Informazione
Sia per l'organizzazione del meeting internazionale TARGET, tenuto a Vicenza nel X anniversario dei bombardamenti NATO sulla RF di Jugoslavia (21-22 marzo 2009), che per la realizzazione della presente pubblicazione multimediale, sono stati necessari l'impegno volontario e la disponibilità generosa di molte persone.
Il principale contributo tecnico per questa pubblicazione è stato fornito da D. Kovačević. I materiali fotografici e video della iniziativa sono stati procurati da A. Martocchia, D. De Berardinis e I. Kerečki.
La documentazione video sulla distruzione della Jugoslavia, sui bombardamenti della NATO e sulla occupazione del Kosovo è stata raccolta e selezionata a cura del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia - onlus. Un particolare ringraziamento va a Carlo Pona per la fondamentale opera di digitalizzazione dei documenti VHS. Tra le opere da cui abbiamo attinto figurano:
The avoidable war (G. Bogdanich e M. Lettmayer, USA/Germany 1999-2001)
De zaak Milosevic (VPRO, Olanda 2004)
La guerra umanitaria della NATO (Cobas Alfa Romeo, 1999)
I nemici della NATO (Comitato Jugoslavia Torino e Coord. Romano per la Jugoslavia, 1999)
Papa gde ćemo spavamo (D. Stojanovski, Duke production 1999)
Pančevo - Mrtav grad (Antonio Martino, 2007)
Sedìci persone (Corrado Veneziano, Besa edizioni 2005)
Kosovo - mesto zločina (Bane Milosevic, 2000)
videoclip de "Il mio nome è mai più" di Ligabue - Jovanotti - Piero Pelù (1999)
I dannati del Kosovo (V. Stojiljković e M. Collon, ed. italiana a cura di SOS Yugoslavia)
Stralci di trasmissioni dalla TV della Repubblica Serba di Bosnia, da RaiTre, dalla TV della Serbia, da Canale 5, da Russia Today
(per maggiori informazioni sulle opere si veda ad esempio https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/bibliografia2.htm#audiovideo ).
Tra gli autori ringraziamo in particolare Riccardo Iacona e Antonio Martino, per la disponibilità esplicitamente accordata al nostro utilizzo di alcune sequenze delle loro opere ai fini della iniziativa di Vicenza e della presente pubblicazione.
Rispetto ad eventuali diritti degli autori dei video qui presentati in brevi stralci, precisiamo comunque che la nostra divulgazione di tali stralci non risponde ad altro interesse che al desiderio e necessità di informazione del pubblico. Restiamo ovviamente a disposizione dei possibili detentori di copyright, con i quali non fossimo potuti entrare preventivamente in contatto, in caso di legittimi reclami spec. ai fini della rimozione di materiali la cui pubblicizzazione fosse indesiderata agli autori stessi.
Per la due-giorni di Vicenza è stato fondamentale il contributo dei militanti del locale sindacato RdB-CUB e di Paolo Consolaro in particolare. Ringraziamo di cuore la Fileo onlus per la disponibilità a provvedere ai pasti senza alcun ritorno in termini economici. Straordinariamente gradito è stato l'intervento dei musicisti della famiglia Milenkovich, assieme agli altri artisti che ci hanno fatto compagnia il sabato sera: Mario Mantilli con il suo Atto scenico tratto dallo spettacolo "Target - Belgrado 1999", l'Orchestra serba di Vicenza, i NeMaPrObLeMa! Orkestar.
Per ulteriori informazioni sulle tematiche legate alla aggressione N.A.T.O. contro la Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia, alle vicende internazionali e alle attività del movimento che si oppone alla guerra e alle basi militari, nonchè per ogni aggiornamento sulla pubblicazione degli Atti del Meeting si faccia riferimento ai siti degli organizzatori - Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia onlus e Rete Disarmiamoli! . Per maggiori informazioni e contatti scrivere a:
I n d i c e
tenutasi nei giorni 21-22 marzo 2009 a Vicenza
programma effettivo svolto e adesioni definitive (anche pdf)
convocazione (audio - da Radio Cooperativa)
sabato 21 marzo 2009
I: PROPAGANDA DI GUERRA: tra disinformazione strategica e deriva politico-culturale
- intervento Andrea Martocchia (testo PDF)
- intervento Giulietto Chiesa (audio MP3)
- intervento Juergen Elsässer (audio MP3)
- documento: Juergen Elsässer, “Menzogne di guerra”, ed. Città del Sole 2002 (OCR PDF)
- intervento Jean Toschi Marazzani Visconti (audio MP3)
- intervento Jean Toschi Marazzani Visconti: Le contraddizioni di un genocidio sancito a priori (testo PDF)
altre:
- intervista a Elsässer e Martocchia (da Radio Cooperativa) (audioMP3)
II: LE NUOVE CROCIATE: crisi macroeconomica e politiche militari
- documento: Andrea Catone, Dopo l'indipendenza del Kosovo, daL'Ernesto online del 12/03/2008 (testo PDF)
- intervento Diana Johnstone: La Crociata dei Folli Continua - testo e audio
- intervento Alberto Tarozzi (audio MP3)
- documento: Alberto Tarozzi, estratti dal libro Impatto tra civiltà e progetti auto sostenibili, l’Harmattam Italia, Torino 2008 (testo PDF)
- intervento Valerio Gennaro: presentazione (PPT) e audio (MP3)
altre:
HTML 1. parte, 2. parte
sintesi in lingua italiana (testo PDF)
TEMA: Kosovo ieri e oggi
- documento: opuscolo sulla crisi del Kosovo (a cura di C.Bettio,testo PDF)
contiene:
Comunicato stampa CNJ 2008
Lettera aperta al Signor Pierre Moscovici, Vice-presidente del Parlamento Europeo (Jean-Michel Berard)
"Il Kosovo deve essere indipendente" (lettera aperta di ministri dei paesi occidentali)
Varie notizie
Kosovo: quello che può comprare il denaro (R. K. Kent)
La Serbia è debitrice di giustizia in Kosovo (G. Clark)
Balcani, i troppi non-detto di Massimo D'Alema (T. Di Francesco)
Piano Ahtisaari: varie notizie
Quando i media non si ricordano più di ciò che avevano riferito sul Kosovo (D. Johnstone)
domenica 22 marzo 2009
La condizione dei lavoratori nei Balcani, in Italia, in Europa
- intervento Germano Raniero (audio MP3)
- intervento Zoran Mihajlovic (audio MP3)
- intervento Nereo Turati (slides PDF)
- intervento Nereo Turati (audio MP3)
Dai bombardamenti sulla Zastava al grande movimento di solidarietà
- intervento Gilberto Vlaic (audio MP3)
- intervento Riccardo Pilato: Solidarietà Zastava: uno splendido esempio di sostegno politico e umano che dura da 12 anni (testo PDF)
altre:
- documento: Andrea Catone, FIAT Serbia. Un caso classico di imperialismo, da L'Ernesto n.3-4/2010 (testo PDF)
- intervento di Walter Lorenzi (audio MP3)
- intervento di Paolo Consolaro (audio MP3)
- intervento di Vladimir Kapuralin (audio MP3)
- intervento di Vladimir Kapuralin (testo PDF)
altra documentazione sulla conferenza,
sui bombardamenti NATO
e sulla distruzione della Jugoslavia
- videosintesi:
PARTE SECONDA: documentazione video, serata del sabato
- intervista a Gilberto Vlaic (da Radio Cooperativa) (audio MP3)
altri materiali e link
sulla distruzione della Jugoslavia:
- documento: Ramsey Clark, Divide et impera, 2004 (testo PDF)
- dossier: “Chi come e perchè ha distrutto la SFRJ”, Com. unitario contro la guerra alla Jugoslavia, Roma 1999 (PDF - link)
contiene:
TAPPE DELLO SQUARTAMENTO DELLA REPUBBLICA FEDERATIVA SOCIALISTA DI JUGOSLAVIA
IL RUOLO DELLA TURCHIA NELLA CRISI JUGOSLAVA
IL RUOLO DELLA GERMANIA NELLA DISTRUZIONE DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
LE RESPONSABILITA' VATICANE NEL CONFLITTO BALCANICO: ALCUNI ELEMENTI
SI STANNO REALIZZANDO GLI AUSPICI DEL "VECCHIO LEONE" CHURCHILL?
LA NATO IN JUGOSLAVIA. PERCHÉ?
- documento: Andrea Martocchia, La rimozione della Jugoslavia, da L'Ernesto nn.3 e 4/2003 (testo PDF)
- documento: Andrea Martocchia: Il prolungato "Ottantanove" della Jugoslavia (testo PDF)
- documento: opuscolo sull'ingerenza della NATO (a cura di C.Bettio, testo PDF)
contiene:
Sulla guerra NATO contro la Jugoslavia (C. Bettio)
Problemi ecologici e giuridici collegati ai « bombardamenti di precisione (S. Gopal, N. Deller)
Il terrorismo economico del FMI (M. Chossudovsky)
«Operazione Balcani» : privatizzazione della propaganda e degli eserciti (J. Becker, M. Beham)
PRESENZA MILITARE ITALIANA NEI BALCANI 2001
- LINK: altra Documentazione sulla aggressione della NATO contro la Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia (24 marzo - 6 giugno 1999) sul sito del Coordinamento per la Jugoslavia - onlus
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Da: partigiani7maggio @ tiscali.it
Oggetto: Una iniziativa a Siena e due importanti recensioni
Data: 22 marzo 2012 15.28.29 GMT+01.00
Storie e memorie di una vicenda ignorata
La pagina su Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=103675256383363
ore 16:30 presso la Facoltà di Scienze Politiche dell'Università, Aula 2, Via P.A. Mattioli 10
incontro-dibattito:
I PARTIGIANI JUGOSLAVI NELLA RESISTENZA ITALIANA
di Andrea Martocchia (coautore del volume I partigiani jugoslavi nella Resistenza italiana) e del partigiano Biondo (Alfredo Merlo)
Nell'occasione saranno inaugurate le mostre fotografiche "E IO ERO SANDOKAN" e "TESTA PER DENTE"
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Archives and search engine:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato/messages
Website and articles:
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com
http://www.b92.net/eng/insight/tvshows.php?yyyy=2011&mm=03&nav_id=73523
Danas - March 30, 2011
"Serbia in NATO would represent threat to Russia"
Russian Ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Vasilyevich Konuzin told the Belgrade-based daily Danas in an interview that Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s visit last week had "completely met the principal expectations".
