try to explain" to the Serbian authorities that the
plan "does not violate anyone's rights."
"No, no. According to UN Security Council Resolution 1244, this
is under our jurisdiction, and we will do what is economically
necessary and legally possible, as long as it (privatization) does
not violate anyone's rights," Steiner told BETA.
He also said that the mission would aim at freezing the issue
of ownership while at the same time preserving social property
from ruin. At the moment, no one wants to invest in Su companies
precisely because of the unclear ownership status.
"We will aim at freezing the issue and leaving it alone, but at
the same time we will try to revitalize those companies that
are worth salvaging, while closing the others. In the process,
the owners will not be denied a single right," Steiner said,
adding that "ownership has yet to be determined, which is not
easy." "In a number of cases the owners are not known. Is it the
federation, or the republic, or the province, or maybe none of
the above. No one knows this, it is quite controversial," the
UNMIK chief said. He also said that foreign donors would this
year cut down aid to Kosovo and that the UN mission would in
the meantime aim at consolidating "the rule of law" next year,
increasing the collection of taxes, and get the economy running.
"These are the three most important issues," Steiner told BETA.

Privatization in Kosovo - violation of rights of our state

BELGRADE, May 13 (Tanjug) - UNMIK's announcement it will start
privatization of state-owned enterprises in Kosovo and Metohija
without the insight and approval of the Serbian government
constitutes an "unprecedented violation of the right of a state,
unregistered in recent history," the Union of Employees of Yugoslavia
warned on Monday. In a statement sent to the media, the Union of
Employees requires from "the Serbian government emergency protection
of the state and national interest or to resign."
The Union of Employees has sent a protest also to the International
Labour Organization and the International Organization of Employees,
of which it is member.

Subject: Deep Concern about the conduct of the trial
of Mr Slobodan Milosevic
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 23:20:50 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
To: "ICTY Hag" <e@...>

ICTY- Den Haag

To: Claude Jorda

Belgrade,15 May 2002

Dear Mr. CLaude Jorda

I express my deep concern about the conduct of the
trial of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague and growing evidence of
partiality of the Tribunal.

I am especially concerned about the Tribunal's
acceptance of Mr. Riddle-Mayer as an independent
expert in the field of historical monuments of
culture. This acceptance came in spite of the fact
that Mr. Riddle-Mayer had obtained funding for his
one-sided Kosovo research project from his own sources
and then offered his services to the Office of the
Prosecutor of the ICTY. On the other hand, I am aware
that it is a well-estabilished practice of impartial
criminal courts anywhere in the world that experts for
a particular expertise are appointed by courts
themselves, while the financing of these expertises is
strictly determined by the rules governing the
procedure.

I am also concerned by a large and growing number of
issues which the presiding Judge Richard May declares
as irrelevant during the cross-examination of the
witnesses by Mr. Milosevic. To this end, strict time
restrictions are imposed on Mr. Milosevic, even when
he is cross-examining some of the most important
witnesses such as Mr. Ibrahim Rugova, President of
Kosovo, on 3 & 6 May 2002. I consider it unacceptable
that issues such as, for instance, the ascertainment
of the role, character and sources of financing of the
KLA are declared as irrelevant. At the same time, no
significant effort has been made by the presiding
Judge May to make Mr. Rugova give precise, concise and
concrete answers to the questions posed by Mr.
Milosevic and amicus curiae. Mr. Rugova's testimony
was characterised as a shame for international justice
by many lawyers and journalists present in The Hague,
reported Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti on 4 May 2002.

Noting that great many witnesses from Kosovo testify
not to have ever heard of the KLA, I am concerned that
not a single witness has been warned that a false
statement is subject to penal measures under Article
91 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence. These
measures must be applied in order to prevent
incredible testimonies, abuse of power by the
Prosecutor's Office and undue exhaustion of Mr.
Milosevic who is exposed to a rather long trial.

Finally, I am deeply concerned about the constant
changes in order of appearance of witnesses by the
Prosecution which the Chamber allows too lightly.

The Milosevic case is a complex one, raising complex
issues and too narrow, selective and impatient
approach by the Chamber to these issues can have
detrimental consequences for the rights of Mr.
Milosevic. Considering that such an approach has
already started affecting his right to a fair trial, I
call upon all human rights organisations to appoint
its observers at the trial, or to follow the
proceedings in other appropriate manner. I also calls
upon all human rights organisations to take any action
they deem appropriate in order to stop the violations
of the right to a fair trial of Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic.

Yours sincerely,



Vladislav Jovanovic,

Acting President of

The Belgrade Forum for

the world Of Equals

Belgrade, Misarska 6

Tel/Fax: (+381 11) 3245601

WWW.belgrade-forum.org

info@...

===*===

Subject: Baghdad Conference: RELEASE MILOSEVIC!
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 17:28:39 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

The Seventh Session of the Committee
of Follow-up and Co-ordination of
the Baghdad Conference has been
finished in Baghdad on May 9, with
participation of 160 representatives
of about 90 political parties and
organizations from more than 40
countries of all continents,
including the MPs from Belgium,
Belarus, Canada, France, Greece,
Great Britain, India, Italy,
Pakistan, Russian Federation, Spain,
Ukraine, ministers from South Africa
and Malaysia, as well as high
representatives from all Arab
countries and from several countries
of Africa and Latin America.

Representatives of several Yugoslav
parties also took part.

The Conference has adopted a joint
Declaration, reflecting the common
views on the contemporary
international processes, and
condemning the imperialist
"globalization".

A special joint Statement containing
the strong demand for release of
President Slobodan Milosevic, has
also been adopted, upon initiative
the SPS representative and Head of
Human Rights Commission of Yugoslav
Parliament, Mr. Zivorad Igic.

The full text of the joint statement:

"At the Seventh Session of the
Committee of Follow-up and
Co-ordination of the Baghdad
Conference held in Baghdad on 7-9
May 2002;

Having discussed the question of
putting President Slobodan Milosevic
before a so-called "Ad Hoc UN
Tribunal" at The Hague;

The Conference adopted the following

STATEMENT

1. The Conference does not
accept the legality of the said
Tribunal because it is politically
motivated and was not legally
constituted.

2. It is the people of
Yugoslavia who are the only
authority competent to deal with any
matter pertaining to their country,
Yugoslavia.

3. President Slobodan Milosevic
should be released immediately from
illegal detention, as this is the
only step, which conforms to
international law and the Charter of
the United Nations."



