Informazione



SREBRENICA: 20 Years Later, And Still Searching


Every year the World marks anniversary of the takeover of Srebrenica by Bosnian- Serb troops  on July 11, 1995.
( And every year world sees Western and global leaders, gather to mourn. The same leaders that, in other occasion, issue cold blooded statement that they have been proud for murdering half a million Iraqi (Muslim) children, that kill wedding guests by drones in Afghanistan, Syrian or Libyan families.
[Madeleine Albright Says Deaths Of 500,000 Iraqi Children Is Worth It; UN Sanction Genocide
But when it comes to Srebrenica, things radically change. Great Britain pushes   some sort of UN resolution about Srebrenica, that will strictly prohibit any questioning whether there was genocide (International Law would need to rethink and adjust known and accepted and valid definition of genocide in order to satisfy geopolitical gamers and  Imperialistic games around and about Srebrenica. )
The significance of this takeover determined not only the outcome of the Bosnian civil war, but reached far beyond the Balkans.
[Srebrenica: A Town Betrayed. A Norwegian documentary that takes quite a non-biased look at what happened in Srebrenica during the Bosnian War... 
It was the events around Srebrenica, and the subsequent indictments against the Bosnian Serb political leader, Radovan Karadzic and the Bosnian Serb military Commander, Ratko Mladic on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity, that changed the political constellation  at the  negotiation table at Dayton (in behalf of Western allied Muslims and Croats).
With its leadership under indictment, the Bosnian Serb side had to content itself with being represented by Slobodan Milosevic, president of a, by then, foreign state.
The fact alone of an international tribunal being given jurisdiction over people and events taking place thousands of miles from the contexts of those sitting in  judgement, without an existing set of  legal norms creates already a new basis for the concept of “justice”.
Srebrenica has been the main source of this tribunal’s credibility and its raison d’être.
As in the past 2 decades, this year also the International comunity has sent out teams to search for mass graves containing the remains of the 8,000 Muslim soldiers that are widely believed to have been massacred in the aftermath of the takeover. But a closer look at the background  of the previous Hague Tribunal’s search sheds a bit of light on the shadowy side of the both Tribunal’s and International community work.
The New York Times published an article written by one of its correspondents, Mike O’Connor,  (republished  in  the  International Herald Tribune  May 14, 1998) entitled “Mass Graves in Bosnia Bolster War-Crimes  Cases. This article is very helpful in examining both the work of the Tribunal in the Hague, which is why it will be extensively quoted, mainstream media and US/ EU officials.
Deep in  a remote  rural stretch of Bosnia, war-crimes investigators have found a tangle of buried bodies that they say is the  remains of  some of  the 7,500  Muslim men that were hidden to  try to  thwart the  prosecution of  Bosnian  Serb leaders for genocide.  (…)
Exhumations in 1996 recovered 460 bodies, but 7,500 others were still missing from the town of Srebrenica. Finding the others has been the  goal of  war-crimes investigators  for more than two years.   (…) The discovery and the thousands of bodies that investigators EXPECT to find nearby – will bolster the cases against 2 Bosnian  Serb leaders, Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko  Mladic, the investigators say. Both have been indicted for genocide by the tribunal in the Hague.
Investigators for the tribunal spoke on condition of anonymity.
Satellites that can locate bodies decomposing underground, according to  foreign military  officers  working  with  the Tribunal, aided  the search.  Witnesses to the reburial also offered testimony, tribunal officials said.
The first remains were uncovered Tuesday morning. Investigators unfurled a thin silvery sheet to protect their find from the sun. Next to it, small orange flags had been stuck in the ground to mark pieces of evidence such as bits of clothing or shell casings.
Tuesday evening, according to a tribunal official, a layer of tangled bodies across an area of 200 ft² (18 m²) had been exposed.
The bones were so intertwined, the official said, that it was not possible to exhume any of them Tuesday.
Proving that the soil around the bodies came from the original mass graves, or that shell casings found here match those found at execution sites, will establish the connection they are looking for, investigators said.
When the original sites were inspected in 1996, investigators suspected most of the bodies had been moved. Doubts were cast on American military’s satellite surveillance, with some  investigators charging  at the time that slipshod monitoring had  allowed Bosnian Serb authorities to move the bodies undetected.
Now, however, tribunal officials say the bodies were moved in October 1995, before the pinpoint satellite surveillance was requested by the tribunal. Once the original sites were discovered to have been tampered with, American satellite photographs of  the region  were reviewed  and were found to show trucks  and earth-moving  equipment at the original burial sites, according to tribunal officials. 1)
Anonymous investigators say that the find “will bolster the cases against [the] 2 Bosnian Serb leaders”. The question should be raised:
On  what basis  did the  tribunal make its charges of no less than »genocide«,  if they  now have  to frantically  run around to scrape up  enough bodies  to make  their indictment  plausible?
If they now have to try to “prov[e] that the soil around the bodies came from the original mass graves,” does it mean that what they had considered  to be “the original mass graves” were either empty or with  too few  bodies to justify the indictments?
Were Karadzic and Mladic charged according to the principle: “Indict now. Look for evidence of a crime later”?  “Charge the Serbs! If you don’t know what for, they do”  – seems to be the modus operandi in International community.
But it was this widely publicized “genocide” indictment that has caused irreparable damage to the political and social constellation in this region of Europe, creating also a new set of political factors in the world. Some of them are: 
    – The discrediting of the United Nations for having supposedly allowed “genocide;
    – Promoting NATO as the new “peace keeping” force;
    – Making great strides to create public acceptance for inquisitorial, McCarthyist  standards both in “justice” and “journalism” on both national and international levels;
    – The definition  of a  new “moral”  standard  based  on  “human” rights, determined  by membership in particular “ethnic” groups with rights to be respected and all others without rights worthy of respect;
    – Growing international acceptance of the concept of a  people being classified per se as “evil”. 
And this has all been made possible through a massive propaganda campaign colporteuring  a –  yet to  be proven – “genocide,” as if it were a  certitude.
Politicians have justified and based momentous decisions upon  the supposition that the massacre is fact, decisions determining  the welfare  of the  peoples of  this region and beyond.
The media bases each succeeding generation of falsification on preceding generations of unproven factors.
Both are so often repeated as  a certainty, that THE PUBLIC DOES NOT EVEN DEMAND SUBSTANTIATING EVIDENCE.  O’Conner writes  that “7,500  Muslim men  were hidden  to  try  to thwart the  prosecution of  Bosnian Serb leaders  for  genocide.”
Their “bodies were moved in October 1995, before the pinpoint satellite surveillance was requested by the tribunal”.