It went in an atmosphere of close friendship and talks about trade and economic cooperation were very concrete and pragmatic, said the diplomat.
According to the Russian ambassador, Putin did not talk about relations between official Belgrade and NATO with Serbian President Boris Tadić and Prime Minister Mirko Cvetković. The issue, as he said, was launched by heads of parliamentary groups in the Serbian parliament who showed Putin that they were not united in their stance regarding the possibility of Serbia joining the western military alliance.
“In that situation, Prime Minister Putin clearly presented the Russian position – Serbs should solve the issue by themselves, but Russia thinks that it is necessary to present its opinion about NATO's expansion, which is jeopardizing its security.”
Stating a concrete example, he said that nobody asked small countries in the NATO for their opinion, but that that instead decisions were made which these countries then had to fulfill.
“Any possible decision about missile deployment in Serbia’s territory would be a threat to Russia’s security and Russia would be forced to take military actions in order to remove that military threat. Those measures would not be aimed against Serbia but against the missiles,” the Russian ambassador explained.
Q: Is this statement of Prime Minister Putin a “warning” to the Serbian authorities?
A: Serbia has the right to join any organization. We will respect the decision you make on your own, but we are counting on Belgrade to respectfully approach our thoughts that NATO accession would pose a threat to Russia’s security. I personally think that it is necessary to explain to Serbia what would happen if there was a threat to Russia’s security from its territory. We have been cooperating for 800 years and such a question never appeared. On the contrary, we fought wars against joint enemies and it is not quite clear for what reason weapons pointed against Russia could be deployed in Serbia.”
Q: The NATO forces in Kosovo and Metohija are effectively already in a part of the Serbian territory. How does Moscow assess their presence after Kosovo’s self-proclaimed independence?
A: The Kosovo territory is a part of Serbia in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution 1244. NATO's military base is there despite Belgrade’s wishes. This means contrary to international law, and unlawfully. Russia sees it that way.
....
http://www.aco.nato.int/com-nhqsa-meets-with-chairman-of-bih-council-of-ministers-.aspx
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - Allied Command Operations - March 8, 2012
COM NHQSA MEETS WITH CHAIRMAN OF BIH COUNCIL OF MINISTERS
Chairman of the Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Council of Ministers Vjekoslav Bevanda had an initial meeting with NATO Headquarters Sarajevo (NHQSa) Commander Brigadier General Gary Huffman and discussed BiH's path to NATO.
Chairman Bevanda said that the BiH Council of Ministers was committed to BiH becoming a full-fledged NATO member as soon as possible...Bevanda said that priorities on this path are resolving the issue of prospective immovable defense property and ensuring funds in the BiH budget for further modernization of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina in line with NATO standards.
General Huffman supported BiH's ambitions regarding NATO. He said that he appreciated the recent decision of the BiH Presidency to strengthen the role of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the ISAF mission in Afghanistan. General Huffman said it was an important message that BiH sent to NATO partners because BiH made a step forward and instead of being a security consumer it turned into a state that actively contributes to peace building and stability in the world.
The joint conclusion of Chairman Bevanda and Brigadier General Huffman is that the issue of the prospective immovable defense property should be resolved as soon as possible which would mean a step forward towards full-fledged NATO membership. The issue of destruction of surplus ammunition and weapons, and future cooperation between the BiH institutions and NATO Headquarters Sarajevo were also discussed at the meeting.
Civil Georgia - March 10, 2012
Georgia in Senator Lugar's NATO Enlargement Bill
Tbilisi: U.S. Republican Senator Richard Lugar has introduced the NATO Enlargement Bill, calling on President Obama to provide “a clear roadmap” for the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Macedonia, and Montenegro to NATO at the Chicago summit in late May.
“I am hopeful that the Senate will pass this measure before the NATO Summit in Chicago this May,” said Lugar, who is the top Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations committee.
The bill, which he says aims at encouraging further enlargement of NATO, declares “for the first time in U.S. legislation”, that Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Macedonia, and Montenegro, which currently aspire to join the Alliance, are to be considered NATO “aspirants.”
Georgia has been referred to as “aspirant” country in a final statement of NATO foreign ministerial meeting in Brussels on December 7, 2011, which triggered Russia’s protest with its Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov saying that he had “openly warned” his counterparts from the Alliance that such statements might serve as an encouragement for President Saakashvili to undertake “an adventure similar to the one of August, 2008.”
Senator Lugar’s bill, if approved, will require reports to the Congress on U.S. efforts towards further NATO enlargement and on the readiness of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Macedonia and Montenegro to join the Alliance, as well as a report on “U.S. policies to uphold Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
If approved the bill will make Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro eligible to receive U.S. assistance for NATO accession under the 1994 NATO Participation Act and will reauthorize assistance under the same act for Georgia and Macedonia.
Voice of Russia - March 12, 2012
NATO in the Balkans: Appetite comes with eating
A bill on NATO enlargement that is aimed at speeding up the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, and also Georgia to NATO was submitted to the U.S. Congress on Friday, March 9th. Its author is a well-known Republican Senator from the State of Indiana Richard Lugar. The above-mentioned bill says that the USA “continues to support the open door policy for NATO candidate countries”.
The document that was prepared by Senator Lugar urges U.S. President Barack Obama to present a “clear-cut roadmap on NATO” – meaning the membership of countries that were mentioned for the NATO summit in May of this year. This document reflects America’s interests.
Asked how much the Balkan states are interested in it, an influential Russian Balkan studies expert, Georgi Engelgardt, says:
"The authorities of Macedonia and Montenegro are seriously interested in the integration of their countries into NATO. And as regards Bosnia and Herzegovina, this is really a very difficult question because opinions on that score differ. The EU High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina has always defended the Euro-Atlantic integration. Both the Bosnian Muslims and the Bosnian Croats have also favoured this idea while the Serbs and their political autonomous entity - the Serb Republic - are strongly opposed to Bosnia’s joining NATO. So it is not clear for the time being how Bosnia as a single whole will pass a decision on and take steps toward its integration into NATO."
According to information available, a separate chapter of the previously mentioned bill is dedicated to U.S. nuclear forces in Europe. Among other things, it says that at the upcoming talks “it will be necessary to convince the Russian Federation of the necessity to strengthen transparency in issues dealing with non-strategic nuclear weapons in Europe and to withdraw all these weapons from the borders of the territories of NATO member-states.”
Russian Balkan studies expert Georgi Engelgardt has certain doubts on that matter.
"Of course, of great importance for the USA here would be the support by all countries of the NATO enlargement policy on the development of anti-missile defence. It would also be good for all governments to come to the defence of this project in international and European forums. And in case of need they should offer their territories for basing missile defence elements there. As it appears, the governments of Macedonia and Montenegro will be ready to do that...However, as regards Bosnia and Herzegovina, if the Muslims and the Croats favour this too, the Serbs, despite the fact that the Bosnian Serbs were also subjected to NATO bombing 18 years ago, will disapprove granting the above-mentioned territories for military facilities. As a result, many questions will arise."
However, the biggest question is this: is it accidental that the bill on NATO enlargement has been submitted for consideration shortly before the next anniversary of NATO’s aggression against former Yugoslavia? There’s reason to believe that it will remain unanswered. Well, when it comes to big money, uncomfortable questions are ignored.
Xinhua News Agency - March 14, 2012
Montenegro on track to NATO membership: NATO commander
BELGRADE: Montenegro is on track for NATO membership, the military alliance's supreme allied commander for Europe Admiral James Stavridis said on Wednesday.
Stavridis made the comment during a visit to Montenegro's capital Podgorica, reported the Montenegrin news agency MINA.
"Continue to implement reforms and meet commitments and I believe that this will be recognized and rewarded with membership in NATO," Stavridis said after his meeting with Montenegrin President Filip Vujanovic.
Stavridis commended Montenegro's contribution to the ISAF peacekeeping mission in Afghanistan, and highlighted cooperation between NATO and Montenegro...
Montenegrin Parliamentary Speaker Ranko Krivokapic also told Stavridis that Montenegro could contribute significantly to NATO's security priorities.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - March 20, 2012
Visit to NATO by the Prime Minister of Montenegro
The Prime Minister of Montenegro, Mr. Igor Lukšić will visit NATO Headquarters on Wednesday 21 March 2012. He will meet with the NATO Secretary General, Mr. Anders Fogh Rasmussen and will attend the North Atlantic Council.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - March 21, 2012
Visit to NATO by Minister of Foreign Affairs of Croatia
The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Croatia, Mrs. Vesna Pusić will visit NATO Headquarters on Thursday 22 March 2012. She will meet with NATO Secretary General, Mr. Anders Fogh Rasmussen.
=== 7 ===
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/news_85266.htm?mode=pressrelease
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - March 21, 2012
Visit to NATO by Minister of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia
The Minister of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia, Mr. Aleš Hojs will visit NATO Headquarters on Thursday 22 March 2012. He will meet with NATO Secretary General, Mr. Anders Fogh Rasmussen.