To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

From : "vojislava mitrovic"
Date : Thu, 16 May 2002 14:31:03 +0200
Subject : Re: [JUGOINFO] Digest Number 508

Ho letto attentamente l'articolo di Italo Slavo e concordo pienamente
con
Lui. Putroppo l'Italia è pienas di giornalisti qualunquisti, che credono
e
si sentono di essere esperti "balcanologi" io li ritengo invece
"balcanisti", (gli ismi hanno sempre un significato negativo in
italiano) in
quanto sanno poco o niente di quella terra slava, dell'anima slava, e
vanno
a disininformare la gente su quello che vuol dire essere Slavo del Sud,
come
era veramente Izet Sarajilic. Ho conosciuto personalmente Izet
Sarajilic,
alcuni anni or sono in una conferenza che ha tenuto presso la cattedra
di
serbo-croato del La Sapienza di Roma, dove studio lingua e letteratura
serbo-croata, e quello che ho visto in lui era quella "prosta dusa
slovenska" che solo chi è nato e cresciuto in Jugoslavija può avere. Ho
amato la semplicità di quell'uomo, la sua schiettezza, la sua modestia,
che
lo differenzia da quel giornalista "pivello" che lo ha intervistato,
quel
fricchettone, che il grande Sarajilic ha subito inquadrato con la sua
grande
sensibilità propria non solo del poeta ma anche dello slavo del Sud,
quel
fricchettone che neanche ha capito l'ironia sarcastica di
quell'osservazione
di Sarajilic. Non prendiamocela troppo con chi ha voluto dare spazio al
giornalista frichettone, perché si sa che in democrazia hanno tutti il
diritto ad esprimere la propria opinione e ricordiamo piuttosto, che chi
ha
saputo amare ed apprezzare l'arte del piccolo grande Izet ha saputo
anche
leggere e fare le dovute considerazioni sulla grande tragedia della
disgregazione della Jugoslavija. Nonostante questi fricchettoni che
credono
di sapere tutto, Sarajevo non è mai stata e mai sarà un luogo comune
perché
Sarajevo, con la sua multiculturalità, la sua gente, la sua atmosfera è
e
sarà sempre l'ombelico d'Europa, l'ombelico del mondo.
Ringraziando nuovamente Italo Slavo per il suo bellissimo articolo,
porgo i
più distinti saluti,
Vojislava Mitrovic

> Data: Wed, 15 May 2002 00:11:28 +0200
> Da: "jugocoord@..." <jugocoord@...>
> Oggetto: Sarajevo e' un luogo comune
>
>
> La guerra del quotidiano "Il Manifesto" contro i serbi della
> Bosnia non e' ancora finita.
>
> Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
> accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
> interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
> di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
> riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
> piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
> momenti del conflitto.
>
> E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
> informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
> (imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
> Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
> spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
> Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
> alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
> del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
> procediamo nella lettura.
>
> Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
> non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
> del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
> trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
> fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
> ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
> "divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
> sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
> altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
> sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
> Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
> preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
> formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
> letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
> accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
> motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
> di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
> fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
> fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
> abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
> avanti.
>
> Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
> due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
> che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
> che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
> biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
> collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
> di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
> bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
> Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
> che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
> 6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
> uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
> il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
> cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.
>
> La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
> <<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
> guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
> peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
> (si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
> <<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
> del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
> loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
> serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
> serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
> distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
> se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
> citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
> Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
> Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
> serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
> quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
> anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
> ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
> altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
> preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.
>
> <<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
> Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
> [il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
> pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
> capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
> dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
> dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
> sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
> bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
> magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?
>
> Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
> vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
> sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
> musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
> tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
> tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
> capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
> <<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
> "Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
> presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
> parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
> doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.
>
> La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
> <<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
> stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
> la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
> Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
> comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
> sicuramente di piu'.
>
> Italo Slavo
>

> http://www.timesonline.co.uk/printFriendly/0,,1-7-295526,00.html

THE TIMES (UK), Tuesday, May 14, 2002

A very dirty little war

by Anthony Loyd

The investigation of a bus bomb that killed 11 Serbs was blocked at
every
turn and the four suspects are now free. Our correspondant reports on
the
murky world of UN and Nato peacekeeping in Kosovo


February 16, 2001: It was a warm morning with clear skies and the mood
of
the passengers and accompanying soldiers was relaxed. There were seven
coaches in all, each filled with Serb civilians returning from Nis in
Serbia
to their homes in Kosovo to commemorate zadusnica, one of the Serb
Orthodox
Church's three annual days of the dead. Most were refugees who had fled
the
Yugoslav province to escape retributive killings by Albanians after
Nato's
arrival 19 months earlier.

Held at the provincial border between Kosovo and Serbia to have their
Ids
checked and pick up an escort of Swedish and British troops who were
part of
the Nato contingent in the province (Kfor), the convoy was en route for
Gracanica, a small Serb town in central Kosovo.

Stojan Kostic, 52, was sitting in the front coach as the convoy entered
Kosovo. Beside him sat his sister-in-law Planinka. Stojan was dozing,
and
woke briefly as the vehicle accelerated, before closing his eyes again.
At
12 minutes past 11, on a hillside above the road, an Albanian watching
the
lead vehicle approach the village of Merdare touched the exposed ends of
a
cable to a battery, just as the coach passed over a culvert.

The bomb blast blew Kostic into the back of the bus and though the
floor,
which had been opened up. He landed in the luggage compartment, covered
in
hot engine oil. His nose was cut in half. His ribs and a leg were
broken. He
put his hand up to his jaw, and two of his teeth fell out.

Planinka, meanwhile, remained stuck in her seat. The explosion had left
her
almost untouched, but killed all those in front of her, leaving her an
immobile witness to the bomb's immediate aftermath.

"Everyone before me was blown to pieces," she says. "Before me was
twisted
metal and light. There was a whole brain in front of me. On either side
of
the bus I could see bodies missing limbs. The roof was peeled up but
hanging
down and pieces of people were glued all over it. Just above me someone
had
been blown halfway through the roof vent. Their legs hung down from the
gap."

Eleven Serbs were dead, including Danilo Cokic, a two-year-old boy.
Twenty
others were injured, eight critically.

PLANTED in the culvert, the bomb was made from 200lbs of TNT and
detonated
by a command wire that ran for nearly a kilometre to the hillside firing
point. It was the most cold-blooded and calculated terrorist strike
since
Nato entered the province in June, 1999. But it provoked more than just
revulsion. To Nato's critics, the murder of 11 Serbs on a coach
sandwiched
between Nato armoured vehicles seemed to epitomise the organisation's
inability to control Albanian extremists, to protect the Serbs or to
hold
the moral high ground in their justification of the war.

