Informazione
Kosovo: Die Lunte brennt
1) Juergen Elsaesser: Die Lunte brennt (16.11.2007)
2) GFP: Angelpunkt (20.11.2007)
3) GFP: Mit kreativen Tricks (05.11.2007)
4) IMI: Deutschland erwägt einseitige Anerkennung des Kosovo, NATO probt Balkan-Kriegseinsatz (25.10.2007)
5) GFP: Dayton II (09.10.2007)
6) Benjamin Schett: Die Zukunft des Kosovo (22.06.2007)
=== 1 ===
www.jungewelt.de
Junge Welt, 16.11.2007
Die Lunte brennt
Vor dem Ende der Kosovo-Verhandlungen am 10. Dezember wachsen die Spannungen - auch im benachbarten Mazedonien
Von Jürgen Elsässer
Der Angriff der Albaner hat bereits begonnen. Am 7. November kam es zu einem stundenlangen Feuergefecht zwischen mazedonischen Sicherheitskräften und einer Rotte der skipetarischen Untergrundbewegung UCK in der Nähe der Stadt Tetovo. Dabei wurden acht UCK-Führer getötet, ein Hubschrauber der Polizei stürzte aus ungeklärten Gründen ab. Einige der UCK-Leute waren zuvor aus einem Gefängnis im Kosovo ausgebrochen, wo sie Haftstrafen wegen früherer Straftaten verbüßten. Nach der Schießerei riegelten Hunderte NATO-Soldaten die Grenze ab, die in der Nähe Mazedonien von der serbischen Provinz trennt.
In derselben Gegend rund um Tetovo begann die UCK im Frühjahr 2001 einen Krieg gegen den mazedonischen Staat, der bis zum September desselben Jahres dauerte und mit der von der EU erzwungenen Beteiligung der UCK-Führer an der Regierung in Skopje endete. Daß die Kämpfe jetzt nach sechs Jahren Pause wieder aufflackern, hat mit der angespannten Situation im Kosovo zu tun. Die dortige Provinzregierung hat angekündigt, nach dem absehbaren Scheitern der internationalen Verhandlungen - ihr Ende ist auf den 10. Dezember festgelegt - einseitig und ohne UN-Unterstützung einen eigenen Staat auszurufen. Ihr Argument: Die Bevölkerung - zwei Millionen Menschen, zu 9o Prozent Albaner - stehe hinter diesem Schritt. Doch mit diesem Argument könnte auch Westmazedonien die Eigenstaatlichkeit beanspruchen, denn dort ist die ethnische Situation ähnlich, und unter Berufung auf die »Selbstbestimmung« könnten sich schließlich beide Mini-Republiken mit dem Mutterland am Ende zu einem Großalbanien vereinigen.
Vielleicht läßt sich die jüngste Geschichte des Kosovo ganz gut mit dem Werdegang eines wichtigen UCK-Kommandeurs illustrieren. Dieser Xhezair Shaqiri, bekannter unter seinem Kriegsnamen Kommandeur Hoxha, kämpfte 1999 in der 171. UCK-Brigade zunächst gegen die Serben. Nachdem dieser Krieg mit Hilfe der NATO gewonnen war, wechselte Xhezair über die Grenze und nahm im Frühjahr 2001 in der 112. Brigade am UCK-Aufstand in Mazedonien teil. Dort war er Kommandant einer Einheit aus teilweise ausländischen Gotteskriegern im Raum Tetovo. Als diese Formation im Juni 2001 von der mazedonischen Armee bei Aracinovo eingekesselt war, wurde sie von der US-Armee ausgeflogen. Neben Xhezair und seinen Mudschahedin befanden sich auch 17 US-Militärberater des Pentagon unter den Geretteten.
UCK, CIA und BND
Im März 2004 war Xhezair zurück im Kosovo und führte ein antiserbischen Pogrom an. Drei Tage lang brandschatzte ein Mob von 50000 Aufrührern die Wohnstätten und religiösen Heiligtümer der serbischen Minderheit. Xhezair hatte nach eigenen Angaben die Leitung im Gebiet um Prizren und Urosevac inne. NATO-Dokumente bezeichnen ihn als Koordinator eines geheimen Netzes, das Angehörige der formell aufgelösten UCK geknüpft haben, die heute im Kosovo-Schutzkorps und in der Kosovo-Polizei ihren Dienst verrichten - in Formationen also, die von der UN-Verwaltung UNMIK und dem NATO-Besatzungskorps KFOR legalisiert worden sind. Daneben verdächtigt die NATO den Mann guter Kontakte zu Al Qaida und zur Hisbollah. Das hingegen dürfte eher eine Schutzbehauptung sein: Gegenüber dem heute-journal des ZDF brüstete sich der UCK-Kommandant nämlich im November 2004 damit, »auf der Gehaltsliste des BND, der CIA und eines österreichischen Geheimdienstes« zu stehen. Der BND gab den Sachverhalt zu, betonte jedoch, man habe Xhezair einige Wochen vor den Pogromen als Informanten »abgeschaltet«.
Dieser Xhezair hat sich nun zurückgemeldet. Am 28. August kündigte er an, er wolle in dem mazedonischen Dorf Tanusevci ein Referendum über den Anschluß an das Kosovo durchführen. Nach Medienberichten wagen sich Vertreter der Staatsmacht nicht mehr in diese Region, die Behörden bestreiten dies. Im gleichen Zeitraum begannen vermummte Kämpfer mit Überfällen in der Nähe der Grenze zum Kosovo, am 24. Oktober wurden dabei ein Polizist getötet und zwei verwundet. Am 10. November warnte Xhezair, die UCK habe mit den mazedonischen Sicherheitskräften noch »Rechnungen zu begleichen«. Und weiter: »Wir werden auf die Polizei warten, wo immer sie hinkommt«.
Terroristen wie Xhezair haben nach dem Abzug der jugoslawischen und serbischen Sicherheitskräfte am 10. Juni 1999 das Kosovo in eine Todeszone für alle Nicht-Albaner verwandelt. Die zunächst über 50000 Soldaten der NATO-geführten Schutztruppe KFOR waren nicht in der Lage, in der Region von der Größe Hessens für den Schutz von Menschenleben, geschweige denn für die Einhaltung der Menschenrechte zu sorgen - obwohl ihre Stationierung zu diesem Zweck vom UN-Sicherheitsrat mit der Resolution 1244 mandatiert worden war. Ende August 1999 erschien in Koha Ditore, einer der größten albanischen Tageszeitungen des Kosovo, ein Leitartikel ihres Herausgebers Veton Surroi. Er war Mitglied der kosovo-albanischen Delegation in Rambouillet gewesen und hatte dort die Führungsrolle des UCK-Chefs Hashim Thaci akzeptiert, ist also nicht gerade ein Gegner der Untergrundkämpfer. Unter der Überschrift »Kosovo-Faschismus - die Schande der Albaner« rechnete er mit den neuen Herren des Kosovo ab: »Die heutige Gewalt - mehr als zwei Monate nach der Ankunft der NATO-Truppen - ist mehr als nur eine emotionale Reaktion. Es ist die organisierte und systematische Einschüchterung aller Serben, weil sie Serben sind und deswegen kollektiv für das verantwortlich gemacht werden, was im Kosovo geschah. Diese Verhaltensweisen sind faschistisch.«
Terror lohnt sich
Im November 2003 bilanzierte der damalige serbische Ministerpräsident Zoran Zivkovic, ein durchaus NATO-freundlicher Politiker, beim Staatsbesuch in Berlin: »In den letzten vier Jahren sind trotz des Protektorats 2500 Serben und andere Nicht-Albaner ums Leben gekommen.«
Heute ist das Kosovo weitgehend ethnisch rein. Die Zahl der verjagten Serben und Roma gab das UN-Hochkommissariat für Flüchtlinge im Frühjahr 2004 mit 230000 an, die Regierung in Belgrad ging von mindestens 350000 aus. Nur noch zwischen 70000 und 120000 Angehörige von Minderheiten harren in der Provinz aus. Die Serben und Roma leben vor allem im Nordteil von Mitrovica sowie in von der NATO geschützten Ghettos und Enklaven.
Trotz dieser Gewalt förderte die westliche Politik in der Folge die Abspaltung der Provinz vom Gesamtstaat, das heißt, sie belohnte die Gewalttäter. Seit 2005 jagte ein tendenziöser Expertenbericht den nächsten. Den Anfang machte im Januar eine Studie der International Crisis Group (ICG), wonach es zu einer Eigenstaatlichkeit des Kosovos »keine akzeptable Alternative« gebe. Die ICG wird unter anderem vom US-amereikanischen Multimilliardär George Soros finanziert.
Ende April 2005 legte eine von der EU eingesetzte Balkan-Kommission ihren Kosovo-Bericht vor. Darin empfahlen eine Reihe ehemaliger europäischer Spitzenpolitiker wie der frühere italienische Premier Guiliano Amato, Exbundespräsident Richard von Weizsäcker, der Schwede Carl Bildt und der Exaußenminister Serbien-Montenegros, Goran Svilanovic, einen Fahrplan zur staatlichen Unabhängigkeit der Provinz. Demnach soll das Kosovo in etwa zehn Jahren EU-Mitglied werden, ohne vorher die volle Unabhängigkeit erlangt zu haben. In einer ersten Phase gehe die UN-Verwaltungshoheit der Provinz auf die Europäische Union über (eingeschränkte Unabhängigkeit). In einer zweiten Phase gebe die EU-Administration immer mehr Kompetenzen an die lokalen Behörden ab. In einer dritten Phase begännen Beitrittsverhandlungen zwischen dem Kosovo und der EU (gelenkte Souveränität), an deren Abschluß schließlich die volle EU-Mitgliedschaft stehe. Der Belgrader Widerstand soll ausgehebelt werden, indem auch Serbien selbst (wie allen anderen Staaten des Westbalkan) die Mitgliedschaft in der EU angeboten wird.
Auf diese Vorgaben stützte sich der Finne Martti Ahtisaari, unter dessen Ägide im Februar 2006 in Wien die sogenannten Endstatusgespräche für das Kosovo begannen. Der Diplomat war dafür vom UN-Sicherheitsrat beauftragt worden - ungeachtet der Tatsache, daß er als Mitglied der erwähnten International Crisis Group seine mangelnde Unparteilichkeit bereits unter Beweis gestellt hatte. Den Kurs der aggressivsten westlichen Kräfte für diese Verhandlungsrunde hatte die FAZ vorgegeben: »Unabhängigkeit notfalls gegen Serbien und Rußland. Das Völkerrecht steht auf dem Amselfeld im Konflikt mit der Wirklichkeit« - so der Aufmacher einer Sonderdoppelseite Mitte Dezember 2005. Wie sicher sich die Albaner der westlichen Unterstützung waren, zeigt ihre Personalpolitik: Ihr Delegationsleiter in Wien wurde Hashim Thaci - der frühere politische Chef der UCK. Ebenfalls im Frühjahr 2006 wurde Agim Ceku Ministerpräsident des Kosovo - er war im Krieg 1999 der UCK-Oberkommandierende gewesen.
Die Wiener Verhandlungen
Tatsächlich schien es zunächst so, als ob die Serben bei den Wiener Verhandlungen keine Chance hätten, weil sie im internationalen Macht-Ranking beständig nach unten rutschten: Ende April 2006 verfügte die Europäische Union ein Einfrieren der Assoziierungsgespräche mit Serbien unter dem Vorwand, daß der vom Haager Tribunal gesuchte bosnisch-serbische General Ratko Mladic nicht ausgeliefert wurde - was den internationalen Rückhalt der Regierung des demokratisch-konservativen Premiers Vojislav Kostunica weiter verminderte. Am 21. Mai beschloß Montenegro per Referendum den Austritt aus dem Staatenbund mit Serbien - zahlreiche Hinweise auf drastische Manipulationen blieben unberücksichtigt. Anfang September fuhren die Separatistenparteien bei der ersten Wahl im unabhängigen Montenegro einen überzeugenden Sieg ein - die proserbischen Parteien stürzten ab. Anfang Oktober verlor beim Urnengang in Bosnien-Herzegowina die Partei der serbischen Hardliner, die Serbische Demokratische Partei (SDS), ihre Spitzenstellung, und die für den Westen berechenbaren Sozialdemokraten übernahmen die Regierung.
Mit den Serben, so mochte es dem Westen scheinen, konnte man alles machen. Überheblich verkündete der UN-Chefunterhändler Ahtisaari im September 2006, daß er seinen Job als UN-Chefunterhändler für das Kosovo zum Jahresende aufgeben werde: Eine einvernehmliche Lösung sei nicht zu finden, da Belgrad - im Unterschied zu Pristina - jedes Entgegenkommen verweigere. Die Sezession schien beschlossene Sache.
Doch am 19. Oktober 2006 kam die Wende: Der Sicherheitsrat verlängerte das Mandat von Ahtisaari plötzlich um ein halbes Jahr, bis Ende Juni 2007. Was war geschehen? Zum einen hatte Kostunica die Zugehörigkeit des Kosovo zu Serbien Ende Oktober 2006 durch eine Volksabstimmung bestätigen lassen. Formal war es darin um eine neue Verfassung gegangen, die für Serbien nach der Trennung Montenegros notwendig war, aber der Kosovo-Passus in der Präambel hatte den Diskurs im Land dominiert. Die lebhafte Debatte und das klare Ergebnis errichteten für den Westen, der sich gerne auf Demokratie und Selbstbestimmung beruft, ein unübersehbares Stopsignal. Hätte er dieses überfahren, hätte er damit rechnen müssen, daß die Regierung in Belgrad gestürzt und die NATO-feindliche Radikale Partei (SRS) die Macht übernehmen würde. So blieb bei den Wahlen im Januar 2007 alles beim alten.
Noch wichtiger war, daß Rußland die slawischen Brüder dieses Mal ausnahmsweise nicht im Stich gelassen hat. Präsident Wladimir Putin machte mehrfach und unmißverständlich klar, daß es einer Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo in der UNO nicht zustimmen werde.
NATO-Staat Kosovo
Als Athisaari am 21. Februar 2007 seinen Plan präsentierte, versteifte sich der Widerstand Belgrads und Moskaus noch. Die »konditionierte Unabhängigkeit« nach Lesart des Finnen hätte die Abtrennung von 15 Prozent des serbischen Staatsgebietes bedeutet. Serbische Politiker warnten insbesondere vor dem Annex 11 des Dokuments, wonach die Rolle künftiger ziviler Beobachter in dem neuen Staat »begrenzt sein würde, so daß Kosovo unter der Autorität der NATO stünde« (Aleksandar Simic, einer der Sicherheitsberater der serbischen Regierung). Der serbische Erziehungsminister Zoran Loncar argumentierte ähnlich: »Die Frage der albanischen Minderheit diente der NATO nur als Rauchvorhang, um ihren ersten militärischen Marionettenstaat zu schaffen ... Die NATO hat Serbien zuerst bombardiert, dann ihre Truppen in die Provinz Kosovo gebracht und will jetzt, durch den gescheiterten Ahtisaari-Plan, ihren ersten Militärstsaat auf serbischem Territorium errichten.« Simics Schlußfolgerung: »Die Durchsetzung des Ahtisaari-Plans würde Bondsteel praktisch zur Hauptstadt eines unabhängigen Kosovo machen.« Mit Bondsteel ist der derzeit größte US-Stützpunkt in Südost- und Osteuropa gemeint, wo ständig bis zu 5000 GIs stationiert sind.
Ahtisaaris Vorstoß scheiterte schließlich. Die großmäulige Ankündigung der Kosovoalbaner, noch vor dem G-8-Gipfel Anfang Juni 2007 ihren Staat auszurufen, wurde nicht realisiert. Dazu trugen, neben dem unüberwindbaren Widerstand Rußlands im Sicherheitsrat, auch Widersprüche innerhalb der EU bei. Außer dem traditionell proserbischen Griechenland hatten auch die Regierungen in Bratislava, Bukarest und vor allem in Madrid aus ihrer Abneigung gegenüber der Gründung eines neuen Albanerstaates keinen Hehl gemacht, da sie einen Präzedenzfall für ihre eigenen Minderheiten fürchten. Zwar sind nach der Auflösung der Sowjetunion (1991) bzw. des sozialistischen Jugoslawien (1992) eine ganze Reihe neuer Staaten entstanden - aber dabei handelte es sich ausschließlich um frühere Teilrepubliken. Das Kosovo dagegen hatte nie diesen Status, sondern war immer nur eine untergeordnete Verwaltungseinheit Serbiens gewesen. Würde aus der Provinz Kosovo ein selbständiger Staat, so könnten auch Regionen wie Transnistrien (in Moldawien), Abchasien (in Georgien), Tschetschenien (in Rußland), aber auch das Baskenland (in Spanien) sowie die ungarischen Regionen in der Südslowakei und in Westrumänien dasselbe verlangen.
Am 20. Juli übertrug der UN-Sicherheitsrat das Verhandlungsmandat von Ahtisaari auf eine Troika. Seither bemühen sich der EU-Beauftragte Wolfgang Ischinger zusammen mit dem russischen Emissär Alexander Botsan-Chartschenko und dem US-Vertreter Frank Wisner um einen Kompromiß, mit dem beide Seiten leben können. Am 18. September faßte der britische Independent den Verhandlungsstand schon mit den Worten zusammen »Die Unabhängigkeit ist vom Tisch«. Tatsächlich enthält ein 14-Punkte-Plan der Troika für die heiße Phase der Gespräche das U-Wort gar nicht mehr und bewegt sich damit näher an den Belgrader Vorstellungen einer »konditionierten Autonomie« als an den Staatsgründungsphantasien in Pristina.