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Nel 1960 si gioca la prima edizione dei campionati europei. La Jugoslavia arriva in finale contro l’URSS (altra nazione che conoscerà divisioni epocali) perdendo 2-1, e nel 1962 ai mondiali in Cile si ferma in semifinale. Di quel primo gruppo erano soprattutto attaccanti e registi a farla da padrone: Dragan Džajić, Milan Galić attaccante che vinse l’Oro alle Olimpiadi di Roma nel 1960 chiudendo da capocannoniere, e il regista Ivica Osim, che poi divenne l’ultimo allenatore della Jugoslavia unita. Nel 1976 la Jugoslavia giocò in casa gli europei chiudendo al quarto posto. Dopo quell’edizione la nuova generazione non portò grandi talenti in campo, e la nazionale conobbe un periodo nerissimo non riuscendo addirittura a qualificarsi per i mondiali nel 1978 e ai successivi europei. Gli anni Ottanta furono un periodo di rifondazione calcistica dove però cominciarono a crescere campioni indiscussi. A livello di club la nuova generazione si impose con la Stella Rossa di Belgrado, che a metà decennio era uno squadrone quasi interamente composto da giocatori jugoslavi, che sbocciarono nella nazionale dei mondiali di Italia ’90. In quell’edizione la Jugoslavia presentò in campo un gruppo di giovani terribili: Robert Prosinecki, Dejan Savicevic, Alen Boksic, Davor Suker, Dragan Stojković (che con l’Olympique Marsiglia vinse la Coppa Campioni contro il Milan). Venne eliminata solo ai calci di rigori dall’Argentina di Maradona campione del mondo, che poi perse in finale. Le basi per una squadra formidabile erano state poste, e campioni ne sarebbero arrivati altri. Ma nell’estate del 1991 leader politici cominciarono a tuonare dichiarazioni di indipendenza che portarono ad una guerra civile dai drammi immensi, dove dopo cinquant’anni di distanza si risentì parlare di pulizia etnica e crimini contro l’umanità.
Dopo la divisione avvenuta nel 1992, la Serbia [*] fu considerata dalla FIFA erede naturale della Nazionale della Jugoslavia, ed infatti mantenne quel nome fino al 2003. Tutt’ora bomber della nazionale è Savo Milosevic, che giocò anche a Parma per un breve periodo. Nella nazionale serba hanno giocato Savicevic, Sinisa Mihajlovic, Pedrag Mijatovic e Darko Kovacevic. Oggi gioca il talento della Fiorentina Adem Ljajic e il capitano sempreverde Dejan Stankovic. Dopo la divisione la nazionale che ha fatto meglio è stata la Croazia, quarta ad Euro ’96 e poi terza ai mondiali di Francia ’98. Bomber è stato per parecchi anni Davor Suker, diventando anche capocannoniere ai mondiali francesi. Giocatori del gruppo storico sono stati Robert Prosinescky, Goran Vlaovic, Alen Boksic e Mario Stanic. A dettare i tempi poi c’era il talento di Zvonimir Boban. La Slovenia può schierare a centrocampo la fantasia di Ilicic, in Italia a Palermo, e in porta la sicurezza di Handanovic dell’Udinese. C’è poi la Macedonia di Goran Pandev e la Bosnia-Erzegovina, che schiera in attacco la punta del City di Mancini Edin Dzeko e a centrocampo i due “romani” Pjanic e Lulic. Il Montenegro di Vucinic e Jovetic è invece la nazionale più giovane, nata nel 2006.
Oggi a mettere questi nomi tutti insieme fa impressione. Ideologie etniche invece hanno ridotto a brandelli una nazione, un territorio e una squadra di calcio. Quella che, ancora oggi e forse più che nel passato, sarebbe stata il “Brasile d’Europa”.
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KURT GRITSCH
Gut inszeniert, die Mainstream-Meinung
LESER-KOMMENTAR | 14. März 2012 09:15
Sind bürgerliche Qualitätszeitungen Kriegshetzer? Medienkritik aus Sicht eines Konfliktforschers
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INDUSTRIA, FUGA NEI BALCANI
La Serbia fa il pieno di imprese italiane
investimenti per due miliardi in 10 anni
Fiat, Intesa San Paolo, Generali e Fondiaria. Sono i quattro principali big player italiani che fanno affari dall'altra parte dell'Adriatico. Ma le nostre aziende che operano nei Balcani sono oltre 400. Le fonti non ufficiali parlano addirittura di 1.100. I settori più in espansione sono l'automobilistico, il bancario, il tessile e l'assicurativo. Il business impiega 20mila i dipendenti e muove 2,5 miliardi di euro annui
Serbia, il nuovo Eldorado dell'imprenditoria straniera
Salari bassi, un regime fiscale vantaggioso e sostanziosi aiuti di stato. Così la Serbia attira sul suo territorio sempre più aziende da tutta Europa. L'Italia è tra i protagonisti di questa 'migrazione', con 400 imprese arrivate nei blacani negli ultimi anni. Tra queste soprattutto banche e assciurazioni, industrie tessili e colossi come Fiat, che dello Stato serbo è divntato persino socio in affari (di Pietro Calvisi e Pasquale Notargiacomo; traduzioni e il doppiaggio Sara Polidoro e Maria Virginia Tomassi)
Agevolazioni per chi assume in Serbia, sgravi fiscali e vere e proprie alleanze strategiche con capitale pubblico. Ma anche l'accesso a nuovi mercati come Russia, Bielorussia e Kazakistan. Per le nostre imprese, internazionalizzare nei balcani è diventata una ghiotta opportunità di affari. E la popolazione sembra apprezzare le scelte del governo: "Manca il lavoro, l'unica possibilità è attirare capitali stranieri"
Fiat e Benetton alla conquista dei balcani
Viaggio nei distretti del "made in Serbia"
A Kragujevac, nella Mirafiori della ex Jugoslavia dove si produceva la Zastava, la Fiat scommette sulla rinascita del settore automobilistico dando vita a una joint venture con lo Stato, che ha messo sul piatto oltre un miliardo di euro. A Nis, l’area industriale più importante della Serbia meridionale, sbarca Benetton acquistando gli stabilimenti della Nitex
Contratti milionari per l'energia verde
così investiamo nel pubblico, ma in Serbia
La MX Group spa costruirà in Serbia il più grande parco fotovoltaico del mondo. Un progetto da 1,755 miliardi di euro. La Italferr, del gruppo Fs, ha vinto importanti appalti per il rinnovo della rete ferroviaria. E aumentano gli strumenti finanziari pubblici per chi vuole internazionalizzare: in primis Sace, Simest, Finest
continua: http://inchieste.repubblica.it/it/repubblica/rep-it/2012/03/12/news/serbia_infrastrutture-31234192/?inchiesta=%2Fit%2Frepubblica%2Frep%2Dit%2F2012%2F03%2F12%2Fnews%2Findustria_fuga_nei_balcani%2D31250164%2F
Fino a diecimila euro per assunto
Così Belgrado diventa una calamita
Bojan Jankovic, vicedirettore della Siepa, l'agenzia del governo che dal 2001 promuove gli investimenti: "Fino ad ora abbiamo raccolto 20miliardi di euro. L'Italia è tra i principali paesi per numero di progetti". Le agevolazioni principali: sovvenzioni per le assunzioni e un regime fiscale vantaggioso per Iva e tasse su utili e lavoro dipendente, ma anche un costo del lavoro particolarmente basso e l'accesso privilegiato al mercato russo. Eppure solo il 5% delle aziende ha beneficiato dei sussidi. E il possibile ingresso nell'Unione europea non fa paura
BELGRADO - Per capire cosa abbia trasformato la Serbia in un paese con condizioni uniche per gli investimenti stranieri, la visita a Via Vlajkovicèva 3, Belgrado, è una tappa obbligata. La moquette rossa dell'ascensore di legno ci accompagna fino al quinto piano di un palazzo a due passi dal Parlamento. Qui la nota cromatica vira su un fondo azzurro, pervasivo eppure rassicurante. A caratteri bianchi si legge dovunque: Siepa, che sta per Serbia Investiment and Export Promotion Agency...Tra sogni europeisti e capitali stranieri
un Paese diviso in vista delle elezioni
In attesa del voto politico di aprile-maggio, in Serbia sono ancora tanti i nodi da sciogliere per il governo in carica. Dalle aperture al libero mercato, fino all'avvicinamento a Bruxelles, passando per la questione Kosovo e l'alta disoccupazione. Ecco gli scogli principali che deve affrontare il presidente Tadic, sfavorito nei sondaggi
BELGRADO - È fresca di rientro la delegazione italiana di sei ministri, guidata dal premier Mario Monti, che lo scorso 8 marzo ha incontrato nella capitale serba il presidente Boris Tadic e mezzo esecutivo, nel secondo vertice bilaterale fra i due paesi...Vojvodina, il "Nord-Est" serbo
ma un lavoratore costa 600 euro al mese
Viaggio nella provincia più ricca del Paese, al confine con Ungheria, Croazia e Romania e ben collegata con Italia e Germania. Miniera d'oro per le nostre imprese, nonostante i salari più alti rispetto ad altre aree della Serbia, con 680 milioni di euro di investimenti. "Arriva almeno un'azienda a settimana", spiega l'agenzia incaricata di attrarre capitali stranieri. E le condizioni vantaggiose alimentano la delocalizzazione anche da Timisoara
"Meno diritti in cambio di più lavoro"
ma il sindacato tenta la sua battaglia
Con una disoccupazione al 24%, è facile mantenere bassi i salari e non rispettare i lavoratori. Sebbene gli investitori stranieri tentino una riduzione dei diritti, le organizzazioni provano a difenderli. L'opinione del sindacalista Zoran Mihailovic, cresciuto fra le catene di montaggio della Zastava
BELGRADO - "Per il governo sarebbe tutto più facile se in Serbia non ci fossero i sindacati". Lo ha detto Zoran Mihailovic, il Landini in versione serba...Il made in Italy? È serbo
Due imprenditori aprono i cancelli dello loro fabbriche e raccontano perché hanno investito lontano dall'Italia. Il patron di "Calzedonia", Sandro Veronesi, spiega: "Non è più economico produrre reggiseni". Il fondatore di "Progetti", a cui tre delle cinque maggiori firme dell'alta moda italiana hanno affidato la produzione delle loro scarpe, racconta: "Il costo del lavoro serbo ci permette di realizzare i prodotti con maggior qualità"
(di Pietro Calvisi e Pasquale Notargiacomo; traduzioni e il doppiaggio Sara Polidoro e Maria Virginia Tomassi)
Banca intesa, Intimissimi, Fiat. Sono solo alcuni dei cartelloni pubblicitari che affollano le strade della città serba. Sembra quasi di essere in Italia ma siamo tra le nevi di Belgrado
Entrano ed escono dalle fabbriche, gli operai serbi costano poco. In media 600 euro lordi al mese. Nel reportage è evidente il proliferare del made in italy. Tra tutti lo stabilimento Fiat dove RE le inchieste è stato allontanato