And for the British there was a sense of culpability in the bombing.
Since
November, 2000, Nato intelligence sources had warned of the possibility
of
an Albanian attack on the road, which lay in the British sector,
specifying
the threat of a culvert bomb. Yet, on the day of the attack, a flawed
route-check by British troops that left two culverts unchecked, faulty
communications and ill-fortune all conspired to produce catastophe.

The UN and Nato knew that, with so much of their credibilty in Kosovo at
stake, there was still a chance to save face and regain some lost
initiative, and it lay with the successful capture and prosecution of
those
responsible for the bombing.

THE pounding on the door of his Pristina apartment roused Cele Gashi
from
sleep. Bleary-eyed, he stumbled from the bed and clipped a pistol belt
to
his waist. It was 4.30pm on March 19. Gashi had just finished a 12-hour
duty
shift at his TMK barracks in Pristina, where he served with the rank of
colonel.

The TMK, an acronym that translates as Kosovo Protection Corps, was
created
in the summer of 1999 under the aegis of Nato and the UN after the Serb
withdrawal from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all former KLA fighters.
Funded by, among others, the EU and the US State Department, the TMK is
styled as a "civil emergency" unit. Its members are given a variety of
training to this end by organisations including the British and French
armies. Top commanders, their bodyguards and sentries are allowed to
carry
weapons, and on duty all wear berets and uniform; whatever their role,
they
look like a militia and they think they are Kosovo's future army.

Though Nato and the UN technically control its membership, since its
creation the TMK has been as contentious as its KLA parent. Some senior
UN
officials regard it as a monster. Frequently implicated in the murder
and
intimidation of Serb civilians, organised crime and cross-border
insurgencies into rump-Serbia and Macedonia, the TMK nevertheless
survives
as the recipient of foreign funding and training.

Opening the door, Gashi saw a group of men in British uniform standing
in
the corridor. "They didn't say anything," he remembers. "Without a word
they
leapt upon me, threw me on the ground and handcuffed my arms behind my
back."

Gashi was hooded, driven away, and eventually removed from the vehicle
and
frogmarched into a small room. "There they removed the hood from me. I
was
standing on a small wooden pallet. In front of me were three armed men
pointing their guns at me, and a woman. All were in uniform. The woman
spoke
bad Albanian. She said to me, 'If you try anything these men will kill
you'."

Gashi had just been arrested by British special forces in connection
with
the Nis bus bombing. He says he spent the next 12 hours standing on the
wooden pallet being questioned about the attack, and was allowed to sit
down
for only 20 minutes when he became faint, before being handed over to a
UN
detention facility the next day. Gashi admitted nothing. He was a tough
man.
As a former guerrilla, he had been an intelligence officer for KLA in
the
Llap zone, the most northern of seven KLA operational zones that divided
Kosovo.

Two other former Llap KLA fighters were arrested that day by specialist
British units: Avdi Behluli and Jusuf Veliu, the latter a TMK captain at
the
time of his detention. An intensive military intelligence operation,
using a
panoply of Nato resources, pointed a finger at these men for having been
part of a nine-strong active service unit that planned and carried out
the
bomb attack.

A fourth suspect was detained that night by British soldiers. Unlike the
others, Florim Ejupi had no military experience. He was a smalltime,
unsophisticated Kosovar Albanian criminal who had lived in Germany for
the
duration of the war. He had served four sentences in German prisons for
drug
dealing, attempted manslaughter, burglary and assault while the fighting
was
at its height. Yet from the start he appeared to be the key to the
investigation. It seemed that Ejupi's crude crime profile and
inexperience
had led him to make a mistake. Of the four prisoners, he was the only
one to
be connected to the scene of the crime by physical evidence as opposed
to
intelligence information. A cigarette butt found at the bomb's hilltop
firing point, along with scraps of cable wrapping paper, bore his DNA
trace,
which was cross-checked for confirmation against his DNA print on German
police files.

However, in spite of his arrest, the UNMIK regional serious crime squad
responsible for the investigation was already in difficulties, and
whispers
of a conspiracy were beginning to shadow the case.

At the site of the explosion on the day the bomb went off, Detective Stu
Kellock, the squad's Canadian chief, had asked that UNMIK put a
dedicated
task force together to work on the investigation, as would have been
done in
any western country. That request and subsequent ones were ignored.

"It was obvious right from the start that there were other agendas going
on
that the police didn't know about," Kellock says. "Technically we were
in
charge of the investigation but it never seemed that way. Intelligence
about
the suspects was denied to us. Information was withheld by Kfor. We were
always the last to be told what was going on. From the word go, I got a
very
sinister feeling about the whole thing."

The police claim that as soon as the four suspects were transferred to
UNMIK
detention centres in Kosovo, some 12 hours after their initial arrest by
the
British, a UN order restricted police interviews of the men. Indeed,
Kellock
never personally managed to get access to a single interview with the
prisoners.

Another Canadian serious crimes officer, Joe McAllister, recalls: "We
were
told, 'These are the suspects - question them'. Yet we had no
information
upon which to base our questioning, nor any direction, and anyway we
couldn't get proper access to the prisoners." By early May the suspects
were
no longer in UNMIK custody, and the conspiracy theories were about to
become
legend.

Apparently haunted by the possibility of the suspects' escaping, the UN
ordered their transfer to the most secure detention area in the
province:
the jail inside the American base at Camp Bondsteel. The camp was home
to
more than 5,000 US soldiers; in its detention facility, suspects
languished
in Guantanamo Bay-style fluorescent orange suits, surrounded by
concertina
rolls of razor wire, floodlights and watchtowers.

The suspects were transferred to Bondsteel on May 3. But a year ago, on
the
night of May 14, Florim Ejupi, the most unsophisticated suspect and the
one
man against whom physical evidence existed, "disappeared" from the camp.

ACCORDING to Cele Gashi, the four suspects had been kept together in a
central holding area in Bondsteel - a move that allowed the prisoners
free
association and itself stymied evidence procedures. Late in the evening
of
May 14, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu drifted off to sleep while Ejupi
remained
awake, listening to a radio. The next thing Gashi says he remembers is
American soldiers bursting into the compound shortly after 4am. Ejupi
was
gone, and his transistor radio lay on his empty bed.