Alle gutgemeinten Ideen scheitern aber an der beinharten Haltung der Kosovo-Albaner, die sich durch die Unterstützung aus Washington bestärkt fühlen können. Bereits beim Staatsbesuch in Tirana Ende Mai 2007 hatte Präsident George W. Bush angekündigt, den neuen Staat mit der diplomatischen Anerkennung zu belohnen, auch wenn er völkerrechtswidrig - das heißt ohne UN-Beschluß - ausgerufen würde. Das Kalkül der US-Hardliner hat die FAZ im September 2007 ganz gut erkannt: »Jedenfalls ist die Zukunft des Kosovo ein Keil, der (einen Teil der) Europäer und Amerikaner auseinandertreibt, denn Washington steht im Verdacht, die Kosovo-Albaner in deren Unabhängigkeitsfuror noch anzufeuern. Und dieser Keil fährt zwischen die Europäer mit einer Wucht, die es, was die Außenpolitik betrifft, seit dem inneren Zerwürfnis wegen der amerikanischen Irak-Politik nicht mehr gegeben hat.« Um so verrückter, daß das Blatt der Bundesregierung empfiehlt, die Spaltungsstrategie der USA zu unterstützen und auch ohne Konsens in der EU den neuen Albanerstaat anzuerkennen. »Wenn nicht alle daran teilnehmen müssen, muß es eine Gruppe interessierter tun, eine >Koalition der Willigen<. (...) Frankreich, Großbritannien, Deutschland und Italien müssen, wenn es nicht anders geht, die Sache in die Hand nehmen.«
Eine Kettenreaktion
Folgt die Bundesregierung diesen Ratschlägen, so droht eine Kettenreaktion, zunächst auf dem Balkan.
-In Bosnien-Herzegowina hat die Führung der Republika Srpska angedroht, dem Beispiel der Kosovoalber zu folgen und ihre »Entität« aus dem Gesamtstaat zu lösen. Um dies zu verhindern, hat der internationale Hochkommissar am 19. Oktober die Vetorechte aufgehoben, die den Serben bisher in der Regierung zustanden. Im Gegenzug ist der serbische Ministerpräsident zurückgetreten, die serbischen Abgeordneten wollen künftig das Parlament blockieren. De facto ist damit das Land schon gespalten. Dagegen könnte die Besatzungsmacht EUFOR vorgehen - wenn ihr Mandat am 21. November durch den Sicherheitsrat verlängert wird. Rußland hat bereits mit dem Veto gedroht.
-Falls Belgrad, wie angekündigt, gegen ein unabhängiges Kosovo Sanktionen verhängt und die Grenzen sperrt, könnten die Kosovo-Albaner ihre Glaubensbrüder im Sandschak im Südwesten Serbiens mobilisieren. Nach der jüngsten Expertise der serbischen Staatssicherheit BIA hat sich dort ein terroristischer Fokus gebildet. Im Gegensatz zur gemäßigten moslemischen Mehrheit um Mufti Adem Zilkic ist es Saudi-finanzierten Wahabiten um Mufti Muamer Zukorlic gelungen, Anhänger um sich zu scharen. Unterstützt werden sie dabei vom US-Botschafter Cameron Munter.
-Im Kosovo selbst wird es im Falle der Unabhängigkeit zu Protestreaktionen der Serben in und um ihre Hochburg Nord-Mitrovica kommen, möglicherweise unter Beteiligung bewaffneter Freischärler. Vergeltungsaktionen könnten auf Südserbien (Presevo-Tal) und Mazedonien übergreifen, wo sich die Truppen von Kommandeur Hoxha bereithalten.
Die Bundeswehr befindet sich mitten in diesem Hexenkessel. Wäre es nicht das einfachste, die 3000 deutschen KFOR-Soldaten würden sich völkerrechtskonform verhalten - also gemäß der UN-Resolution 1244, auf deren Grundlage ihre Stationierung erfolgte? Dann müßte sie alle Personen verhaften, die die »Souveränität und territorialen Unversehrtheit der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien« (beziehungsweise ihres Rechtsnachfolgers Serbien) verletzen. Wenn das rechtzeitig vor dem 10. Dezember geschieht, könnte man sich manchen Ärger hinterher ersparen.
=== 2 ===
Angelpunkt
20.11.2007
BERLIN/PRISTINA (Eigener Bericht) - Vor der vorletzten Verhandlungsrunde über die Zukunft des Kosovo erklärt der künftige kosovarische Ministerpräsident Hashim Thaci die Gespräche in der deutschen Presse zur Farce und bestätigt die Sezession unmittelbar nach Verhandlungsende am 10. Dezember. Die Abspaltung wird Thaci zufolge in Abstimmung mit der EU und den USA erfolgen und ist trotz der Widerstände mehrerer EU-Mitglieder sowie Moskaus nicht mehr zu verhindern. Die bevorstehende Eigenstaatlichkeit des Kosovo, das binnen weniger Monate in den Internationalen Währungsfonds (IWF) und in die Weltbank aufgenommen werden soll, schürt neue Gewalt bewaffneter Separatisten in Mazedonien; sie streben den Anschluss ihrer Wohngebiete an das Kosovo an. In Bosnien-Herzegowina dagegen, wo die serbischen Bevölkerungsteile ein Sezessionsreferendum nach kosovarischem Vorbild für sich in Anspruch nehmen, bestehen Berlin, Brüssel und Washington auf der Bewahrung der staatlichen Integrität. Dies gilt als notwendig, um serbische Positionen nicht zu stärken. Auch hier drohen die Spannungen zu eskalieren. Mit der Sezession krönt die kosovarische Regierung jahrelange Vorbereitungsarbeiten Berlins. Umgekehrt dient Pristina - wie bereits in den 1940er Jahren - als Angelpunkt für die Schwächung Serbiens und die "Neuordnung" Südosteuropas.
Verhandlungs-Farce
Wie der künftige Ministerpräsident des Kosovo, Hashim Thaci, erklärt, dessen Partei bei den Wahlen am vergangenen Samstag stärkste Kraft in Pristina wurde, wird es bei den internationalen Gesprächen über die Zukunft des Kosovo keine Lösung mehr geben. Die Verhandlungen der sogenannten Troika (mit Politikern aus Deutschland, der USA und Russland) gehen am heutigen Dienstag in die vorletzte Runde. Thaci zufolge werden die Kosovo-Albaner "die Agenda der Troika" bis zum 10. Dezember "respektieren". "Danach wird das Kosovo aber seine eigene Agenda haben."[1] Thaci kündigt die Sezession in Abstimmung mit Washington und Brüssel an. Seinem Urteil zufolge werden auch Griechenland und Zypern schließlich einwilligen, um nicht ein "isolierter Teil der EU" zu werden. Die beiden Staaten weigern sich noch, die gegen internationales Recht verstoßende Abspaltung des Kosovo anzuerkennen. Auch Russland unterstützt weiter den Verbleib der Provinz im serbischen Staatsverbund. Der Vorsitzende des Auswärtigen Ausschusses der Duma, Konstantin Kosocev, sprach sich in der vergangenen Woche für zeitlich unbegrenzte Verhandlungen aus und erklärte, Moskau werde niemals eine einseitige Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo anerkennen.[2]
Willkür
Angesichts der bevorstehenden Sezession des Kosovo wachsen Separatismus und Kriegsgefahr auch in anderen Teilen des ehemaligen Jugoslawien. So nehmen in Bosnien-Herzegowina Bestrebungen zu, die Republik Srpska mit ihrer serbischen Bevölkerung von der bosnisch-kroatischen Föderation abzuspalten. Ursache der Krise ist die geplante Reform der Bundesorgane, welche die antiserbische Politik Berlins und der EU fortführt. Der mit Vollmachten der UNO ausgestattete Gouverneur Miroslav Lajcak will die Pflicht zur Einstimmigkeit im Ministerrat abschaffen und stattdessen das Mehrheitsprinzip einführen. Damit erhielten die bosnischen und kroatischen Vertreter die Möglichkeit, ihre serbischen Kollegen gegen deren Willen zu überstimmen. Angesichts seiner damit verbundenen Entmachtung drohte der Regierungschef der Republik Srpska, Milorad Dodik, mit dem Rückzug aller Serben aus den bosnischen Bundesorganen und warnte vor einer "Eliminierung der Republik Srpska". Für den Fall, dass die Abstimmungsregeln tatsächlich geändert werden, kündigte er ein Referendum über die Sezession der Republik Srpska aus dem bosnischen Staat an.[3] Sein Vorhaben ist dem Inhalt nach praktisch identisch mit den kosovarischen Abspaltungsplänen, wird aber von Berlin bekämpft, da es der Stärkung serbischer Positionen dient.
Gewalt
Neue, durch die Abspaltung des Kosovo motivierte separatistische Gewalt droht auch in Mazedonien. Dort kam es am 7. November in der Nähe von Tetovo erstmals seit 2001 zu einem stundenlangen Feuergefecht zwischen mazedonischen Sicherheitskräften und UCK-Einheiten. Dabei wurden acht UCK-Freischärler getötet, ein Hubschrauber der Polizei stürzte ab. Einige Freischärler waren zuvor aus einem Gefängnis im Kosovo ausgebrochen.[4] Nach der Schießerei riegelten hunderte NATO-Soldaten die nahe gelegene Grenze zwischen Mazedonien und dem Kosovo ab. In West-Mazedonien stellt die albanische Bevölkerungsgruppe ähnlich wie im Kosovo die Mehrheit, starke Kräfte streben die Sezession des Gebiets und seinen Anschluss an das Kosovo an. Ziel ist letztlich die Bildung eines großalbanischen Staates unter Einschluss aller albanischen Siedlungsgebiete.
Vorgänger
Damit knüpfen die albanischen Separatisten an die Politik an, die ihre Vorgänger gemeinsam mit dem nationalsozialistischen Deutschland verfolgten. Nach dem deutschen Angriffskrieg auf Jugoslawien im April 1941 wurde das Kosovo zwischen den Bündnispartnern der Hitler-Regierung aufgeteilt. Die Deutschen sicherten sich den Nordzipfel der Provinz mit dem für ihre Rüstungsindustrie kriegswichtigen Zink- und Bleiwerk Trepca bei Kosovska Mitrovica. Bulgarien annektierte die östlichen Distrikte. Das größte Gebiet kam unter italienische Kontrolle und wurde am 12. August 1941 mit dem von Rom beherrschten Königreich Albanien und mit Teilen des heutigen Mazedonien zu "Großalbanien" vereint - zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte und als Ergebnis der deutschen Aggression gegen Belgrad.
Deutschfreundlich
Probleme ergaben sich nach der italienischen Kapitulation im September 1943. Damals besetzten deutsche Truppen das Gebiet. Berlin wünschte sich ein unter deutscher Vorherrschaft stehendes, ethnisch homogenes "Großalbanien", scheiterte jedoch zunächst mit dem Versuch, eine deutschfreundliche Marionettenregierung in Tirana zu installieren. Von diesem Zeitpunkt an nutzte das Deutsche Reich das Kosovo als eigentlichen Angelpunkt seiner Albanienpolitik. Im Herbst 1943 rekrutierte die Wehrmacht ein aus rund 2.000 deutschfreundlichen Kosovo-Albanern bestehendes Bataillon, das als Eliteeinheit nach Tirana geschickt wurde; es half bei der Installierung eines albanischen Kollaborationsregimes und wurde vor allem zur Partisanenbekämpfung eingesetzt.
Vernichtungspolitik
Vom Kosovo aus beteiligten sich Albaner auch an der deutschen Vernichtungspolitik. Im Februar 1944 gab Hitler den Befehl, die SS-Division "Skanderbeg" aufzubauen. Ihre 6.500 Mann wurden aus den albanischen Einheiten der 13. SS-Bosniaken-Gebirgsdivision sowie aus albanischen Milizen zusammengestellt.[5] Ihr Standort war Prizren - dort ist heute die Bundeswehr stationiert -, sie operierte hauptsächlich im Kosovo und hatte den erklärten Auftrag, das "ethnisch-reinrassige Albanien" zu "schützen". Die SS-Division "Skanderbeg" zog plündernd, vergewaltigend und mordend durch die Wohngebiete der Serben, Juden und Roma im Kosovo und kämpfte gegen jugoslawische Partisanen, während die deutschen Besatzer Juden und Roma in die Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager deportierten.
Kollaborateure
Wegen der intensiven Kollaboration der kosovo-albanischen Bevölkerung mit den Deutschen war es für Widerstandskämpfer fast unmöglich, im Kosovo Fuß zu fassen. Selbst als Ende 1944 die Partisanen die Wehrmacht in die Flucht getrieben und Albanien befreit hatten, blieb das Kosovo noch im deutschen Einflussbereich. Während die von Enver Hoxha geführten Partisanen im November 1944 Tirana eroberten, stützten die Deutschen eine antikommunistische Regierung im Kosovo unter Führung des langjährigen Kollaborateurs Xhafer Deva mit der Lieferung großer Mengen an Waffen, Munition und Lebensmitteln. Der Widerstand der Deva-Truppen gegen Titos Partisanen dauerte von November 1944 bis Mai 1945 und konnte erst durch den Einsatz von dreißigtausend Partisanen zerschlagen werden.
Nähere Informationen über deutsche Maßnahmen zur Abspaltung des Kosovo finden Sie hier: Neuer Vasall, Imperiale Vollendung, Teil der Verwaltung, Die Wiederauferstehung Jugoslawiens, Die Herren des Rechts, Paketlösung, Abmontiert, Sieger im Kalten Krieg, Selbstbestimmung, Die zweite Welle, Dayton II und Mit kreativen Tricks.
[1] "Einen Kompromiss mit Serbien erwarten wir nicht"; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 19.11.2007
[2] Russija nece dati Kosova; www.pressonline.co.yu 11.11.2007
[3] Bosnien-Herzegowina vor Zerfall?; St. Galler Tagblatt 31.10.2007
[4] Die Lunte brennt. Vor dem Ende der Kosovo-Verhandlungen am 10. Dezember wachsen die Spannungen auch im benachbarten Mazedonien; junge Welt 16.11.2007
[5] Matthias Küntzel: Der Weg in den Krieg. Deutschland, die NATO und das Kosovo, Berlin 2000
=== 3 ===
Mit kreativen Tricks
05.11.2007
BERLIN/BELGRAD/PRISTINA (Eigener Bericht) - Noch vor der heute beginnenden Verhandlungsrunde über die Zukunft des Kosovo drohen Berlin und Brüssel mit der Anerkennung einer baldigen Sezession. Wie bei der EU verlautet, widersetzen sich nur noch zwei Mitgliedstaaten dem seit Jahren von Berlin geförderten Ansinnen. Internationales Recht, das dem Vorhaben entgegensteht, könne man mit "Tricks" und "kreativen" Interpretationen geltender Rechtssätze aushebeln. Da Jugoslawien, dessen "Souveränität und territoriale Unversehrtheit" die Resolution 1244 des UN-Sicherheitsrates garantiert, nicht mehr existiere, mache die Abspaltung des Kosovo "keinen großen Unterschied mehr". Die Ankündigung erneuter Willkürmaßnahmen gegen Serbien, die wie der Krieg im Frühjahr 1999 trotz russischen Vetos durchgesetzt werden sollen, erinnert an die Ursprünge des Kosovo-Konfliktes im Jahr 1912. Bereits damals suchte Berlin mit allen Mitteln den Einfluss Belgrads und Moskaus in Südosteuropa einzuschränken. Paris und London gaben den deutschen Erpressungen nach, um Schlimmeres zu verhindern - vergeblich: Der Konflikt spitzte sich weiter zu.
Wie BRD und DDR
Bereits vor den aktuellen westlichen Drohungen haben serbische Politiker die Verhandlungspläne des deutschen Diplomaten Wolfgang Ischinger scharf kritisiert. Ischinger vertritt Brüssel im Rahmen der sogenannten Kosovo-Troika, der die EU, die USA und Russland angehören; er plädiert für eine Gestaltung des serbisch-kosovarischen Verhältnisses nach dem Modell der Beziehungen zwischen der BRD und der DDR.[1] Der serbische Außenminister Vuk Jeremic sprach schon vor mehreren Tagen von einem besonders schwierigen Verhandlungsauftakt. Der serbische Kosovo-Minister Slobodan Samardzic warnte davor, das Gesprächsthema von der Erörterung der Statusfrage zur Erörterung künftiger Beziehungen zwischen dem Kosovo und Serbien zu verschieben.[2] Belgrad weist dieses Ansinnen strikt zurück und fordert als Ausgangspunkt der Verhandlungen, dass beide Seiten auf einseitige Akte - etwa eine Sezessionserklärung - verzichten.
Präzedenzfall
Der Zeitplan für die letzten Gesprächsrunden ist klar terminiert. Auf das heutige Treffen in Wien soll am 20. November eine weitere Verhandlungssitzung in Brüssel fogen. Wenn auch dort keine Lösung erzielt wird, soll am 27. November eine mehrtägige Konferenz beginnen. Der Vertreter der EU in der Troika, der deutsche Botschafter in London und Kosovo-Beauftragte Wolfgang Ischinger, verlangt einen Abschluss der Verhandlungen zum 10. Dezember. Das Parlament in Pristina hat angekündigt, an diesem Tag einseitig die Unabhängigkeit zu erklären. Die USA haben dafür bereits ihre Unterstützung zugesagt. Angestrebt werde demnach eine streng kontrollierte Sezession, in deren Rahmen die im Kosovo verbleibende Mission von EU und NATO ermächtigt bleibe, Entscheidungen zu treffen. Die serbische Regierung warnt nach wie vor, ein solcher Schritt verstoße gegen das Völkerrecht, schaffe einen gefährlichen Präzedenzfall und stelle die Stabilität der gesamten Region in Frage.
