Informazione
Völkischer Thinktank
Geschichte. Vor 95 Jahren entstand mit dem Deutschen Ausland-Institut die einflußreichste Organisation für den Mißbrauch deutscher Minderheiten in aller Welt. Seit 1949 betreibt es als Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen wieder »Deutschtumsarbeit«
Von Martin Seckendorf
Der deutsche Kaiser schickte eine Grußadresse (und eine ansehnliche Summe aus dem Reichshaushalt), der württembergische König übernahm die Schirmherrschaft. In den Ehrenausschuß traten der deutsche Kronprinz und die Chefs aller in den Bundesstaaten herrschenden Adelsfamilien. Den Ehrenvorsitz im Verwaltungsrat übernahm Reichskanzler Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg. Mitglieder dieses Gremiums wurden mehrere Reichsminister – u.a. die Kolonial-, Außen- und Innenminister – sowie Ressortchefs aller Bundesländer.
Noch 1917 legte die Neugründung den etwas sperrigen Geburtsnamen ab. Bis 1945 nannte sie sich Deutsches Ausland-Institut (DAI), ab 1949 Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen (IfA).
Organ der Herrschenden
Die Gründung in schwierigen Kriegszeiten, die herausgestellte Verbundenheit mit der wilhelminischen Oberschicht und die reichliche finanzielle Ausstattung des Instituts lösten in der Öffentlichkeit Erstaunen aus. Immerhin waren seit den mörderischen Schlachten des Jahres 1916 an der Somme und vor Verdun gerade einige Monate vergangen. Das Weltwirtschaftliche Archiv meinte 1917, in Stuttgart sei »eine in ihrer Großzügigkeit durchaus neuartige Organisation«, eine »Zentralstelle« von gesamtnationalem Rang entstanden. Die Frankfurter Zeitung schrieb am 11. Januar 1917, das Institut sei als »Mittelpunkt der Beziehungen Deutschlands zu seinen Landeskindern« im Ausland konzipiert worden.
Die Gründung des DAI war Ausdruck dafür, daß die Herrschenden in Deutschland nach neuen Expansionsmethoden suchten. Bis dahin setzen sie bei dem Drang nach einem »Platz an der Sonne« auf eine expandierende Wirtschaft und aggressionsbereite Streitkräfte. »Die feineren Mittel«, wie Reichskanzler Bethmann Hollweg 1913 subtilere Methoden der Einflußgewinnung nannte, spielten bis in die Zeit des Ersten Weltkrieges kaum eine Rolle.
Anfang 1917 war deutlich geworden, daß der Krieg nicht mit dem »Siegfrieden« enden werde. Die Erringung der »deutschen Weltgeltung« gegen die britische Weltmacht nur durch Waffengewalt war offenkundig nicht möglich. Neue, flexiblere Wege wurden gesucht.
Neue Expansionsmethode
Die Gründung – und die weitere Tätigkeit des DAI – waren nicht von der in der Öffentlichkeit allenthalben beschworenen Sorge um die »Brüder und Schwestern jenseits der Grenze«, wie es hieß, bestimmt. Das »Auslanddeutschtum« sollte Instrument der »Reichspolitik« sein.
In diesem Sinne war die Rede des Königs von Württemberg auf der Gründungsfeier des DAI abgefaßt. Das Institut sei ein Werk »des künftigen (Kompromiß)friedens mitten im gewaltigen Kriege«. Es gehe »um außerordentlich wichtige Fragen, die die Zukunft unseres Vaterlandes bewegen«, stellte er auf der Verwaltungsratssitzung des Instituts kurze Zeit später klar und hob hervor, die im Ausland lebenden Deutschen können helfen, »zurückzuerobern, was uns durch der Feinde Tücken verloren gegangen ist«.
Totale Erfassung
Vorrangige Aufgabe des DAI sei, »Verbreitung, Kultur und Wirtschaftsstellung des Deutschtums im Ausland« zu erforschen, heißt es in einer Programmschrift von 1917.
Das Institut sollte die genaue Zahl und die geographische Verteilung der im Ausland lebenden Deutschen sowie deren Beziehungs- und Wirkungsgeflecht in ihrer andersnationalen und natürlichen Umwelt erkunden.
In differenzierten Karteien waren jeder im Ausland lebende Deutsche und alle Organisationen der Auslanddeutschen – vom Kirchenchor bis zur politischen Partei – zu erfassen. Diese Kartothek, so das Institut in einer Notiz vom Juni 1919, sei »für den künftigen Wiederaufbau deutscher Interessen im Ausland von hohem Wert«. Außerdem begann die Etablierung eines weltumspannenden Systems von V-Leuten, die regelmäßig oder auf Anfrage nach Stuttgart berichteten.
Ein zweiter Arbeitszweig des DAI bestand darin, Verbindungen zu den Deutschen im Ausland anzubahnen und Einfluß auf die politische Haltung der Auslandsdeutschen gegenüber Deutschland zu nehmen.
Mit intensiver Indoktrination, flankiert von materieller Unterstützung und der »Entsendung« von Beauftragten des Instituts in die deutschen Siedlungsgebiete, sollte eine enge Bindung zu Deutschland aufgebaut werden. Dabei ging es auch darum, Assimilation, ja selbst Integration der Auslanddeutschen in ihre gesellschaftliche Umwelt zu verhindern. Durch »Wiedererweckung des Deutschbewußtseins« und des »Sinns für deutsche Sonderart« wollte man assimilierte, ins »fremde Volkstum abgeglittene« Deutsche dem »deutschen Volkstum« zurückgewinnen, regermanisieren. Schon 1913 hatte Bethmann Hollweg beklagt, »daß nicht jeder Deutsche im Auslande seine Heimat in sich abbildet«.
Ein dritter Arbeitsschwerpunkt war die Propaganda in die deutsche Gesellschaft hinein. Die über die Deutschen im Ausland gewonnenen Erkenntnisse sollten schnell verbreitet werden, um in Deutschland »die Kenntnis der Bedeutung des Auslanddeutschtums« zu vertiefen, heißt es in der Satzung von 1917. Damit wollte man den Entscheidungsträgern das Potential des »Deutschtums im Ausland« vermitteln. Dabei ging es auch um eine breitere Akzeptanz der noch jungen Disziplin »Deutschtumspolitik« in den Macht- und Einflußeliten.
Andererseits versuchte man, mit nationalistischer Deutschtumspropaganda die Instrumentalisierung der deutschen Minderheiten im Ausland für die Politik der Herrschenden in Deutschland zu verschleiern, aber einen innenpolitischen Resonanzboden für die »Deutschtumspolitik« zu schaffen. Mit der oft in chauvinistische Hetze gegen andere Völker ausartenden »Deutschtumspropaganda« sollte politischer Einfluß in breiten Massen der deutschen Gesellschaft gewonnen werden. Die Arbeit für das »schwer ringende Deutschtum im Ausland« wurde als partei- und klassenübergreifende, gesamtnationale Pflicht dargestellt, wofür notfalls auch Opfer zu bringen waren. Mit der »Nationalisierung« der Volksmassen wollte man Feindbilder gegen ausländische Mächte verfestigen und die Massen von einer revolutionären Lösung der durch die herrschenden Klassen geschaffenen gravierenden politischen und sozialen Probleme in Deutschland abhalten, denn nur ein einiges und starkes Mutterland könne den »Brüdern und Schwestern draußen« helfen, so die Argumentation des DAI. Eine weltumspannende »Volksgemeinschaft aller Deutschen« wurde propagiert. In der Ausgabe der Institutszeitschrift vom Januar 1918 heißt es: »Der deutsche Gedanke in der Welt verlangt ein enges Zusammenstehen aller Volksgenossen in der Heimat, vom ersten Minister bis zum letzten Arbeiter. Er fordert auch einen innigen Zusammenhalt der Auslanddeutschen untereinander und mit der Heimat.« Der erste Vorsitzende des Instituts, Theodor Wanner, verlangte die Herstellung der »volklichen Einheit« aller Deutschen. Reichsaußenminister Gustav Stresemann sprach 1927 im DAI von der »Kultur- und Blutgemeinschaft« aller Deutschen weltweit, die sich durch kulturell-zivilisatorische Höherwertigkeit von anderen Völkern unterscheide.