These and other allegations are in gross contradiction to other information published in the press.
1) The Numbers game:
First of all, the number 8,000 most often and most consistently given in the press is itself the first falsification. The prosecution has never proven that 8,000 Muslims were killed. It is indicative to note how the number 8,000 came into circulation. 
The International Committee of the Red Cross published a press statement Sept. 13, 1995 in which it was stated:
“The ICRC’s head of operations for Western Europe, Angelo Gnaedinger, visited Pale  and Belgrade from 2 to 7. September to obtain information from the Bosnian Serb authorities about the 3,000 persons from Srebrenica whom witnesses say were arrested by Bosnian Serb forces. The ICRC has asked for access as soon as possible to all those arrested  (so far  it has  been able to visit only about 200 detainees), and for details of any deaths. The ICRC has also approached the Bosnia-Herzegovina authorities seeking information on some 5,000 individuals who fled Srebrenica, some of whom reached central Bosnia.” 2)
Sept. 15, 1995 in the New York Times these numbers were juggled to make:
About 8,000 Muslims are missing from Srebrenica, the first of two United Nations-designated ‘safe areas’ overrun by  Bosnian Serb  troops in  July, the Red Cross said today.  (…) Among the missing were 3,000, mostly    men, who were seen being arrested by Serbs.    After the collapse of Srebrenica, the Red Cross collected 10,000 names of   missing people,   said  Jessica   Barry,  a spokeswoman. In addition to those arrested, about 5,000 ‘have simply disappeared,’ she said.3)
Aside from simply adding the 3,000 Muslim men found still in Srebrenica (that  the Serbs  then took as prisoners  of war) and the 5,000 Muslim men,(reported by the International Red Cross to have left Srebrenica  before the arrival of Bosnian Serb forces) to inflate the  figures – and therefore the gravity of the accusation – they make no mention  of the  fact that by mid-September  1995 a sizable portion  of the  group of 5,000 had already reached Muslim territory and  safety.
[Ratko Mladic - Evacuation Of The Srebrenica Refugees - July 12,1995 (Neba Bane, 25 mag 2012)
Bosnian Serb Army - Army of Republica Srpska (VRS) was evacuated 25'000 civilians from Srebrenica.
Agreement on the evacuation: http://www.srebrenica-facts.com/downloads/evakuierung_95.jpg
UN statistics of August 4. 1995. In Tuzla they are registered 35'632 refugees from Srebrenica. There are reached number 25'000 + Army civilians and civilians who were followed Army during the breakthrough.
The fact that the Red Cross was asking the Bosnia-Herzegovina authorities for information about the number of the 5,000 (the original figure) – “some of whom [had already] reached central  Bosnia” –  has completely disappeared from the news. (!)
The entire 5,000 are still today – 20 years later – being counted as “missing”.
The Red Cross report was lacking the objectivity that one would hope for from a non-partisan organization. Its very off-hand “some of whom reached central Bosnia” gives  the impression  of only a handful could  be accounted  for by  mid-September. But again the press gave another picture:
“Some 3,000 to 4,000 Bosnian Muslims who were considered by UN officials to be missing after the fall  of Srebrenica have  made their  way through  enemy lines to Bosnian government territory.  The group, which included wounded refugees, sneaked past Serb lines under fire and crossed some 30 miles through forests to safety.” 4)
O’Connor’s NY Times colleague Chris Hedges published this information in  the journal  within a  week of the takeover of Srebrenica (July 18,1995). Similar news appeared in other journals at the time. August 2, 1995 the Times of London published the following:
»Thousands of the “missing” Bosnian Muslim soldiers from Srebrenica who have been at the centre of reports of   possible mass  executions by  the Serbs, are believed to be safe to the northeast of Tuzla.   Monitoring the safe escape of Muslim soldiers and civilians from the captured enclaves of Srebrenica and Zepa  has proved  a nightmare  for the  United Nations and the  International Committee of the Red Cross.
[Ratko Mladic - Srebrenica Meeting at the Fontana Hotel - July 12, 1995
For the first time yesterday, however, the Red Cross in Geneva said it had heard  from sources  in Bosnia that up to 2,000 Bosnian Government  troops were in an area north of Tuzla.
They had made their  way there from Srebrenica “without their families being informed”, a spokesman said, adding that it had not been possible to verify the  reports because the  Bosnian Government refused to allow the Red Cross into the area.5)«
[General Ratko Mladic u Srebrenici - Evakuacija Muslimanskih Civila (Neba Bane, 12 lug 2012)
Vojska Republike Srpske je evakuisala 25 000 muslimanskih civila iz Srebrenice 1995 godine
According to the Washington Post, “The men set off at dawn on Tuesday, July  11, in  two columns  that stretched  back seven  or eight miles.”6)  Even if the Red Cross did not know that they left Srebrenica in  2 columns, they at least knew that 2,000 were safe.
And UN officials knew of the 3, – 4,000 that had arrived earlier.
Yet the communiqué given in September failed to report that the 5,000 that  “simply disappeared.” simply disappeared back into the ranks of the Bosnian military. 
The Red Cross must have been aware that a “Big Lie” campaign was launched around the issue of Srebrenica. By withholding and understating important information, the Red Cross was, in  effect, a party to the conflict. It is unlikely that correspondents, such as Mike O’Connor,  and their  editors are  unaware of  the fallacious content of the reports they publish. The pattern of conformity in this disinformation campaign is, to say the least, astonishing.
A little more than a week after Srebrenica, Zepa, a second Moslem enclave (and  UN Safe  Area) was taken by Bosnian Serb forces.
Hundreds of the “missing” soldiers from Srebrenica were among the defenders of  Zepa in the last  days of fighting.
As the New York Times recounts:
“The wounded troops were left behind, and when the Bosnian Serbs overran the town on Tuesday, the wounded were taken to Sarajevo for treatment at Kosevo Hospital.
Many of them had begun their journey in Srebrenica, and fled into the hills when that ‘safe area’ fell to the Bosnian Serbs on July 11.  These men did not make it to Tuzla, where most of the refugees ended up, but became the defenders of Zepa instead.
‘Some 350 of us managed to fight our way out of Srebrenica and make it into Zepa,’ said Sadik  Ahmetovic, one of 151  people evacuated  to Sarajevo for  treatment today.  (…) They said they had not been mistreated by their Serb captors.7)”
(The Muslim defenders of Zepa left their wounded behind as they ran into the hills.  It is also well known that the 5,000 Muslim soldiers, who left Srebrenica before Serbian troops took over,
Left their women and children behind.
Obviously the Muslim soldiers must not have been too worried about their women, children and wounded comrades falling into the hands of their Serbian countrymen. The Serbian forces, generally portrayed as comparable to Nazis had the wounded members of the Muslim forces evacuated to their Muslim hospital.)
The London  Times article, quoted above mentions that 2000 Srebrenica soldiers  made their way to the north of Tuzla “without their families being informed”.
The question is, when, if ever, were the families informed. Other than the few articles that took notice of their resurrection  from the  dead, the  public at large was never informed that they, in fact were never massacred. On the contrary.