Unklar
Medienberichte bestätigen nun, dass in Berlin die Entscheidung gefallen ist, einer Sezession des Kosovo unter westlicher Kontrolle zuzustimmen.[3] Demnach erklären sich inzwischen 25 der 27 EU-Staaten mit dieser Lösung einverstanden.[4] Auch Spanien und die Slowakei sind inzwischen dazu bereit, obwohl sie eine Zunahme separatistischer Aktivitäten im eigenen Land befürchten und auf lange Sicht um ihre eigene territoriale Integrität bangen müssen. Nur Griechenland und Zypern setzen sich noch zur Wehr [5]; ihr Widerstand gilt in Berlin jedoch als überwindbar. Unklar ist, wie Moskau auf die Abspaltung reagieren wird. Der Kreml unterstützt bislang seinen traditionellen serbischen Verbündeten - trotz des scharfen Gegensatzes zu Berlin, der in Südosteuropa eine lange Tradition aufweist.
Eigenständig
Bereits der Ursprung des Kosovo-Konflikts ist auf das Bemühen Berlins zurückzuführen, den deutschen Einfluss in Südosteuropa auf Kosten Moskaus auszuweiten. Am 13. März 1912 hatten Serbien und Bulgarien unter Mitwirkung Russlands einen "Balkanbund" gegründet, dem sich wenig später Griechenland und Montenegro anschlossen. Der Bund richtete sich primär gegen das Osmanische Reich und zielte darauf ab, die osmanische Herrschaft in Südosteuropa zurückzudrängen. Am 17. Oktober 1912 eröffneten die Staaten des Balkanbundes den Krieg gegen Konstantinopel. In wenigen Wochen war die osmanische Armee besiegt. Sie verlor die Kontrolle über Mazedonien, Thrakien, das Kosovo und Albanien. Die Partner des Balkanbundes sahen als Ergebnis des Krieges die Bildung eines größeren bulgarischen Staates und die Ausweitung Serbiens auf das Kosovo und Albanien vor. Damit hätten Belgrad und sein Bündnispartner Moskau erstmals eine Chance auf eine eigenständige Handelspolitik in Europa erhalten.
Deutscher Prinz
Die deutsche Regierung jedoch wollte sich damit unter keinen Umständen abfinden. Reichskanzler Bethmann-Hollweg erklärte am 2. Dezember 1912, das Deutsche Reich fühle sich berechtigt, "an der Neuregelung der Dinge, die die Folge des Krieges sein wird, mitzuwirken, denn an der künftigen Gestaltung der ökonomischen Dinge am Balkan sind wir sehr wesentlich interessiert".[6] Berlin drängte die übrigen europäischen Großmächte, eine Konferenz zur Grenzziehung in Südosteuropa einzuberufen, die im Dezember 1912 in London tatsächlich stattfand. Großbritannien und Frankreich ging es vor allem darum, einen Krieg Deutschlands und Österreichs gegen Serbien und Russland zu verhindern. Aufgrund des Berliner und Wiener Druckes wurde auf der Londoner Konferenz die Gründung des Staates Albanien beschlossen. Damit war ein serbischer Adriahafen verhindert worden. Zum ersten Herrscher Albaniens wurde der deutsche Prinz von Wied eingesetzt. Die Londoner Konferenz gestand Serbien lediglich das Kosovo zu, um Belgrad und Moskau nicht gänzlich zu verprellen.
Weltkrieg
Der Keim des heutigen Konfliktes war damit gelegt. Doch auch so ließ sich der deutsch-öst
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Minsk, IX međunarodni sastanak komunističkih partija
Komunisti sveta protiv nezavisnosti Kosova
(sull'incontro di Minsk in occasione del 90. anniversario dell'Ottobre si veda anche:
Minsk: Il P.C. portoghese all'Incontro Internazionale:
Minsk: Intervista a Tatjana Golubiova - P.C. della Bielorussia (KPB)
Minsk: Incontro dei Partiti Comunisti e Operai di (foto e video)
===
http://komunisti.50webs.com/skoj17.html
Minsk, IX međunarodni sastanak komunističkih partija posvećen 90-to godišnjici Velike oktobarske socijalističke revolucije
Komunisti sveta protiv nezavisnosti Kosova
Na 9 međunarodnom sastanku komunističkih i radničkih partija sveta, koji će se održati od 3-5.novembra u Minsku, Belorusija, i biti posvećen obeležavanju 90 godišnjice Velike Oktobarske Socijalističke Revolucije, delegacija Nove komunističke partije Jugoslavije (NKPJ) u kojoj će biti i predstavnici Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ), na čelu sa generalnim sekretarom Brankom Kitanovićem, predložiće tekst zajedničke rezolucije protiv drskih pokušaja imperijalista Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Evropske unije da iz sastava Srbije izdvoje Kosovo, na taj način što bi te države priznale Ģnezavisnostģ Kosova koju će, kao najavljuje, jednostrano proglasiti marionetski proimperijalistički režim u Prištini. S obzirom da je stav međunarodnog komunističkog pokreta da je Kosovo okupaciona zona NATO pakta i da su ranije, na sedmom i osmom međunarodnom sastanku komunističkih i radničkih partija sveta u Atini i Lisabonu, donesene rezolucije protiv nasilnog menjanja granica u Evropi i stvaranja novih kvazi država pod okupacijom i protektoratom imperijalizma SAD i EU, informacije kojima NKPJ raspolaže u ovom trenutku govore da će u Minsku biti usvojena i ova treća rezolucija protiv nezavisnosti Kosova i o nepovredivosti teritorijalnog integriteta i suvereniteta Srbije. NKPJ će zatražiti od komunističkih i radničkih partija zastupljenih u Evropskom parlamentu ( a to su KP Francuske, Italije,Španije, Portugala, Grčke, Češke i Kipra ) da i u tom parlamentarnom telu istupe protiv nezavisnosti Kosova i zatraže donošenje rezolucije kojim bi se osudilo eventualno jednostrano proglašavanje nezavisnosti od strane marionetskog proimperijalističkog režima u Prištini.
Sekretarijat SKOJ-a
31. oktobar 2007. god.
===
KONFERENCIJА KOMUNISTIČKIH PАRTIJА SVETА U MINSKU I MOSKVI
Povodom proslave 90 - godišnjice Velike oktobarske socijalističke revolucije od 1 - 9. novembra u Minsku i Moskvi 83 komunističke partije sa svih kontinenata održale su konferenciju, uz mnogobrojne manifestacije radnog i svečanog karaktera. Sa prostora bivše SFRJ na konferenciji su učestvovali: Branko Kitanović, Generalni sekretar Nove komunističke partije Jugoslavije, članovi Sekretarijata Branko Ivanović i Roman Mulić, kao i čan Centralnog komiteta Teodor Stanković.
U prvom delu Konferencije ičestovao je i Pero Ođžaklijevski iz Makedonije. Branko Kitanović je podneo referat o značaju i poukama Velikog oktovra koji je naišao na izvanredan prijem kod učesnika. Članovi delegacije NKPJ bili su veoma aktivni u diskusijama i u svim manifestacijama koje su pratile jubilarne skupov u Belorusiji i Rusiji. Pozdravni telegram učesnicima uputio je predsednik Belorusije Аleksandar Lukašenko.
Sedmog novembra Komunistička partija Ruske Federacije organizovala je višekilometarski marš po centralnim ulicama Moskve, a potom je nekoliko stotina hiljada ljudi učestvovalo na veličanstvenom mitingu ispred spomenika Karla Marksa. Po završetku mitinga, neposredno ispred Crvenog trga, usledio je џinovski vatromet kakav nije viđen od raspada SSSR-a Istog dana mitinzi i marševi organizovai su i u drugim gradovima Rusije. Pre podne 7. novembra Savez veterana Otaџbinskog rata organizovao je paradu na Crvenom trgu. Istog dana sve delegacije komunističkih partija položile su vence u mauzoleju B.I.Lenjina i na spomenik J.V.Staljina.
Tokom čitave minifestacije vezane za 90-godišnjicu Velikog oktobra učesnici sa svih kontinenata istakli su da su ideje i pouke Oktobarske revolucije sa protekom vremena sve aktuelnije i da one žive u srcima, mislima i delima stotine miliona ljudi u socijalističkim državama , u Latinskoj Аmerici, u komunističkim i drugim progresivnim partijama. One su neodvojive od besmrtnog dela Marksa, Engelsa, Lenjina, Staljina i drugih velikana naučnog socijalizma.
Na konferenciji je naglašeno da se idejno i akciono jedinstvo komunista sveta može graditi isključivo na bazi marksizma-lenjinizma i da se ne sme dozvoliti nikakvo zagađivanje komunističke ideologije raznim socijalidemokratskim, anarhističkim, trockističkim i drugim reformističkim penetracijama u teoriji i praksi kompartija. Zaključeno je da treba jačati sveukupnu koordinaciju između komunističkih partija, zasnovanom na proleterskom internacionalizmu. U tom smislu, neophodna je što veća saradnja međunarodnom časopisu Solinet (koji izdaje KP Grčke), preko interneta i u međunarodnom časopisu "Marksizam i savremenost", koji se štampa takođe na više jezika u Ukrajini. NKPJ je formacijski članica Solidneta, a Branko Kitanović je član redakcije časopisa "Marksizam i savremenost". Moraju se čvršće koordinirati i druge akcije Međunarodnog komunističkog pokreta.
Naredna konferencija komunističkih partija sveta održaće se u Brazilu 2008.g. U međuvremenu organizovaće se susreti kompartija planete u Moskvi, Kijevu, Аtini, Havani, Karakasu, Kalkuti, Pragu, Briselu i u drugim regionima sveta. Konferencija kompartija Balkana biće održana 2008.g. u Solunu, a potom u Beogradu. Na konferenciji u Moskvi usvojene su rezolucije o podršci Kubi (protiv blokade i permanentnog pritiska SАD), oslobodilačkoj borbi naroda Iraka, Аvganistana i Palestine, protiv izgradnje raketnog štita SАD u Poljskoj i Češkoj, o podršci Venecuele i DNR Koreji. U rezoluciji o Kosmetu, koju je podnela NKPJ, stoji da se ne sme dozvoliti stvaranje nezavisne druge albanske države na teritoriji Srbije.
Osmog novembra Branko Kitanović je održao predavanje u Institutu za filozofiju Ruske akademije nauka o situaciji u Srbiji i na celom postjugoslovenskom prostoru. Istakao je da je Nova komunistička partija, kao jedina marksističko-lenjinistička partija na prostoru bivše SFRJ izložena žestokoj informativnoj blokadi i da je raznim proceduralnim trikovima i nedemokratskom izbornom zakonu sprečena da od 2000-te godine učestvuje na parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji. Naime, po navedenom zakonu, Partija treba da prezentira Izbornoj komisiji 10 hiljada u praksi 11000 potpisa predlagača. Potpisi se sa svim podacima daju na sudu, odnosno predlagači time izjavljuju da će glasati za komuniste. Time je prekršeno demokratsko načelo o tajnosti glasanja. Drugo, uz potpis se daju svi podaci iz lične karte, što zaposleni u državnim ustanovama, prosveti i kod privatnika može stvoriti niz problema. Treće, blizu 40 odsto građana Srbije živi u mestima gde nema sudova, čime je njihovo pravo da predlažu kandidate za poslanike faktički ukinuto. Četvrto, potpise prati plaćanje takse. I peto, u zakonu ne stoji da je sud obavezan da Partiji stavi na raspolaganje službenika za overu potpisa tokom celog predizbornog procesa. Pa u praksi ispada da sudovi "nemaju" službenika za overu potpisa za NKPJ. Sem toga, NKPJ je podvrgnuta ingormativnoj i drugim blokadama i pritiscima.
Petog dana Konferencije komunističkih partija sveta delegacija Mađarske komunističke radničke partije, na čelu sa Đulom Tirmerom, vratila se u Budimpeštu, jer je 6. novembra održano suđenje celom rukovodstvu Mađarske partije zbog navodih "zločina u vremenu komunizma". I celo rukovodstvo je osuđeno na po dve godine zatvora uslovno. Ovaj brutalan neofašistički potez mađarske vladajuće vrhuške uzazvao je gnev i revolt svih učesnika konferencije. Odlučeno je da se odmah krene u kampanju za ukidanje ove inkvizicijske presude. Predstavnici kompartija Poljske, Slovačke, Češke, Bugarske, Mađarske, Rumunije i NKPJ dogovorili su se, posle razgovora sa venecuelanskim komunistima, da krajem ove ili početkom naredne godine posete Venecuelu.
Svi članovi delegacije NKPJ odlikovai su beloruskim i ruskim odrednima Oktobarske revolucije. Radi se o kopijama pozlaćenih ordena Oktobarske revolucije koji su dodeljivani u vreme postojanja Sovjetskog saveza.
Delegacija NKPJ razgovarala je sa rukovodstvom Komunističke partije Ruske Federacije o lično sa drugom Genadijem Zjuganovom o predstojećim parlamentarnim i predsedničkim izborima u Rusiji. Obavešteni smo da, i pored žestokih pritisaka i diskriminacija kojima su podvrgnuti, ruski komunisti očekuju veoma značajan uspeg na narednim izborima.
10.11.2007.g.
ZА NKPJ BEOGRАD
Branimir Ivanović
Operativni sekretar
RADIO SKANDERBEG
È bene ogni tanto dare un'occhiata al sito di Radio Radicale... tanto
per sapere quali nuove destabilizzazioni bollono in pentola. Infatti,
la loro posizione ufficiale e le loro priorità coincidono
perfettamente con quelle del Dipartimento di Stato USA.
Sulle questioni della Grande Albania hanno una trasmissione ed una
pagina dedicata:
http://fainotizia.radioradicale.it/user/nura-artur
Tra le altre cose si legge:
"Veton Surroi, presidente del Partito ORA in Kosovo e membro del
gruppo dei negoziatori kosovari albanesi, mentre si è incontrato con
il capo dell’ufficio tedesco a Prishtina, Karl Albrecht Vokalek, ha
dichiarato che alla fine del processo dei negoziati sul Kosovo,
l’Unione Europea ha bisogno della leadership tedesca, perché, secondo
Surroi, alla fine questo caso sara fondamentale per l’integrazione
storica europea nella unione dei popoli liberi"
Sembra scritto nel 1943... ed invece siamo nel 2007.
(Segnalato da Luca S.)
È bene ogni tanto dare un'occhiata al sito di Radio Radicale... tanto
per sapere quali nuove destabilizzazioni bollono in pentola. Infatti,
la loro posizione ufficiale e le loro priorità coincidono
perfettamente con quelle del Dipartimento di Stato USA.
Sulle questioni della Grande Albania hanno una trasmissione ed una
pagina dedicata:
http://fainotizia.radioradicale.it/user/nura-artur
Tra le altre cose si legge:
"Veton Surroi, presidente del Partito ORA in Kosovo e membro del
gruppo dei negoziatori kosovari albanesi, mentre si è incontrato con
il capo dell’ufficio tedesco a Prishtina, Karl Albrecht Vokalek, ha
dichiarato che alla fine del processo dei negoziati sul Kosovo,
l’Unione Europea ha bisogno della leadership tedesca, perché, secondo
Surroi, alla fine questo caso sara fondamentale per l’integrazione
storica europea nella unione dei popoli liberi"
Sembra scritto nel 1943... ed invece siamo nel 2007.
(Segnalato da Luca S.)
Protest march in Ljubljana – capital city of Slovenija ex republic of former Jugoslavija!
70000 protestors took the streets of Slovenijan capital Ljuljana on 17th.November 2007.
70000 protestors took the streets of Slovenijan capital Ljuljana on 17th.November 2007.
Trade unions, pensioners and students, left wing activists, anti war movements and comunists groups walked together and demanded higher salaries for workers. The average salary is about 1200 Euros per month in Slovenija but 75% of workers did not earn this sum of money. 80000 workers are working for miserable minimum salary which is only 350 – 400 Euro per month. Slovenija has the highest inflation rate in EU - 5,2% - and it is caused by the Euro as new currency. The protest was organized by SSS - Svobodni Sindikati Slovenije (Free Unions of Slovenija). There are about 20% of 2 million inhabitants of Slovenija that live in poverty. Food prices and electricity went skyhigh for 25 – 30 % in year 2007 in Slovenija.
A picture of the demonstration:
Demonstrators also protested against the right wing neo-fascist PM of Slovenija, Janez Jansa, one of war mongers and profiteers of Jugoslav wars back in 1991! PM Jansa was one of the organizers of weapons' smuggling in Croatia and Bosnia in 1991-1994, he had charge of Defense minister in government in this years. His bunch of war profiteers broke the international law and UN weapons' embargo in the area of former Jugoslavija.
Death to fascism – freedom to the people! Fight for solidarity and social state! Socialism not capitalism!
Revolutionary bureau for public information Slovenija / Slovenija communist commitee.
Rudolf Baloh
Annamaria Rivera*
Razzisti in doppiopetto: dov’è la differenza dai colleghi di destra?