Der Tenor der Deutschtumspropaganda klingt in einem Bericht über die Gründungsversammlung des DAI an. Die Zeitung Export schrieb 1917, in »dieser für das Deutschtum schwierigen Zeit (…) durch den gegen uns gerichteten Mordkrieg« sei »das eherne Gebot klargeworden, uns über den ganzen Erdball fest und fester aneinander zu schließen, damit wir nicht vereinzelt der nach unserem Leben gierenden Meute zum Opfer fallen«.
Die bei der Gründung dem DAI gestellten Aufgaben bestimmten die gesamte weitere Tätigkeit des Instituts.
Revisionspolitik
Angesichts der Machtlosigkeit setzte sich in den herrschenden Klassen endgültig die Erkenntnis durch, daß »Deutschtumspolitik«, die oft als unverdächtige auswärtige Kulturpolitik firmierte, ein wirkungsvolles Mittel für die Außen- und Innenpolitik sei.
Man war davon überzeugt, mit Kultur- und Minderheitenpolitik die politische Stimmung des Auslandes derart zugunsten Deutschlands zu verändern, um die Beseitigung der auferlegten Beschränkungen als wichtigen Schritt auf dem Weg zur Wiederaufrichtung der »deutschen Weltgeltung« erreichen zu können. Außerdem wollte man mit nationalistischer, auf »Volksgemeinschaft« ausgerichteter Deutschtumspropaganda die gerade nach dem Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs wankende Macht der Eliten stabilisieren.
In Deutschland entstand ein gewaltiger »Deutschtumsapparat«. Tausende Vereine und ungezählte »volkswissenschaftliche« Forschungs-und Bildungseinrichtungen wurden gegründet. Steuerung und weitgehend die Finanzierung des gewaltigen Apparats oblag oft getarnt agierenden staatlichen Behörden.
Aus diesem Geflecht ragte das DAI wegen der Breite seines Arbeitsgegenstands und seiner engen Verbindungen zu den Macht- und Einflußeliten heraus. Das Institut war eine Kombination von Deutschtumsverband, »volkswissenschaftlicher« Lehr- und Forschungseinrichtung, Propagandazentrale, Gutachter- und Auswandererberatungsstelle, auslandskundlichem Informationszentrum, Archiv und Museum.
Mit dem Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs begann der Aufstieg des DAI zur wichtigsten Deutschtumsorganisation. 1922 schrieb der sozialdemokratische Reichsinnenminister Adolf Köster, das DAI sei »die wissenschaftlich und politisch bedeutungsvollste Organisation zum Wiederaufbau des Auslandsdeutschtums wie zur Verbreitung von Auslandskunde«. Die Mehrzahl der Neugründungen hatte innenpolitische Propaganda zu betreiben, damit der »Gedanke des Deutschtums im Ausland von einer starken Stimmung im Volk« getragen werde, schrieb das Auswärtige Amt 1922. Die »Deutschtumsarbeit« sei für den »politischen Wiederaufbau Deutschlands« nach dem Krieg »besonders dringend« gewesen, heißt es in einem Bericht des Rechnungshofes.
Das DAI bediente beide Arbeitsfelder: Erfassung und Steuerung der deutschen Minderheiten im Ausland und Deutschtumspropaganda nach innen.
Nach der Novemberrevolution stellte sich das DAI auf die veränderte innenpolitische Situation ein. Die Vertreter der Fürstenhäuser verschwanden aus den Institutsgremien. Ihre Stellen nahmen die Repräsentanten der Weimarer Republik ein.
Den Ehrenvorsitz bildeten der Reichskanzler, die Reichsminister des Innern und des Äußeren sowie Repräsentanten großer deutscher Bundesstaaten.
Weltweite »Blutsgemeinschaft«
Die massenhaft verbreitete Volksgemeinschaftsideologie führte bald in die Nähe faschistischer »Volkstums«-Auffassungen. Der Leiter der Presseabteilung des Instituts bewertete eine programmatische Publikation der NSDAP über das »Grenz- und Auslandsdeutschtum« als weitgehend identisch mit den Auffassungen des DAI. Der als »liberales Urgestein« geltende Vorsitzende Theodor Wanner äußerte 1927, die Deutschen seien ein »Volk ohne Raum«. Er forderte die Ansiedlung deutscher Bauern in den »entvölkerten Ostgegenden und Ödgebieten« auch, um »zunächst einmal gegen die andrängende slawische Flut im Osten einen neuen Menschen- und Bauernwall zu setzen«. Die Mitarbeiter des DAI gehörten nach dem Zeugnis von Wahrhold Drascher, seit 1924 Länderreferent, »so gut wie ausschließlich seit langem der nationalen Erneuerungsbewegung« an. Drascher war nach 1945 Professor in Tübingen.
Zu Beginn der faschistischen Herrschaft versuchten Führer konkurrierender »Deutschtumsverbände«, die herausgehobene Stellung des DAI im Netzwerk der »Deutschtumspolitik« zu beseitigen und sich das Institut einzuverleiben. Naziführer in Württemberg und auf Reichsebene machten schnell deutlich, daß dieses für jede Außenpolitik und revanchistische Propaganda so wertvolle Instrument unangetastet bleibt.
Sie drängten aber auf Faschisierung. Die mit dem von den Nazis verfemten Weimarer System eng verbundenen Personen an der Institutsspitze wurden entfernt und durch Nazigrößen und nazistische »Volkstumskämpfer« ersetzt. Im Dezember 1934 stellte der Reichsrechnungshof fest: »Das Deutsche Ausland-Institut ist die größte zentrale Arbeitsstätte für das Auslanddeutschtum im Reich und als solche von den Auslanddeutschen, den Reichsbehörden und den Organen der NSDAP anerkannt.«
Die Hinwendung zu den neuen, faschistischen Machthabern führte dazu, daß das DAI schnell wuchs. Die Zuwendungen des Staates, der Naziorganisationen und der Großwirtschaft stiegen bis 1943, gemessen am Stand von 1933, auf das Zwanzigfache. Die Zahl der hauptamtlichen Mitarbeiter wurde im selben Zeitraum mehr als verdreifacht. Alle Arbeitsfelder konnten erheblich ausgebaut werden. Die Zahl der weltweit tätigen V-Leute stieg auf weit über 4000. Sie wurden zunehmend dazu angehalten, militärische, kriegswichtige Informationen zu liefern. 1943 wurde das DAI schließlich vollständig in den Spionagedienst der SS eingegliedert.