The Americans later said that he had escaped using a pair of wire
cutters
hidden in a spinach pie sent to the prison by his family. They say
crucial
floodlights were faulty, and there are claims that an inexperienced
National
Guard unit had left a stretch of perimeter wire unobserved for 100
minutes.

Soon, though, outraged UNMIK police officers were offering a different
story. They claim that from the moment the four suspects were
transferred to
camp Bondsteel, interview access, already difficult, was further
obstructed
by the Americans.

Some officers go on to claim that Ejupi had been a source for US
intelligence. They believe that Ejupi was released from Bondsteel either
because US intelligence agencies did not wish to be implicated by
association in the bombing of the Nis Express, or because they wanted to
establish the identities of the men who authorised the bomb attack to
use
for their own ends. Both escape and conspiracy theories challenge
belief.
"It's not clear cut either way," one senior UNMIK official admits. "We
really don't know what happened with Ejupi. It is possible that he was
released, but if that was the case then it was the act of an agency
operating without State Department or Pentagon approval. In the big
picture
the Americans had far more to lose than to gain from the
'disappearance',
however it happened."

WHATEVER the real truth, news of Ejupi's flight further crushed morale
among
the police investigators. Kellock says: "I would use the word
'devastating'.
It called into question the whole reason why we were in Kosovo, and any
questions we had concerning Ejupi's escape remain to this day
unanswered.
>From that moment on, the writing was on the wall for our
investigation."

Though three suspects, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu, remained in custody,
this
was of scant consolation to the police. They say that they had no
wiretaps
or covert surveillance to monitor associates of the prisoners. Witnesses
were afraid to come forward from a society that has traditionally been
impenetrable for law enforcers. Nato continued to withold its
intelligence.
And human rights groups in the UN and OSCE (Organisation for Security
and
Co-operation in Europe) ensured that the suspects' rights were so
rigorously
upheld that the few police interviews conducted were heavily restricted.

The investigation was already being scaled down. In the absence of a
dedicated taskforce, the 18-strong serious crimes squad was having to
divert
its resources to other crimes. By midsummer there were only three
detectives
still involved with the case. And a high turnover of UN personnel meant
that
few of the original investigators remained.

McAllister took over the job of lead investigator in June, but was
removed
from the post by the UN in August for speaking to a journalist about his
frustrations. After his departure the file on the Nis Express became the
responsibility of a single detective, and the investigation all but
ceased.

Paradoxically, this was the one time when the UN should have poured
resources into spreading the scope of the investigation. The presence of
the
remaining three suspects in custody was becoming a legal embarrassment.
Their continued detention was the result of an Executive Hold order by
Hans
Haekkerup, the senior UN administrator in Kosovo; this was a special
circumstances option that allowed for an extra-judicial detention, but
was
increasingly coming under criticism by human rights groups.

In the autumn, UNMIK created a Detention Review Commission of three
international judges to examine the case, validate (if appropriate)
Haekkerup's Executive Hold order and return the suspects' detention to a
judicial framework.

The three judges were given access to the Nato intelligence that lay
behind
the arrests. In September, 2001, they decided that the intelligence was
compelling enough to allow for the suspects' continued detention of 90
days
before the case went to Kosovo's Supreme Court.

The onus, therefore, was on the police to produce more evidence to put
before the Supreme Court. Yet their investigation was already dead in
the
water and no attempt was made to revive it. The 90 days expired and, on
December 18 last year, the case went before the Supreme Court. This body
was
not given access to Nato's intelligence files, and in the absence of any
fresh evidence, it recommended the immediate release of the three
suspects.

ANY remaining trust held by Kosovo's Serbs in UNMIK, Kfor or justice in
the
province disintegrated after the men were set free. The trio, still
terrorist suspects in an unclosed case, were given local heroes'
welcomes
after they left jail. Cele Gashi and Jusuf Veliu were embraced publicly
by
senior TMK officers. In January, Gashi returned to his position as a TMK
colonel in Pristina; Veliu was reinstated as a TMK captain. Nato
officials
in Kosovo denied that this move had been officially sanctioned. Yet six
weeks later both men were in barracks and in uniform.

In UNMIK there is confusion as to whether Gashi and Veliu were ever even
suspended from the TMK in the first place, some officials even
suggesting
that the suspects were being paid out of a UN-regulated budget during
their
time in custody.

As for Florim Ejupi, he remains "missing"; after a year, the mystery
surrounding his escape remains undiminished.


What the acronyms mean

KLA: Kosovo Liberation Army. Albanian resistance organisation, now
undergoing demilitarisation.

TMK: Kosovo Protection Corps, created in 1999 under the aegis of Nato
and
the UN after Serb withdrawl from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all
former
KLA fighters.

Kfor: The Nato-led international peacekeeping force in Kosovo.

UNMIK: United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo: a civilian law
enforcement unit.

E' deceduto Giuseppe Maras.

Comandante della Divisione Italia, gia' Brigata Garibaldi, nella Lotta
di Liberazione jugoslava, poi Medaglia d'oro alla Resistenza. Decorato
anche da Tito, che conosceva personalmente.

Nel corso della Guerra Fredda fu espulso dal PCI per le sue posizioni
troppo vicine alla Jugoslavia federativa e socialista. Negli
ultimissimi anni aveva partecipato ad iniziative-dibattito pubbliche
sullo sfascio del paese meraviglioso che anche lui aveva contribuito a
costruire, e che oggi non riusciva piu' a riconoscere. Negli scorsi mesi
aveva aderito al progetto del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia.
La sua morte e' ignorata oggi dai giornali della sinistra, ma la sua
memoria vive e ci chiede di farci ancora e sempre paladini dei valori
internazionalisti della lotta partigiana.

UMRO JE JOS JEDAN BORAC ZA SLOBODU

I funerali si tengono oggi 14 maggio 2002 a Roma, alle 15:30
nella chiesa di San Lorenzo al Verano.

Subject: A New Book of Vojislav Micovic:
Globalization and New World Order
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 12:46:19 -0700
From: "Artel"

by www.artel.co.yu

office@...
Date:13/05/2002


The New Book of Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D.
Globalization and the New World Order

The new book of Vojislav
Micovic, Ph. D.
Globalization and new world
order was reviewed in
TANJUG Press Center on 22
April 2002 by Dr Mihailo
Markovic, member of Serbian
Academy of Sciences and
Arts (SANU), Dr Blagoje
Babic, expert of
international economy
systems of the Institute of
Politics and economy of
Belgrade and General in
retreat Radovan Radinovic,
expert in military affairs.