“Liberazione”, 16 nov. 2007, p. 5
L’avevo definito razzismo “democratico” o “rispettabile”, quel razzismo subdolo e ipocrita che sorge dalle viscere dell’area un tempo detta di sinistra. Mi sembrava che fosse utile collocarlo in una categoria specifica, non priva d’ironia, per distinguerlo sia dal razzismo istituzionale (che ne è una delle componenti), sia dal razzismo dichiarato e disinibito, se non esibizionista, che caratterizza settori della destra, estrema e non. Oggi che si dispiegano gli effetti della campagna inaugurata dai sindaci “democratici” con il Patto per la sicurezza, devo ricredermi: dal punto di vista fenomenologico, il ciclo del razzismo avviato dagli apprendisti stregoni democratici ben poco si differenzia dalle classiche campagne razziste, se non per l’irresponsabilità con la quale si è scoperchiato il vaso di Pandora facendone uscire mostri incontrollabili. Ciò che si va squadernando sotto i nostri occhi è un fenomeno vetusto, descritto dagli storici ripetute volte: un’isteria collettiva, alimentata dal potere e dalle agenzie comunicative al suo servizio, che finisce per sfuggire al loro stesso controllo e per incanalarsi nella direzione della caccia alle streghe o del pogrom.
Anche sul versante delle retoriche cui fa ricorso, il razzismo rispettabile poco s’allontana dal razzismo tout court, se non per contorsioni verbali e sfumature d’accento dovute a qualche pretesa finezza intellettuale. Un certo ministro, davvero persuaso d’essere sottile, ha dichiarato che le misure sicuritarie servono proprio a bloccare il dilagare dell’intolleranza fra la gente comune. Insomma, secondo il principio dell’omeopatia, per prevenire il razzismo ordinario conviene somministrare qualche buona dose di razzismo istituzionale.
Ancora più sottili si credono i tanti soloni democratici che, non potendo esibire dati statistici, discettano di “insicurezza percepita”: un’altra insopportabile litania, che nasconde la convinzione che la plebe sia naturalmente portata ad attribuire a qualche capro espiatorio le ragioni del proprio disagio sociale. Ne discende l’idea, classicamente populista per non dir peggio, per la quale al grido di dolore che si leva dalla plebe in cerca di capri espiatori si debba rispondere con la punizione o l’allontanamento del capro espiatorio.
Ho abitato per molti anni in una città del Sud che aveva guadagnato il titolo di capitale dello scippo: la microcriminalità era parte della vita sociale quotidiana, il borseggio e lo scippo erano incidenti considerati banali dalla maggioranza della popolazione, l’eventualità d’essere depredata del magro salario mentre salivi sull’autobus o andavi al mercato era realisticamente contemplata e talvolta si realizzava. L’insicurezza era dunque un dato reale, non solo percepito, e la qualità della vita collettiva ne era condizionata. Ma né a me né ad altri è mai passato per la mente di additare capri espiatori, di reclamare una legge d’emergenza contro i giovani sottoproletari di quella città, squisitamente “autoctoni”, di auspicare la distruzione del CEP, il quartiere a più alta densità di microcriminalità giovanile.
Voglio dire che oggi sembrano ormai dimenticati i principi elementari che distinguevano non dico la sinistra ma qualsiasi cultura liberale: per esempio, che il sociale si spiega col sociale, non con la criminologia o con qualche rabberciata teoria razzialista; che mali, iniquità e contraddizioni sociali si affrontano e si risolvono con politiche sociali, non con la sospensione delle garanzie democratiche, con speciali misure repressive, con deportazioni di massa. Ormai morto per i più sembra essere perfino il principio basilare per cui, se è vero che il sociale si spiega con il sociale, nondimeno ciascuno, in ultima istanza, è responsabile, personalmente, dei propri discorsi e delle proprie azioni. E’ innegabile: per una molteplicità di fattori materiali e culturali, oggi i ceti popolari si sentono abbandonati, ingannati, insicuri, e ne hanno ben ragione. Altrettanto innegabile è che nel nostro paese –come altrove, del resto- v’è un progressivo scadimento della qualità della vita collettiva, che in parte è il riflesso dello scadimento della vita politica. Ma il salto fra un vissuto d’insicurezza e di anomia sociali nonché d’incertezza del futuro e la xenofobia detta e praticata non è ineluttabile. Chi lo sostiene fa del positivismo d’accatto e mostra, appunto, d’aver gettato alle ortiche, insieme a tutti gli altri, anche il principio della responsabilità personale.
Di questo principio fa strame il decreto sicurezza, che reintroduce il criterio barbarico della colpa e della punizione collettive, che sospende le garanzie democratiche per una specifica categoria di persone connotata etnicamente, se non razzialmente, che, prima ancora d’essere approvato, incita, almeno simbolicamente, alla vendetta istituzionale e popolare contro quella categoria, con la distruzione perfino degli insediamenti rom autorizzati e attrezzati a spese dei Comuni (i cittadini non avrebbero forse ragione di protestare per l’ingiustificata distruzione di beni pubblici che essi stessi hanno contribuito a sovvenzionare?).
Ciò che colpisce è che pochi (questo giornale è una delle rare eccezioni positive) osino dire che il re è nudo: cioè che, se oggi in certi settori popolari serpeggiano odio, disprezzo e aggressività verso i “diversi”, non è per qualche legge naturale ma perché lorsignori non solo non hanno fatto niente per attenuare le concrete ragioni sociali dell’insicurezza, ma hanno sollecitato, eccitato e legittimato quei sentimenti con una ben orchestrata campagna; che, se tali pulsioni si esprimono in discorsi ed atti razzisti, di essi sono responsabili personalmente coloro che li pronunciano o li compiono, che siano signori o plebei; che, infine, discorsi ed atti razzisti sono da sanzionare anche con gli strumenti che la legge mette a disposizione. Avete sentito qualcuno, in questo infausto periodo, invocare una severa applicazione delle leggi per coloro che istigano all’odio razziale? A tal proposito e per inciso, conviene ricordare che ben dieci mesi fa il consiglio dei ministri ha approvato il ddl che reintroduce le norme della legge Mancino depenalizzate nella precedente legislatura: non è pochino chiedere un semplice atto dovuto in cambio del consenso ad un decreto che si configura come una legge d’eccezione? Chiunque abbia cultura democratica non dovrebbe rifiutare una misura legislativa speciale, qualunque sia il suo contenuto, che è stata concepita sull’onda di una campagna razzista?
In un tempo lontano August Bebel definì “socialismo degli imbecilli” il fenomeno della presenza di pregiudizi antiebraici nelle organizzazioni socialiste e democratiche. Come possiamo definire l’attitudine odierna di quei democratici che cinicamente lanciano o aderiscono a campagne sicuritarie ed eterofobiche (non volendo dire “razziste”) per mediocri ragioni di bottega e di consenso, per quel mimetismo autolesionistico che li spinge a scimmiottare goffamente gli avversari? Lorsignori si offenderebbero se li definissimo socialisti, quindi non ci resta che l’aggettivo “imbecilli”. Sì, giocare col fuoco del razzismo è da perfetti imbecilli, non solo perché questo gioco la destra sa condurlo meglio di loro, non solo perché le pulsioni più oscure, che essi hanno sollecitato e incoraggiato, già stanno diventando pogrom, ma anche perché quelle pulsioni, ben lontane dal tramutarsi in consenso in loro favore, prima o poi gli si rivolteranno contro.
Almeno dalla metà dell’Ottocento, le campagne razziste muovono, in modo esplicito o implicito, dalla paura della decadenza, dall’ossessione della degenerazione, biologica o sociale. L’elaborazione di dottrine e ideologie razziste, conviene ricordare, non è appannaggio esclusivo del pensiero reazionario: v’è un filone interno alle correnti di riforma sociale che è interno alla stessa storia del razzismo. Basterebbe ricordare due figure centrali nella storia delle teorie razzialiste: Cesare Lombroso, socialista animato dall’intento della redenzione delle “classi pericolose”, e George Vacher de Lapouge, uno dei grandi teorici del razzismo scientista e dell’eugenismo, il quale si dichiarava socialista, ateo e libertario. L’ansia di purificarsi dal disordine, l’utopia di città, società, umanità perfettamente ordinate, razionali, libere da difetti fisici e da patologie sociali è trascesa facilmente nel progetto di annientare i soggetti sociali deboli, indocili, anomali, che con la loro stessa esistenza testimoniano del disordine. Oggi quest’ansia s’incarna in governanti e politici, gazzettieri e imbonitori televisivi che condividono un mediocre senso comune conformista, perbenista e repressivo: piccoloborghese, si potrebbe dire, se non fosse che tanti piccoloborghesi sono ben più umani e capaci di razionalità politica. L’ossessione paranoide dell’ordine e della sicurezza, della bonifica sociale e della reductio ad unum non ha mai annunciato alcunché di buono.
*Antropologa dell’Università di Bari, autrice de: La guerra dei simboli, Dedalo, Bari 2005; Estranei e nemici. Discriminazione e violenza razzista in Italia. DeriveApprodi, Roma 2003; coautrice de L’imbroglio etnico, in quattordici parole-chiave, Dedalo, Bari 2001.
Balkanalysis.com
November 18, 2007
Kosovo auf Deutsch
By David Binder*
Forget about status negotiations for a moment. The
near-term outlook for Kosovo is unalterably grim: an
economy stuck in misery; a bursting population of
young people with “criminality as the sole career
choice;” an insupportably high birthrate; a society
imbued with corruption and a state dominated by
organized crime figures.
These are the conclusions of “Operationalizing of the
Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans,” a
124-page investigation by the Institute for European
Policy commissioned by the German Bundeswehr and
issued last January.
This month the text turned up on a weblog. It is
labeled “solely for internal use.”
Provided one can plow through the appallingly dense
Amtsdeutsch - “German officialese” - that is already
evident in the ponderous title, a reader is rewarded
with sharp insights about Kosovo.
Occasionally a flicker of human frustration with the
intractability of Kosovo’s people appears in the
stolid German text. That reminded me of an encounter
44 years ago in the fly-specked cafeteria of
Pristina’s Kosovski Bozur Hotel, occupied by a lone
guest drinking a beer. He introduced himself as an
engineer from Germany.
What was he doing here?” I inquired. “Ich verbloede,”
he replied - “I am stupefying myself.” - (or, I am
making myself stupid).
In this text, the authors make clear that Germany’s
interest in Kosovo rests on its “geographic proximity”
and its roles as the most important supplier of troops
and provider of money for the province.
Failure would mean “incalculable risks for future
foreign and security policy” of the Federal Republic.
The authors point out a “grotesque denial of reality
by the international community” about Kosovo, coupling
that with the warning of “a new wave of unrest that
could greatly exceed the level of escalation seen up
to now.”
The institute authors, Mathias Jopp and Sammi Sandawi,
spent six months interviewing 70 experts and mining
current literature on Kosovo in preparing the study.
In their analysis the political unrest and guerrilla
fighting of the 1990s led to basic changes which they
call a “turnabout in Kosovo-Albanian social
structures.” The result is a “civil war society in
which those inclined to violence, ill-educated and
easily influenced people could make huge social leaps
in a rapidly constructed soldateska.”
“It is a Mafia society” based on “capture of the
state” by criminal elements. (”State capture” is a
term coined in 2000 by a group of World Bank analysts
to describe countries where government structures have
been seized by corrupt financial oligarchies. This
study applied the term to Montenegro’s Milo
Djukanovic, by way of his cigarette smuggling and to
Slovenia, with the arms smuggling conducted by Janez
Jansa). In Kosovo, it says, “There is a need for
thorough change of the elite.”
In the authors’ definition, Kosovan organized crime
“consists of multimillion-Euro organizations with
guerrilla experience and espionage expertise.” They
quote a German intelligence service report of “closest
ties between leading political decision makers and the
dominant criminal class” and name Ramush Haradinaj,
Hashim Thaci and Xhavit Haliti as compromised leaders
who are “internally protected by parliamentary
immunity and abroad by international law.”
They scornfully quote the UNMIK chief from 2004-2006,
Soeren Jessen Petersen, calling Haradinaj “a close and
personal friend.” UNMIK, they add “is in many respects
an element of the local problem scene.”
They cite its failure to improve Kosovo’s energy
supply, and “notable cases of corruption that have led
to alienation from Kosovo public and to a hostile
picture of a colonialist administration.” They
describe both UNMIK and KFOR as infiltrated by agents
of organized crime who forewarn their ringleaders of
any impending raids. “The majority of criminal
incidents do not become public because of fear of
reprisals.
Among the negative findings listed are:
The justice system’s 40,000 uncompleted criminal
cases;
The paucity of corruption-crime investigations (10-15
annually);
The province’s 400 gas stations (where 150 would
suffice), many of which serve as fronts for brothels
and money-changing depots;
A Kosovo Police Service “dominated by fear, corruption
and incompetence”;
The study sharply criticizes the United States for
“abetting the escape of criminals” in Kosovo as well
as “preventing European investigators from working.”
This has made Americans “vulnerable to blackmail.”
It notes “secret CIA detention centers” at Camp
Bondsteel and assails American military training for
Kosovo (Albanian) police by Dyncorp, authorized by the
Pentagon.
In an aside, it quotes one unidentified official as
saying of the American who is deputy chief of UNMIK,
“The main task of Steve Schook is to get drunk once a
week with Ramush Haradinaj.”
Concerning the crime scene the authors conclude that
“with resolution of the status issue and the
successive withdrawal of international forces the
criminal figures will come closer than ever to their
goal of total control of Kosovo.”
Among the dismal findings of the German study are
those on the economy:
Sinking remission of money from Kosovans working
abroad, a primary source of income for many Kosovo
families, pegged now at 560 million euros per annum;
Some 88 percent of the land now in private ownership,
meaning ever more sub dividing of plots, usually among
brothers, leading to less and less efficient
agriculture;
Proliferation of NGOs - now numbering 2,400 – the
great bulk of which exist for shady purposes;
A hostile climate for foreign investors, frightened by
political instability and the power of mafia
structures.
A central issue in Kosovo is an “inexhaustible supply
of young people without a future and therefore ready
for violence,” the study says. The only remedy for
dealing with this “youth bulge” is to open northern
Europe’s gates to young Kosovans seeking jobs, the
authors say.
In anticipation of a transfer of oversight from the UN
to the European Union, the authors warn: “the EU is in
danger of following too strongly in the wake of a
failed UN and to disintegrate under the inherited
burden unless they make an open break with practices
and methods of UNMIK.” One of the experts they
interviewed put it more bluntly: “the EU is inheriting
from UNMIK a fireworks store filled with pyromaniacs.”
In the estimate of the authors neither NATO nor the EU
or UN appear capable of self examination, much less
self-criticism. The authors draw a picture of
self-satisfied incompetents in all international
organizations dealing with Kosovo.
However, in their depiction, Kosovans appear equally
beholden to legend - in their case of historic
exploitation - such that if they finally achieve
independence, all will suddenly be well. In the past
Kosovans could and did always blame somebody else for
their troubles: Ottomans, Yugoslavs, Serbs.
Now they have begun to blame UNMIK. But what will
happen if they have only themselves to blame?
*David Binder (born 1931) was a correspondent for The
New York Times from 1961 until 2004. He specialized in
coverage of central and eastern Europe, based in
Berlin, Belgrade and Bonn. The current piece was
published in Belgrade’s Politika on July 16, 2007.
http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/11/18/kosovo-auf-deutsch/
November 18, 2007
Kosovo auf Deutsch
By David Binder*
Forget about status negotiations for a moment. The
near-term outlook for Kosovo is unalterably grim: an
economy stuck in misery; a bursting population of
young people with “criminality as the sole career
choice;” an insupportably high birthrate; a society
imbued with corruption and a state dominated by
organized crime figures.
These are the conclusions of “Operationalizing of the
Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans,” a
124-page investigation by the Institute for European
Policy commissioned by the German Bundeswehr and
issued last January.
This month the text turned up on a weblog. It is
labeled “solely for internal use.”
Provided one can plow through the appallingly dense
Amtsdeutsch - “German officialese” - that is already
evident in the ponderous title, a reader is rewarded
with sharp insights about Kosovo.
Occasionally a flicker of human frustration with the
intractability of Kosovo’s people appears in the
stolid German text. That reminded me of an encounter
44 years ago in the fly-specked cafeteria of
Pristina’s Kosovski Bozur Hotel, occupied by a lone
guest drinking a beer. He introduced himself as an
engineer from Germany.
What was he doing here?” I inquired. “Ich verbloede,”
he replied - “I am stupefying myself.” - (or, I am
making myself stupid).
In this text, the authors make clear that Germany’s
interest in Kosovo rests on its “geographic proximity”
and its roles as the most important supplier of troops
and provider of money for the province.
Failure would mean “incalculable risks for future
foreign and security policy” of the Federal Republic.
The authors point out a “grotesque denial of reality
by the international community” about Kosovo, coupling
that with the warning of “a new wave of unrest that
could greatly exceed the level of escalation seen up
to now.”
The institute authors, Mathias Jopp and Sammi Sandawi,
spent six months interviewing 70 experts and mining
current literature on Kosovo in preparing the study.
In their analysis the political unrest and guerrilla
fighting of the 1990s led to basic changes which they
call a “turnabout in Kosovo-Albanian social
structures.” The result is a “civil war society in
which those inclined to violence, ill-educated and
easily influenced people could make huge social leaps
in a rapidly constructed soldateska.”