Oliver, un consulente sempre pronto
meglio la Serbia che la Cina o l'India
Il segretario della Camera di Commercio italo-serba, che collabora da più di quindici anni con le imprese che internazionalizzano nella ex Jugoslavia. "Il processo di apertura ricorda quello che è successo negli anni passati nell'Europa dell'Est". E, secondo una sua stima, sono almeno 1.100 le società con partecipazione di capitale italiano
BELGRADO - Quando un'azienda italiana prende in considerazione di investire in Serbia, c'è da scommettere che uno dei primi telefoni a squillare sarà quello di Oliver Lepori. E anche nel tempo che trascorriamo con il giovane (classe '75) segretario generale della Camera di Commercio italo-serba, il flusso di chiamate si interrompe solo in rari momenti...Sara, a Belgrado come interprete
"Qui lavoro e mi sento accolta"
La storia di una giovane traduttrice abruzzese che, dopo gli studi nel nostro Paese e la difficoltà a trovare un impiego, ha scelto di trasferirsi in Serbia dove ormai si sente a casa. "Ero demotivata, ecco perché ho fatto i bagagli per vivere questa nuova avventura"
BELGRADO - La comunità italiana in Serbia non è composta solo da imprenditori arrivati in questi ultimi anni, ma c'è anche chi ha deciso di venirci a vivere fresco di laurea. È la storia di Sara Polidoro, classe 1984E' nata indoona : chiama, videochiama e messaggia Gratis.
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Global Research/Politika Daily - January 22, 2011
Fact and Propaganda: Yugoslavia and The "Politics of Genocide"
Is it possible that the prevailing current usage of the word genocide is “an insult to the memory of the Nazi regime's victims”?
This incisive thought of Noam Chomsky was taken from the preface he wrote to an astonishing book titled “The Politics of Genocide” by Edward Herman and David Peterson, published in Belgrade in 2010 by Vesna info.
Edward Herman is a professor emeritus teaching finance at the University of Pennsylvania and David Peterson is a free-lance journalist. What an unusual match, you might think at first. However, if you check the exhaustive list of references you will find out that they have worked on at least two more published books, both dedicated to the former Yugoslavia and its disintegration. David Peterson is author of another dozen published books, either alone or in cooperation with other authors.
According to Noam Chomsky, the end of the Cold War “opened an era of Holocaust denial,” in which the humanitarian bombing of Yugoslavia (read: Serbia) is far from being the last piece of the puzzle.
According to “Counter-Revolutionary Violence: Bloodbaths in Fact and Propaganda,” written by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, in the period between 1945 and 2009 the USA organized “major” military interventions in as many as 29 countries. “Thanks to its dominant position and its global counter-revolutionary efforts, the US has been the key single instigator, organizer and provider of moral and material support for some of the heaviest bloodshed that took place after the World War Two.
"US officials, supported by the media and intellectuals close to the administration (“genocide intellectuals”), have mastered the skills of “crime management” used to draw the attention of the public away from the violence instigated and endorsed by the leading global super-power and direct the public eye towards the violence perpetrated by US enemies."
In line with this the authors [Herman and Peterson] have come up with an unusual classification of the bloodbaths into four categories: constructive, benign, criminal and mythical.
“The largest genocidal act undertaken in the last thirty years was the economic sanctions imposed on Iraq following the invasion of Kuwait in 1990, both in respect of the number of victims and in respect of full awareness of the impact of this policy among its creators,” reads the introductory section of the book.
The New York Times revealed that “in the long run, Iraq has been pushed back into pre-industrial times, though it still suffers from post-industrial dependence on energy and technology.” And the Washington Post, quoting a reliable source, stated that “the bombs… were targeted at everything that was vital for survival of the country.” Sounds familiar, doesn't it?
Denis Halliday, the leading UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq, resigned, issuing a statement that the overall effects of the sanctions were comparable to that of genocide. And Eleanor Robinson, lecturer at the Old Soul College in Oxford (England), added: ”You will have to go back in time as far as the Mongol invasion of Baghdad in 1258 to find an example of pillage of comparable magnitude.” You can guess who was doing the pillage!
Edward Herman and David Peterson have exposed the ill doings of politicians, intellectuals and reporters who used the word genocide in their reports on the most deadly world crisis since the end of the World War Two (5.4 million dead between 1998 and 2007 in DR Congo) only 17 times, while the killing of 4,000 Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija was qualified as genocide as many as 323 times!
George Robertson, British Defense Minister, admitted during a hearing before Parliament: “Before Račak this year (24 March 1999), the KLA was responsible for more deaths in Kosovo than the authorities of Yugoslavia”. The number of killings since 1998 was estimated at 2,000, and 500 of these killings were attributed to Serbian forces.
“During the civil wars in the wake of the disintegration of the former SFR Yugoslavia in the nineties, the USA, Germany, NATO and EU supported national minorities which insisted on breaking away from the federal state and acted against the national group of Serbs who persisted in their efforts to save the former Yugoslavia. That is why the Western powers strongly supported first Croats and Slovenes, later Bosnian Muslims, and finally Kosovo Albanians,” explained Edward Herman and David Peterson, quoting a number of critically acclaimed works.
We are also informed that the NATO forces supported, “even coordinated war operations, and as there were numerous cases of ethnic cleansing and ethnically motivated killings, it was only natural that expressions such as ethnic cleansing, massacre and genocide were applied primarily to the war acts of the Serbs.” Regarding the “Srebrenica massacre”, they say that there is no proof that Serbian forces killed anyone but “Muslim men capable of army service,” taking care to evacuate all children, women and the elderly by buses.
“If Račak was a contrived crime, and we believe that it was, then the war sold to the world on the strength of this crime was based on a lie, and therefore any claims that the war was waged on humanitarian grounds must be disputed, if for no other reason then on account of this fact alone,” said Edward Herman and David Peterson, referring to their own article “CNN: Sale of a NATO War on a Global Scale” from 2009.
“The Račak massacre” perfectly suited the needs of Bill Clinton's administration and NATO and provided them with an excuse to launch the air attacks against Yugoslavia (Serbia), which had been prepared for a long time, soon after the failure of the negotiations in Rambouillet, “one of the greatest staged deceptions in recent history.”
When Madeleine Albright was first informed that the attacks had been launched, she commented with delight: “Spring has come early to Kosovo this year.”
This valuable book meticulously reveals the double standards applied to war acts in Darfur (Sudan), Rwanda, Iraq, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Indonesia, Guatemala, El Salvador, and so on.
Xinhua News Agency - May 23, 2011
Commentary: Libya overshadowed by "Kosovo model"
BEIJING: The latest moves by Western allies against Libya have shown marked similarities to "strategies" they adopted in Kosovo in the 1990s.
Catherine Ashton, EU's foreign policy chief, opened the bloc's office on Sunday in Benghazi,the Libyan opposition's base camp when he visited the city on Sunday.
Earlier last Monday, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) requested arrest warrants for Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, his son Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi and his brother-in-law Abdullah Al-Sanousi who is Libya's head of intelligence.
In retrospect, NATO adopted a three-step strategy in the Kosovo war back in 1999.
NATO first supported the Kosovo authority and launched 78-day bombings against former Yugoslavia, forcing the late Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic to withdraw his forces.
The West then stirred up political unrest in Serbia, leading to the downfall of Milosevic.
The last step was to send Milosevic to The Hague to face trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia. Later on, Milosevic died in custody.
Twelve years later, the Western allies again resorted to a similar three-step strategy in Libya.
NATO is launching continuous air strikes against Gaddafi's forces, while the Western allies are heaping political and psychological pressures on Gaddafi and openly supporting the opposition, in a bid to force Gaddafi to give up power. This was followed by ICC's issuance of an arrest warrant to bring Gaddafi to The Hague.
Yet, there are some differences between the two scenarios.
In 1999, the West unleashed the bombings without bothering to ask for a UN Security Council mandate, while 12 years later the West launched airstrikes on Libya by overstepping the authorization of UN Resolution 1973 to impose a "non-fly" zone supposedly to protect the civilians in Libya.
In addition, NATO has expanded its military actions from Europe, the defense area defined by the North Atlantic Treaty, to Africa, which is far beyond NATO's traditional legitimate defense area.