Formierung der fünften Kolonne
Die »auslanddeutschen Volksgenossen« wurden aufgefordert, alles zu tun, »um das deutsche Volk in seinem Daseinskampf zu unterstützen, daß sie den Hetzversuchen entgegentreten und ihre andersstämmigen Mitbürger aufklären über die wahre Lage in Deutschland«, heißt es in Aufrufen des Instituts.
Gleichzeitig nutzte das DAI sein Renommee, nazistische Ideologie unter den Deutschen im Ausland zu verbreiten. Die ideologische Indoktrination der Auslanddeutschen und die Faschisierung aller Organisationen der deutschen Minderheiten war die wichtigste Voraussetzung dafür, die »Volksguppen« zu willfährigen Instrumenten der »Reichspolitik«, zur fünften Kolonne der deutschen Eroberungspolitik zu machen.
Seit 1933 strebte das DAI zusammen mit der Deutschen Akademie, deren Goethe-Institut heute zu den wichtigsten »Mittlerorganisationen« der bundesdeutschen auswärtigen Kulturpolitik gehört, eine führende Rolle in der »Volkswissenschaft« an. In Stuttgart sollte eine gesamtnationale »Planungs- und Generalstabsstelle der Volksgruppenforschung« entstehen. Vor allem die europäischen »Volksgruppen« und ihre »Wirtsvölker« sollten auf der Grundlage von Rassen- und Erbbiologie bewertet und kategorisiert werden, um sie gemäß der faschistischen Rassenideologie als Verfügungsmasse für die Germanisierung zu erobernder Gebiete festlegen zu können. Germanisierung durch Beseitigung der Einheimischen und Ansiedlung »arischer« Menschen galt den Faschisten als die sicherste Methode zur Beherrschung besetzter Gebiete.
1938/39 begann die Überführung der »volkswissenschaftlichen« Forschungsergebnisse in die mörderische Germanisierungspraxis. An die Stelle der deportierten, mitunter sofort umgebrachten Einwohner kamen rassisch und politisch überprüfte »germanische Ansiedler«. Experten des DAI gelangten in Leitungsfunktionen der entsprechenden SS-Einrichtungen. Das Institut lieferte Expertisen als Planungsgrundlagen für Um- und Ansiedlungsmaßnahmen.
Während des Krieges wurden die Arbeitsergebnisse, die personellen und sachlichen Möglichkeiten des Instituts vollkommen und unmittelbarer als je zuvor für die Politik und Kriegsführung des Naziregimes eingesetzt. Das DAI galt der deutschen Führung als »kriegswichtig«.
Kontinuität
Heute ist das Institut die wohl bedeutendste »Mittlerorganisation« der auswärtigen Kulturpolitik und betreibt, wie es im Jahresbericht des Instituts für 1998 heißt, » (p)olitische Öffentlichkeitsarbeit für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland (…) im Ausland (…) in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung«. Die »politische Öffentlichkeitsarbeit Ausland« sei ein Instrument der deutschen Außenpolitik«, wird betont.
Unter Einsatz beträchtlicher Mittel und einer großen Anzahl von Experten betreibt das IfA auch wieder »Deutschtumspflege« im Ausland. Territoriale Schwerpunkte der unter dem Etikett »Kulturelle Förderung deutscher Minderheiten« laufenden Arbeit sind neben Lateinamerika vor allem die deutschen Minderheiten in jenen Ländern Ost- und Südosteuropas, die sich um 1990 vom Sozialismus abgewandt hatten. Auf der Website des IfA heißt es unter der Überschrift »Entsendung von Mitarbeitern«: Das Institut entsende jährlich »zu Verbänden und Redaktionen der deutschen Minderheiten in Mittel-, Ost- und Südosteuropa (…) Kulturmanager, Redakteure, Medienwirte«. Aber auch »Kindergartenfachberater und Erzieher« werden zu den deutschen Minderheiten geschickt.
Ein Blick auf die Geschichte des DAI/IfA enthüllt bemerkenswerte sachliche Kontinuitätslinien: Mit Kulturpropaganda und dem Einsatz der deutschen Minderheiten im Ausland ein den Herrschenden genehmes »Deutschlandbild« zu erzeugen, im Grunde außenpolitisch verwertbaren Einfluß in fremden Ländern zu erreichen, ist von 1917 bis heute die Hauptaufgabe des Deutschen Ausland-Instituts und seines Nachfolgers Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.
Dr. Martin Seckendorf ist Historiker und Mitglied der Berliner Gesellschaft für Faschismus- und Weltkriegsforschung e.V. Weitere Beiträge von ihm finden sich in der jW-Broschüre »Barbarossa. Raubkrieg im Osten«, Berlin 2011, 5,80 Euro, im jW-Shop erhältlich, Bestellungen an ni@...
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Sahrana jednog ratnog zločinca
(„Slobodan Jovanovic sahranjen u otadžbini“ – 11.12)
Kakav si “dasa” vidi se u teškim danima . Blistav um, visoki intelektualac, proslavljeni pravnik i istoričar , pisac, kritičar itd.itd. S.Jovanović je svojim pisanjem i govorima oduševljavao srpsku elitu u Beogradu sve do 1941. Ostavio je “brdo knjiga” iza sebe. Ali, od svega toga mala vajda za naš narod i zemlju. U njihovom životu to “brdo” ništa nije promenilo .Društvena sredina bila je i dalje zaostala – ni polovina njenih članova ( žene ) nije imala pravo glasa . Dobile su ga , jurišima tokom NOB, tek 1945.
U danima II SR , kada je na delu trebalo pokazati svoju ideološku i moralnu čvrstoću, videće se pravo lice S.Jovanovića : kao potpredsednik u vladi generala Milana Simovića S.Jovanović je “klisnuo” u Englesku, ostavljajući narod na cedilu.
Kao predsednik izbegličke vlade S.Jovanović promoviše Dražu Mihailovića za ministra vojnog i Načelnika štaba Vrhovne komande Jugoslovenske vojske u otadžbini (JVuO) i vođu otpora Nemcima. Nikakve borbe četnika protiv okupatora nije bilo sem ,u početku, zajedno s partizanima. I to samo do 1.11.41. a onda je Draža zabranio i to. Nemci koje su oni ubili ili zarobili posle toga mogu stati u jednog “Fiću” .To nije smetalo S.Jovanoviću da veliča svoje trupe u zemlji. Svi pokušaji Čerčila da vlada i Kralj , koji je bio i pilot, odu u zemlji i stave se na čelo narodnog otpora, nisu uspeli. Nisu hteli da napuste svoje fotelje do kraja rata pravdajući se starošću.To je bila bruka za našu zemlju pred Britancima koji su se hrabro borili na život i smrt sa Hitlerom. V.Nazor, hrvatski pesnik, iako star , 1942.odlazi u partizane . I Sutjesku je prešao pod borbom na brdskom konjiću! A Čerčil je poslao u Jugoslaviju svoga sina , svoje ofcicire i generale da bi imao uvid u stanje na terenu i slao pomoć borcima protiv Nemaca.