“It is a Mafia society” based on “capture of the
state” by criminal elements. (”State capture” is a
term coined in 2000 by a group of World Bank analysts
to describe countries where government structures have
been seized by corrupt financial oligarchies. This
study applied the term to Montenegro’s Milo
Djukanovic, by way of his cigarette smuggling and to
Slovenia, with the arms smuggling conducted by Janez
Jansa). In Kosovo, it says, “There is a need for
thorough change of the elite.”
In the authors’ definition, Kosovan organized crime
“consists of multimillion-Euro organizations with
guerrilla experience and espionage expertise.” They
quote a German intelligence service report of “closest
ties between leading political decision makers and the
dominant criminal class” and name Ramush Haradinaj,
Hashim Thaci and Xhavit Haliti as compromised leaders
who are “internally protected by parliamentary
immunity and abroad by international law.”
They scornfully quote the UNMIK chief from 2004-2006,
Soeren Jessen Petersen, calling Haradinaj “a close and
personal friend.” UNMIK, they add “is in many respects
an element of the local problem scene.”
They cite its failure to improve Kosovo’s energy
supply, and “notable cases of corruption that have led
to alienation from Kosovo public and to a hostile
picture of a colonialist administration.” They
describe both UNMIK and KFOR as infiltrated by agents
of organized crime who forewarn their ringleaders of
any impending raids. “The majority of criminal
incidents do not become public because of fear of
reprisals.
Among the negative findings listed are:
The justice system’s 40,000 uncompleted criminal
cases;
The paucity of corruption-crime investigations (10-15
annually);
The province’s 400 gas stations (where 150 would
suffice), many of which serve as fronts for brothels
and money-changing depots;
A Kosovo Police Service “dominated by fear, corruption
and incompetence”;
The study sharply criticizes the United States for
“abetting the escape of criminals” in Kosovo as well
as “preventing European investigators from working.”
This has made Americans “vulnerable to blackmail.”
It notes “secret CIA detention centers” at Camp
Bondsteel and assails American military training for
Kosovo (Albanian) police by Dyncorp, authorized by the
Pentagon.
In an aside, it quotes one unidentified official as
saying of the American who is deputy chief of UNMIK,
“The main task of Steve Schook is to get drunk once a
week with Ramush Haradinaj.”
Concerning the crime scene the authors conclude that
“with resolution of the status issue and the
successive withdrawal of international forces the
criminal figures will come closer than ever to their
goal of total control of Kosovo.”
Among the dismal findings of the German study are
those on the economy:
Sinking remission of money from Kosovans working
abroad, a primary source of income for many Kosovo
families, pegged now at 560 million euros per annum;
Some 88 percent of the land now in private ownership,
meaning ever more sub dividing of plots, usually among
brothers, leading to less and less efficient
agriculture;
Proliferation of NGOs - now numbering 2,400 – the
great bulk of which exist for shady purposes;
A hostile climate for foreign investors, frightened by
political instability and the power of mafia
structures.
A central issue in Kosovo is an “inexhaustible supply
of young people without a future and therefore ready
for violence,” the study says. The only remedy for
dealing with this “youth bulge” is to open northern
Europe’s gates to young Kosovans seeking jobs, the
authors say.
In anticipation of a transfer of oversight from the UN
to the European Union, the authors warn: “the EU is in
danger of following too strongly in the wake of a
failed UN and to disintegrate under the inherited
burden unless they make an open break with practices
and methods of UNMIK.” One of the experts they
interviewed put it more bluntly: “the EU is inheriting
from UNMIK a fireworks store filled with pyromaniacs.”
In the estimate of the authors neither NATO nor the EU
or UN appear capable of self examination, much less
self-criticism. The authors draw a picture of
self-satisfied incompetents in all international
organizations dealing with Kosovo.
However, in their depiction, Kosovans appear equally
beholden to legend - in their case of historic
exploitation - such that if they finally achieve
independence, all will suddenly be well. In the past
Kosovans could and did always blame somebody else for
their troubles: Ottomans, Yugoslavs, Serbs.
Now they have begun to blame UNMIK. But what will
happen if they have only themselves to blame?
*David Binder (born 1931) was a correspondent for The
New York Times from 1961 until 2004. He specialized in
coverage of central and eastern Europe, based in
Berlin, Belgrade and Bonn. The current piece was
published in Belgrade’s Politika on July 16, 2007.
http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/11/18/kosovo-auf-deutsch/
(Un commento della SKOJ - organizzazione giovanile del Nuovo Partito Comunista di Jugoslavia - sulla isteria anticomunista che imperversa nell'Europa "democratica")
ANTIKOMUNISTIČKA HISTERIJA U "DEMOKRATSKOJ" EVROPI NE JENJAVA
Bauk kruži Evropom - bauk komunizma. Sve sile stare Evrope ujedinile su se u svetu hajku protiv tog bauka. Iz ove činjenice proizilazi-sve evropske sile već priznaju komunizam kao silu. (Manifest Komunističke partije)
Od januara 2006. godine kada je usvojena sramna deklaracija Saveta Evrope kojom se demonizuje i izjednačava sa fašizmom socijalizam koji je postojao na prostoru bivšeg SSSR-a, Istočne i Srednje Evrope započeta je opšta antikomunistička kampanja širom Evrope.
Prva žrtva ove kampanje bila je Komunistička omladina Češke i Moravske-KSM, podmladak Komunističke partije Češke i Moravske-KSCM, partije koja ima znatan uticaj u češkom parlamentu. Zabrana rada KSM desila se upravo pred same parlamentarne izbore u Češkoj, tako da je pozadina celog slučaja bila i više nego jasna.
U godini kada je čitavo progresivno čovečanstvo s ponosom i pijetetom obeležilo 90 godina Velike oktobarske socijalističke revolucije evropska antikomunistička histerija poprimila je nove razmere.
U susednoj Mađarskoj rukovodstvo Radničke partije Mađarske osuđeno je dve godine uslovne slobode zbog «vređanja suda i države». Još od ranije u ovoj zemlji, kao i susednoj Rumuniji zabranjena je upotreba epiteta komunistička u nazivima partija, kao i upotreba crvene zvezde petokrake, simbola pod kojim je Evropa oslobođena najveće nemani – fašizma.
U Turskoj u okviru kampanje protiv sve uticajnije Komunističke partije Turske TKP uhapšen je jedan od njenih istaknutih rukovodilaca.
Ponašanje evropske buržoazije predstavlja još jedan dokaz straha od obnove socijalizma u Evropi. Ni malo ne čudi ovakvo drsko ponašanje evropske reakcije i to baš u trenutku kada je antiglobalistički pokret u svetu sve jači, kada su organizovani protesti radničke klase sve učestaliji i kada u Latinskoj Americi u državama kao što su Venecuela i Bolivija na vlast parlamentarnim putem dolaze autentični marksisti. Sramna antikomunistička histerija predstavlja samo goli strah buržoaskih partija od povratka crvenih do koga ce neminovno i doći zbog nepravde koje proizvodi kapitalističko eksploatatorsko društvo.
Savez komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ) najoštrije osuđuje antikomunističku histeriju koja je zahvatila Evropu i izražava punu solidarnost sa bratskim partijama koje su se našle na udaru sramnih akcija kukavičke evropske buržoazije.
Sekretarijat SKOJ-a
Beograd, 19. novembar 2007. god.
L'articolo mi ha commosso.
Erano bei tempi. Si cantava, felici ed orgogliosi, "Samac- Sarajevo, to je nasa meta..." (Samac- Sarajevo, questo e' il nostro obiettivo...), "Jedan dva, jedan dva, omladina Titova..." (Uno due, uno due, gioventù di Tito...). Soddisfatti di aver contribuito alla ricostruzione della Jugoslavia sulle macerie della guerra di Liberazione.
Anche il sottoscritto ha partecipato alla costruzione della superstrada "Unita' e Fratellanza" che collegava Lubiana- Zagabria- Belgrado- Skoplje.
Nelle gole della "Grdelicka klisura" (luoghi bombardati dalla NATO nel marzo 1999, mentre passava il treno espresso sulla linea per la Macedonia e la Grecia!), nel luglio 1960, nella mia brigata istriana "Paja Marganovic", un ragazzo e' morto tragicamente. Non ricordo il suo nome.
Ora anche l'ultimo della marmaglia si prende il diritto di deridere quel nostro sforzo, quel nostro contributo all'idea ed alla realizzazione dell'Unita' e della Fratellanza.
Ivan
PS. Alla pagina https://www.cnj.it/immagini/OmladinskaPruga.jpg , tratta dall'archivio della nostra Milena, un disegno apparso su di una rivista nel novembre 1946; "Brcko-Banovici", la prima delle ferrovie, iniziata col contributo volontario della gioventù jugoslava ed anche straniera.
On Nov 18, 2007, at 10:07 PM, Coord. Naz. per la Jugoslavia wrote:
Jubilej obilježen partizanskim pjesmama
D. Muminović17.11.2007 20:28SARAJEVO - Vožnjom svečanim vozom od Šamca do Sarajeva obilježeno je juče 60 godina izgradnje omladinske pruge Šamac - Sarajevo.Glavna ceremonija održana je na željezničkoj stanici u Sarajevu, na kojoj je jučer popodne dočekan svečani voz. Obilježavanju ovog jubileja prisustvovali su mnogi građani, učesnici u izgradnji pruge, predstavnici željeznica i političari predvođeni predsjedavajućim Predsjedništva BiH Željkom Komšićem.Željeznička pruga ukupne dužine 240 kilometara izgrađena je od aprila do sredine oktobra 1947. godine. Izgradnja, u okviru koje je postavljeno ukupno 320 kilometara kolosijeka, prokopano tunela u dužini od 2,2 kilometra, te izgrađeno 17 mostova, i danas se vodi kao svjetski rekord u građenju.Najveći dio tereta izgradnje ove pruge na svojim plećima iznijelo je više od 211.000 omladinaca iz bivše Jugoslavije i gotovo 6.000 omladinaca iz cijelog svijeta. Tokom izgradnje poginula je omladinka Jelena, po kojoj je željeznička stanica u Nemiloj kod Zenice kasnije dobila ime."To su bila vremena. Radilo se samo za krišku hljeba i čašu vode. Ujutru kreneš i cijeli dan u one tačke tovariš zemlju i istresaš na nasip. Ponesem zastavu i počnem pjesmu i krenemo u rad", kazala je jučer Zilha Hasanbegović, udarnica, koja je u vrijeme izgradnje pruge imala 17 godina.Ona smatra da današnja omladina nije loša, ali je nema ko organizovati."Mi nismo išli po kafićima. A drugačije je i vrijeme bilo. Nisu se ljudi izdvajali po nacijama i vjeri ", rekla je Zilha, jedna od 40.000 omladinki koje su učestvovale u izgradnji pruge.Na peronu željezničke stanice u Sarajevu, na kojem su jučer odjekivale partizanske pjesme, mnogi udarnici su svojim unucima pričali o događajima sa gradnje. Brojni nisu mogli savladati emocije, a prilikom zaustavljanja svečanog voza u Zenici, većina putnika je plakala sjećajući se starih vremena."Prije smo uz pjesmu bili spremni mjesecima na teški rad da izgradimo prugu, a danas ni kućni savjet ne može da organizuje djecu da snijeg ispred haustora počiste", rekao je Fadil, jedan od udarnika koji je svečani voz u Sarajevu jučer dočekao sa svojim unukom.Na peronu u Sarajevu bilo je i udarnika sa slikama Josipa Broza Tita, a predsjedavajućeg Predsjedništva BiH Željka Komšića oslovljavali su sa "druže Željko".Komšić je izgradnju pruge Šamac - Sarajevo ocijenio "veličanstvenim djelom od povijesnog značaja za Bosnu i Hercegovinu"."Svi su tada shvatili težinu situacije u kojoj se nalazila zemlja. Znali su da se samo radom iz zaostalosti može izaći na put razvoja", rekao je Željko Komšić.Apelovao je na sve u BiH da se okrenu budućnosti, koristeći iskustva generacije koja je izgradila prugu Šamac - Sarajevo.http://www.nezavisne.com/vijesti.php?vijest=17034&meni=25SARAJEVO - Con un viaggio del treno da Samac a Sarajevo, oggi è stato evocato il sessantesimo anniversario dalla costruzione della ferrovia della gioventù Samac - Sarajevo.La ferrovia lunga 240 chilometri è stata costruita dall'aprile fino a metà ottobre del 1947. Sono stati posati 320 chilometri di binari, scavate gallerie di lunghezza totale 2,2 chilometri, eretti 17 ponti. Anche nei tempi odierni, quest'opera rappresenta un record mondiale nella velocità di costruzione.Il maggior peso della costruzione lo portarono sulle proprie spalle più di 211.000 giovani dalla Jugoslavia, e quasi 6.000 giovani da svariate parti del mondo."Allora eravamo pronti ai lavori pesanti per lunghi mesi, con i canti sulle labbra, mentre oggi non si riesce neanche al livello del condominio di un caseggiato ad organizzare i bambini a spazzare la neve davanti i portoni", ha detto Fadil, uno degli stakanovisti, che ha atteso il treno alla stazione di Sarajevo, assieme con il suo nipote.(a cura di DK. Vedere anche:Visita alla Ferrovia della Gioventù Brcko-Banovici (1946) http://www.cnj.it/CULTURA/krleza.htm )
(castillano/francais)
Hugo Chávez llama la OPEP a abandonar el dólar y dejar que se hunda la economía estadounidense
19 DE NOVIEMBRE DE 2007
Contrariamente a lo acostumbrado, la 3ª Cumbre de Jefes de Estado y de gobierno de la OPEP, que se reunió en Riyad el 17 y 18 de noviembre de 2007, se convirtió en teatro de duros enfrentamientos políticos. Irán y Venezuela, países que contribuyeron ampliamente a recuperar el crédito de este cártel, plantearon claramente la posibilidad de hacerlo explotar y de cambiar radicalmente el sistema monetario mundial en su conjunto.
Mientras que el rey Abdallah de Arabia Saudita había preparado una agenda centrada en el impacto ecológico de la industria del petróleo, el presidente venezolano Hugo Chávez hizo estremecerse a la monarquía al mencionar la creciente responsabilidad de los Estados productores de petróleo hacia los países en vías de desarrollo en el contexto de alza masiva del precio del crudo. Más tarde, dio otra estocada al subrayar que el alza constituye principalmente una forma de compensar la debilidad del dólar.
Después de haber señalado ambos factores, la delegación venezolana –con el apoyo de la delegación iraní– pidió que, para proteger la economía mundial ante la fragilidad del dólar estadounidense, las transacciones petroleras internacionales dejen de facturarse en esa moneda; proposición que, de ser aceptada, obligaría a Estados Unidos a asumir él sólo el costo de su propia economía de guerra, provocando así su quiebra total en pocas horas.
La monarquía saudita –con el apoyo de los generales argelinos– se cerró el camino a esta resolución, que no fue incluida en la declaración final. Sin embargo, Venezuela e Irán se reservan la posibilidad de concretar la proposición a título particular.
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Hugo Chavez demande à l’OPEP d’abandonner le dollar et de laisser plonger l’économie US
18 NOVEMBRE 2007
Une fois n’est pas coutume, le IIIe sommet des chefs d’État et de gouvernement de l’OPEP, réuni à Riyad les 17 et 18 novembre 2007, a été le théâtre de vifs affrontements politiques. L’Iran et le Venezuela, qui ont largement contribué à restaurer le crédit du cartel, ont clairement envisagé de le faire exploser et de renverser l’ensemble du système monétaire mondial.
Alors que le roi Abdallah d’Arabie saoudite avait conçu un ordre du jour centré sur l’impact écologique de l’industrie pétrolière, le président vénézuélien Hugo Chavez a fait frémir la monarchie en évoquant la responsabilité accrue des États pétroliers par rapport aux pays en voie de développement dans le contexte d’une hausse massive du prix du brut. Puis, passant à l’estocade suivante, il a souligné que cette hausse était principalement une manière de compenser la faiblesse du dollar.
Ceci étant posé, la délégation vénézuélienne —soutenue par son homologue iranienne— a demandé que, pour protéger l’économie mondiale de la faiblesse du dollar US, les transactions pétrolières internationales ne soient plus facturées dans cette monnaie ; une proposition qui, si elle était mise en pratique, contraindrait les États-Unis à assumer seuls le coût de leur économie de guerre, et donc provoquerait leur faillite totale en quelques heures.
Montant au créneau, la monarchie séoudienne —appuyée par les généraux algériens— a fait barrage à cette résolution qui a été écartée de la déclaration finale. Cependant, le Venezuela et l’Iran se réservent la possibilité de passer à l’acte en ce qui les concerne.
Journaliste et écrivain, président du Réseau Voltaire.
Jubilej obilježen partizanskim pjesmama
D. Muminović
17.11.2007 20:28
SARAJEVO - Vožnjom svečanim vozom od Šamca do Sarajeva obilježeno je juče 60 godina izgradnje omladinske pruge Šamac - Sarajevo.
Glavna ceremonija održana je na željezničkoj stanici u Sarajevu, na kojoj je jučer popodne dočekan svečani voz. Obilježavanju ovog jubileja prisustvovali su mnogi građani, učesnici u izgradnji pruge, predstavnici željeznica i političari predvođeni predsjedavajućim Predsjedništva BiH Željkom Komšićem.
Željeznička pruga ukupne dužine 240 kilometara izgrađena je od aprila do sredine oktobra 1947. godine. Izgradnja, u okviru koje je postavljeno ukupno 320 kilometara kolosijeka, prokopano tunela u dužini od 2,2 kilometra, te izgrađeno 17 mostova, i danas se vodi kao svjetski rekord u građenju.