To maintain the myth of a gigantic massacre is not only necessary to create  the illusion  of having proof that it did happen – thus the frantic  searches for mass graves  – but also to suppress the proof that it did not take place – which means prohibit that too many of the prisoners of war return “from the dead.”
The figure of 3,000, given by the Red Cross, listed as having been arrested by Bosnian Serb forces, which is counted into the media’s 8,000 “massacred”, should also be taken with a grain of salt. One learns – again through isolated articles – that they too not only
were not  massacred, but  that the  Red Cross, the United Nations, and a host of “western” governments around the world all were well aware of this fact.
January 17, 1996, the Manchester “Guardian” published an article concerning one  group of  the former  Muslim prisoners of war from Srebrenica and  Zepa, who, liberated from the prison camp at Sljivovica – in Serbia, were flown directly abroad to Dublin:
“Hundreds of Bosnian Muslim prisoners are still being held at  2 secret  camps within  neighboring Serbia, according to  a group of men evacuated by the Red Cross to a Dublin hospital from one camp – at Sljivovica. (…) A group of 24 men was flown to Ireland  just  before Christmas (…). But some 800 others remain incarcerated in Sljivovica and at another camp near Mitrovo Polje, just three days before the agreed date for the release of all detainees under the Dayton peace agreement on Bosnia (…).  The Red Cross in Belgrade has been negotiating for several weeks to have the men released and given sanctuary in third countries.  A spokeswoman said most were bound for the United States or Australia, with others due to be sent to Italy, Belgium, Sweden, France and Ireland. (…)  Since late August, the Red Cross has made fortnightly visits from its Belgrade field office.  (…) Teams from the War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague have been in Dublin to question and take evidence from the men.”8)
Why would war prisoners, whose normal first wish would be to reunite with their families and restart their interrupted lives in peace, be rushed off to Dublin, with “papers to remain in Ireland”?
And this at a time where most industrialized countries are closing their borders to refugees! Were their families informed?
Could it be that they too – in a large enough group – could become living proof of the fallacy of a huge Srebrenica “massacre” before the 1996 fall elections?
US decided to accept 214 Bosnian Muslims who, after the fall of Srebrenica and  Zepa, had been detained in Serbian camps and give them refugee status.
“It is horrible that those people besides being captured during  the bloodshed  in Srebrenica had to  spend at  least another two months in Serbian detention camps under dreadful conditions”, said State Department spokesman N.  Burns.
Burns emphasized that at least 800 men out of 80 000 people who have been expelled from their homes after the fall of Srebrenica and Zepa had been taken to Serbia.9)
This is how the US government justified their aid in secretly skirting the men out of the country. What is known is that neither the Red Cross (which has been visiting the prisoners since August), the Tribunal, (in its frantic search for evidence for the “genocide” in Srebrenica)  nor the American government have made mention since August ’95.  of these men being in custody, as war prisoners.
Why?
Are they trying to conceal evidence exonerating the Bosnian Serbian forces of the charge of “genocide” in connection with alleged mass executions?
2) The vanishing corpses:
Like the juggling of the numbers of “missing” and their whereabouts, excuses had to be found for the lack of corpses.
In August 1995, during a Security Council meeting, the US delegation to the United Nations accused the leadership of the Bosnian Serbs of having committed wide-scale atrocities against Muslim civilians. With what amounts to a satellite photo “peep show,” Madeleine Albright had an excuse already prepared for the lack of evidence to support her charges. The NY Times in referring back to that session of the UN Security Council wrote:
“On Aug.  10, [1995] the chief United States delegate to the United Nations, Madeleine K. Albright, showed selected photos of the two sites to a closed session of the United Nations Security Council. She then said, ‘We will keep watching to see if the Bosnian Serbs try to erase the evidence of what they have done.'”10)
One of the earlier versions was the vanishing corpses through a corrosive agent. In the same article, the NY Times adds:
“American officials said today that they suspect Bosnian Serb soldiers may have tried to destroy evidence that they killed thousands of Muslim men seized in and around the town of Srebrenica in July. The Serbs are suspected of pouring corrosive chemicals on the bodies and scattering corpses that had been buried in mass graves, the officials said.
The suspicions first arose in early August, after   Central Intelligence Agency experts analyzed pictures   of the area taken in July by reconnaissance satellites and U-2 planes.”11)
With the absence of traces of a corrosive substance, when it comes time to dig up  the “evidence,”  the entire  legend  falls  flat.
Another explanation had to be found: the bodies were simply dug up and moved someplace else. This excuse has its advantages:
With the needle in the haystack search for “mass graves,” the Tribunal could keep the public at bay for quite a while.
But also disadvantages: How do you remove thousands of buried, decomposing bodies without being seen by the “watchful eye” of Madeleine Albright’s satellites? Undismayed by this factual detail, the Tribunal and
Media continue their course.
In November 1995. the Dutch Minister of Defense, Joris Voorhove, accused the  Serbs of  “trying hastily to destroy the evidence of the massacre  they  committed  against  thousands  of  Bosniaks around  Srebrenica.”  Citing “intelligence services” as his source, he claimed in  a TV  interview, that “these days Serbs
Have been exhuming the corpses from the mass graves in order to remove the evidence of their crimes”.12)
Approaching the day of reckoning and desperate for more concrete evidence of  the massacre, Richard Goldstone, the tribunal’s chief prosecutor, wrote  a letter to the US Embassy in the Hague in November 95, to pressure the  US government  to come forward with the evidence it  evidently had  promised. The letter was quoted in the Washington Post:
“Judge [Goldstone] called the ‘quality and timeliness’ of intelligence provided by the United States ‘disappointing.’
He complained about the failure to hand over spy photos that he said could help the United Nations-sponsored tribunal identify mass graves that appeared after the fall of Srebrenica in July. The judge also complained that much of the information provided by the United States so far was based on ‘open-source material’ not relevant to the original requests. He submitted an additional 25 questions to Washington, including a request for information about a transcript of a conversation between General Mladic and Yugoslav Army commanders who report directly to President Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia.”13)
[The reference to “open-source material”, that the US government furnished the Tribunal as “evidence”, simply means that the CIA uses media reports, some of which are obviously its own propaganda plants.]
The Clinton Administration made public 3 of the 8 photos shown the Security Council.  One of these 3 showed “disturbed soil”.
“According to one American official, who has seen the photographs, one shows hundreds and perhaps thousands of Muslim men and boys in a field near a soccer stadium about 5 miles north of Srebrenica.
Another photo taken several days later shows a large area of freshly dug earth, consistent with the appearance of known mass graves, near the stadium, which is empty.14)