Iako se deklarisao kao tolerantni demokrat , S.Jovanović je bio okoreli antikomunist i protivnik saradnje četnika i partizana. Sjajne zajedničke pobede kod Krupnja, Kraljeva itd. on je prekinuo i usmerio četnike na borbu protiv partizana,.Zbog toga će biti proliveno mnogo bratske krvi. Politički cilj izbegličke vlade i S.Jovanovića bila je obnova Jugoslavije kao federalne drzave u kojoj bi srpska federalna jedinica bila etnicki čista. D.Mihailović je počeo da je čisti od nacionalnih manjina. Kako je to radio vidi se iz izveštaja četničkog komandanta Pavla Djurišića u C.Gori upućenog Draži 11.1.1943. u kome piše da je operacija protiv Muslimana u bjelopoljskom kraju uspela :”.. spaljeno 33 sela, ubijeno 400 naoružanih ljudi i 1000 žena i dece .Sopstveni gubici : 14 poginulih i 26 ranjenih, od čega dve žene …”.
Zato S.Jovanović nije primer na koga bi se mogla ugledati mlada Srbija. Rehabilitacija njegovih rasističkih i nacionalističkih ideja tokom devedesetih godina prošlog veka dovešće do novih bratoubilačkih sukoba i žrtava.Opet imamo ratne zločine i zločince. Isti kao oni koji su klali Muslimane u dolini Lima 1943. Ovi to rade u Srebrenici 1995. Nisu sva imena otkrivena. Oni najodgovorniji, poput nekada S.Jovanovića, još uvek rade svoj zločinački posao u salonima akademija nauka, univerziteta i udruženja knjizevnika itd. te mračnim i hladnim crkvenim hramovima!
Sahrana posmrtnih ostataka S.Jovanovića u zemlji je privatna, porodična stvar. Previše se mrtvih i živih “junaka” vraća u Srbiju u poslednje vreme i mi im se klanjamo. A gde su bili “kada je grmelo”i kada se obnavljala i gradila zaostala i porušena zemlja? Tada nam je trebala njihova snaga i um? Njihovi grobovi su kolevka novih generacija rasista,šovinista i nacionalista..Pravo mesto za njihove grobove , pa i grob za S.Jovanovića, su Lim i Drina gde su četnici bacali ubijene Muslimane i komuniste tokom NOB i gradjanskog rata 1991. - 1995..
Stevan Mirkovic, general u penziji, počasni predsednik Centra Tito
8.12.2011
Dnevne novine “Danas" 19/12/2011
Adolf i Pavle
LIČNI STAV
Autor: Stevan Mirković
Naša i svetska istorija je saradnike okupatora u Drugom svetskom ratu locirala za vekove na svoje crne stranice. Pokušaji njihovih naslednika, nekih političara, istoričara i advokata da ih rehabilituju je Sizifov posao, što je slučaj i sa knezom Pavlom Karađorđevićem. Knez, inače, ne zavređuje da se o njemu mnogo piše ali taj slučaj upozorava srpsku javnost na sledeće: i danas su naši „knezovi“ u situaciji da učine sličan izdajnički korak i spanđaju se sa NATO, čiji je cilj, kao i Hitlerov, komadanje Srbije. To se može sprečiti.
Da se podsetimo. Knez Pavle je na tajnom sastanku sa Hitlerom 4. marta 1941. u Berhtesgadenu (sastanak je trajao pet časova) odlučio da Jugoslavija pristupi Trojnom paktu, što je bio uvod u nestajanje Srbije kao samostalne države. Hitler nas je raskomadao „ko Panta pitu“: Nemci su uzeli Banat, Mađari Bačku, ustaše Srem, Albanija Kosovo, a Bugarska bosilegradski i pirotski okrug. Narod je mislio drukčije. Njegov odgovor je bio „Bolje rat nego pakt“. Počela je NOB.
Da nije bilo NOB svet danas ne bi ni znao da postoji Srbija. NOB je onemogućila nemački plan o formiranju posebne nemačke podunavske države („Donaustaat“, „Donauschwabenland“, „Prinz Eugen - Gau“...) sa Beogradom kao nemačkom nacionalnom tvrđavom i etničko potiskivanje i progon Srba na prostor pretkumanovske Srbije. Ovo pokazuje da Treći Rajh u svom konceptu Nove Evrope nije imao Srbiju kao državu, što je još jedan argument da je potpisivanje Trojnog pakta 25.3.1941. bio štetan i anacionalni potez izdajničke vlade Cvetković - Maček. To je pouka i za današnju situaciju jer u novom svetskom poretku, koga kreiraju SAD, nema današnje Srbije već neke pretkumanovske i slično, a u svakom slučaju bez KiM, Vojvodine i Sandžaka. NOB je Srbiju vinuo u sam svetski vrh među 50 zemalja sveta, koji su sačinjavale prvi saziv OUN u San Francisku aprila 1945. godine. Knez Pavle je sramota Srbije. Zbog pobune vojske i naroda 27. marta 1941. Hitler je mučki napao i pokorio Jugoslaviju. Naravno, Pavle nije čekao Nemce već je“uhvatio maglu“ u Grčku i dalje, zajedno sa porodicom, a za njim i cela dinastija. Zar se među tolikim prinčevima, koji su godinama dembelisali na grbači naroda, ne nađe nijedan junak i stavi na čelo naroda u tim teškim trenucima? Ne, vremena su se promenila. U staro doba srpski knezovi i kraljevi išli su u borbu protiv napadača na čelu narodne vojske i zajedno sa vojnicima stupali u borbu, deleći s njima i dobro i zlo na bojištu. Priča da je knez, pristupajući Trojnom paktu 25. marta 1941. učinio jedini pravi i mogući izbor u to vreme i spasao zemlju od veće katastrofe je sramotna. Zar je mogla biti veća katastrofa od njenog komadanja samo nekoliko nedelja posle tog potpisivanja? Nije bilo drugog izbora, kažu. Kako smo mi, skoro deca, sa 16, 17 godina imali izbor. Pa mi smo, zajedno da starim partizanskim borcima, najurili nemačke horde iz Srbije, opkolili i zarobili stotine hiljada Švaba u Sloveniji maja 1945. Ne treba za to biti knez već imati srce i ljubav za zemlju i narod. To Pavle nije imao. On je čuvao svoju kožu, kao i svi slični njemu, koji ga danas slave i veličaju. Ne brane oni samo Pavla već i svoj kukavičluk danas, a verujem i sutra, ako ih zemlja pozove da je brane. Niko pametan ne voli rat. Nismo ga ni mi voleli 1941-1945, ali postoje trenuci i vreme kada se mora ratovati i onda moraš biti čovek ili si gad! Pa, biraj - izbor je tvoj. Nemoj samo govoriti da nema izbora!
Na kraju, pišući ovo ne želim ni na koji način da povredim osećanja potomaka kneza Pavla. Želja je svakoga od nas da ima slavne pretke. Deca ne odgovaraju za postupke svojih roditelja, bili oni dobri ili loši.