Ironically, the West has claimed to seek a "political solution" while continuing its airstrikes in Libya, but what it really means by "political solution" is something quite different from what is understood by the international community.
Since March 19 when several Western nations started air raids, the West has organized a so-called "Contact Group" on Libya and held several meetings to coordinate actions, claiming to "seek a political solution to resolving the Libya crisis."
However, the "Contact Group" has openly urged support for the Libya opposition on several occasions.
In short, what happened in Kosovo and Libya may well serve as perfect examples of the so-call "neo-interventionism" pursued by some Western powers.
Under the pretext of "human rights above sovereignty," they try to interfere in the domestic affairs of sovereign states, even to resort to military means to split them.
The strategies of these neo-interventionists are, more often than not, deceptive.
On the Libya issue, for instance, the Western powers seemed to have complied with international procedures and norms: they first tried to push UN Security Council resolutions and then seek an ICC arrest warrant to bring Libyan leader Gaddafi to justice.
These strategies, however, are merely employed on a selective basis to get rid of political figures the West dislikes, including Gaddafi and Milosevic. The West would turn a blind eye to similar cases in countries which are considered its own allies.
To put it clearly, some forces in the West are using just procedures of the international laws to serve their own political purposes.
In the 21st century, some Western countries take "neo-interventionism" as their standard practice and even try to apply the so-called "Kosovo model" elsewhere in the world. This should ring an alarm bell to the international community.
RT - March 24, 2011
Yugoslavia anniversary highlights parallels with Libya
In March the seasons change and sunshine falls on America. In March American politicians venture to foreign counties – to drop bombs.
March 1999 – the United States entered Yugoslavia.
“Our armed forces joined our NATO allies in air strikes against Serbian forces responsible for the brutality in Kosovo,” said US President Bill Clinton.
March 2011 – the United States entered Libya.
“The UN Security Council passed a strong resolution that demands an end to the violence against [Libyan] citizens. It authorizes the use of force,” US President Barack Obama said.
From one democratic president to another, bombing commences. The US and coalition forces reign down on Libya over the anniversary of the Yugoslavia bombings.
The attack on Libya was sanctioned by the UN Security Council, in contrast to the bombings in Yugoslavia. Without approval in 1999, NATO took the lead in the first time the alliance attacked an independent and sovereign nation which posed no threat to the organization’s members. Similarly, Libya poses no threat to the nations leading the campaign of aggressive attacks.
There are many sticking parallels between the two wars.
The enemy in 1999 was Slobodan and “The New Hitler” – Milosevic. Today it is Moammar Ghadafi who has been in power in Libya for over 40 years.
“As much as Ghadafi is this John Galliano-dressed freak show, he modernized Libya for a while,” said Pepe Escobar, a correspondent from the Asia Times.
Nevertheless, America seeks regime change and a nation friendlier to US interests.
“Ghadafi needs to step down and leave,” Obama stated.
“What we are seeing is a full-fledged war, including attempting evidently to kill the head of state of the targeted country. That again is a page from a Yugoslav book from 12 years ago,” said Rick Rozoff of Stop NATO. “What has the world learned? Evidently, not much.”
Officially, the US and allied intervention is one of humanitarian concern – the same rational argued in 1999 when bombings commenced in Yugoslavia.
“You can bomb a country because you are coming to save its people, and essentially that was what the rationale behind the war in Yugoslavia,” explained Michel Chossudovsky, the director of the Centre for Research on Globalization in Montréal. “You don’t come to the rescue of civilians with bombs and missiles, ok? Bombs and missiles are part of a killing machine, and they inevitable will kill civilians.”
Like Yugoslavia, a no-fly zone has ignited the engine of the war machine – a green light to use bombing and airstrikes.
The UN agreement on Libya created the no-fly zone and went further to allow “all means necessary” which opens the doors for nearly any type of assault.
In Yugoslavia thousands of people were killed and millions displaced.
“After the war, when they did a count, they found that US and NATO bombs had destroyed 14 tanks in Serbia. But, they had also bombed 473 schools,” said Sara Flounders from the International Action Center.
Experts are predicting a similar outcome in Obama’s war in Libya.
The White House is promising the conflict will last only days, not week – just days. Initially, the same guarantee was given for the war in Yugoslavia. That conflict lasted two and a half months.
“They think that a quick bit of bombing will sort the matter out, but in fact, I think they will find that it will last far longer than they’ve gambled for,” remarked journalist John Laughland.
12 years on Serbia still remembers the losses it suffered at the hands of US led NATO bombings and the US is now entering its fourth set of attacks on foreign soil in the past 12 years.
Gerald Celente, the director of the Trends Research Institute argued that the first great war of the 21st century has now begun – in Libya.
“Any excuse that the United States has to attack another county, they just make up,” said Celente.
It’s all hypocrisy, he argued. The US invaded Libya over supposed humanitarian concerns, but as governments in Yemen, Somali and other nations continue to kill their people, the US is not talking about intervention and invasion there.
“All this is the United States doing what it has become accustom to do, and that is attack any country it wants to at any time for any reason it can make up. And the new reason they made up is perfectly Orwellian – humanitarian crisis. So, you kill people to solve a humanitarian crisis and you take dictators out that you don’t like,” Celente said.
He argued the drive to war is oil and other resources. If the major export was anything less significant, like vegetables, the US would not have invaded, Celente contended.
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com/2012/03/08/fruits-of-humanitarian-intervention-destruction-of-states-huge-civilian-casualties-destabilization-of-countries/
Fruits Of “Humanitarian Intervention”: Destruction Of States, Huge Civilian Casualties, Destabilization Of Countries
[W]e cannot rule out that Washington is preparing to launch a military campaign against Syria. McCain’s statement is intended to prepare world opinion for an inevitable war.
In other words, the U.S. is seriously considering staging a “humanitarian intervention” in the Middle East.
The decision taken in Dayton [in regards to Bosnia] in fact created a protectorate controlled by NATO, the EU and the U.S., a kind of modern colony almost in the center of Europe. The solution was in the spirit of Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Thus, we can assume that the entire military operation in the former Yugoslav republic had a single goal, i.e. to strengthen the position of Western powers in the Balkans.
The air campaign in Yugoslavia led to the formation of a de facto independent Kosovo, where ethnic minorities live behind barbed wire and cannot even go to the store without armed guards. Another result is the appearance on Kosovo territory of Europe’s largest U.S. military base, Camp Bondsteel…
The Libyan tragedy began in February 2011. It has passed through all stages, from the systematic military destruction of an independent state to the unleashing of chaos and lawlessness.
====
Bad results of humanitarian intervention practice
McCain makes no attempt to conceal the purpose of these “safe zones”. They could be used by an armed opposition to “organize and plan political and military activities”. The American politician openly advocated providing military assistance to the militants, “including weapons and ammunition.”
Of course, McCain is not the U.S. president. He lost the battle for the post to Barack Obama in 2008, and this time around he is not even standing for election. Nonetheless, the Senator has a clear influence on the formation of U.S. foreign policy. We recall that his proposal to launch an operation to oust Muammar Gaddafi received a warm response at the White House. John McCain even visited the rebel stronghold of Benghazi to show U.S. support for Libyan opposition fighters. Thus, we cannot rule out that Washington is preparing to launch a military campaign against Syria. McCain’s statement is intended to prepare world opinion for an inevitable war.
In other words, the U.S. is seriously considering staging a “humanitarian intervention” in the Middle East. In the American political establishment, we can find many supporters of using military force for humanitarian purposes. If necessary, they are prepared to act (and have acted before) without the sanction of the United Nations. However, the success of such operations is highly relative. They often result in a high number of victims and significantly worsen the situation in the country under the banner of “intervention with noble aspirations.”
Examples are easy to find. In 1995, NATO forces launched an air campaign against Bosnian Serbs, thereby getting involved in the civil war in Bosnia.
In this case, NATO armed forces appeared to be intervening in the conflict on the side of Bosnian Muslims and Croats. According to eyewitnesses of those events, the Serbs’ adversaries would attack after massive NATO air raids. As a result, a very original state appeared on the political map of Europe, consisting of two parts: the Muslim-Croat Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Serb Republic. The decision taken in Dayton in fact created a protectorate controlled by NATO, the EU and the U.S., a kind of modern colony almost in the center of Europe. The solution was in the spirit of Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Thus, we can assume that the entire military operation in the former Yugoslav republic had a single goal, i.e. to strengthen the position of Western powers in the Balkans.
Proof of who is actually the master of the situation in Bosnia can be found in the Brcko District, which, in violation of Article 5 of the Dayton Agreement of 1999, has been given an autonomous status. This area, which has great strategic importance, is out of the control of both the Federation and the Serb Republic. The real power is in the hands of an administrator, American diplomat Roderick Moore, who has been in the position since 2010. Does he not resemble a colonial governor-general?
In 1999, Kosovo was the scene of dramatic events that until recently were considered a classic example of “humanitarian intervention”. The U.S. and its NATO allies actually intervened in the internal conflict (bypassing the UN Security Council) in Yugoslavia and incited armed rebellion in a Serbian province. During the three-month air campaign, the strikes hit more than just military targets. Industrial facilities, infrastructure, hospitals, schools and homes were destroyed. At the time of the Kosovo campaign, NATO waged war against the press for the first time. On the night of 22 to 23 April 1999, NATO aircraft launched a missile strike on the building of Radio Television Serbia, killing 16 journalists.