Najveći dio tereta izgradnje ove pruge na svojim plećima iznijelo je više od 211.000 omladinaca iz bivše Jugoslavije i gotovo 6.000 omladinaca iz cijelog svijeta. Tokom izgradnje poginula je omladinka Jelena, po kojoj je željeznička stanica u Nemiloj kod Zenice kasnije dobila ime.
"To su bila vremena. Radilo se samo za krišku hljeba i čašu vode. Ujutru kreneš i cijeli dan u one tačke tovariš zemlju i istresaš na nasip. Ponesem zastavu i počnem pjesmu i krenemo u rad", kazala je jučer Zilha Hasanbegović, udarnica, koja je u vrijeme izgradnje pruge imala 17 godina.
Ona smatra da današnja omladina nije loša, ali je nema ko organizovati.
"Mi nismo išli po kafićima. A drugačije je i vrijeme bilo. Nisu se ljudi izdvajali po nacijama i vjeri ", rekla je Zilha, jedna od 40.000 omladinki koje su učestvovale u izgradnji pruge.
Na peronu željezničke stanice u Sarajevu, na kojem su jučer odjekivale partizanske pjesme, mnogi udarnici su svojim unucima pričali o događajima sa gradnje. Brojni nisu mogli savladati emocije, a prilikom zaustavljanja svečanog voza u Zenici, većina putnika je plakala sjećajući se starih vremena.
"Prije smo uz pjesmu bili spremni mjesecima na teški rad da izgradimo prugu, a danas ni kućni savjet ne može da organizuje djecu da snijeg ispred haustora počiste", rekao je Fadil, jedan od udarnika koji je svečani voz u Sarajevu jučer dočekao sa svojim unukom.
Na peronu u Sarajevu bilo je i udarnika sa slikama Josipa Broza Tita, a predsjedavajućeg Predsjedništva BiH Željka Komšića oslovljavali su sa "druže Željko".
Komšić je izgradnju pruge Šamac - Sarajevo ocijenio "veličanstvenim djelom od povijesnog značaja za Bosnu i Hercegovinu".
"Svi su tada shvatili težinu situacije u kojoj se nalazila zemlja. Znali su da se samo radom iz zaostalosti može izaći na put razvoja", rekao je Željko Komšić.
Apelovao je na sve u BiH da se okrenu budućnosti, koristeći iskustva generacije koja je izgradila prugu Šamac - Sarajevo.
SARAJEVO - Con un viaggio del treno da Samac a Sarajevo, oggi è stato evocato il sessantesimo anniversario dalla costruzione della ferrovia della gioventù Samac - Sarajevo.
La ferrovia lunga 240 chilometri è stata costruita dall'aprile fino a metà ottobre del 1947. Sono stati posati 320 chilometri di binari, scavate gallerie di lunghezza totale 2,2 chilometri, eretti 17 ponti. Anche nei tempi odierni, quest'opera rappresenta un record mondiale nella velocità di costruzione.
Il maggior peso della costruzione lo portarono sulle proprie spalle più di 211.000 giovani dalla Jugoslavia, e quasi 6.000 giovani da svariate parti del mondo.
"Allora eravamo pronti ai lavori pesanti per lunghi mesi, con i canti sulle labbra, mentre oggi non si riesce neanche al livello del condominio di un caseggiato ad organizzare i bambini a spazzare la neve davanti i portoni", ha detto Fadil, uno degli stakanovisti, che ha atteso il treno alla stazione di Sarajevo, assieme con il suo nipote.
(a cura di DK. Vedere anche:
Visita alla Ferrovia della Gioventù Brcko-Banovici (1946) https://www.cnj.it/CULTURA/krleza.htm )
(italiano / francais / english)
Tetova after Kosova (4)
Ciliegine:
(1) IPOCRISIA E MALAFEDE DEL COMMISSARIO EUROPEO
(2) MACEDONIA PRONTA AL RADDOPPIO DEL CONTINGENTE IN IRAQ / La Macédoine enverra des troupes supplémentaires en Irak
(3) I fantasmi di Tetovo: maxi retata nella regione albanofona in Macedonia, si teme l'effetto Kosovo
(4) Altre notizie / NEWS
(5) Macedonian Special Police Eliminate Armed Albanian Group with Paramilitary, Wahhabi Ties, Seizing Massive Arsenal:
Special Report by Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso
ALTRI LINK:
Macedonia: torna la violenza
di Risto Karajkov ("free-lance" legato a Soros ed Ahtisaari, vedi: http://www.archiviostampa.it/it/nomi/nom.aspx?id=4012 )
TETOVA AFTER KOSOVA - The previous parts can be read here:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5617
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5639
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5682
Il dossier in lingua italiana può essere letto qui:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5627
Vedi anche / see also: Pan-Albanian intellectuals call for Greater Albania
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5567
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Source of most of the following documents is R. Rozoff via stopnato @ yahoogroups.com
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COME OGNI MACEDONIA CHE SI RISPETTI,
ANCHE QUESTA HA LE SUE CILIEGINE:
(1) ---
L'IPOCRISIA E LA MALAFEDE DEL COMMISSARIO EUROPEO
<< Il Commissario europeo all'allargamento, Olli Rehn, ha affermato che Bruxelles non ritiene che quanto accaduto sia collegato al processo sullo status in Kosovo. “Spero che nessuno utilizzi quanto avvenuto come scusa per causare instabilità nella regione”, ha affermato Rehn. >>
(2) ---
MACEDONIA PRONTA AL RADDOPPIO DEL CONTINGENTE IN IRAQ
BELGRADO - Incurante del fuggi fuggi generale, c'é almeno un Paese al mondo che si appresta a raddoppiare il proprio contributo (invero modesto) alla forza militare a guida Usa schierata in Iraq: è la Macedonia, repubblica-fazzoletto dell'ex Jugoslavia, decisa a farsi notare come può fra i nuovi candidati all'ingresso nella Nato. Presente finora sull'insanguinato fronte iracheno con 44 uomini, Skopje ha annunciato oggi per bocca del governo l'intenzione di portare il contingente a quota 80. Un passo che attende solo il visto (scontato) del Parlamento. "La decisione è presa e conferma come il nostro Paese stia diventando un visibile esportatore di stabilità", ha dichiarato il ministro della Difesa macedone, Antonio Milososki, citato dai media serbi. "Siamo lieti, in quanto rappresentanti di un Paese che aspira ad aderire alla Nato, di poter mostrare che già da candidati sappiamo essere solidali con i partner dell'Alleanza e condividerne le responsabilità", ha aggiunto. Con l'incremento della sua presenza in Iraq, la Macedonia - già impegnata nel suo piccolo nella missione militare Nato in Afghanistan e in quella a guida Ue in Bosnia - punta a riproporsi in veste di Stato affidabile. E a riverniciare una immagine offuscata di recente dai timori espressi da Ue e Nato per il riemergere di tensioni, nel Paese, con la folta e inquieta minoranza albanese locale. Un problema che rischia di frustrare le ambizioni di Skopje e che si somma a quello dei difficili rapporti con un socio importante di Bruxelles come la Grecia: Paese il quale rivendica a una sua provincia l'uso esclusivo dello storico nome geografico di Macedonia e che proprio in questi giorni ha platealmente boicottato un meeting regionale di delegazioni militari di Paesi membri e partner della Nato promossa a Skopje dagli Stati Uniti.
02/11/2007 19:22
La Macédoine enverra des troupes supplémentaires en Irak
TIRANA, 2 novembre (XINHUA) -- Le gouvernement macédonien a décidé d'envoyer 36 soldats supplémentaires en Irak, portant à 80 le nombre total de ses soldats déployés en Irak, selon les informations parvenues vendredi à Tirana en provenance de Skopje.
"La décision a réaffirmé que la Macédoine est une force grandissante de la stabilité. En tant que demandeur d'une adhésion de l'Otan, nous sommes ravis de démontrer notre solidarité envers nos partenaires de l'Alliance", a déclaré le ministre macédonien des Affaires étrangères Antonio Milososki.
La décision devrait être appliquée si elle était approuvée par le Parlement, où le gouvernement jouit d'une majorité absolue.
La Macédoine participe également à la force de sécurité internationale dirigée par l'Otan en Afghanistan et la force de maintien de la paix dirigée par l'Union européenne (UE) en Bosnie.
La Macédoine souhaite adhérer à l'Otan, avec l'Albanie et la Croatie, au début de l'année prochaine au prochain sommet de l'Otan à Bucarest, capitale de la Roumanie.
En revanche, la Grèce, son pays voisin, a menacé à plusieurs reprises d'imposer son veto contre l'adhésion de la Macédoine, si une solution ne pouvait pas être trouvée pour résoudre des disputes entre les deux pays
(3) ---
http://www.peacereporter.net/dettaglio_articolo.php?idc=0&idart=9226
Macedonia - 08.11.2007
I fantasmi di Tetovo
Maxi retata nella regione albanofona in Macedonia. Si parla di criminalità comune, ma si teme l'effetto Kosovo
Reparti speciali che scalano il monte Sara, miliziani asserragliati nei loro rifugi e armati fino ai denti, elicotteri che volteggiano sul territorio macedone al confine con l'Albania, e sparano ripetutamente tra gli alberi. Ieri,dalle prime luci dell'alba fino al tardo pomeriggio, nella provincia di Tetovo è stata battaglia, come non accadeva da anni. Il bilancio finale registra otto miliziani morti, quattro arrestati, un arsenale sequestrato e un elicottero della polizia disperso, forse abbattuto.
Il ricordo del 2001. La provincia di Tetovo non è un posto come un altro in Macedonia: è la roccaforte della minoranza albanese nel paese, il 25 percento dei due milioni di abitanti. Ogni avvenimento che accade in questa zona, ha una rilevanza determinante, perché le tensioni tra la minoranza albanese e il resto della popolazione sono sempre pronte a incendiarsi. L'annus horribilis fu il 2001, quando davvero sembrava che la guerriglia albanese legata all'Uck kosovaro volesse tentare il colpo di mano. Si preferì il dialogo, che portò all'accordo di Ohrid, ma la tensione è rimasta latente.
"Abbiamo effettuato oggi un rastrellamento nelle zone montane nei pressi di Tetovo per sradicare gruppi di banditi armati operanti nella zona, tra i quali molti evasi dalle carceri in Kosovo”, ha dichiarato Ivo Kotevski, portavoce della polizia di Skopje, incontrando i giornalisti e riferendo dell'operazione e del bilancio dell'attacco.
I media locali, giusto per comprendere il clima, hanno addirittura riportato voci secondo le quali certi personaggi sono stati fatti evadere di proposito dal Kosovo per destabilizzare la Macedonia.
Onda d'urto. E' il cosiddetto 'effetto Kosovo' che, a cicli costanti, torna a far tremare la Macedonia. Dopo la guerra in Kosovo, che sembrava l'inizio del cammino per l'indipendenza della provincia serba a maggioranza albanese da Belgrado, la regione di Tetovo era in fermento, e i fatti del 2001 lo dimostrano. Poi l'accordo di pace e l'amministrazione della Nazioni Unite, che ha reso la frontiera tra il Kosovo e la Macedonia un terreno poroso dove gli albanesi si muovono a piacimento, aveva congelato la situazione. Adesso però, mentre l'amministrazione Onu volge al termine e la diplomazia pare bloccata sull'incertezza della sorte del Kosovo, gli animi tornano a scaldarsi.
I leader politici albanesi del Kosovo hanno parlato chiaro: se entro la metà di dicembre non si troverà un accordo con Belgrado, dichiareranno l'indipendenza unilaterale con la benedizione dall'amministrazione Bush. Che succederà allora in Macedonia?
Tra mafia e indipendenza. La questione viene complicata dal fatto che il limite tra il problema politico e quello del racket, da quelle parti, è molto sottile. Basta prendere ad esempio la figura di Lirim Jakupi, il capo della banda albanese assaltati ieri e sfuggito alla cattura. Conosciuto anche come il 'nazista', Jakupi dopo aver combattuto nelle file della guerriglia irredentista in Kosovo, si è spostato nella regione di Tetovo, per continuare, a suo dire, la lotta di liberazione delle minoranze albanesi. Jakupi non è solo un leader politico-militare, ma anche un criminale internazionale, che controlla con i suoi uomini una parte dei traffici di droga, armi e di donne da sfruttare per il racket della prostituzione.
Questa variabile non potrà non pesare negli equilibri della regione, dove il Kosovo da anni appare una sorta di 'terra di nessuno' eletta a proprio feudo dalla criminalità internazionale che approfitta dell'assenza di un vero e proprio stato. Il governo macedone, in vista dell'indipendenza del Kosovo, teme l'effetto domino. Ieri ha preso l'iniziativa.
Christian Elia
(4) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Southeast European Times
October 10, 2007
Macedonia concerned about armed groups from Kosovo
By Goran Trajkov
[Excerpts]
Skopje - While a solution to the Kosovo status issue
proves elusive, the potential for destabilisation is
becoming more concrete. According to KFOR, armed
groups from the province are infiltrating Macedonia,
taking advantage of weak control by local authorities.
However, many say their goals are more criminal than
political in nature.
The groups are a blend of nationalist sentiment and
mafia-like behaviour. Their main strongholds in
Macedonia are said to be in Skopje, Kumanovo,
Aracinovo, Lipkovo and Vaksince. Analysts usually
divide them into four distinct "families".
The first, nicknamed "Cobra", is led by Avdil
"Chakala" Jakupi and includes about 50 people.
It operates between Aracinovo and Vaksince, and poses
a danger to EUROFOR troops because of its ability to
deploy mines and other heavy weaponry against armoured
vehicles and helicopters.
The second and the third groups are located in the
Gorna Gora region and in Vaksince. They are led by
Bekim Taipi and Naim Halili, who are wanted by
Macedonian police for drug trafficking. The fourth
operates around Skopje. It is led by Hamdi
Bajramovski, the successor to Nedjmedin Demiri, who
was killed this summer.
The groups also operate in southern Serbia, where they
have staged organised attacks aimed at encouraging
turmoil.
....
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Focus News Agency (Bulgaria)
October 15, 2007
Vecer: DPA organizes rally supporting independent Kosovo
Skopje - In Tetovo, on Friday, October 19th, the
Macedonian Democratic Party of Albanians [DPA] is
organizing a rally in support to independent Kosovo
and a national consensus about Macedonia’s EU amd NATO
memberships, the Macedonian Vecer newspaper writes.
The DPA made the decision on Saturday. The party added
it was backed by the coalition partner Party for
Democratic Prosperity [PDP], Islamic religious
community, and students from Tetovo University and
University of Southeastern Europe.
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Messy endgame delays U.S. exit from Kosovo
Matt Robinson
Reuters - Thursday, October 18, 2007
PHOTO: A view of the Kosovo village of Debelde on the border with Macedonia April 28, 2006. A new road to Debelde represents the 'soft-power' of U.S. peacekeepers in a region where gunrunners and smugglers flit back and forth over the porous border that cuts Debelde from its sister village of Tanusevci in Macedonia, a niggling threat to stability. REUTERS/Hazir Reka
CAMP BONDSTEEL, Serbia (Reuters) - From the vantage point of a U.S. Black Hawk helicopter, the new road to Debelde cuts a tidy yellow line through tilled farmland on Kosovo's southern border with Macedonia.
The road was a U.S. military project completed six weeks ago, transforming the mud path to the remote mountain village and improving access for the ethnic Albanians living there.
It represents the 'soft-power' of U.S. peacekeepers in a region where gunrunners and smugglers flit back and forth over the porous border that cuts Debelde from its sister village of Tanusevci in Macedonia, a niggling threat to stability.
Stretched by campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military had hoped to be out of Serbia's breakaway southern province by now, eight years since being deployed with NATO in the alliance's second Balkan mission after Bosnia.
But faced with a Russian-versus-West deadlock on Kosovo's demand for independence, and the prospect of the Albanian majority striking out alone, an influential U.S. presence -- currently 1,600 National Guardsmen -- is seen as crucial.
Thoughts of a drawdown with the planned end of Serb-Albanian talks in December are on hold for at least another 18 months.
At some point in this period, the Albanians are expected to declare independence and seek recognition, in a messy end to their eight-year limbo as a U.N. protectorate.
Leaders of Serbia and Kosovo will hold more talks next Monday in Vienna, with still no sign of breakthrough in sight.
NATO's Kosovo Force, KFOR, "is going to be here for a long period of time, at some level over the next three or four years," said U.S. Brigadier General Douglas Earhart, who hands over command of U.S. troops in Kosovo next month.
"I think the U.S. will be part of that as long as there is KFOR," he told Reuters, adding that the next U.S. troop rotation was no smaller than the current presence and "there's another rotation already planned after them, of the same size."
"In 18 months you can probably make the case that even more progress is going to be made, it's going to be even more stable ... and that a reduced security presence might be okay."
Reports of armed men around Tanusevci, where smugglers and criminals have carved out a police no-go area, have heightened fears of regional unrest if Kosovo Albanians lose patience with the West's stalled bid to grant independence in the face of Serb and Russian opposition.
DISRUPTIVE BAD BUYS
NATO bombed Serbia for 11 weeks in 1999 until then strongman Slobodan Milosevic agreed to stop killing and ethnic cleansing of Albanian civilians in a two-year counter-insurgency war.
It now leads 16,000 soldiers in Kosovo, down from 45,000 when it deployed in 1999 on the heels of retreating Serb forces.