One of the three photos reproduced in several newspapers showed two buildings, a main and subordinate road. Two light colored patches (indicated with arrows) in the middle of what could be a field with a parallel double-lined path (tire tracks?)  Leading from the main road to each of the light areas. The photo is entitled:
“Possible Mass Graves; Kasaba/Konjevic Polje Area, Bosnia; unclassified Jul. 95″.
In the lower left corner the explanation of the arrows: “Recently disturbed earth.”
As a NY Times journalist complained, the US government refused “to let reporters see the satellite photographs (…) which were said to include pictures of people crowded into a soccer field. American officials said the satellite photographs were classified, although Ms.  Albright showed them to the other 14 members of the Security Council.”15)
This striptease sort of procedure, in it, should provoke questions concerning the credibility of these photos portraying what we are told that they are supposed to show.
*  Where are  other more conclusive photos showing people in the process of being shot, dead bodies being removed,  open pits being – or already – filled with bodies or being covered, ….?
* How closely were diplomats of the Security Council able to examine (for authenticity, manipulation, falsification) the photos? Were they forced to appraise the photos quickly, or were they allowed to keep copies of the photos?
* Why are photos purported to be the most important – those showing “Muslim men and boys,” – hidden from the public? Do they actually show what the US administration claim that they show?
* How does the US secret service discern the difference between “hundreds and perhaps thousands of Muslim menand boys” from the same number of Serb or Croatian males – and that from outer space? The Security Council members apparently saw something different on these photos: A NY Times journalist following the presentation to the Security Council reports: “The photographs showed a stretch of fields at Novo Kasaba, near Srebrenica, where Bosnian Muslim families were apparently herded together.”16) A mere detail? Which is the true story?
The version “Muslim men and boys” given by the CIA official the day before?
Or the one of “Bosnian Muslim families” the day after members of the Security Council viewed the pictures? Had they realized that they were viewing mainly women and children, (perhaps being “herded together” to prepare to be taken by bus to Tuzla)? Is this not a first indication that perhaps the satellite photos will not stand up under independent appraisal?
Could this embarrassing discrepancy be the main reason why the satellite photos were made inaccessible to the public?
* Where is the original photo taken by the econnaissance aircraft? Why was the original photo not shown to the Security Council? The labeling that accompanied the published photo.
“Possible Mass Graves” was added after the photo was taken, meaning that the built-in time and geographical settings from reconnaissance cameras were edited out of the picture and arrows and other written interpretations of what one is supposed to see edited onto the photo. Left to make ones’ own interpretations the same photo could have been interpreted to show something having nothing to do with warfare in the Balkans.
How  does one know that the photo was taken near Srebrenica, or at the time that it is claimed to have been taken – and not at some other time in some other part of the world?
* Could it be that the US government knows that the origin of this “disturbed soil” has nothing to do with “Mass Graves”?
Could this be the reason why the photo is entitled: “Possible Mass Graves”? Would this not also explain why the State Department and CIA found it necessary to launch rumors that Serbs had ‘allegedly removed the thousands of bodies that were supposed to have been  buried under  this “disturbed soil” – albeit without any satellite photos to back up this new rumor?
* The assumption that several days after having seen a full soccer field, an empty one would signify that those formerly seen there had been executed, is so farfetched, that  it could be dismissed as crazy. How many soccer stadiums remain filled overnight, or days at a time?  If those seen had in fact been Muslims captured, why would the first assumption not have been that they had been taken to a prisoner of war camp?
This type of explanation says more about the ethnic prejudices of the author than it does about those of Bosnian Serb armed forces.
In the Bible, faith is defined as “the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen”. This seems a very appropriate description of the Tribunal’s handling of the US satellite and U-2 “evidence”. It was on the basis of these photos that the Security Council  and tribunal  accused the  Serbian leadership of having committed  a massacre.
The Tribunal’s indictments against Karadzic and  Mladic were  primarily based on faith in the journalists’ faith  in the  Security Council’s  faith in the CIA and its spy photos.  Neither the press nor the tribunal were given access to all  of the  photos, yet both take it for granted that the Bosnian leaders are “guilty as charged.
But once the indictment handed down, the Bosnian Serb leaders shut out of negotiations and the Serbian President Milosevic under effective threat  (that he too could suffer the fate of his Bosnian Serb Brethren),
the Clinton Administration showed little interest in helping “further the cause of justice”.
The White House spokesman, Michael D. McCurry, and other US officials responded to Goldstone’s complaints by saying:
“There are certain types of intelligence information that our Government cannot share with the international community.”
The NY Times article continues:  “Mr. McCurry cited ‘National security reasons’ as the reason the United States would withhold some evidence, and criticized the complaints by the prosecutor, Judge Richard Goldstone,   as ‘unfortunate.’ (…) In defending their level of cooperation with the tribunal, Administration officials insisted that Judge Goldstone is getting most of his data from the United States and there would be no war crimes tribunal if not for the United States.”17)
With this statement these “administration officials” confirmed what Serbs and independent observers have suspected from the beginning: that the tribunal is simply being manipulated by the US to serve its own foreign policy interests, and that its procedures have really  as little to do with “rule of law” standards as its goals, with doing “justice”.
It has been reported that in the New York central headquarters of the UN, all files  relevant to  Srebrenica have been classified “secret” for the next 30 – 50 years and are not even available for the tribunal.  This decision was taken at the demand of the permanent members of the Security Council, the USA, France and Great Britain, in  reference to  their protection  of the secrecy of government documents.18)
With what right does the US classify evidence, that it claims to have, concerning  what is  often referred to as “the worst atrocities committed in Europe since WW-II”? One could understand the US government withholding evidence of war crimes committed by US troops. But what justification does the US have for classifying a “National security secret,” crimes committed by those designated as “enemy forces”? Is the US administration hiding the proof of a crime or proof that it has no proof of a crime?
Most disturbing of all, is that hardly anyone raises this question.
As in November, the snow and icy winter began to set in; chances of exhuming graves were slim. Come January, and the approaching thaw, the Tribunal and their chief prosecutor, at the time, Richard Goldstone, began to get nervous. The US government was still not forthcoming with more conclusive evidence of a massacre.