Why not draw direct parallels with the current situation in Syria? Of course, the death of Marie Colvin and Remi Ochlik in Homs is a tragedy, and the international media quite rightly put this issue at center stage. However, they were war correspondents who had been in the besieged city for a long time and entered it illegally, and they were fully aware of the inevitable risks. The killing in Belgrade in 1999, however, involved Yugoslav journalists working in their own country and city and at their workplace. They were killed deliberately, and no one took responsibility for this crime. It simply disappeared from the world’s mainstream media.
The air campaign in Yugoslavia led to the formation of a de facto independent Kosovo, where ethnic minorities live behind barbed wire and cannot even go to the store without armed guards. Another result is the appearance on Kosovo territory of Europe’s largest U.S. military base, Camp Bondsteel, named after an American sergeant and hero of the Vietnam War. In fact, in Europe there has appeared a second enclave (after the one in Bosnia) under the control of NATO and the European Union. Based on available information, Kosovo is now ruled by organized crime. The region has become a nexus for drug trafficking from Afghanistan and Africa to European consumers.
Finally, the most recent example of “humanitarian intervention” was the regime change in Libya carried out by NATO allies. Formally, it was sanctioned by a UN Security Council resolution, though the latter was completely turned on its head. It dealt with the establishment on Libyan territory of a useless zone. Let me remind you that John McCain has called for the same actions in Syria. Thus, we can guess what he has in mind for the Syrian government.
The Libyan tragedy began in February 2011. It has passed through all stages, from the systematic military destruction of an independent state to the unleashing of chaos and lawlessness. At present, Libya is in a state of low-intensity civil war, and the situation in the country is not completely clear. Even the countries that supported the rebels in 2011 cannot build any effective dialogue. There is a total loss of control processes in Libya. If this happens in Syria, which is one of the key states of the Arab world, the consequences for the entire Middle East would be hard to imagine.
These examples show that the doctrine of “humanitarian intervention” espoused by politicians like McCain only leads to one thing: the destruction of statehood, huge civilian casualties, and the complete destabilization of the country being intervened in.
Of course, it is not a foregone conclusion that Washington will adopt Senator McCain’s proposed approach in Syria. However, statements by influential American hawks suggest it is at least being considered by the political leadership of the United States. This is quite worrying.
Therefore, Russia should closely monitor the mood on Capitol Hill. And if necessary, together with countries that share the same positions as Moscow, take diplomatic and other measures to prevent armed action against Syria in defiance of the UN Security Council. In the end, has nothing in the world changed since 1999?
*Alexey Pilko, Associate Professor at the Moscow State University Faculty of History
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Israele
Export - import di coppie miste
Ogni anno migliaia di coppie israeliane di diversa religione si sposano all’estero perché nel loro paese non esistono le unioni civili. Ne parliamo con la giornalista italo-marocchina Anna Mahjar-Barducci
(12 Marzo 2012)
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Comment
The quisling of Belgrade
- The Guardian, Friday 14 March 2003 02.45 GMT
In western newspaper obituaries Djindjic has been almost universally acclaimed as an ex-student agititator who bravely led a popular uprising against a tyrannical dictator and endeavoured to steer his country into a new democratic era.
But beyond the CNN version of world history, the career of Zoran Djindjic looks rather different. Those who rail against the doctrine of regime change should remember that Iraq is far from being the first country where the US and other western governments have tried to engineer the removal of a government that did not suit their strategic interests. Three years ago it was the turn of Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia.
In his recent biography of Milosevic, Adam LeBor reveals how the US poured $70m into the coffers of the Serb opposition in its efforts to oust the Yugoslav leader in 2000. On the orders of Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, a covert US Office of Yugoslav Affairs was set up to help organise the uprising that would sweep the autocratic Milosevic from power.
At the same time, there is evidence that underworld groups, controlled by Zoran Djindjic and linked to US intelligence, carried out a series of assassinations of key supporters of the Milosevic regime, including Defence Minister Pavle Bulatovic and Zika Petrovic, head of Yugoslav Airlines.
With Slobo and his socialist party finally toppled, the US got the "reforming" government in Belgrade it desired. The new President Vojislav Kostunica received the bouquets, but it was the State Department's man, Zoran Djindjic, who held the levers of power - and he certainly did not let his Washington sponsors down.
The first priority was to embark on a programme of "economic reform" - new-world-order-speak for the selling of state assets at knockdown prices to western multinationals. Over 700,000 Yugoslav enterprises remained in social ownership and most were still controlled by employee-management committees, with only 5% of capital privately owned. Companies could only be sold if 60% of the shares were allocated to workers.
Djindjic moved swiftly to change the law and the great sell-off could now begin. After two years in which thousands of socially owned enterprises have been sold (many to companies from countries which took part in the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia), last month's World Bank report was lavish in its praise of the Djindjic government and its "engagement of international banks in the privatisation process".
But it wasn't just state assets that Djindjic was under orders to sell. Milosevic had to go too, for a promised $100m, even if it effectively meant kidnapping him in contravention of Yugoslav law, and sending him by RAF jet to a US-financed show trial at the Hague. When a man has sold his country's assets, its ex-president and his main political rivals, what else is there to sell? Only the country itself. And in January this year Djindjic did just that. Despite the opposition of most of its citizens, the "heralder of democracy" followed the requirements of the "international community" and after 74 years the name of Yugoslavia disappeared off the political map. The strategic goal of its replacement with a series of weak and divided protectorates had finally been achieved.
Sometimes, though, even the best executed plans go awry. Despite the western eulogies, Djindjic will be mourned by few in Serbia. For the great majority of Serbs, he will be remembered as a quisling who enriched himself by selling his country to those who had waged war against it so mercilessly only a few years earlier. Djindjic's much lauded reforms have led to soaring utility prices, unemployment has risen sharply to over 30%, real wages have fallen by up to 20% and over two-thirds of Serbs now live below the poverty line.
It is still unclear who fired the shots that killed Zoran Djindjic. The likelihood is that it was an underworld operation, his links to organised crime finally catching up with him. But, harsh though it sounds, there are many in Serbia who would willingly have pulled the trigger. On a recent visit to Belgrade, I was struck not only by the level of economic hardship, but by the hatred almost everyone I met felt towards their prime minister, whose poll ratings had fallen below 10%.
The lesson from Serbia for today's serial regime changers is a simple one. You can try to subjugate a people by sanctions, subversion and bombs. You can, if you wish, overthrow governments you dislike and seek to impose your will by installing a Hamid Karzai, General Tommy Franks or a Zoran Djindjic to act as imperial consul. But do not imagine that you can then force a humiliated people to pay homage to them.
· Neil Clark is writing a book about the recent history of Yugoslavia
TRAGIČNA SMRT NE ABOLIRA FAŠISTIČKA DELA
Tragično preminuli neofašistički premijer Đinđić ne prestaje da bude predmet radikalne idealizacije i obožavanja buržoaskih partija u Srbiji. Ovih dana uoči datuma njegove smrti smo ponovo bili svedoci različitih propagandnih manifestacija poput šetnji za Zorana, tribina za Zorana, koncerata za Zorana... Svi ti sletovi na koje se troše ogromne sume naših para buržuji koriste kako bi dalje raspirivali mit o njegovom vizionarstvu kojim pokušavaju da dočaraju sliku ojađenim i izgladnelim građanima naše zemlje o tome da je san bio tako lako ostvariv i moguć, samo da ga njegovi kerovi na lancu koji su ga u pučističkom prevratu 5. okobra doveli na vlast nisu rastrgli. Niko ne krije njegovu duboku upletenost u prljave mafijaške rabote dojučerašnjih najbližih saradnika Željka Ražnatovića Arkana, a i kako bi kada se sećamo članaka iz naše štampe u kojima je sam Đinđić govorio o Legiji kao svom velikom prijatelju, kom je uostalom imao da zahvali za lojalnost kad mu je bila najpotrebnija, bez koje ne bi oborio Miloševića, pa ga potom i uhapsio i isporučio imperialstičkom oruđu, sudu u Hagu.
Međutim kakav je to san koji smo bespovratni ispustili da dosanjamo tom ogromnom brzinom koju nam je njegov besprekorni tempo rada bio omogućio? Promovišući taj san buržuji žele da sakriju košmar bede u kojoj naše društvo svakodnevno grca, a nikakav vizionar, istinski vizionar, ne može da je previdi. Dobronamerni ljudi svesni istorijske uloge i dela ubijenog premijera, u najboljem bi slučaju za Đinđića rekli da je on bio samo jedan naivni idealista koji nije shvatio kakav nam se zapravo košmar s njegovim snom sprema. Međutim, mi kao marksisti-lenjinisti, revolucionari, ne možemo biti dobronamerni prema klasnom neprijatelju, a Đinđić je bio egzamplarni model klasnog neprijatelja radnog naroda naše zemlje.