The Book can be ordered
through ARTEL for the price
of 300,00 Dinars (or 5
Euros) plus transport fees. The interested ones
are invited to contact us through tel/fax: (+381
11) 699-495, or by e-mail: office@....
(The Book is in Serbian).

NOTES ON THE AUTHOR
Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is a publicist and a
political analyst by profession. He studied at the
College of Diplomatics and Journalism of Belgrade
and was graduated from the University of Belgrade
Faculty of Law. Micovic is one of the most
prominent Yugoslav experts on the phenomenon of
mass media and an analyst of global international
relations and special warfare, in particular its
psychological-propaganda and spiritual-cultural
forms, as well as an expert on the strategy of the
New World Order.
Micovic held important posts in the printed media,
on radio and television, and was a state and
political official in Serbia and in Yugoslavia
(undersecretary of culture, information minister,
director of Radio Belgrade, member of the UNESCO
National Commission, secretary and president of
the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance
of Yugoslavia, etc.).
Micovic published a large number of scientific and
expert papers and books in the areas of mass
communications, propaganda and international
relations, including: The Principle of Publicity
and Information, Mass Media in Yugoslavia, Foreign
Propaganda in Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia's Openness to
the World, Special Warfare and the New World
Order, The Aggression on Yugoslavia - "Angel of
Mercy" of the New World Order. The books Media in
Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia's Openness to the World
have been translated into French and English, and
the book Aggression on Yugoslavia into English.
The latest book by Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is
Globalization and the New World Order.
The book was reviewed by renomed philosopher and
world famous researcher Mihailo Markovic, member
of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
(SANU).
Globalization and the New World Order has been
widely distributed and can be purchased in all
major bookstores in Yugoslavia.

CONTENT
Remarks by the author

I THE WORLD AT THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRD
MILLENNIUM......13
1. THE IDEA AND ROOTS OF
MONDIALISM.....................15
Forerunners of the
idea............................15
Sources of ideology of mondialism in
freemasons....16
Mondialism - an ideology of globalization and the
New World Order................................18
2. MONDIALISM (GLOBALISM) AND NATIONAL
SOVEREIGNTY......233. THREE HISTORICAL MODELS OF
GLOBALIZATION.............31
15th-20th century colonization - conquering lands
and partitioning the
world.........................32
Hitler's New
Order.................................33
Division of world into blocs after
WWII............37

II

4. PLANETARY COLONIALISM - OLD IDEA, NEW
PACKAGING......43
End of Cold War (WWIII) - seed of new
globalization
model................................43
American dream of ruling the
world.................46
5. ARCHITECTURE AND FORMS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER............56
Moulding a political
system........................56
Free market - model of economic exploitation and
enslaving......................................60
Cultural imperialism - imposing a system of
values.............................................67
Globalization of information space - one-way flow
of information........................78
Mega military structures - globalization of a
military
force...................................85
6. INSTITUTIONAL PILLARS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER.............88
United Nations - transformation or
decline.........88
European
Union.....................................95
NATO and Partnership for
Peace.....................99
World Bank and IMF - economic pillars of THE New
World Order...............................107
7. WHO RULES THE WORLD BEHIND THE
SCENES...............109
Council of International Relations and Royal
Institute...................................111
Trilateral
Commission.............................115
Bilderberg
Group..................................117
Role of Rockefeller - King of Financial
Empire....121
Who is
Soros......................................122
8. HOW TO REALIZE PLANS FOR NEW
ORDER...................125
1. Psychological-propaganda methods of special
warfare...........................................125

On idea and essence of special warfare.......129
Institutions for informative and propaganda
activities...................................131
Staff for waging psychological-propaganda
warfare......................................137
Ways and methods for "softening up" and
manipulation.................................139
Who is the target public.....................144
Means for influencing human emotions.........148
2. Sanctions - method of collective punishment of
peoples and states........................150
3. Use of armed force and new forms of
occupation.158
9. PHENOMENON OF GLOBAL TERRORISM (CAUSES AND
CONSEQUENCES).........................160
10. PLANNING NEW FORMS AND WAYS OF
GLOBALIZATION.......170
Conquering new territories - Arctic and
Space.....170
Regional political
integrations...................174
11. RESISTANCE TO FORCIBLE GLOBALIZATION AND
AMERICAN
HEGEMONY.................................180
12. CAUSES AND LESSONS OF NATO AGGRESSION ON
YUGOSLAVIA........................................189

NATO aggression on Yugoslavia - part of the
western strategy in the
Balkans...................189 Why Kosovo and
Metohija? Actual causes and fabricated
reasons................................195
Specificities of NATO aggression on
Yugoslavia....198
World reaction and universal meaning of resistance
to aggression..........................202
13. WHAT IS THE ALTERNATIVE TO GLOBALIZATION AND
THE NEW
ORDER.....................................210
Summary................................................215

Notes on the
author....................................221

SUMMARY

The spirit of mondialism and globalization is
increasingly spreading throughout the modern
world. That is an immanent process in the level of
the reached development of economic, cultural,
scientific-technological, and the overall
potentials of modern mankind. That process is
present today mostly and primarily in the most
developed parts of the world (United States,
Western Europe) and has a tendency to spread to
other areas of our planet. The pace and content of
globalization are determined by the United States
as the only super power, with smaller or greater
support from its European allies. The problem is
not in that process, which is objective and
inevitable, but in that its main participants see
the future, in spite of all the diversities and
inequalities in power and quality of life, as
uniformed, stripped of personality, subjugated to
the stronger, a world in which nations will not
have their independence or the elementary
possibility to be equal to each other and free,
without any threats to the freedoms of other
peoples and nations.
At the beginning of the third millennium, it is
characteristic for the world that there is a
turbulent development of the scientific-technical
revolution as the driving force behind economic
and political integration processes and a material
basis for the ideas of mondialism and the
globalization process. On these foundations,
neoimperialistic tendencies grew stronger and
plans were made for the neocolonial conquering of
the world and the creation of strategies for the
New World Order. The Freemasons are the source of
the ideology of mondialism and mondialism is the
ideology of globalization and the New World Order.