At one point, Goldstone threatened “the exhumation of the graves may become necessary in order to determine the identity of the corpses and the time and cause of death and to obtain the necessary evidence.”19)  What Goldstone formulated here as a threat should have been – if the tribunal were a normal court of law – the most logical first step for determining that a crime had been committed, a prerequisite for an indictment.
Confronted with the inevitability of the exhumation, American journalists began to prepare public opinion for the disappointment that would soon come when the graves turn up empty. Washington Post journalist, John Pomfret, visited a site that “according to a Western investigator, could be 2 of several mass graves in the region believed to hold corpses of some of the estimated 12,000 (!?) Muslim fighters”.  Pomfret observes that: “while dirt obviously had been moved recently around the sites in Glogova, if Serbian gunmen had attempted to tamper with it or destroy evidence, they did not do a thorough job. Bones were readily visible on the clay dirt, as were bandages, shoes and other things that obviously once belonged to the men buried below.”20) Mr. Pomfret, does not take the tampering too seriously, since he leaves the efforts of the would-be tamperers at the level of “attempting to” and admits that they did t unseriously. Could it have been that it was supposed to appear as though someone had “attempted” to tamper. Since the region was being watched by American IFOR forces, maybe Mr. Pomfret has also information about  whether the would be tamperers were Americans.
Besides his inflationary reporting – pulling the sum of “12,000 Muslim fighters” out of thin air – it would seem that along with his “Western investigator,” Mr.Pomfret must also have a very “special” source of information concerning the would-have-been tamperers: How else would he know, that they were carrying guns – “gunmen” – instead of shovels? Little wonder they did not do a
Good job. Ever try to dig a hole with a rifle?
Also to be noted, and not just for both Mr. O’Connor and Mr. Pomfret, many journalists have a privileged source: their anonymous “investigators”, another name for intelligence agent.
It would be interesting to learn with what means the Serbian forces supposedly disposed of 7,500 decomposing bodies. Such an enterprise would not only take a lot of time and effort, but would also require quite a large space. How is this supposed to have been accomplished without having been seen by the hi-tech satellite and U-2 surveillance?
Mr.O’Connor also affirms that the US is using “satellites that can locate bodies decomposing underground”. The question should arise:
Why has it taken them more than decade to locate the corpses that they claim to be in the area since July ’95? And they still do not have them.
(It should not be forgotten that simply the fact of finding a “mass grave” is not necessarily proof of a mass execution. In wartime the battlefield victims of the opposing side may be disposed of in  this way, until a transfer of the remains could be negotiated with  the other  side, to avoid the health problems that their decomposition on the surface could cause, particularly in summer.)
The work of the Hague Tribunal has been highly praised  as  an “example” of  what is needed on a more general basis as an answer to “war crimes” and “genocide”.
Neither the tribunal nor the press has produced substantial evidence 1) that genocide was ever
planned or attempted by the Bosnian Serb leadership and 2) that a large scale  massacre –  thousands of Muslims – ever took place in the aftermath  of the  Bosnian Serbian takeover of Srebrenica. And this after two decades of promises to bring proof to support indictments!
It is as adventurous to speak of”genocide” without corpses as it is of a “murder” without a victim.
To be sure, if this becomes the international legal norm of jurisprudence, no national legal system – no matter how good it is, will withstand  the pressure  of such  a totalitarian judicial system. This sort of procedure if allowed to set in on the international level will determine also national judicial standards. Humanity will  find itself being juridically set back to the standards of the era of the inquisition.
++++++++++++++++++++++++
Sidebar: The Eyewitness, Erdemovic
Not anxious to exhume the suspected graves, and lacking other material proof of mass executions, the tribunal turned once again to its mainstay: “Eyewitness'” testimony as “evidence”. This is the most unreliable form of evidence, because it is the easiest to be manipulated and tailored to fit the desired circumstances. One need only affirm having been a witness to something. As long as the accused cannot prove the contrary – and the tribunal will not search for corroborating evidence to support the allegations, the defendent will be convicted. This turns the basic rule of “proof of a crime being with the prosecution” on its head.
When the “eyewitness” Drazen Erdemovic, came forward in March 96, asking to go the the Hague, this caused a great sensation of enthusiasm in the Hague. Erdemovic described himself, in a confession to the French daily, “Le Figaro”, as a “soldier in the Bosnian Serb Army.” He said that he had participated in mass executions of Muslim civilians from Srebrenica, describing in details the massacres of 1200 people on one field of a farm in Pilice, near Janja, on the road Bjeljina- Zvornik. According to him the executioners “used 7,62mm bullets.”1)
With such detailed information, one would think that the Tribunal would finally have what it would need to be able to locate and secure the necessary evidence to bring concrete charges against those who participated. They would have to simply exhume the bodies and in a forensic examination verify if they had been killed with 7,62mm bullets. That is of course, if the tribunal wanted to learn if Erdemovic was a reliable witness or giving false information out of some personal or political motivation.
In 1992, in his native Tuzla, Erdemovic “first joined HVO (The paramilitary Croatian Council of Defence), then he went over to the Serbian side. In Serbia came in contact with ABC TV- station,2) and (…) offered his story, and his testimony to Tribunal in The Hague.3)” The International Herald Tribune adds: “Mr. Erdemovic, who (…) had been an ordinary soldier, said that after a falling out with his commander in Bosnia he decided to move to Serbia and tell his story, apparently in revenge.”4)
Is this a reliable witness? Is is plausible that an ex-HVO para- military Croatian nationalist would have joined – would have even been accepted in – the Bosnian Serb army? It has also been reported – and denied – that chief prosecutor Richard Goldstone had offered Erdemovic benefit of the “state’s witness” regulation, freedom from prosecution for himself and was guaranteed a new life abroad for his valuable testimony.5)
Erdemovic came to the Hague as a witness and became himself, the defendent charged with crimes against humanity, for his role in the executions that he described.
In an article in “The Nation”, Diana Johnstone described the conviction as being:
“heralded as a great “first” in establishment of global justice. [The Erdemovic] case is considered of great importance to the Tribunal since his confession of taking part in executing over a thousand Muslims after the Serb capture of Srebrenica is considered prime evidence in the Tribunal’s “main event”, the future trial of Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic. 6)
She also points out the catch:
However, inasmuch as he confessed to his crimes, there was no formal trial and no presentation of material evidence to corroborate his story. In any case, since he had turned “state’s evidence”, there would have been no rigorous cross-examination from either a contented prosecution or a complaisant defense regarding the discrepancy between