Mi skojevci ćemo uvek između antikomunizma i fašizma podvlačiti znak jednakosti. Zoran Đinđić je bio ostrašćeni antikomunista. To potvrđuje bezbroj njegovih izjava, članaka i knjiga u kojima se on koristi autentičnom fašističkom argumentacijom kojom komunizam naziva „bolešću“, a svoju političku misiju vidi u nalaženju „leka“ za istu. Taj svoj lek on nam je prepisao na najbrutalniji način dolaskom na vlast, munjevito odstranjujući milion zaposlenih, odstranjujući besplatno obrazovanje, državno vlasništvo nad preduzećima u mnogim granama privrede, odstranjujući 50 do 70 % stočnog fonda, udvostručavanjem pa kasnije i utostručavanjem spoljnog duga, a za kasnije, sovojim naslednicima je ostavio u amanet i odstranjivanje Kosova i Metohije iz Srbije. Sve to je bio njegov lek za teško izlečive „bolesti komunizma“ koje smo spomenuli. Antikomunizam Zorana Đinđića je logična reakcija kojom su bila odgajana mnoga deca titovih oficira poput njega u revizionističkom titoizmu u Jugoslaviji, u kom su bile podsticane različite reakcionarne i antikomunističke devijantne buržoaske ideje. Tako je mladi Zoki za sebe tvrdio da je anarhista, ludo zagriženi kropotkinovac, što je samo izdigao na viši nivo odlaskom na postdiplomske studije u Saveznu Republiku Nemačku (neće sigurno iz titove Jugoslavije da ide na studije u Demokratsku Republiku Nemačku) gde je mogao da dodatno unapredi svoja reakcionarna i nenaučna anarhistička gledišta koja ga konačno vode do onoga do čega svaki napredni anarhista na kraju svog „revolucionarnog“ puta stiže – liberalzam, i to „neo“! Takav nam se Zoki vraća u domovinu zaglibanu u nasleđene „bolesti komunizma“ i njegove radikalne titoističke reakcije i „pravilno“ shvata da sve ono čega su ga naučili anarhizam i neoliberalizam može da postigne samo raspirivanjem histeričnog antikomunizma kom je najbolji saveznik oduvek bio malograđanski i šovinistički nacionalizam. Ne sedi Zoran skrštenih ruku, i kako imperijalisti otpočinju sa rušenjem naše domovine SFRJ formira stranku istočnik buržoaske i proimerijalističke misli i organizacija u Srbiji, otpočinje i rat, te on organizuje ultrancionalističke paravojne formacije, peče vola na Palama s Radovanom Karadžićem, tokom NATO agresije na SR Jugoslaviju odlazi na zapad da ih moli da dodatno intenziviraju napade kako bi on što pre došao na vlast, a na kraju svoj prljavi malograđanski pir zaokružuje uvođenjem veronauke u škole pravdajući to „visoko demokratskim činom“. Međutim, malograđanski nacionalizam koji je Đinđić tokom devedesetih jednako raspirivao kao i njegovi saborci i tobožnji protivnici iz buržoaskih partija u Srbiji pokazo se samo maskom brutalnog klasnog tlačenja koje je njegova osnovna suština i koje postaje više nego očigledno kako Đinđić preuzima apsolutnu vlast u Srbiji. Ovaj apsolutista vlada kratko i umire kako bi mit mogao da živi.
Danas, u toku predizborne kampanje bržoaskih partija kada se u Srbiji sprovodi brutalna klasna eksploatacija radnog naroda, kada nezaposlenost, spoljni dug, inflacija i školarine strmoglavo rastu, mit o Đinđiću je jedino za šta se buržuji mogu čvrsto držati u svojoj propagandi laži. Slika svakodnevice radnog naroda Srbije taj mit rastura u paran parčad, a neće još mnogo vremena proći kada ćemo jednom zauvek strgnuti tu ljagu s naše istorije u novim pobedama radnog naroda u klasnom ratu.
Savez komunističke omladine Jugoslavije
Beograd, 12. mart 2012. godine
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WHITE BOOKS about NATO aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
NATO Crimes in Yugoslavia - Documentary Evidence
24 March - 24 April 1999 - Part One
Belgrade, Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1999
Preface Zivadin Jovanovic - ISBN 86-7549-124-7
HTML: https://www.cnj.it/24MARZO99/dvd_target/docs/wb1/index.htm
NATO Crimes in Yugoslavia - Documentary Evidence
25 April - 10 June 1999 - Part Two
Belgrade, Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1999
ISBN 86-7549-134-4
HTML: https://www.cnj.it/24MARZO99/dvd_target/docs/wb2/sadrzaj.htm
PDF: http://www.beoforum.rs/download/white-books-nato-aggression/ISBN-86-7549-134-4.html
NATO AGGRESSION AGAINST THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA - Documents Part One
PDF: http://www.beoforum.rs/download/white-books-nato-aggression/ISBN-86-7549-178-6-Part-One.html
NATO AGGRESSION AGAINST THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA - Documents Part Two
PDF: http://www.beoforum.rs/download/white-books-nato-aggression/ISBN-86-7549-178-6-Part-Two.html
Programma iniziative a Belgrado per il 13.mo dell'aggressione NАТО
Комеморативне активности поводом 13 година агресије НАТОПоштовани,
Независна, нестраначка удружења – Београдски форум за свет равноправних, Савез удружења бораца народноослободилачког рата (СУБНОР) Србије и Клуб генерала и адмирала Србије и ове године организују комеморативне активности поводом 13. годишњице од почетка агресије НАТО пакта против Србије (СРЈ).
У петак, 23 марта 2012. године, у 11 часова одржаће се Округли сто на тему „Косово и Метохија – 13 година после агресије НАТО“.
Истог дана у 13:30 часова, одржаће се премијера филма “Од Београда до Багдада”, канадских аутора Радослава Огњеновића, редитеља и Скота Тејлора, новинара и публицисте.
Оба ова догађаја одржаће се у Амфитеатру Сава Центра, Нови Београд, улаз из улице Милентија Поповића бр.9.У суботу, 24 марта 2012. године, у 12 часова, организатори, друга удружења грађана и појединци, положиће венце и цвеће на споменик жртвама агресије, на Ушћу, Нови Београд.
Част нам је да Вас позовемо да присуствујете овим комеморативним догађајима како би смо на тај начин заједнички исказали поштовање према многобројним људским жртвама НАТО агресора и послали поруку мира.
С поштовањем,КЛУБ ГЕНЕРАЛА И АДМИРАЛА СРБИЈЕ
Љубиша СтојимировићСУБНОР СРБИЈЕ
Проф. Др Миодраг ЗечевићБЕОГРАДСКИ ФОРУМ ЗА СВЕТ РАВНОПРАВНИХ
Живадин Јовановић
Da: "Zivadin Jovanovic"Data: 08 marzo 2012 09.27.06 GMT+01.00Živadin JovanovićChairmanBelgrade Forum for a World of Equals
Belgrade, March 7th, 2012
COMMEMORATIVE EVENTS ON THE 13TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE NATO AGGRESSION
Independent, nonparty civic associations – The Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals, The League of Veterans of the People’s Liberation Struggle of Serbia and the Club of Generals and Admirals of Serbia are organizing traditional commemorative activities on the occasion of 13th anniversary of the NATO 1999 aggression against Serbia (FR Yugoslavia). The aggression has caused over 3.500 deaths, over 10.000 wounded, two thirds of whom were civilians and over 100 billion US dollars economic damage. During 78 days of constant bombings NATO has used missiles with the depleted uranium causing lasting pollution of the soil, water and food and malignant deceases and deaths.
On Friday, March 23rd, 2012, at 11 a.m. there will be held the round table “Kosovo and Metohija 13 years after NATO Aggression”, in the Sava Conference Center (Amphitheater), Main entrance, Street Milentije Popovic No.9. The Round table will be followed by the documentary film “From Belgrade to Baghdad”, of Canadian authors Radoslav Ognjenovic, Director, and Scott Taylor, journalist and publicist. Free Entrance.
On Saturday, March 24rth, 2012, at 11 a.m. delegations will lay flowers at the Monument to the children victims in the Tasmajdan Park and at 12 noon to the Monument of Eternal Flame at Usce, New Belgrade
The public is welcome to attend these events to pay respect to the victims and send common message of peace.
LVPLSS Prof. Miodrag Zecevic Chairman
CLUB OF GENERALS AND ADMIRALS Ljubisa Stojimirovic Chairman
BELGRADE FORUM Zivadin Jovanovic Chairman
B92 - February 28, 2012
"NATO bombed Serbia because of lies"
VIDEO: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sy9JZk8GBlw
BELGRADE: NATO launched its 1999 war against Serbia "because of German Defense Minister Rudolf Scharping's lies", claims a former member of an OSCE mission in Kosovo.
Belgrade-based Blic newspaper writes, quoting the Vestionline website, that ahead of the start of the war, Scharping falsely presented members of the ethnic Albanian KLA "rebels" as civilian victims.
The Serbian authorities considered the KLA to be a terrorist group.
Scharping was accused by former German police official Henning Hensch, an OSCE observer in Kosovo before the war, who spoke for Germany's NDR television.
This OSCE observer was personally present during the investigation of the scene in Rugovo in Kosovo in January 1999, where Serbian police units fought against KLA members.
The German television program featuring an interview with Hensch also showed Scharping in a news conference in early 1999, where he presented photographs from Rugovo of KLA members killed in battle, claiming they depicted massacred civilians.
Furthermore, the German minister told reporters that the OSCE photos of the scene were made "secretly by a German officer", and that he would have "gladly presented him (to reporters)", but that the officer is question was "receiving medical treatment because of the traumatic experiences" that he underwent in Kosovo.
13 years later, NDR journalists asked the German Defense Ministry to confirm that "a German officer" was in the area at the time secretly taking photoraphs, to after several weeks receive a reply that this was not the case.
Scharping himself, said the television, could not be reached for comment.
NATO's aerial war lasted for 78 days in the spring of 1999, and ended with the signing of the Kumanovo Agreement, and the adoption of Resolution 1244 at the UN Security Council.
U ovom prilogu ćete videte svedočenje gospodina Heninga koji je tada na Kosovu bio posmatrač OEBS-a i lično je prisustvovao uviđaju u Rugovu, gde se desila borba između srpskih policijskih jedinica i UČK pobunjenika.
Tadašnji ministar Rudolf Šarping je zloupotrebio čitavu situaciju i predstavio UČK pobunjenike kao civilne žrtve, što je dovelo i opravdavalo vojni napad na Srbiju.