The ideology of mondialism and the practice of
globalization are inversely related to national
sovereignty. International integration processes
and linking of peoples and states are inherent to
their interests, provided their specific
charactaristics, history, tradition, and other
circumstances are respected. In these processes,
there are also inevitably certain changes in the
understanding of the term and contents of
sovereignty. It is possible to resolve the problem
of relations between mondialism and sovereignty
only provided states - carriers of sovereignty,
aware of their needs and interests, voluntarily
transfer part of their sovereignty to
international organs and institutions which
coordinate these interests with other subjects
taking part in that process. Otherwise, any other
manner of limiting, curtailing or abolishing
national sovereignty would lead to conflicts and
similar undesired situations.
Three historical models of globalization preceded
the modern process of globalization and
neocolonial conquering of the world. They are:
world colonization from the 15th to the 20th
century, Hitler's "New Order", and the division of
the world into blocs following the 2nd World War.
After the end of the so-called Cold War and the
dismantling of the Eastern European bloc,
tendencies toward new planetary globalization and
neocolonialism were revived. In the United States,
as the only world super power, the new
international circumstances and relations were
understood as a possibility strongly to renew the
historic dream of America ruling the world. That
dream has been in existence for over two centuries
and is based on ideological and propaganda phrases
that the United States "deserves to have the
leading role in the world."
Plans for the construction of the New World Order
have the central place in the strategy of
globalization. The "architecture" of that order
envisages several elementary models: the creation
of one model of a political system in all
countries regardless of the historical
circumstances and tradition in organizing society
in certain countries; securing a "free market" as
a way which will enable unhindered activities by
multi-national companies in all areas, in
particular in economically undeveloped and poor
countries, paving the way to different forms of
economic exploitation and enslaving many
countries; one of the ways to create the New World
Order is also the tendency to impose cultural and
spiritual values from one part of the world,
mostly the United States and Western Europe, on
the rest of the world; a vital element of the New
World Order is the globalization of media space
and a predominantly one-way flow of information
through global electronic media and other forms of
information; and, finally, mega-military
structures, whose main part is the armed force of
NATO, have an important place within the
"architecture" of this new order.
The United Nations presents the institutional
pillars of this New World Order, headed by the
Security Council which is increasingly becoming an
organ with the functions of a world government, as
it is presented in the ideas of theoreticians and
ideologists of mondialism, then the European
Union, NATO as the military guarrantor for the
creation of the new order, and, finally, the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund as the
economic pillars of this order.
In addition to these institutions, there is also
an entire network of very powerful informal
centers which de facto rule the world behind the
scenes. These are primarily the US Council for
International Relations, the Royal Institute of
Great Britain, the Trilateral Commission (United
States, Europe, Japan), the Rome Club, the
Bilderberg Group, and some others. In these
organizations which always work far from the
public eye, hold secret meetings and withold their
conclusions from the public, there are a large
number of statesmen, corporation presidents,
political leaders, owners of mega-media, bankers,
and other figures. The basic principle of the
activities of these organizations is that their
members realize in practice the conclusions which
are secretly adopted, and they are thus
transported into political and economic decisions
of state and international organs and institutions
which they head or which they can directly
influence.
The methods for realizing the plans for a New
World Order are very diverse. Firstly, many
instruments of psychological-propaganda special
warfare are used. Their objective is to influence
the awareness of the masses, possibly without the
use of rough physical or other force, using
propaganda to induce them to accept a certain
system of values. A series of countries,
especially the United States and several Western
European countries, have an organized network of
propaganda institutions throughout the world and
in these countries. They receive large funds and
employ staffs of thousands who specialize in
specific psychological-propaganda activities.
Their activities are aimed at special "targets",
groups of people from different levels of social
stratification - figures from the political and
economic profession who determine the policy or
those who are not in power but will probably come
to power, persons from the armed forces, editors
and reporters, university professors and teachers,
trade union and student leaders, party leaders,
leaders of ethnic, national and cultural
minorities.
The second method of realizing the new order, or
the implementation of different forms of pressure
on nations and states, are sanctions with which
collective punishment was passed on entire nations
through a series of economic, political, media,
and other measures. In this aspect, the example of
the sanctions against Yugoslavia is especially
characteristic, as they were imposed in 1992 and
are still in effect in certain segments. These
sanctions were comprehensive, they covered all
areas of life and were the first of that kind
known in history. This method is being applied on
an increasing number of states. In the second half
of the 20th century, there were 173 cases of
sanctions imposed in the world, including 125
cases where only the United States imposed
sanctions.
The third form of realizing plans for the New
World Order and applying force is the use of armed
force in order to punish and subjugate certain
nations and states. Armed force was used most
often in co-action with psychological-propaganda,
economic, and other forms of activities in order
to force some countries to accept certain
conditions, to give up their national sovereignty,
to submit to servitude and enable the setting up
of foreign military bases and the use of their
territory for the needs of foreign armed forces.
Within the context of the general tendencies
toward globalization, the phenomenon of global
terrorism has occurred. With the very beginning of
this century, terrorism has acquired new contents
and new dimensions. A vital transformation of
conventional terrorism has occurred. Illegal
terrorist organizations have been formed in all
continents, which have begun to carry out major
terrorist actions. They have not articulated any
concrete goals except the struggle "against the
United States." An anti-terrorist action has been
launched following the attacks on targets in the
United States, and an anti-terrorist coalition has
been set up, spearheaded by the United States,
which was followed by the attack on Afghanistan
and the ousting of the Taliban government. Another
characteristic of contemporary terrorism is
increasingly present state terrorism, or
international state terrorism. This is an open and
united attack and the use of military force and
other means against certain countries. The most
drastic example of such terrorism was the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia in 1999. Military force,
propaganda-psychological means and sanctions were
used.
In connection with the struggle against terrorism,
it is important to point out that the world is
ready to fight against terrorism, but that it
increasingly frequently asks the question: What
are its true causes? Many analysts, state leaders
and others, consider a battle against consequences
dangerous and with an uncertain outcome, while
nothing is done to outroot the causes of
terrorism. The United States, however, is
dictating new goals and testing the entire world
to see whether it is devoted to its ideas. Such
behaviour is understood as diktat and arrogance,
which creates misunderstandings and confusion and
resistance, not only in the world, but among
America's western allies as well.
The strategists of planetary globalization are
planning the conquering of new spaces - the Arctic
and the Universe. At the same time, regional
(continental) political integrations are
developed.
Insofar as linking of nations and states are
natural and inevitable, experience so far shows
that this linking and integration processes
proceed to a large extent using force and
violence. This awareness causes throughout the
world smaller or greater resistance to violent
globalization, in whose foundations American
hegemony is recognized. Among the figures who
point out the dangers of such a US policy are
numerous independent intellectuals in the United
States, leaders of many political parties in the
world, statesmen from among US allies in Western
Europe, scientists and professional analysts from
a series of institutes for strategic research, and
others.
The NATO armed aggression on Yugoslavia took place
in 1999, the first armed intervention by NATO
outside its territory. That act of aggression was
carried out under the pretext of preventing a
"humanitarian disaster," allegedly to protect the
rights of Kosovo Albanians. However, this was a
fabricated reason aimed at realizing a completely
different goal. That goal was to secure the
dominance of this military alliance in this part
of southeastern Europe and to secure a strategic
territorial corridor toward the continent of Asia,
toward the richest sources of raw materials and
fuels in the Caspian Sea region. Yugoslavia could
not accept the conditions set by the United States
and NATO because that would have meant its
occupation. That is why it was so cruelly
punished. The United States and NATO sent a
message to all countries through the example of
Yugoslavia, especially to small, undeveloped, weak
countries, to guard themselves from modern
terrorist violence by mighty western powers, that
they will get that same lesson if they stand in
the way of the new world colonizers.
The question arises: What is the alternative to
(forcible) globalization and the new order as
conceived by its strategists? Cooperation among
nations and states in all areas of life is an
inevitability and a necessary part of their
future. The only alernative to forcible
integrations and forcible globalization are
togetherness, linking, and interdependence in
differences. A precondition for this is that
states preserve their independence, national and
cultural identity, and the ability to make
unhindered and uninfluenced decisions about their
own destiny, respecting the interests and needs of
others.