(Message over 64 KB, truncated)


[See also: The untold truth about Ratko Mladic 
By Richard Palmer – June 1, 2011 | From theTrumpet.com / Beoforum.rs
https://it.groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/crj-mailinglist/conversations/messages/7170 ]





I recognize only my own people’s trial: Mladic in long-suppressed interview

Published time: August 25, 2011

Ratko Mladic, now at The Hague facing charges of genocide, has largely been silent since his recent arrest. Back in 1995, however, he gave a candid interview explaining his side of the Srebrenica story, which RT can now reveal.

After more than 10 years in hiding, today Mladic looks more like an ill old man than the person who was allegedly responsible for the largest mass murder in Europe since WWII.

In 1995, just one month after the Srebrenica massacre and three weeks after The Hague Tribunal pressed charges against Mladic, a Western TV crew managed to meet with the general for an interview. But despite the obviously high level of importance and the exclusivity, the interview was never aired.

The tapes remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina in private archives and only now is the conversation being released to the public after RT managed to gain access to the materials.

According to the Tribunal, the Srebrenica massacre refers to the killing of more than 8,000 Bosnian Muslims, mainly men and boys, in and around the town of Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995.

The killing was allegedly conducted by units of the Army of Republika Srpska under the command of General Mladic. In April 1993, the United Nations declared Srebrenica was a “safe area” under its protection. However the 400-strong contingent of Dutch peacekeepers failed to prevent the alleged massacre from happening.

In the interview, Ratko Mladic gave a different picture of those events: “I can tell you that in April-May 1993 an agreement on Srebrenica was signed. It clearly defined it as a safe demilitarized area where no armed military could be present except for the UN soldiers. But instead of disarming the Muslim formations, as they had committed themselves to doing under the agreement on Srebrenica singed by me and General Morillon, the United Nations forces turned those safe areas into terrorist and fundamentalist bases from where our villages and towns were attacked. Muslims from Srebrenica and Zepa burnt down more than 200 Serbian villages around those two places and killed en masse and massacred all the Serb civilian population in many other villages.”

The General also described in detail how sometimes the Bosnian Muslims were armed with the help of Iran under the supervision of the UN peacekeeping contingent.

“Sometimes, they even used helicopters to airlift weapons from Iran and other combat hardware. We knocked down one such helicopter on the outskirts of Zepa two or three months ago,” he said.

Mladic claimed that, despite knowing about the shipments of arms to the Bosnian Muslims and their alleged attacks on the civil Serb population, he held his forces back: “The Muslims attacked the enclave of Sarajevo, also a safe area, though it was not defined as such by any kind of agreements of the two parties. They massacred everybody whom they captured alive and killed several of our soldiers in the villages of Visnjica and Banja Lucica. The Muslim attack was carried out exactly from the exclusion zone on Mounts Igman and Bjelasnica, from which Republika Srpska had pulled out its forces in 1993, and which had been in confidence handed over to peacekeeping forces.”

According to the general, by that time the bubble of patience had been forced to grow for two years and at one point it finally burst.