But analysts say that a messy endgame at the end of this year could revive insurgencies by Albanians in Macedonia and southern Serbia, put down in 2001 by NATO and European Union diplomacy. The Macedonian conflict began in Tanusevci.
U.S. troops have a 'forward operating base' in Debelde and soldiers regularly camp in the village for days at a time.
"It's just to keep everybody on an even keel and remembering that we're here not only to support them but to keep order down there, and prevent bad guys doing things that would be disruptive to the process," Earhart said.
"My interest is in making sure that outside influences don't get inside Debelde and create an unstable environment."
The interview took place in the U.S. military's sprawling Camp Bondsteel in southern Kosovo, built in three months in 1999 to house 7,000 troops, inside a 7 kilometer perimeter.
Earhart spoke before flying to the opening of a community centre in the Serb village of Partes in the east, built by Serbs and Albanians with 180,000 dollars of Pentagon funds.
An aerial tour of the U.S. command zone takes in U.S. humanitarian projects in hard-up villages with once-leaking school roofs and remote hamlets, now with new roads to improve medical access - 1 million dollars worth in the past year.
Earhart said he focuses on 40,000 Serbs in enclaves across his zone, about a third of the remaining Kosovo Serb population.
Their future is uncertain, particularly if Kosovo declares independence without a U.N. resolution and wins recognition from Washington and its major European Union allies.
A backlash by the Serb-dominated north could spark violence against Serbs elsewhere. Recognized by some but shunned by others, Kosovo could be a source of tension for years to come.
Earhart dismissed reports that some states might withdraw their troops from KFOR rather than recognize the new state.
"There is no doubt in my mind about KFOR's resolve to manage the situation in a way that keeps everything under control, even in the face of more status delays or perhaps postponement of decisions and that sort of thing," the U.S. general said.
© Reuters 2007
---
MakFax (Macedonia)
October 19, 2007
Rally to support Kosovo independence
Skopje - Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) and the
Party for Democratic Prosperity (PDP) will stage a
rally at Tetovo's central square on Friday to pledge
support to Kosovo independence and Macedonia's
admission to NATO and EU.
DPA called on supporters and the members of the
Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) to join the
rally.
Ali Ahmeti's DUI qualified the rally as an attempt to
undermine the authority of DUI leader.
Students of the Tetovo University and the SEE
University are expected to show up at the rally.
The head of the Islamic Religious Community called for
participation at the rally.
---
Deutsche Presse-Agentur/FoNet (Serbia)
October 19, 2007
Kosovo police seize weapons cache
PRIŠTINA - Kosovo police said Friday they seized a
major cache of weapons and ammunition and arrested
five people.
The weapons and ammunition were found in a raid in
Ðeneral Jankoviæ, in southeastern Kosovo, close to the
border with Macedonia, police said.
The cache included a recoilless cannon, an
anti-aircraft machine gun, a mortar, a sniper rifle
and 1,300 rounds of various ammunition.
The five arrested, aged between 30 and 72, were facing
charges linked to smuggling of weapons, police said.
Also Friday in Kosovo, police confirmed that an
explosive device was thrown at a Serbian Orthodox
church in Gnjilane.
The bomb, however, did not explode on impact, leaving
only a black trace on the wall of the St. Nikola
church, a KPS spokesman in the area told journalists.
....
Serb sources in town say that two Molotov cocktails
were in fact thrown at the Orthodox temple.
---
Ireland.com
Agencies
October 19, 2007
Albania rally for Kosovo independence
-After six months of fighting [in 2001], the Albanian
guerrilla army disbanded and entered [the] government,
but the ex-rebels warn they are ready to fight again
if Kosovo is denied independence.
Thousands of Albanians in Macedonia warned at a rally
today that dividing Kosovo would have a knock-on
effect across the Balkans and demanded independence
for their ethnic kin in the breakaway Serbian
province. [No one is suggesting dividing the Serbian
province of Kosovo. This is a total canard.]
Around 5,000 attended the rally in the western city of
Tetovo, the seat of a guerrilla insurgency in 2001....
Kosovo's two million Albanians are losing patience
with the diplomatic deadlock between the West and
Russia over their demand for independence from Serbia,
and NATO allies fear [sic] unrest would spread to
Albanian areas of neighbouring Macedonia.
....
Kosovo Albanian leaders reject partition, warning
[threatening] it would reignite fighting in Macedonia
and in Serbia's southern Presevo Valley.
"We oppose the partition of Kosovo. We think it will
have a domino effect in Macedonia and other parts of
the former Yugoslavia," Macedonia's ethnic Albanian
deputy prime minister, Imer Aliu, said.
...
After six months of fighting [in 2001], the Albanian
guerrilla army disbanded and entered [the] government,
but the ex-rebels warn they are ready to fight again
if Kosovo is denied independence.
The province has been run by the United Nations and
patrolled by NATO since 1999 when a NATO bombing
campaign forced Serbia to pull its troops out of
Kosovo....
---
MACEDONIA:AGGUATO, UCCISO POLIZIOTTO VICINO A CONFINE KOSOVO
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 24 OTT - Un poliziotto e' stato ucciso e altri due sono rimasti feriti oggi in un agguato compiuto in Macedonia, al confine con il Kosovo. Lo riferiscono fonti ufficiali macedoni. L'agguato e' avvenuto nel villaggio di Kodra Fura, 25 chilometri a nord di Skopje vicino alle montagne della provincia serba a maggioranza albanese del Kosovo. Gli aggressori non sono stati per ora individuati e nella zona e' al momento in corso un rastrellamento. Un mese fa in un episodio analogo un poliziotto e' stato ucciso e altri due sono stati feriti nella stessa zona, teatro nel 2001 di un breve ma sanguinoso conflitto originato dalla rivolta della guerriglia albanese-macedone. In Macedonia la minoranza albanese - la quale ha forti legami con i compatrioti del Kosovo - rappresenta circa un terzo della popolazione. (ANSA). COR
24/10/2007 18:01
---
A Tetovo la polizia controlla la presenza di gruppi armati
Delle persone armate in uniforme, senza insegne militari, nelle ultime due notti hanno fermato il traffico e controllato i viaggiatori sul territorio di alcuni villaggi nel comune di Tetovo, nella Macedonia settentrionale, riportano i media elettronici di Skoplje. Un ufficiale innominato della polizia macedone afferma che il Ministero dell’interno ha ricevuto le informazioni sulla presenza di persone in uniforme sulla strada Tetovo-Jazince, rilevando che le autorità di Skoplje sono molto preoccupate per questo. I media rilevano che esistono dei sospetti che si tratti di membri della sciolta organizzazione terroristica ANA. I funzionari macedoni hanno dichiarato che non sono stati annotati incidenti e che la situazione è sotto controllo.
Fonte: www.radioyu.org - 30.10.2007.
---
MACEDONIA: UCCISO EX LEADER GUERRIGLIA KOSOVARA
SKOPJE - Un capo-banda albanese, originario della provincia secessionista serba del Kosovo e gia' conosciuto negli anni '90 come esponente della guerriglia dell'Uck, e' stato ucciso in uno scontro a fuoco nell'area a maggioranza albanese della Macedonia. Lo riferiscono fonti di polizia della piccola repubblica ex jugoslava, precisando che l'uomo - Dxavid Morina, 44 anni - sembra essere morto in una resa dei conti con un clan avverso.
Il corpo di Morina e' stato trovato stamane crivellato di colpi sulla strada fra Tetovo e Jaznice, vicino al confine con il Kosovo. Stando agli investigatori, lo scenario e' quello di un'imboscata tesa da un gruppo armato rivale formato da albanesi-macedoni: gruppo che fa capo ad Ali Krasniki, rintracciato ferito alcune ore piu' tardi.
Salito in passato agli onori della cronaca con il nome di battaglia di 'Comandante Drenica', Morina risulta protagonista di trascorsi turbolenti. Dopo aver partecipato alla rivolta dell'Uck in Kosovo, fu indicato in seguito tra i capi di una milizia (l'Ana) impegnata a cercare d'esportare il germe dell'irredentismo nella valle di Presevo, modesto insediamento albanese della Serbia meridionale. Coinvolto pure nel conflitto generato nel 2001 dalle rivendicazioni indipendentiste degli albanesi di Macedonia (che in questo Paese rappresentano una minoranza pari a un terzo della popolazione), e' stato infine arrestato in Kosovo per traffici illegali, riuscendo tuttavia a evadere facilmente e a far perdere le tracce. Sino al rinvenimento odierno di queste ore del suo cadavere.
L'episodio costituisce solo l'ultimo anello di una catena di tensioni riemerse negli ultimi mesi nella zona di Tetovo, con sequestri di armi, sparatorie fra gruppi rivali di etnia albanese e tra miliziani e poliziotti macedoni. Una tensione che ripropone lo spettro dell'instabilita' nella piccola e composita Macedonia e che molti a Skopje temono possa essere aggravata dai contraccolpi legati alla mancata soluzione del nodo dello status definitivo del limitrofo Kosovo.
Proprio oggi il Consiglio di sicurezza nazionale macedone ha tentato di sdrammatizzare il clima, negando in un rapporto che vi siano nuovi rischi per la pace interna del Paese. Ma ha ammesso l'esistenza di pericoli indiretti alimentati ''dalla instabilita' di territori circostanti nella regione''.
01/11/2007 20:30
---
Associated Press - October 24, 2007
1 Macedonian policeman dead, 2 injured in attack near Kosovo border
SKOPJE, Macedonia - A Macedonian policeman was killed
and two were injured after their jeep came under fire
from unknown gunmen Wednesday and crashed on the
country's border with Kosovo, officials said.
The officers were patrolling the border, when they
were attacked by an armed group near Tanusevci, a
village in a volatile ethnic Albanian area some 20
kilometers (12 miles) north of the capital, Skopje,
police spokesman Ivo Kotevski said.
"One policeman was killed, and two others were
seriously injured," Kotevski told The Associated
Press. "The driver lost control, and the vehicle fell
into a gorge."
It was unclear, he said, if the officer died from
gunshots or from injuries sustained in the crash.
Kotevski was unable to confirm a report by state MIA
news agency that the gunmen had entered Macedonia from
Kosovo. He said special police forces had launched a
massive search for the gunmen.
In Kosovo, an official with the NATO-led peacekeeping
force said the gunmen were believed to have fled to
Kosovo.
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - October 24, 2007
Police special task unit deployed at northern border
Skopje - Members of the Macedonian police's special
task unit have stepped up controls at the country's
northern border, after one policeman was killed and
two were wounded in an armed attack on a patrolling
border police vehicle.
The member of the border police Igor D, 24, from
Skopje died, and Trajce R. from Probistip and
Xhemaleti S, 23, from Skopje were wounded in the
attack carried out by unidentified armed group, TELMA
TV station reported tonight.
The policemen were on board of a four-wheel vehicle en
route Kodra Fura - Brest and Malino Malo, situated at
the Macedonia-Kosovo border, Interior Ministry
announced.
The attack took place at about 13:00 hrs.
"We have no information about the identity or the
number of the attackers as yet," said Ministry's
spokesman Ivo Kotevski.
The same source said that the police suspect the group
might have entered on the Macedonian territory from
Kosovo, adding that "nothing can be confirmed at the
moment".
The two injured policemen have been rushed to the
Urgent Care Center in Skopje. One of them is in
critical condition.
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - October 27, 2007
Dnevnik, Macedonia: Political skirmishes about terror
on border with Kosovo
Skopje - The ambush near the village of Tanusevci,
which killed one policeman and injured another two, is
a terrorist attack, the investigation believes, the
Macedonian Dnevnik newspaper writes.
An armed criminal group dealing with contraband on
both sides of Macedonia’s northern border, is the
possible perpetrator of the attack, Minister of
Interior Gordana Jankulovska thinks.
She informed the parliament at an extraordinary
session about the attacks against the border patrol on
Wednesday, October 24th.
The policemen were attacked by five-six people with
automatic weapons.
Following the shooting the police jeep overturned and
fell into a pit.
One of the policeman called his colleagues in the
department in Tanusevci, who arrived immediately.
A special Tiger squad was also sent to the region.
11 cartridges, a knife and three automatic rifles were
found in the area called Drum near the village, the
newspaper notes.
The daily adds the opposition, i.e. the MPs from the
Social Democratic Union of Macedonia /SDUM/ and
Liberal Democratic Party /LDP/, required that the UN
Security Council hold a session.
....
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - October 27, 2007
Vecer: Ali Ahmeti threatens with new war
Skopje/Athens - If the problems of Albanians in
Macedonia are not solved, the country will not enter
NATO, but [face] a new crisis similar to the 2001 one,
leader of the Democratic Union of Integration [DUI]
Ali Ahmeti said in an interview with the Greek
Kathimerini newspaper, the Macedonian Vecer newspaper
publishes an article titled “Ali Ahmeti threatens new
war”.
In the interview Ahmeti accuses Nikola Gruevski of
refusing to recognize the Albanian language as a
second official language in Macedonia and to grant
pensions to fighters from the former National
Liberation Army [NLA].
These two topics, NLA fighters’ status and Albanian
language usage, are the “hot issues” in the political
dialog between VMRO-DPMNE and DUI.
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - October 29, 2007
Regional military exercise opens in Pepeliste
Skopje -A ceremony to mark the start of a joint
military exercise "Macedonia Flash-2" will take place
at the Pepeliste training ground on Monday, the
Defense Ministry said.
The exercise brings together special units of the
Macedonian, Croatian and Albanian armies.
The exercise is part of practical training and joint
co-operation in the framework of the Adriatic Charter.
The exercise aims to train the military personnel of
the three partner-countries how to conduct NATO-led
joint operations.
The participants of the exercise will fully comply
with NATO standards.
The Alliance's representatives will assess the
perfomances.
The armies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and
Serbia will send observers to the exercise.
---
Reuters - October 31, 2007
Macedonia concerned at rising Albanian tensions
By Kole Casule
SKOPJE - Macedonia cautioned on Wednesday against the
politicisation of "criminal" elements in the country,
amid growing signs of tension between the authorities
and the ethnic Albanian minority.
The killing of a policeman this month and a row over
the use of the Albanian flag have fuelled fears of
political instability in Macedonia, just as the West
tries to resolve [sic] the fate of 2 million
independence-seeking Albanians in neighbouring Kosovo.
Macedonia's highest security body, the National
Security Council, blamed recent security incidents on
"criminal groups and individuals" acting without a
political agenda.
But it called for vigilance "so that these criminals
and small groups are not politically exploited in the
future".
A Council statement noted "challenges in the context
of regional events" - a reference to talks on the fate
of Serbia's breakaway Kosovo province, due to climax
at the turn of the year.
NATO allies with 16,000 troops in Kosovo fear any
unrest over the Albanian majority's demand for
independence would quickly spread to Macedonia, where
guerrillas fought a 2001 insurgency for greater rights
[sic] for the 25 percent Albanian minority.
President Branko Crvenkovski said criminal groups were
operating in areas "which in 2001 we called crisis
regions."
"We should not underestimate the risk that over the
coming period, somebody might try to exploit them in a
political sense," he told reporters after the Council
meeting.
Serb ally Russia has blocked United Nations adoption
of a Western-backed plan to grant Kosovo independence
eight years after NATO drove out Serb forces....
U.S., Russian and European Union envoys are mediating
fresh talks with a deadline of Dec. 10 to report back
to the United Nations. Chances of a deal are slim, and
Kosovo Albanian leaders say they will declare
independence after the talks end.
...
The Albanian former guerrillas in Macedonia spent four
years in government until 2006, but are angry at being
left out of Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski's current
ruling coalition, which includes a rival ethnic
Albanian party.
A row in the Constitutional Court over implementation
of a clause in the 2001 peace accord regarding when
and where Albanians can fly the Albanian flag led to
the resignation this week of the court's ethnic
Albanian president.
An EU source told Reuters that the European
Commission, in a report next week, would not recommend
opening EU membership talks with Macedonia because of
political problems in the former Yugoslav republic,
dashing government hopes.
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - November 1, 2007
Runaway from Kosovo prison was killed in gunfight near Tetovo
Tetovo - Dzavit Morina, one of the runaways from the
Kosovo prison “Dubrava,” was killed in a gunfight
early Thursday morning in the village of Odri near
Tetovo on the road Tetovo-Jazince, the Macedonian News
Agency Makfax reported.
Two other people were wounded in the gunfight, one of
whom is Ali Krasniqi, brother of Agim Krasniqi from
Kondovo, famous for his threats of firing over Skopje
several years ago.
The other wounded is Zija Vejseli. The police haven’t
so far confirmed the information.
The incident happened at around 4.00 am local time in
the region where for several days now there is
increased police presence.
FOCUS News Agency reminds:
On August 18 seven prisoners ran away from the Kosovo
prison Dubrava.
Lirim Jakupi, wanted by the Macedonian authorities for
the wounding of three policemen in 2004 in Skopje, is
among the seven runaways.
The other runaways are Ramadan Siti, charged with the
murder of a taxi cab driver and with a bomb attack
against a police station; Faton Hajrizi, who ran away
for a second time from Dubrava prison, and Astrit
Sabani, Djavit Morina, Burim Basa and Amir Sopa.
According to unofficial data the runaways belong to
the Jakupi group.
All of them are accused of terrorism or of some other
heavy criminal offence.
Jakupi was one of the closest collaborators of Shevket
Musliu, commanding at the time the headquarters of the
liberation army of the three settlements – Presevo,
Medvedja and Bujanovac/South Serbia.
A Kosovo court sentenced Jakupi to six years for the
abduction of Albanians civilians in Kosovo in
September 2000.