CROAZIA 1941-1944: UNA CATTOLICISSIMA MACELLERIA

Il nazista Pavelic e l'arcivescovo Stepinac, alleati di genocidio

di Karlheinz Deschner


Il testo che segue è la traduzione letterale di quello
presentato da Karlheinz Deschner il 26/12/1993 in occasione
dell'ultima puntata della sua serie televisiva sulla politica
dei Papi nel XX secolo. Questa serie è stata trasmessa
in Germania da Kanal 4, sulle frequenze di RTL. Il testo
e' stato ripreso dalla rivista marxista tedesca "Konkret"
(n.3-1994, pg.47) e tradotto in italiano a cura del Coord.
Romano per la Jugoslavia.

---

Il Papato di Roma - divenuto grande attraverso la
guerra e l'inganno, attraverso la guerra e l'inganno
conservatosi tale - ha sostenuto nel XX secolo il
sorgere di tutti gli Stati fascisti con
determinazione, ma più degli altri ha favorito proprio
il peggior regime criminale: quello di Ante Pavelic
in Jugoslavia.
Questo ex-avvocato zagrebino, che negli anni '30
addestrò le sue bande soprattutto in Italia, fece
uccidere nel 1934 a Marsiglia il re Alessandro di
Jugoslavia in un attentato che costò la vita anche al
ministro degli Esteri francese. Due anni più tardi
celebrò con un libello le glorie di Hitler, "il più grande
ed il migliore dei figli della Germania", e ritornò
in Jugoslavia nel 1941, rifornito da Mussolini con armi
e denari, al seguito dell'occupante tedesco. Da despota
assoluto Pavelic si pose nella cosiddetta
Croazia Indipendente a capo di tre milioni di Croati
cattolici, due milioni di Serbi ortodossi, mezzo
milione di Musulmani bosniaci nonchè numerosi
gruppi etnici minori. Nel mese di maggio cedette
quasi la metà del suo paese con annessi e connessi
ai suoi vicini, soprattutto all'Italia, dove con
particolare calore fu accolto e benedetto da Pio XII
in udienza privata (benchè già condannato a
morte in contumacia per il doppio omicidio di
Marsiglia sia dalla Francia che dalla Jugoslavia). Il
grande complice dei fascisti si accommiatò da lui
e dalla sua suite in modo amichevole e con i migliori
auguri, letteralmente, di "buon lavoro".

Così ebbe inizio una crociata cattolica che non ha
nulla da invidiare ai peggiori massacri del
Medioevo, ma piuttosto li supera. Duecentonovantanove
chiese serbo-ortodosse della "Croazia
Indipendente" furono saccheggiate, annientate,
molte trasformate persino in magazzini, gabinetti
pubblici, stalle.
Duecentoquarantamila Serbi ortodossi furono costretti
a convertirsi al cattolicesimo e circa
settecentocinquantamila furono assassinati. Furono
fucilati a mucchi, colpiti con la scure, gettati nei
fiumi, nelle foibe, nel mare. Venivano massacrati
nelle cosiddette "Case del Signore", ad esempio
duemila persone solo nella chiesa di Glina. Da vivi
venivano loro strappati gli occhi, oppure si
tagliavano le orecchie ed il naso, da vivi li si
seppelliva, erano sgozzati, decapitati o crocifissi. Gli
Italiani fotografarono un sicario di Pavelic che
portava al collo due collane fatte con lingue ed occhi di
esseri umani.
Anche cinque vescovi ed almeno 300 preti dei Serbi
furono macellati, taluni in maniera ripugnante,
come il pope Branko Dobrosavljevic, al quale furono
strappati la barba ed i capelli, sollevata la pelle,
estratti gli occhi, mentre il suo figlioletto era
fatto letteralmente a pezzi dinanzi a lui. L'ottantenne
Metropolita di Sarajevo, Petar Simonic, fu sgozzato.
Ciononostante l'arcivescovo cattolico della città
di Oden scrisse parole in lode di Pavelic, "il duce
adorato", e nel suo foglio diocesano inneggiò ai
metodi rivoluzionari, "al servizio della Verità, della
Giustizia e dell'Onore".
Le macellerie cattoliche nella "Grande Croazia" furono
così terribili che scioccarono persino gli stessi
fascisti italiani; anche alti comandi tedeschi
protestarono, diplomatici, generali, persino il servizio di
sicurezza delle SS ed il ministro degli Esteri nazista
Von Ribbentrop. A più riprese, di fronte alle
"macellazioni" di Serbi, truppe tedesche intervennero
contro i loro stessi alleati croati.