Autor je general u penziji i bivši borac X krajiške brigade NOV i POJ
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( "La Croazia è un progetto fallito delle élite scioviniste".Questa l'opinione del noto scrittore e polemista croato Igor Mandić, che aggiunge: "Se si considera che la Croazia come Stato si è costituita durante le euforie nazionalistiche degli anni '90, allora dobbiamo tener conto che le sue fondamenta sono marce e su queste basi ogni ulteriore edificazione e l'aggiunta di mattoni sarebbe vana. Perché un giorno, uno si renderebbe conto che bisogna chiudere l'appalto e demolire")http://www.novilist.hr/Kultura/Igor-Mandic-Hrvatska-je-promasen-projekt-sovinistickih-elita
INTERVJU
IGOR MANDIĆ: HRVATSKA JE PROMAŠEN PROJEKT ŠOVINISTIČKIH ELITA
Autor: Davor Mandić
Objavljeno: 8. siječnja 2012.
Ako je Hrvatska stvorena u nacionalističkoj euforiji 90-ih godina, onda moramo biti svjesni da su temelji truli i da se njima uzaludno pokušava graditi, nadograđivati sve dok se netko ne sjeti da bi trebalo cijeli taj projekt zaključati i srušiti, kaže Igor Mandić
Igor Mandić je neumoran. Pa ako nije riječ o nekoj novoj autorskoj knjizi kojom će redefinirati žanr memoarske proze u Hrvatskoj i pokrenuti lavinu sličnih pokušaja svojih kolega, onda će barem sakupiti neke tekstove i objaviti ih u knjizi. Ovaj put to su čak dvije knjige u jednoj: »Zauzeto, Hrvat!« zbirka je kolumni objavljivanih u tjedniku Novosti, a »Sloboda lajanja« zbirka je tekstova objavljivanih u raznim novinama od 1990. do 1993. godine.
Razgovor u kojem ćemo se dotaknuti i Miroslava Krleže, Hrvatske kao propalog biznis projekta šovinističkih elita, Europske Unije, HRT-a ili tematizirati ulogu intelektualca danas u društvu počinjemo pitanjem zašto dvije knjige u jednoj.
– Dvije muhe jednim udarcem! Iz praktičnih razloga da ne dijelim te dvije cjeline koje same po sebi ne bi bile dovoljno opsežne za knjigu, a kako su mi se ti materijali nagomilali smatrao sam neophodnim objaviti ih, pa sam smislio knjižarski štos, naopako postavio dvije polovice knjige. Tko ne voli jednu, neće voljeti ni drugu polovicu, jer ona je otprilike tako složena da je mogu zamrziti i jedni i drugi, koju god polovicu čitali. Ili zavoljeti.
A zašto? One se sastaju na sredini zbog knjižarskog uveza... Ali one se doista i sastaju u raskrinkavanju nacionalističko-kulturoloških mitova na ovim prostorima.
– Jest, apsolutno, s jedne strane imamo kritiku totalitarnog soc-komunizma u »Slobodi lajanja«, a s druge obranu nekih ljudskih prava jedne manjine u Hrvatskoj također protiv jedne nacionalističke zagriženosti. Dobro ste primijetili.
Ponovno na pustari
Kako to da je prestao vaš angažman u Novostima, listu u kojem ste objavljivali kolumne pod nazivom Zauzeto, Hrvat?
– Jedna godina moga djelovanja u Novostima, danas možda ponajboljim novinama u Hrvatskoj, nekako se približavala kraju kad mi je pala ponuda iz jednog mnogo tiražnijeg lista s puno većim honorarom. I normalno da sam se polakomio. Tko ne bi? Uostalom to je u skladu s našom profesijom i profesionalnim relativizmom koji i sam zastupam. Ja sam nebrojeno puta bio ostavljen na cjedilu, na crnim listama i kao takav sam praktički jedan penzionerski goljo, pa mi je povećanje honorara apsolutno odgovaralo. Ali onda je došlo do nesporazuma s novom redakcijom, jer izgleda da se nisam uklapao u njihovu koncepciju i nakon nekoliko mjeseci došlo je do prekida. I sad sam ponovo na pustari. Ali dobro, bio sam milijun puta već i uvijek sam puštao neka sve teče, neka voda sve nosi, sudbina će to već nekako srediti.
Zanimljivo je da se ne skrivate iza demagoških floskula o većoj bazi čitatelja, profesionalnim izazovima i sl. čime novinari i kolumnisti obično pravdaju lukrativne transfere, nego priznajete da su razlozi puke materijalne naravi.
– Što je povezano. Ali to je jedna vrsta profesionalnog relativizma, čak bliska cinizmu. No kolege u Novostima su to jako dobro shvatili. Oni su i sami pretpostavili da bi me trebali malo bolje honorirati, ali nisu mogli. Taj je list sirotinjska baza male etničke manjine Srba u Hrvatskoj, i ono malo novca koji mogu odvojiti moraju štedljivo dijeliti. Ali meni je to bilo i fantastično osvježenje da na jednom mjestu mogu objavljivati kritičke eseje, ironične pamflete protiv svega što mi je smetalo, i što mi i dalje smeta.
A obreo sam se u Novostima onoga trenutka kada su prvi put u povijesti mogle izaći na kioske i kako se očekivalo da one budu samo neki etnički geto, onda sam se ja kao Hrvat po krvnim zrncima već dosta prononsiran kao srbofil vrlo svjesno uključio u njihovu redakciju i nastojao sam biti na razini onog mog antinacionalizma i antiklerikalizma koji sam gajio prema bilo kome.
Opasno krležijanstvo
Antinacionalizam i antiklerikalizam svakako su dobar poticaj za priču o jednoj nedavnoj velikoj, debeloj obljetnici – 30 godina od smrti Miroslava Krleže. Na toj ste obljetnici u HDP-u, koji je jedini organizirao življi skup na temu Krleže, imali jedan naslovom provokativan istup u javnoti: Povratak krležijanstvu. No taj povratak za vas ipak nije moguć. Zašto?
– Pa bitno su promijenjene okolnosti onakvog krležijanstva koje je postojalo u vrijeme Krležinog djelovanja do 2. svjetskog rata. I onoga poslije, kada je on prerastao u kult i mit. Od 90-ih ti su se odnosi bitno promijenili i preuzeti na sebe obavezu totalnog krležijanstva je nemoguće. Zato što kad bi se uopće našla osoba koja bi gajila krležijansku potenciju otpora prema svemu i svakome to bi bila jedna samoubilačka akcija. Ja mislim da Hrvatska odbija krležijanstvo, u punini značenja tog pojma. Tko god se i danas usuđuje nasljedovati neke od obilježja krležijanskog temperamenta misli i ideja vrlo se teško probija i nailazi ne velike otpore. Jer inertnost naših institucija i uskogrudnost javnog mnijenja je još tolika da je krležijanstvo strašno opasno. Zato to nije ni moguće ni poželjno, jer krležijanstvo bi nas razdrlo. Bila bi to prava teroristička bomba.
Što mislite o poruci ministrice kulture Andree Zlatar kulturno-umjetničkim institucijama da su zakazale u obilježavanju ove obljetnice kad su se poduzele komemorativnih sastanaka, kao da Krležino djelo nije živo?
– Gospođa ministrica je dobro primijetila, ali sad je već kasno. Obljetnica je propuštena. Ali uskoro će biti obljetnica rođenja, pa se DHK prijeti da će nešto napraviti, a ja sam član i tog društva.
Ukazuje li to vaše dvojno članstvo i na neuhvatljivost vaše ideološke pozicije? I što biste rekli o ljevici i desnici u Hrvatskoj, odnosno o književnoj ljevici i desnici?