In Serbia Jakupi was sentenced in default for
terrorism.
Jakupi ran away in Kosovo in 2004 where he was
detained after a gunfight with Macedonian police in
Tetovo in which one man died.
---
Associated Press - November 1, 2007
Kosovo fugitive found shot dead in Macedonia
SKOPJE, Macedonia - A fugitive gunman who broke out of
a Kosovo jail two months ago was found shot dead in
Macedonia on Thursday, police said.
Xhavid Morina, 44, was found dead on a road outside
Tetovo, near Macedonia's border with Kosovo.
Morina was one of seven inmates — convicted of
terrorism, murder and theft — who broke out of the
maximum security Dubrava prison in August after being
helped by gunmen on the outside.
"Police were informed that a body was found near the
village Odri (near Tetovo) with multiple wounds from
automatic gunfire," police spokesman Ivo Kotevski told
The Associated Press.
"Forensic experts identified the man as Xhavid Morina,
who had been wanted on an international warrant
following his escape from a Kosovo prison in August."
Kotevski said police believed Morina was killed in a
shootout between rival criminal gangs operating in the
area.
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - November 1, 2007
Unidentified body found in Tetovo area after shooting
spree
Tetovo - An unidentified body was found Thursday
morning near the Tetovo's village of Odri, Makfax news
agency said.
The police confirmed that there was a skirmish in the
area of Lesok, near Odri, late on Wednesday, but there
is no information on those involved.
Makfax correspondent says the locals confirmed the
shooting.
Investigative judge and deputy prosecutor general
opened a thorough investigation into the event.
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - November 1, 2007
Kosovo's Dubrava prison fugitive shot dead
Tetovo - Xhavid Morina, one of the fugitives from
Kosovo's Dubrava prison, was gunned down in a shooting
spree Thursday morning in Tetovo's village of Odri on
the Tetovo-Jazince road, Makfax correspondent said.
Two other people were injured in the skirmish. One of
those injured is Ali Krasniqi - the brother of Agim
Krasniqi of the Skopje's nearby village of Kondovo,
widely known by his threats to shell the Macedonian
capital of Skopje few years ago.
Ali Krasniqi was shot in the stomach. The second
injured man was identified as Zija Vejseli, who was
shot in the leg.
The two have been admitted to a hospital in Skopje and
are in stable condition.
Information is still unofficial, although it came from
sources involved in the investigation.
Interior Ministry sources unofficially conformed to
Makfax the identity of the dead man, but they have no
available information as to the identity of the two
injured.
The incident occurred on Thursday around 04 a.m. in
the area, in which extra police forces have been
deployed in the past three days. The official
explanation for the police build-up was a chase after
a notorious criminal gang.
Macedonian security forces unofficially claimed that
the seven fugitives of Kosovo's Dubrava prison snuck
into Macedonia and were tasked to destabilize the
country ahead of Kosovo's status settlement.
....
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - November 2, 2007
AFP: Macedonian police probe reports of armed groups on patrol
SKOPJE - Police here launched an investigation into
reports of armed uniformed men patrolling in the
northern part of Macedonia near the border with UN-run
Kosovo, a spokesman said Thursday, AFP reported.
The probe was opened after a local television station
- as well as another one in Croatia - broadcast a
story showing five armed men, dressed in green and
black uniforms with no apparent insignia, patrolling
in the area near the northern Macedonian town
Kumanovo.
"Police were informed of this reportage and have
launched a field investigation," police spokesman Ivo
Kotevski told AFP.
Members of the group, seen in the footage, claimed
they were members of the National Liberation army
(ALN), an ethnic Albanian extremist armed group active
in the region since the end of the conflict between
ethnic Albanian rebels and Macedonian security forces
in 2001.
The group appeared in public a week after one
Macedonian policemen was killed and two others injured
in the northern village of Tanusevci, populated mostly
by the ethnic Albanians.
The village was the scene of major clashes in 2001.
Recent incidents have renewed fears of tensions in
Macedonia at a time when the international community
has been trying to find a solution for the future
status of neighbouring Serbian province of Kosovo,
whose majority ethnic Albanian population have
demanded independence from Belgrade.
Serbia, backed by its powerful ally Russia, rejects
any such notion, offering instead wide autonomy for
Kosovo's ethnic Albanians.
In Belgrade, Serbian secret service chief Rade
Bulatovic warned of possible links between various
armed groups present in Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia.
However, Macedonia's Security council estimated last
week that the situation in this former Yugoslav
republic, although marred with "certain challenges"
have still remained "stable and calm."
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - November 6, 2007
Dnevnik, Macedonia: Ali Krasnici is still not
questioned by police about gunfight in Tetovo village
Skopje - Ali Krasnici was the one wounded in a
gunfight in the village of Tetovo, Odrin, last week,
and is now in the Clinic for Stomach Surgery in Skopje
for treatment, the Director of the clinic confirmed
today, the Macedonian newspaper Dnevnik writes today.
In the gunfight Dzavid Morina, who had escaped from
the Kosovo prison Doubrava, was killed.
It is still not clear why Krasnici was transferred
from Tetovo to Skopje.
His brother, Agim Krasnici, member of the Albanian
Democratic Party, denied immediately after the
incident that his brother was wounded in the gunfight.
According to unofficial data Krasnici hasn’t been
questioned yet by the police about the incident.
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - November 7, 2007
Police helicopter knocked down by shooting between
Albanian group and police in Tetovo area: media report
Skopje - The Albanian armed group that exchanged
shooting with Macedonian special services in the
Tetovo area managed to knock down a police helicopter,
Pristina media report, cited by the Serbian newspaper
Politika.
The Macedonian police have not confirmed the
information though.
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - November 7, 2007
Macedonian Special Forces blocked all ways to Brodec, Vejce and Vesala
Skopje - Macedonian Special Forces blocked all the
ways in the Sar Mountain leading to the villages of
Brodec, Vejce and Vesala where a large-scale police
campaign is carried out on the detention of the
criminal groups acting in the region, Macedonian
television A1 informs.
The police control the exit ways from Tetovo to the
Sar Mountain as well.
The movement of journalists and civil citizens in both
directions is forbidden.
According to the police the criminal groups are broken
apart and a part of them hides in the mountain and
other parts in the houses of the local villagers.
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - November 7, 2007
Police launch major operation in Tetovo area
Tetovo - Police special units launched a major
operation Wednesday morning in the village of Brodec,
Shara Mountain, amid a skirmish with gunmen.
In a statement for the Makfax news agency, police
sources could not confirm or deny the shooting spree
in Tetovo area.
Shooting is underway in the village of Brodec and the
locals cannot leave the village that has been sealed
by police, Makfax said, citing statements by local
residents in the mountainous village of Brodec.
A number of special police forces and armored
personnel transporters were dispatched in the village
of Brodec.
According to unofficial sources, the police operation
is aimed at arresting a group of gunmen led by Lirim
Jakupi, a fugitive who had escaped recently from
Kosovo's Dubrava prison.
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - November 7, 2007
At least one killed in police operation in Mount Shara
-The casualty is a citizen of Macedonia, who had
escaped recently from a prison in Tetovo. He was a
member of a criminal gang, led by Lirim Jakupi, alias
Nazi, a fugitive of Kosovo's Dubrava prison.
Skopje - At least one member of a criminal gang was
killed in today's police operation in several villages
abutting Shara Mountain, police sources told Makfax
news agency.
The casualty is a citizen of Macedonia, who had
escaped recently from a prison in Tetovo. He was a
member of a criminal gang, led by Lirim Jakupi, alias
Nazi, a fugitive of Kosovo's Dubrava prison.
In a statement for Makfax, police sources did not deny
that there were other casualties among the criminal
gang, but they could not confirm the news reports
alleging seven casualties and a number of injured.
Makfax correspondent in Tetovo said no person with
gunshot wounds was admitted to local hospitals.
The correspondent said the police shut down the roads
from Tetovo to Popova Shapka's villages Brodec,
Veshala, Vejce.
---
Focus News Agency (Bulgaria) - November 7, 2007
Macedonian police operation at Kosovo’s border continues
Tetovo - The police operation against an armed crime
group in the region of Shipkovica–Brodec on the
Kosovo-Macedonia border is continuing, a FOCUS News
Agency reporter informed.
A group of about 15-20 armed Albanians entered into
Macedonian territory from Kosovo.
Their goal is to revenge to Agim Krasnici.
About 10 are reportedly dead according to local
information.
There are civilian persons and Albanian partisans (SIC)
among the victims.
---
Tanjug News Agency (Serbia) - November 7, 2007
Eight Albanians dead in clash with Macedonian police
-Security services claim that the Jakupi group was
allowed to escape from prison with the help of
"certain structures", in order to destabilize the
region "should the Kosovo negotiations go in a
direction these structures do not favor."
Jakupi is wanted in Macedonia for launching a rocket
at a police station, killing a cab driver, and
wounding three officers, as well as for putting the
village of Volkovo under siege and threatening to
"bomb Skopje".
SKOPJE - At least eight members of an armed Albanian
group were killed Wednesday in a clash with Macedonian
police.
The group was thought to be headed by Ramadan Shitij
and Lirim Jakupi, a.k.a. Nazi, who escaped from
Dubrava prison in Kosovo a few months ago.
The showdown took place in the villages of Brodec,
Vesala and Vejce, near Tetovo, spokesman of the
Macedonian Police Ivo Kotevski stated.
All police officers who took part in the operation
escaped unharmed, it was also confirmed.
"The criminal group has been defeated," said Kotevski,
adding that the police units are still in the
increasingly volatile area, MIA news agency reported.
Five people were arrested, among them Habit Ahmeti,
one of the leaders of the group Macedonia says is
criminal. Heavy weapons and ammunition were also
confiscated.
Police will now process the scene, and will later
allow reporters to access the area.
Meanwhile, KFOR has increased its troop level on the
Kosovo side of the border since the start of the
Macedonian MUP operation early this morning.
The issue of a Macedonian helicopter allegedly shot
down during the clashes remains unclear. While
authorities in Skopje deny the reports, KFOR claims
that a helicopter did go down in the area, but that it
did not belong to the NATO forces in the province.
Security services claim that the Jakupi group was
allowed to escape from prison with the help of
"certain structures", in order to destabilize the
region "should the Kosovo negotiations go in a
direction these structures do not favor."
Jakupi is wanted in Macedonia for launching a rocket
at a police station, killing a cab driver, and
wounding three officers, as well as for putting the
village of Volkovo under siege and threatening to
"bomb Skopje".
---
MakFax (Macedonia) - November 11, 2007
6 killed, 12 captured in police operations in Tetovo area
Skopje - Police discovered two more bodies and
detained another six persons, which raises the total
death toll to six and the number of captured to 12
after today's operation in the villages situated in
Tetovo area.
The spokesman of the Interior Ministry Ivo Kotevski
said this to the Makfax agency on Wednesday evening,
adding that "the field work in the area will go on
through the night."
"More casualties may be found and new arrests could
follow," Kotevski explained.
The comprehensive operation codenamed Mountain Storm
aimed at capturing a criminal gang took place at the
section of Shara Mountain including the villages of
Brodec, Vejce and Vesala, and it left no casualties
among the members of the police force or the civilian
population, said earlier the Macedonian Interior
Minister Gordana Jankulovska.
Unofficially, the operation was aimed at capturing the
criminal gang led by the Kosovo Dubrava prison
fugitives Lirim Jakupi and Ramadan Shiti.
The criminals were first to open fire at the police
officers, who then responded. Jankulovska declined to
comment whether Jakupi or Shiti were among the killed
or the arrested.
....
---
Tanjug News Agency (Serbia) - November 8, 2007
Albanian group claims responsibility for Tetovo clashes
TETOVO - Ethnic Albanian para-militaries have claimed
responsibility for yesterday’s clashes in Macedonia.
A group, calling itself the Political-Military Council
of the KLA says it was behind yesterday's armed clash
with Macedonian police forces which left at least six
dead according to information available so far.
In a statement, the organization claims that its
members, formerly of the “Albanian Territorial
Liberation Army“, had been "forced to assem
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Raison d'Etat
2007/11/02
BERLIN/LONDON/PARIS (Own report) - In the coming week, the German Foreign Ministry, with the German Foreign Minister in attendance, will present the "European Council on Foreign Relations" (EFCR) to the European public. Financed in part by the US billionaire George Soros, this new think tank will help promote an integrated foreign policy of all EU member states, thus laying the groundwork for a future EU foreign minister to be designated, once the EU Reform Treaty is ratified January 1, 2009. The EFCR members include senior EU politicians, such as the former German Foreign Minister Joseph Fischer. According to its Berlin Office, the Council would like "to aid Germany in continuing to assume its exemplary and leading role in Europe". The Council chose November 9, for its inaugural event in the German capital, because this date marks the "birth of a new European history".
The "European Council on Foreign Relations" was launched at the beginning of October, following several months of preparations, and has offices in the six largest EU member states (Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, Spain, Poland) and one in Bulgaria standing in for all Southeast European EU member states.[1] The Council was launched by 50 prominent Europeans from EU member states and candidate countries: "former prime ministers, presidents, EU commissioners, current and former parliamentarians and ministers, public intellectuals, business leaders," among them former German Foreign Minister Joseph Fischer, State Secretary for many years in the German Finance Ministry, Caio Koch-Weser, Former EU Commissioner, Chris Patten, former French Finance Minister, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, former President of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari and the US billionaire George Soros.
Soros
Soros is playing a major role on the "European Council on Foreign Relations". By its own account, the council was founded by the London based Open Society Foundation associated with the Soros foundation empire. This network is covering one third of its expenses. At the EU in Brussels, the Council does not have its own office but delegates an ambassadorial role to the Soros Open Society Institute's office in Brussels. In the 80s, the US billionaire, Soros, had supported Solidarnosc in Poland and the "Charta 77" in Czechoslovakia and more recently subversive movements in the CIS member states (Georgia in 2003 and the Ukraine in 2004). By financing the "European Council on Foreign Relations", Soros is seeking to gain influence on future EU foreign policy making.
Transatlantic
This corresponds to the distinct transatlantic orientation of several of the new think tank's leading members. Executive Director Mark Leonard, previously director of the Foreign Policy Centre, founded under the patronage of Tony Blair in London, had worked in Washington as a Transatlantic fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Ulrike Guérot, head of the Berlin EFCR office, was senior transatlantic fellow with the German Marshall Fund (2004-2007). Nick Witney, who previously had worked as the private secretary to the British Ambassador in Washington DC and as high ranking adviser in the British Ministry of Defence will join the ECFR as a Senior Research Fellow in January 2008. ECFR'S Senior Policy Fellow Daniel Korski has also worked at the Ministry of Defence in London before joining a division of the US State Department in Washington as liaison officer.
Also Military Power
The "European Council on Foreign Relations" is expressly demanding that the European Union "develop a more coherent and vigorous foreign policy",[2] an objective shared for a long time by German foreign policy. "When faced by the great powers of today and the rising giants of tomorrow," individual European countries would not have enough influence, according to the ECFR's "Statement of Principles". But if the European Union "speaks with one voice, it can help shape the world order." According to the ECFR, to accomplish this, the EU's foreign policy "should be backed up with all of Europe's economic, political, cultural and, as a last resort, military power." Beginning January 1, 2009, based on a ratified EU Reform Treaty, a newly designated EU Foreign Minister will seek to develop a coherent and vigorous pan-European foreign policy. The "European Council on Foreign Relations" is preparing the groundwork with position papers and debates on strategy.
German Predominance
Germany is particularly interested in the institutional consolidation of Brussels' foreign policy. "The EU must be more unified in its decision-making process" writes Ulrike Guérot, the head of the German branch of the "European Council." "The office in Berlin will therefore pursue particularly the institutional development f the EU."[3] Alongside the pooling of responsibilities as stipulated by the EU Reform Treaty, she is particularly projecting suggestions to improve the "common foreign representation in international institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF)." German predominance of the common EU foreign policy is assured through the future weight of the ballots in the European Council.[4]
Europe's Birthday
The "European Council on Foreign Relations" is already taking this into account. Next Friday, (Nov. 9,) the council will be introduced to the rest of the European nations in the Weltsaal of the German Foreign Ministry. The German foreign minister will hold the opening speech. The date Nov. 9, was deliberately chosen for the "Grand Launch." The focus should no longer be on the memory of the deadly pogrom carried out Nov. 9, 1938, but rather on the collapse of the German Democratic Republic. "After the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, Germany again stood in the spotlight of European integration" writes Ulrike Guérot [5]: "We chose this date for our grand inauguration event, because, from our point of view, it is Europe's birthday." The Federal Republic of Germany is centrally situated "between east and west" and "measured by (...) size of population and economic power, the greatest EU nation," writes the ECFR about German predominance within the EU. "Europe is nearly a sort of 'raison d'état in Germany."[6]
Please read also: Expelled from Class, Austrittsgedanken, Europe Finale, Konstante der deutschen Außenpolitik, Success Story, Unter der Führung des Reiches, Nicht hinnehmbar, Kriegsverlierer, A Question of Peace or War in Europe, Richtungsentscheidung and Consensus of the Elite.
[1] Frequently Asked Questions; www.ecfr.eu
[2] Statement of Principles; www.ecfr.eu
[3] Berlin: wer wir sind und was wir machen; www.ecfr.eu
[4] see also Richtungsentscheidung
[5] "Die Gedanken sind frei" - zur Kritik am ECFR; www.ecfr.eu
[6] Berlin: wer wir sind und was wir machen; www.ecfr.eu
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