“We retaliated with a counteroffensive in that area. We took maximum precautions to avoid casualties among civilians and representatives of the UNPROFOR, given the fact that NATO aviation was pounding air strikes on us, including civilian targets in the outskirts of Srebrenica and Zepa. We successfully finished that operation near Srebrenica and Zepa. With the help of the soldiers of the Dutch battalion, the representatives of the world community who were present in Srebrenica, and representatives of the UNPROFOR forces who were present in Zepa.” 

Mladic also outlined that those who surrendered were handed over or, at the time of the interview, some were still planned to be handed over to the International Red Cross. And those who died had been buried according to Muslim traditions. 

The interview moved to one of the most important aspects – the mass graves. Later, several sites with thousands of dead bodies were found in and around the Srebrenica area. These were the bodies of Bosnian Muslims who are thought to have been selectively picked and executed by Mladic’s forces from scores of refugees. In the interview, the general fiercely denies any accusation of executions having taken place.

“Only those who died in battle were buried. For hygienic reasons their bodies had to be collected and buried in appropriate places until the warring parties agreed to exchange the remains of the dead with each other,” he asserted.

Given that Mladic’s story was totally different from that put forward by The Hague Tribunal and most Western media, the correspondent asked how the general felt after being branded as a war criminal. 

Mladic remained calm and said he had been partially following The Hague’s case against him, but claimed he did not feel like he needed to defend himself.

“I don’t recognize any trial except the trial by my own people. I don’t need to defend myself, because these idiotic accusations have come from those centers which have been churning out lies through PR and similar organizations, creating such a chaos in these territories that the world community doesn’t know, doesn’t see or simply doesn’t want to see a way out of all this,” he insisted.

“My people have never been occupiers,” was one of the main ideas put forward and reiterated by Ratko Mladic throughout the entire conversation. The general claimed he had been strictly protecting his nation, while the West and even Iran had sent weapons and “high-quality experts” to arm his enemies.

“Unfortunately, the bad image of the Serbs and the Serbian people in general created by some media outlets has led to unequal and biased approach to the sides in conflict by part of the world community who took the side of the Croats and Muslims, who actually started this bloody war in the territory of the former Yugoslavia,” Mladic said.

Currently, prosecutors at The Hague Tribunal are thinking about dividing the process against Ratko Mladic into two parts – Srebrenica in one separate trial and other war crimes the former general is accused of in another. However it is unclear exactly what the condition Mladic’s health is. Any information on that is made public only with his prior consent. According to his relatives, he is suffering from the effects of a stroke and had several heart attacks. Recently Mladic had hernia surgery and even refers to himself as “a very sick person”. The Tribunal’s chief prosecutor, Serge Brammertz, openly stated that the defendant’s health could deteriorate, which may affect the Tribunal’s ability to complete the trial.


---


Hague tribunal wakes up to Mladic interview

Published time: September 02, 2011

An interview with wars crimes suspect Ratko Mladic carried by RT two weeks ago seems to have been news not only to the public, but also to the one international body which is supposed to be most aware Balkan war-related matters - The Hague Tribunal.

At least this is what RT judges from an inquiry about the interview and how it came into RT’s possession, ordered by a criminal investigator of the Tribunal.

RT will naturally co-operate with the investigation in the interests of justice, although the fact that such an important piece of evidence was missing from the Tribunal’s materials is somewhat surprising, especially since the interview dates back to 1995 and was done by a Western TV channel.

The interview with Mladic, a former general of the Yugoslav army and later the army of the Republika Srpska, was recorded shortly after the Srebrenica massacre, the mass killings of Bosnian Muslims which the Tribunal has defined as genocide. In it, Mladic voiced several serious allegations against the UN peacekeeping force.

Instead of disarming the Muslim formations, as they had committed themselves to doing… the United Nations forces turned those safe areas into terrorist and fundamentalist bases from where our villages and towns were attacked,” he said

The ex-general also accused the UN of smuggling weapons into the supposedly demilitarized zone.

Sometimes, they even used helicopters to airlift weapons from Iran and other combat hardware. We knocked down one such helicopter on the outskirts of Zepa two or three months ago,” he said.

Mladic, who was arrested in May 2011, is standing trial in The Hague for this episode and other alleged war crimes. He is the final prominent Serb leader to face this fate. The last Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic stood in the dock for five years before dying in the Tribunal’s custody, while the President of Republika Srpska Radovan Karadzic has been on trial in The Hague since his arrest in 2008.

The International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993, when the series of bloody armed conflicts in the Balkans was far from over. The UN Security Council formed the body to prosecute the gravest atrocities committed by all the warring parties.

Over the 18 years of its existence it has drawn a lot of criticism. It faced allegations of bias based on the fact that almost 70% of indictments it issued were against Serbs. Its fiercest critics called the Tribunal a political show rather than a court of law.

Some of ICTY’s sentences were seen as astoundingly mild, as was the case with Bosnian military commander Naser Oric, who was tried for raiding Serbian villages and torturing prisoners, and was sentenced to merely two years and then totally acquitted of all charges on appeal.

There is also criticism over the ICTY’s lack of will to investigate atrocities allegedly committed by non-Serbs. The most widely-publicized case is the allegation of trafficking of donor organs harvested from kidnapped Serbs during and shortly after the war in Kosovo. The suspected crimes had been investigated by the UN as early as 2004, but were not given due coverage until 2008, when former ICTY Chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte published a book on them.

More generally, some argue, the Tribunal’s activities have not served the interests of reconciliation in the Balkans. It is viewed with suspicion by Serbs and Croats alike, who doubt the ICTY’s integrity and call its decisions biased, although in cases where both parties are involved, the direction of the alleged bias would often be opposite depending whose side you talk to.