– Prvo, moje dvojno članstvo nije izuzetak, a neke velike ideološke razlike između ta dva smala cehovska udruženja i nema. Ne bih inzistirao na podjeli lijevo i desno jer bi to bilo pojednostavljivanje. Moje dvojno članstvo je stvar tolerancije.
Otkako sam počeo pisati, moje članstvo u DHK-u je bio nedostižni ideal i kad sam se uspio učlaniti mislio sam da sam stekao status pisca. Ali nije se moglo zanemariti godine i godine ideoloških manipulacija i cehovskih razračunavanja. Na svim skupštinama obično smo u zadnjim redovima rogoborili kako bi se trebalo odvojiti od toga društva, ali to se u socijalizmu moglo shvatiti kao politička diverzija. A kukavičluk naše humanističke inteligencije je beskrajan. U to ubrajam i sebe. Ja sam nisam poveo ništa, a nisam imao ni koga slijediti u razdvajanju dok nije to sve puknulo kad se jedna grupica ljudi spontano odvojila. Ali to je već bilo u vremenu kad je sloboda lajanja bila dopuštena.
Postoji li onda po vama uopće hrvatska književna ljevica i desnica, i uopće što je s političkom ljevicom i desnicom u HR?
– Ti su pojmovi odavno postali irelevantni. Čak i u svijetu. Ne postoje snažni ideološki pokreti, ni s jedne ni s druge strane, koji bi opravdavali približavanje inteligencije tim idejama. Između dva svjetska rata to je bilo jasnije, ali u doba općeg relativizma to je postalo bespredmetno. I kako više nitko nema ni volje ni snage snažno oformiti bilo koji ljevičarski pokret ni u Europi ni u Hrvatskoj, migoljenje inteligencije između tih pojmova nije ništa drugo nego migoljenje crva.
Uzaludan trud
Koje su onda neuralgične točke našeg društva? Oko čega se sporimo?
– Pa ovdje imamo tu nemoguću situaciju da na silu održavamo jedan konstrukt koji se zove Hrvatska. Dokazano je taj projekt propao jer su na vlasti ili nesposobnjakovići ili lopovi, ili mediokriteti ili kriminalci. To je dokazano, samo treba napraviti još jedan korak pa se zapitati čemu nastaviti taj nemogući uzaludni trud. Jer ako je Hrvatska stvorena u nacionalističkoj euforiji 90-ih godina kao jedan biznis projekt šovinističkih elita, onda moramo biti svjesni da su temelji truli i da se na tim trulim temeljima uzaludno pokušava graditi, nadograđivati, stavljati nove skele, žbukati iznova fasadu dok se netko ne sjeti da bi trebalo cijeli taj projekt zaključati i srušiti. Ovo zvuči možda malo previše dešperatno, presminono za jednu malenkost kakva sam ja.
Hrvatska se danas trese kao alkoholičar u apstinencijskoj groznici. Zna da ne smije piti i da ga to vodi u propast, a u toj groznici razdiru ga bolovi i muči se da bi za neko izvjesno vrijeme ponovno pao u svoju staru zamku. Reći ću nešto što je možda uvredljivo i za vlast i za opoziciju, ali Hrvatska je promašen projekt, nažalost. Kao što je bio promašen projekt kvislinške Endehazije tako je promašen i projekt neoustaške tuđmanovske Hrvatske. Zadao je osnovne obrasce društvene pokvarenosti i od tada se na njima pokušava graditi neke smjene vlasti koje nisu doprinijele ništa. Jer nemamo dovojno elita koje su u stanju društvo držati na okupu. Sve propada, sve institucije su otišle dođavola, sve je rasprodano, pokradeno, darovano, i čemu nastavljati uzaludni trud.
Apsurdni birokratizam
Malo smo se bavili intelektualiziranjem opće prakse. Pratite li nasljednike projekta na HRT-u kojega ste bili dijelom – Peti dan?
– Pratim, jer uvijek želim da ta vrsta talk showa za odrasle bude na televiziji. Sad ne želim ispasti ljubomoran pa reći da su neke ranije postave bile bolje i zanimljivije - ružno je tako biti ljubomoran. Izbor osoba za takav šou je delikatan i možda pokazuje princip ćorave koke. Kako su i nas izabrali za prvu seriju emisije Opće prakse emitirane od jeseni 2006. do lipnja 2007. Ali zanimljivo je da se nje ljudi još uvijek sjećaju. Izgleda kao da je emitirana jučer. Kako su nas izabrali, tako su nas i maknuli, došla je druga, pa treća ekipa. Ideja je, mislim, strašno dobra i važna.
Ali ako se ne varam prijeti joj skoro nestajanje s ekrana. Kao i nekolicini drugih projekata na HRT-u koji dio javnosti smatra projektima od javnog interesa. Što mislite o novom glavnom uredniku HRT-a Bruni Kovačeviću i njegovim smjernicama?
– Ja gospodina ne poznajem, jer sportski program ne pratim. Ali njegov dolazak i djelovanje nije važno zbog njegove ličnosti, nego zbog činjenice kompliciranosti organizacije vrha televizije, te Programsko vijeće, pa nadzorni odbori, upravni i šta ja znam. Toliko je to komplicirano da se vidi da se birokracija hrani sama sobom, da je ona kao neka pijavica koja živi tako da siše samu sebe, ali opet i kao hvidra odsiječeš jednu glavu a naraste druga. Sve je to apsurdni birokratizam, pa onda apsolutno anonimni nekompetentni ljudi dođu na mjesta na kojima se odlučuje o programu jedne javne televitizije. Nije problem samo u jednoj osobi ravnatelja ili glavnog urednika.
Vratimo se malo na vas. Vašom proznom autobiografijom u dva dijela pokrenuli ste lavinu sličnih poduzeća hrvatskih pisaca i intelektualaca. Pratite li tu produkciju i spremate li možda kakav novi prilog?
– Pratim, pratim, i žao mi je što sam im dao primjer. Moje su knjižice bila jedna vrsta inovacije i strukturno i sadržajno u hrvatskoj auotobiografskoj prozi, koja je činovnička i neiskrena. Ja sam pokušao prijeći sve to, i osobne tajne, i društveni moral. I također dati ćušku javnom ukusu, kako bi rekao jedan slavni prethodnik, i to mi je podosta uspjelo. Nije da se hvalim, ali tiražnost i čitanost to pokazuju.
Pratim sve te koji su se pojavili istovremeno ili usporedno jer se odjednom pakazalo da se svi možemo hvaliti nekim svojim pričicama uz koje ćemo pokazivati slikice. Meni je to došlo nekako spontano, fotografije u mojim knjigama nisu ilustracije mene samoga nego su dio neke priče. Pa se odjednom pojavljuju albumi iz privatnih kolekcija. Čitave zbirke fotografskih dokumenata trebale bi pokazati kako je netko postojao. Ali to je bitno za mali krug, za širi je potrebno imati neku književnu istinu koja je dobro ispričana. Mislim da je to meni pošlo za rukom u toj vrsti kombinacije fakcije i fikcije.
A ne znam, nagovaraju me na treći dio, ali bojim se da bi on pokvario sve dobre dojmove koje su ljudi imali o meni, pa da još jednom ne zglajzam radije sam se zaustavio na ovim problematičnim tekstovima iz zadnje knjige.