E questo regime - che ebbe per simboli e strumenti
di guerra "la Bibbia e la bomba" - fu un regime
assolutamente cattolico, strettamente legato alla
Chiesa Cattolica Romana, dal primo momento e sino
alla fine. Il suo dittatore Ante Pavelic, che era
tanto spesso in viaggio tra il quartier generale del
Führer e la Berghof hitleriana quanto in Vaticano,
fu definito dal primate croato Stepinac "un croato
devoto", e dal papa Pio XII (nel 1943!) "un cattolico
praticante". In centinaia di foto egli appare fra
vescovi, preti, suore, frati. Fu un religioso ad
educare i suoi figli. Aveva un suo confessore e nel suo
palazzo c'era una cappella privata. Tanti religiosi
appartenevano al suo partito, quello degli ustasa,
che usava termini come dio, religione, papa, chiesa,
continuamente. Vescovi e preti sedevano nel
Sabor, il parlamento ustasa. Religiosi fungevano
da ufficiali della guardia del corpo di Pavelic. I
cappellani ustasa giuravano ubbidienza dinanzi a
due candele, un crocifisso, un pugnale ed una
pistola. I Gesuiti, ma più ancora i Francescani,
comandavano bande armate ed organizzavano
massacri: "Abbasso i Serbi!". Essi dichiaravano
giunta "l'ora del revolver e del fucile"; affermavano
"non essere più peccato uccidere un bambino di
sette anni, se questo infrange la legge degli ustasa".
"Ammazzare tutti i Serbi nel tempo più breve
possibile": questo fu indicato più volte come "il nostro
programma" dal francescano Simic, un vicario militare
degli ustasa. Francescani erano anche i boia
dei campi di concentramento. Essi sparavano, nella
"Croazia Indipendente", in quello "Stato cristiano
e cattolico", la "Croazia di Dio e di Maria", "Regno
di Cristo", come vagheggiava la stampa cattolica
del paese, che encomiava anche Adolf Hitler
definendolo "crociato di Dio". Il campo di
concentramento di Jasenovac ebbe per un periodo
il francescano Filipovic-Majstorovic per
comandante, che fece ivi liquidare 40.000 esseri
umani in quattro mesi. Il seminarista francescano
Brzien ha decapitato qui, nella notte del 29 agosto
1942, 1360 persone con una mannaia.
Non per caso il primate del paradiso dei gangsters
cattolici, arcivescovo Stepinac, ringraziò il clero
croato "ed in primo luogo i Francescani" quando
nel maggio 1943, in Vaticano, sottolineò le conquiste
degli ustasa. E naturalmente il primate, entusiasta
degli ustasa, vicario militare degli ustasa, membro
del parlamento degli ustasa, era bene informato di
tutto quanto accadeva in questo criminale eldorado
di preti, come d'altronde Sua Santità lo stesso
Pio XII, che in quel tempo concedeva una udienza dopo
l'altra ai Croati, a ministri ustasa, a diplomatici
ustasa, e che alla fine del 1942 si rivolse alla
Gioventù Ustasa (sulle cui uniformi campeggiava
la grande "U" con la bomba che esplode all'interno)
con un: "Viva i Croati!". I Serbi morirono allora,
circa 750.000, per ripeterlo, spesso in seguito a
torture atroci, in misura del 10-15% della
popolazione della Grande Croazia - tutto ciò
esaurientemente documentato e descritto nel mio
libro La politica dei papi nel XX secolo [Die Politik
der Paepste im XX Jahrhundert, Rohwohl 1993; si veda
pure "L'Arcivescovo del genocidio", di M.A. Rivelli,
ediz. Kaos 1999]. E se non si sa nulla su questo
bagno di sangue da incubo non si può comprendere
ciò che laggiù avviene oggi, avvenimenti
per i quali lo stesso ministro degli Esteri dei nostri
alleati Stati Uniti attribuisce una responsabilità
specifica ai tedeschi, ovvero al governo Kohl-Genscher.

Più coinvolto ancora è solo il Vaticano, che
già a suo tempo attraverso papa Pio XII non solo
c'entrava, ma era così impigliato nel peggiore degli
orrori dell'era fascista che, come già scrissi
trent'anni fa, "non ci sarebbe da stupirsi, conoscendo la
tattica della Chiesa romana, se lo facesse santo".
Comunque sia: il Vaticano ha contribuito in maniera
determinante alla instaurazione di interi regimi
fascisti degli anni venti, trenta e quaranta. Con i
suoi vescovi ha sostenuto tutti gli Stati fascisti
sistematicamente sin dal loro inizio. E' stato il
decisivo sostenitore di Mussolini, Hitler, Franco,
Pavelic; in tal modo la Chiesa romano-cattolica si
è resa anche corresponsabile della morte di circa
sessanta milioni di persone, e nondimeno della morte
di milioni di cattolici. Non è un qualche secolo
del Medioevo, bensì è il ventesimo, per lo meno dal
punto di vista quantitativo, il più efferato nella
storia della chiesa.

---

POSTILLA: In occasione del primo viaggio in Croazia di
Giovanni Paolo II, il quotidiano italiano la Repubblica
taceva su tutto quanto sopra raccontato, pero' scriveva:
"...Ma il contatto con la folla fa bene a Giovanni Paolo
II. I fedeli lo applaudono ripetutamente. Specie quando
ricorda il cardinale Stepinac, imprigionato da Tito per
i suoi rapporti con il regime di Ante Pavelic, ma sempre
rimasto nel cuore dei Croati come un'icona del
nazionalismo. Woityla, che sabato sera ha pregato sulla
sua tomba, gli rende omaggio, però pensa soprattutto
al futuro..." (la Repubblica, 12/9/1994). Tre anni dopo,
lo stesso papa proclamava beato il nazista Stepinac, con
una pomposa cerimonia alla quale partecipava pure Franjo
Tudjman, regista della cacciata di tutta la popolazione
serba delle Krajne nella versione di fine secolo della
"Croazia indipendente".

Covert Action Quaterly - http://www.covertaction.org

YUGOSLAVIA: SPECIAL COVERAGE

> http://www.covertaction.org/yugo1.htm
Hawks and Eagles: "Greater NATO" Flies to the Aid of "Greater Albania
Diana Johnstone
Spring-Summer 1999 #65

>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo2.htm
NATO and Beyond
Ellen Ray and William Schaap
Winter 1999 # 66

>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo3.htm
Seeing Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass
Diana Johnstone
Fall 1998 # 65

>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo4.htm
Germany, U.S. and the Yugoslav Crisis
Sean Gervasi
Winter 1992-93 # 43

La guerra del quotidiano "Il Manifesto" contro i serbi della
Bosnia non e' ancora finita.

Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
momenti del conflitto.

E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
(imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
procediamo nella lettura.

Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
"divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
avanti.

Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.

La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
<<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
(si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
<<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.

<<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
[il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?

Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
<<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
"Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.

La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
<<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
sicuramente di piu'.

Italo Slavo