Rubrica "Lettere al Corriere", risponde Sergio Romano

http://www.corriere.it/lettere-al-corriere/15_luglio_03/-DA-SARAJEVO-AL-KOSOVO-GLI-ULTIMATUM-ALLA-SERBIA_bd6973fc-2142-11e5-be97-5cd583b309bb.shtml

Venerdì 3 luglio 2015

DA SARAJEVO AL KOSOVO GLI ULTIMATUM ALLA SERBIA

Ho appena terminato la lettura del libro di Christopher Clark I sonnambuli edito in Francia da Flammarion e in Italia da Laterza. L’autore, nel riportare le incredule reazioni del Segretario agli Esteri britannico Edward Grey e quelle di Winston Churchill per la durezza dell’ultimatum presentato dagli austriaci ai serbi a seguito dell’attentato in cui trovarono la morte a Sarajevo l’erede al trono imperiale Francesco-Ferdinando e la moglie Sofia, sottolinea che il testo era molto più moderato di quello presentato alla Serbia jugoslava nel 1999 sotto la forma di Accordo di Rambouillet per obbligarla ad accettare le decisioni prese sul Kosovo.

Pierpaolo Merolla , p.merolla @ telenet.be

L’ultimatum austriaco del luglio 1914 fu scritto per apparire a Belgrado inaccettabile. Vienna chiedeva alla Serbia di pubblicare sul proprio maggiore giornale una solenne deplorazione, di interrompere le attività di tutte le pubbliche istituzioni in cui l’impero austro-ungarico era oggetto di critiche, di eliminare la letteratura didattica in cui si rivendicavano terre appartenenti all’Impero austro- ungarico, ad accettare che ispettori di polizia austriaca collaborassero sul territorio della Serbia alle indagini sul movimento sovversivo, ad arrestare urgentemente un funzionario di polizia che sembrava essere coinvolto nell’attentato. E terminava chiedendo che la risposta giungesse a Vienna non oltre le 6 pomeridiane del 25 luglio. Forse la reazione jugoslava sarebbe stata diversa se la Serbia non avesse saputo di potere contare sul sostegno della Russia. Ma alcune misure avrebbero pesantemente ferito, se accettate, la sovranità serba. Quanto all’ultimatum contenuto nell’accordo alleato di Rambouillet del marzo 1999, la ricostruzione del testo è resa più complicata dalla esistenza di allegati che sarebbero stati comunicati ai serbi tardivamente e di cui la Russia, a quanto pare, non era al corrente. Uno di questi, in particolare, prevedeva che la Jugoslavia concedesse alle truppe della Nato il diritto di passaggio in tutto il suo territorio nazionale, nello spazio aereo e nelle acque territoriali. Le intenzioni americane, comunque, divennero chiare dal momento in il segretario di Stato americano Madeleine Albright invitò a Rambouillet una delegazione dell’Uck, il movimento della resistenza kosovara che gli Stati Uniti, in altre circostanze, avevano considerato terroristico. Invitandolo alla conferenza, sia pure in anticamera, il segretario di Stato americano promuoveva l’Uck a partner necessario di ogni possibile soluzione. Su questo tema è apparso un articolo di Noam Chomski (Monde Diplomatique del marzo 2000). Chomski è filosofo della lingua, professore del Massachusetts Institute of Technology e noto per le sue per frequenti critiche alla politica americana. In questo caso mi sembra avere ragione quando constata che esistevano ancora, per il futuro del Kosovo, strade percorribili e compromessi possibili. Ma gli Stati Uniti avevano deciso di passare all’azione. L’aspetto più sorprendente di questa vicenda fu l’atteggiamento di alcuni fra i maggiori Paesi europei. Il primo ministro francese era Lionel Jospin, leader del Partito socialista e molto discusso in passato per le sue presunte simpatie trozkiste. Il cancelliere tedesco era Gerhard Schröder che negli anni giovanili aveva fornito una assistenza legale a Horst Mahler, membro della banda Baader Meinhof. Il presidente del Consiglio italiano era Massimo D’Alema, già presidente della Federazione dei giovani comunisti. Non tutti avevano gli stessi poteri, ma tutti avevano un passato molto progressista. Forse erano davvero convinti che la guerra del Kosovo fosse un episodio di «ingerenza umanitaria». Forse volevano dimostrare agli americani che si erano lasciati alle spalle gli ideali della gioventù.




(english / italiano)

NAPOLITANO E GENSCHER, PREDILETTI DA KISSINGER


Germany: Genscher receives Kissinger Prize, calls Nazis 'NATO' by mistake 

RT, 17 giu 2015 – Former German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and former President of Italy Giorgio Napolitano received the Henry A. Kissinger Prize from during a ceremony in Berlin's Hans Arnhold Center, Wednesday. During his acceptance speech, Genscher suffered from a slip of the tongue and began referring to the 'Nazi dictatorship' as 'NATO'...


Vedi anche: 

Kissinger ignora la Commissione Moro e premia Napolitano (Claudio Cominardi, M5S, 17 giugno 2015)

Saluto del Presidente emerito, Giorgio Napolitano – American Academy, Berlino, 17 giugno 2015

Giorgio Napolitano, presidente onorario ISPI, insignito del premio Kissinger (18 Giugno 2015)

Premio Kissinger a Napolitano: il suggello di una singolare carriera politica (Giuseppe Borgioli | 22 giugno 2015)

Una piccola nota sull'indecenza: il caso di Giorgio Napolitano (Tiziano Tussi, 28/06/2015)

Flashbacks:

Il ruolo della Germania nella distruzione della Jugoslavia (Rudiger Göbel, Marxistische Blätter, marzo 1995)
... "Genscher era stato quotidianamente in contatto col Ministro degli Esteri croato. Egli incitava i Croati ad abbandonare la Federazione e a dichiarare l'indipendenza"...

Sottomissione assoluta (Intervista ad Antun Duhacek, capo dei servizi segreti di Tito – KONKRET, novembre 2002)
...  In occasione di un incontro personale tra il ministro degli Esteri federale Genscher ed il capo dei servizi segreti croati Josip Manolic, nel febbraio 1990, alla vigilia delle elezioni in Croazia - che allora apparteneva ancora alla Jugoslavia - Genscher ha promesso 800 milioni di marchi tedeschi...

Urss, Kissinger, massoneria. Ecco i misteri di Napolitano (Paolo Bracalini - Ven, 29/11/2013)
... «Già il padre di Giorgio Napolitano è stato un importante massone, una delle figure più in vista della massoneria partenopea... che ha radici antiche e si inquadra nell'alveo di quella francese...»