A one naznake da bi iz te autobiografske proze mogla izrasti i »prava« proza?
– Bojim se da ne, bojim se da nemam talenta za to, za takvo izmišljanje. Nisam romanopisac, ne znam pričati priču kako treba. Potreban mi je oslonac u stvarnosti pa da malo ispletem nešto istine i imaginacije a da opet istina bude provjerljiva po datumima, osobama. I uvijek sam se mučio da to poentiram nekim duhovitim ili inteligentnim zaključkom. Pravo romansijerstvo je izvan moga dosega.
Što očekujete od 2012. godine?
– Očekujem da mi prođe. Eventualno.
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Sala Bolognese, gennaio 2012
QUANDO MORI’ MIO PADRE. DISEGNI E TESTIMONIANZE DEI BAMBINI DAI CAMPI DI CONCENTRAMENTO DEL CONFINE ORIENTALE. (1942-1943)
Il Centro Isontino di Ricerca e Documentazione Storica e Sociale "Leopoldo Gasparini", in collaborazione con l’Assessorato alla Cultura del comune di Sala Bolognese e L'Associazione di Volontariato ALJ (Aiutiamo la Jugoslavia) ONLUS, presenta la mostra “QUANDO MORI’ MIO PADRE. DISEGNI E TESTIMONIANZE DI BAMBINI DAI CAMPI DI CONCENTRAMENTO DEL CONFINE ORIENTALE. (1942-1943)”.
L’inaugurazione avverrà il giorno sabato 21 gennaio 2012, alle ore 17, alla CASA DELLA CULTURA, PIAZZA MARCONI, 5 – SALA BOLOGNESE.
Saranno presenti i rappresentanti dell’Amministrazione Comunale e la prof.ssa Paola Ferroni, presidente dell’Associazione ALJ.
La mostra è strutturata su ventisei grandi pannelli a colori, che riproducono scritti e disegni di bambini sopravvissuti alla deportazione nei campi di concentramento del confine orientale; realizzata in forma bilingue, indaga in particolare l’odissea dei bambini sloveni deportati nei campi di Gonars, Visco, Arbe-Rab e Monigo (Treviso) tra il 1942 ed il 1943.
L’esposizione, curata da Metka Gombac, Boris M. Gombac e Dario Mattiussi, è corredata da un volume dallo stesso titolo, che ripercorre le vicende storiche che portarono alla deportazione dei civili sloveni nei campi di concentramento italiani, posti a ridosso del confine orientale, ed in particolare indaga l’odissea dei bambini sloveni deportati in questi campi tra il 1942 ed il 1943.
I saggi contenuti nel volume consentono l’approfondimento dei temi affrontati dalla mostra, realizzata grazie agli scritti e disegni di bambini sopravvissuti alla deportazione e messi per la prima volta a disposizione dall’Archivio di Stato della Repubblica di Slovenia e dal Museo Sloveno di Storia Contemporanea di Lubiana. Disegni e scritti vennero composti durante i corsi di terapia post traumatica avviati in strutture mediche partigiane dopo la liberazione dai campi, successiva all’8 settembre 1943.
Ai tentativi di terapia, attuati stimolando i bambini a far riemergere la memoria delle sofferenze patite per poterle elaborare, ed ai temi svolti nelle scuole elementari organizzate dalle forze partigiane, dobbiamo la conservazione di questi materiali che costituiscono oggi una delle testimonianze più preziose e drammatiche di una delle pagine più buie della nostra storia.
La deportazione dei civili sloveni ci colpisce forse ancora più da vicino poiché molti dei campi di concentramento - come Sdraussina, Fossalon, Gonars, Visco - che ospitarono donne, anziani e bambini deportati sia dalle zone d’occupazione militare sia dal nostro territorio, sono luoghi che conosciamo ed in cui tutti noi ci siamo trovati, probabilmente senza immaginare che fossero stati teatro di tante sofferenze.
Il Comune di Sala Bolognese con questa iniziativa affronta nuovamente il tema dei campi di concentramento italiani.
La mostra rimarrà aperta sino al 5 febbraio 2012, con questi orari: Mar e Giov 9-13 e 14.30-19 – Sab e Dom 10-12. L’ingresso è gratuito.
Visite guidate gratuite su prenotazione (tel. 051-6822535)
Palazzo del Monte di Pietà - Via Dante Alighieri, 29 - 34072 GRADISCA D'ISONZO (GO)
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Ecco, alla mostra organizzata a Ljubljana sono stati invitati all'apertura quasi tutti i bambini sopravvissuti. Allora avevano una età dai sette ai dieci anni e oggi ne contano settanta in più. Gli organizzatori sono riusciti a creare un ambiente incredibile. I bambini di allora rivedevano i propri compiti dopo decine di anni e rivivevano l'ambiente e la situazione di allora. I sopravvissuti hanno rivisto per la prima volta i propri compiti di scuola di 70 anni prima. Non potevano credere che la storia si fosse ricordata di loro, dei loro patimenti e della loro gioventù provata dall'esperienza del lager. (Paola Ferroni)
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Maggiori informazioni su Pavelic, gli ustascia ed il revisionismo croato al nostro sito: https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/ustascia1941.htm )
By EFRAIM ZUROFF
01/04/2012 23:28
A service for Hitler is unthinkable.
So why is the world quiet in response to a service for Ante Pavelić?
Imagine for a minute that memorial masses were held in two major cities in Germany on the anniversary of the death of Adolf Hitler. Needless to say, such a ceremony would arouse fury, indignation, and widespread protests not only in Germany, but throughout the entire world. Last week, the local equivalent of such an event took place in Croatia, but instead of anger and demonstrations, not a single word of protest was heard from anywhere in the country.
I am referring to the December 28 memorial masses conducted in Zagreb and Split (and perhaps elsewhere as well) to mark the 51st anniversary of the death of Ante Pavelić, the head of state of the infamous Independent State of Croatia, created by the Nazis and their Italian allies in 1941. Following its establishment, rule was turned over to the local fascist movement, the Ustasha, headed by its Poglavnik (leader) Ante Pavelić.
During the entire course of its brief existence (1941- 1945), the Ustasha sought to rid the country (which consisted of the area of today’s Croatia plus most of Bosnia-Herzegovina) of all its minorities, as well as their local political opponents. In order to do so, they established a network of concentration camps all over the country, the largest and most notorious of which was Jasenovac, located on the banks of the Sava River, southeast of Zagreb. There, many tens of thousands of innocent civilians were murdered in a variety of brutal ways, which earned the camp the nickname of the “Auschwitz of the Balkans.”
To this day, there continue to be disputes regarding the total number of civilians murdered by the Ustasha, but the number is certainly no fewer than several hundred thousand, primarily Serbs, along with Jews, Roma and anti-fascist Croats. And while all those who participated in these atrocities bear criminal responsibility, the individual with the greatest culpability was undoubtedly Ante Pavelić, who headed the most lethal regime in Axis-dominated Europe.
THE MEMORIAL masses to honor Pavelić, who died in Spain in 1959 from wounds suffered in an assassination attempt two years earlier, mark a renewal of a tradition which began in the 1990s following the reestablishment of Croatian independence. In the wake of the conviction in Zagreb of Jasenovac commandant Dinko Sakic and in response to protests by the Wiesenthal Center, the mass was stopped and the priest responsible, Vjekoslav Lasic, left Croatia.