[It started with a lie / Cominciò con una bugia]
Deutschland im Kosovo 99
Dieser Film zeigt, wie schon vom ersten Tag des Kosovokrieges an die Bevölkerung getäuscht wurde. Dieser Film zeigt auf, wie Tatsachen verfälscht und Fakten erfunden, wie manipuliert und auch gelogen wurde. Dieser Film zeigt, weshalb Bomben auf Belgrad fielen.
Documentary about the lies of German officials during the Nato war against Yugoslavia
ARD (Germany), 8/2/2011 - 43:02
Počelo je sa jednom laži / Почело је са једном лажи
1 od 5
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uqCs-9-RVbI
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"Salvate Davide Ghaleb Il Santo Editore"
18 MARZO ORE 18.00
MUSEO DELLA CITTÀ E DEL TERRITORIO
Via di Porta Marchetta, 2 - VETRALLA
PIETRO BENEDETTI
IN
DRUG
GOJKO
REGIA DI
ELENA MOZZETTA
UNO SPETTACOLO PRODOTTO DAL CP ANPI VITERBO
TRATTO DAI RACCONTI DEL PARTIGIANO NELLO MARIGNOLI
IDEATO DA GIULIANO CALISTI E SILVIO ANTONINI
TESTI TEATRALI - PIETRO BENEDETTI
CONSULENZA LETTERARIA - ANTONELLO RICCI
MUSICHE - BEVANO QUARTET E FIORE BENIGNI
FOTO - DANIELE VITA
UN RINGRAZIAMENTO PARTICOLARE A NELLO MARIGNOLI
SI RINGRAZIANO INOLTRE: * I RAGAZZI DEL CENTRO SOCIALE EX VALLE FAUL * DAVIDE BONINSEGNA * ARCI VITERBO
Biglietto d'ingresso:
ogni partecipante acquisterà
un libro dal catalogo di Davide Ghaleb editore
Note di Antonello Ricci sullo spettacolo Drug Gojko di Pietro Benedetti
L’inizio è sul dragamine Rovigno: una croce uncinata issata al posto del tricolore. Il finale è l’abbraccio tra madre e figlio, finalmente ritrovati, nella città in macerie.
Così vuole l’epos popolare. Così dispiega la sua odissea di guerra un bravo narratore: secondo il più convenzionale degli schemi, in ordine cronologico.
Ma mulinelli si aprono, di continuo, nel flusso del racconto. Rompono la superficie dello schema complessivo, lo increspano, lo fanno singhiozzare magari fino a contraddirlo: parentesi, divagazioni, digressioni, precisazioni, correzioni, rettifiche, commenti, esempi, sentenze, morali.
Così, proprio così Nello racconta il suo racconto di guerra. Nello Marignoli da Viterbo: gommista in tempo di pace; in guerra, invece, prima soldato della Regia Marina italica e poi radiotelegrafista nella resistenza jugoslava.
Nello è narratore di straordinaria intensità. Tesse trame per dettagli e per figure, una dopo l’altra, una più bella dell’altra: la ricezione in cuffia, l’8 settembre, dell’armistizio; il disprezzo tedesco di fronte al tricolore ammainato; l’idea di segare nottetempo le catene al dragamine e tentare la fuga in mare aperto; il barbiere nel campo di prigionia: «un ometto insignificante» che si rivela ufficiale della Decima Brigata Herzegovaska; le piastrine degli italiani trucidati dai nazisti: poveri figli col cranio sfondato e quelle misere giacchette a -20°; il cadavere del soldato tedesco con la foto di sua moglie stretta nel pugno; lo zoccolo pietoso del cavallo che risparmia i corpi senza vita sul sentiero; il lasciapassare partigiano e la picara«locomotiva umana», tutta muscoli e nervi e barba lunga, che percorre a piedi l’Italia, da Trieste a Viterbo; la stella rossa sul berretto che indispettisce i camion anglo-americani e non li fa fermare; la visione infine, terribile, assoluta, della città in macerie.
Ma soprattutto un’idea ferma: la certezza che le parole non ce la faranno a tener dietro, ad accogliere e contenere, a garantire forma compiuta e un senso permanente all’immane sciagura scampata dal superstite (e testimone). «Quello che dico, dico poco».
Da qui riparte Pietro Benedetti col suo spettacolo Drug Gojko. Da questa soglia affacciata su ciò che non si potrà ridire. Da un atto di fedeltà incondizionata al raffinato artigianato del ricordo ad alta voce di Nello Marignoli. Il racconto di Nello è ripreso da Pietro pressoché alla lettera, con tutti gli stigmi e i protocolli peculiari di una oralità “genuina” e filologica, formulaica e improvvisata al tempo stesso. Pausa per pausa, tono per tono, espressione per espressione. Pietro stila il proprio copione con puntiglio notarile, stillandolo dalla viva voce di Nello.
Questa la scommessa (che è anche ipotesi critica) di Benedetti: ricondurre i modi di un canovaccio popolare entro il canone del copione recitato, serbando però, al massimo grado, fisicità verace del narrare e verità delle sue forme.
Anche per questo la scena è scarna. Così da rendere presente e tangibile il doppio piano temporale su cui racconto e spettacolo si fondano (quello dei fatti e quello dei ricordi): sul fondo un manifesto antipartigiano firmato Casa Pound, che accoglie al suo ingresso Nello-Pietro in tuta da lavoro; sulla sinistra un pneumatico da TIR in riparazione; al centro il bussolotto della ricetrasmittente.
Andiamo a cominciare.
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Posted on March 6th, 2012 in the category Kosovo by TransConflict
The EU seems bent on using the leverage of the still-to-be-granted accession date to press Belgrade for more concessions, particularly concerning north Kosovo, thereby risking an escalation of tensions.
By Gerard M. Gallucci
After squeezing everything it could from Serbia’s president, Boris Tadic, on Kosovo, the EU agreed last week to grant Serbia candidacy without a date to begin accession talks. To win that prize, Belgrade agreed to last minute deals with Pristina to informally recognize Kosovo as an independent entity and to work with it to transform the northern boundary into a functional border. These steps are, in the end, an inevitable bow to reality. Serbia has lost Kosovo – at least from the Ibar south – and nothing practical is gained pretending otherwise. The EU, however, seems bent on using the leverage of the still-to-be-granted accession date to press Belgrade for more concessions. Beware triumphalism.
It’s not clear how many Serbians focus on the meaning of candidacy without a date. The Tadic government will understandably highlight the fact that the decision in Brussels puts Serbia on the path into the EU. How long that path will be and when Serbians will begin seeing the practical benefits of being on it will perhaps be left to others to discuss. The government will continue to deny that it is giving, or will give, anything away on Kosovo. How this plays in the upcoming election remains to be seen.
However, it is clear that despite an expected election lull in talks between Belgrade and Pristina, the EU will continue its pressure on north Kosovo and for further concessions from Serbia. Various EU officials are making clear that to get a date for accession talks to begin – could be this year or whenever – Belgrade will have to reach deals on telecoms and energy and allow EULEX to establish “rule of law’ in north Kosovo.
Telecoms and energy are two big pieces of the set of property issues between Serbia and Kosovo that so far have been barely touched. Pristina has – with EU and EULEX assistance – either appropriated or dismantled energy and telecoms facilities south of the Ibar. These have included the telephone systems, the Obilić power stations and the coal mines. Ownership of these and former socially-owned or publicly-owned properties and the fate of funds gained through “privatization” is disputed between the two sides. Companies from some EU members have benefited directly from these seizures and privatizations. Energy and telecoms are not the only outstanding issues of this sort – they include Trepca and the former Jugopetrol – but backing Serbia down from maintaining its property claims would be a big win for Pristina and the EU. The same would be Belgrade’s agreement to allow Kosovo to have its own country code and international phone links.
The rule of law concessions sought by the EU include making the new border management system work – which means somehow making sure the northern Kosovo Serbs use the official crossings and remove their blockades – and somehow introducing a “Kosovo” court into the north. It may also include Belgrade finding a way to dismantle “parallel” local institutions – perhaps through not holding elections there, placing them under administration and even arresting leaders. Meanwhile, EULEX will continue testing the northern Serbs for “freedom of movement” and by closing alternative routes, and may yet take the Kosovo Albanian officials being flown to the northern Gates out of their container and into public sight. Whether springtime weather brings more direct action by Pristina, EULEX and KFOR cannot be ruled out as it would be wrong to assume the Quint would hold everything back just to help Tadic.
Quint haste and impatience over the north still runs the risk of provoking crisis. Belgrade cannot simply deliver the north, no matter how much Tadic or Nikolic might want to bring home the bigger prize of a date. If Tadic could have done it, he would have by now. Anything which smacks of a full-fledged northern border between Serbia and Kosovo – one which forces locals to pay customs to Pristina or subjects them to “control” by Kosovo Albanians – is likely to be rejected. Any effort to impose a Kosovo court with Kosovo Albanian judges and officials in north Mitrovica will likely provoke resistance. Whether it is Belgrade, EULEX or KFOR that seeks to force these, violence is possible.
It was unwise and petty of the EU to give Serbian candidacy without a date just to try to pry north Kosovo into the hands of Pristina. It would have been more mature to either withhold candidacy or to have given it with a date, and allow the remaining Kosovo issues to be resolved gradually as tensions decreased over the next few years. A dash of practical sense and continued focus on peacekeeping would have been nice.
Gerard M. Gallucci is a retired US diplomat and UN peacekeeper. He worked as part of US efforts to resolve the conflicts in Angola, South Africa and Sudan and as Director for Inter-American Affairs at the National Security Council. He served as UN Regional Representative in Mitrovica, Kosovo from July 2005 until October 2008 and as Chief of Staff for the UN mission in East Timor from November 2008 until June 2010. Gerard is also a member of TransConflict’s Advisory Board.
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