Unfortunately, however, Lasic returned to Zagreb a few years ago and renewed his neo-fascist activity with impunity. At the funeral of Sakic, who insisted on being buried in his Ustasha uniform although in prison for his World War II crimes, it was Lasic who administered final rites. According to the Dominican priest, although Dinko Sakic did not observe all the Ten Commandments (Thou shalt not murder?), he was a model for all Croatians, and every Croat should be proud of his name.
The question now is, how does such an event to honor the memory of one of the biggest mass murderers of World War II pass with nary a word of protest or condemnation? The obvious address for such indignation would be in Croatia itself, where many people fought with Tito’s partisans against the Ustasha, and a significant sector of the population have a strong anti-fascist tradition. But the same question applies outside the country as well.
Croatia is well on its way to membership in the European Union (slated for 2013), a membership which is ostensibly contingent on the acceptance of EU values and norms. Is a memorial mass for one of Europe’s worst war criminals compatible with EU membership?
The sad truth is that in this respect, the European Union has failed miserably in dealing with the resurgence of neo-fascism and the promotion of Holocaust distortion in its post-Communist members. Once admitted to the EU (and NATO), countries like Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Hungary and Romania have begun to take active steps to rewrite their World War II histories, minimizing or attempting to hide the highly-significant role played by their nationals in Holocaust crimes, with barely a word of protest or condemnation from Brussels.
Instead of actively combating the Prague Declaration of June 3, 2008, which promotes the canard of historical equivalency between Nazi and Communist crimes and undermines the justified status of the Holocaust as a unique case of genocide, the EU has failed to adequately respond to this dangerous challenge to the accepted Western narrative of World War II and its tragic consequences.
I wish I could conclude with the good news that Israel and the Jewish world have responded appropriately, but unfortunately that is not the case. These developments have been purposely ignored by the Israeli government, which under Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman refuses to respond to the assault on our past in those countries which have evinced no particular interest in championing the Palestinian cause.
Last week’s masses in honor of Ante Pavelić are a mockery of Christian values and an insult to all the victims of the Ustasha, their relatives, friends, and people of morality and conscience the world over. The time has come for effective protests from within Croatia, as well as from the European Union, the United States and Canada, Israel and the Jewish world. That is the minimum that we owe the victims of that notorious mass murderer.
The writer is the chief Nazi-hunter of the Simon Wiesenthal Center and director of its Israel Office. His most recent book is, Operation Last Chance; One Man’s Quest to Bring Nazi Criminals to Justice, (Palgrave/Macmillan).
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“La resistenza in Jugoslavia. 1941-1945”
Proiezione del filmato proveniente dagli archivi di Belgrado.
Presenta: Giandomenico Beltrame (vice pres. ANPI Venezia).
Commenta i filmati: Vladan Relic (ex presidente della comunità serbo-ortodossa di Trieste).
A cura dell’A.N.P.I. di Venezia.
Ingresso libero.
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FERMARE OGNI INGERENZA ESTERNA IN SIRIA
E RISTABILIRE I DIRITTI UMANI E LA LEGALITA’
Le sottoscritte organizzazioni non governative umanitarie e a difesa dei diritti umani chiedono con forza alle Nazioni Unite e alla comunità internazionale di agire immediatamente per fermare ogni tentativo di intervento militare straniero contro la Siria e di favorire una vera mediazione svolta in buona fede. Questa imperdonabile negligenza non può continuare.
Com’è noto, nei mesi scorsi c’è stata una crescente campagna mediatica internazionale sugli eventi in Siria, spesso basata su resoconti parziali e non verificabili, com’è già successo nel caso della Libia.
Quello che si sa è che sono in corso violenti scontri fra truppe governative e le truppe di insorti dell'autoproclamato Esercito di Liberazione della Siria, con basi in Turchia al confine con la Siria, e che questo crescendo di violenze ha già provocato enormi perdite anche di civili. I civili innocenti sono le prime vittime di ogni guerra. Entrambe le parti armate hanno dunque responsabilità.
Ma l'intervento militare esterno non è assolutamente il modo per proteggere i civili e i diritti umani.
AFFERMIAMO CON FORZA CHE:
1) Il cosiddetto “intervento militare umanitario” è la soluzione peggiore possibile e non può ritenersi legittimo in nessun modo; la protezione dei diritti umani non viene raggiunta dagli interventi armati;
2) al contrario le guerre portano, come inevitabili conseguenze, ad imponenti violazioni dei diritti umani (come si è visto nel caso della “guerra umanitaria” in Libia);
3) l'introduzione di armi dall’estero non fa che alimentare la “guerra civile” e pertanto dev'essere fermata;
4) non è tollerabile che si ripeta in Siria lo scenario libico, dove una “no-fly zone” si è trasformata in intervento militare diretto, con massacri di civili e violazioni dei diritti umani.
VI CHIEDIAMO CON FORZA DI FAVORIRE:
1) una mediazione neutrale tra le parti e un cessate il fuoco: ricordiamo che la proposta avanzata da alcuni paesi latinoamericani del gruppo Alba è gradita anche all’opposizione non armata
2) un’azione per fermare l’interferenza militare e politica straniera, volta a destabilizzare il paese;
3) il reintegro della Siria nel Blocco Regionale;
4) lo stop a tutte le sanzioni che attualmente minacciano il benessere dei civili;
5) una missione d’indagine internazionale parallela da parte di paesi neutrali per accertare la verità;
6) l'invio di osservatori internazionali che verifichino fatti e notizie che circolano attualmente privi di verifiche e di verificabilità.
PROMOSSO DA:
Associazione Peacelink, Italia ; U.S. Citizens for Peace & Justice – Rome
FIRMATARI
Associazione Nazionale Italia Cuba circolo di Roma, Rete No War Roma, Red. Contropiano; rete dei Comunisti; Associazione U.V.A; associazione Liberigoj; associazione Un Ponte per, Rete nazionale Disarmiamoli!, ...
80 UDRUŽENJA PROTIVI SE VOJNOJ INTERVENCIJI U SIRIJI I ŽELE KOLEKTIVNO POSREDOVATI NA OČUVANJU MIRA
”Hitni apel za prekid strane vojne intervencije u Siriji, za uspostavljanje ljudskih prava i za očuvanje legaliteta”Naši supotpisnici, humanitarne organizacije (ONG) za ljudska prava, potiču vas da mobilizirate Ujedinjene Nacije kao i međunarodnu zajednicu da smjesta donesu mjere kojima bi se odmah odbacio projekt svake vojne interverncije u Siriji, i tome nasuprot, da djelujete s dobrim namjerama, uvjereni u istinsko miroljubivo posredovanje.Posljednjih mjeseci primijetili smo stalni porast kampanje u štampi koja pristrano prikazuje samo jednu stranu i iznosi neistine o događajima u Siriji. Bili smo svedoci istih priprema za stranu vojnu intervenciju u Libiji. Poznato nam je da postoje žestoki sukobi između pripadnika vladinih snaga i naoružanih ustanika, koji su se samoprozvali :»Libijsko Sirijskom Armijom», čije se beze nalaze u Turskoj, blizu sirijske granice. Znamo također da ti sukobi izazivaju pogibije mnogih civila, koji su uvijek prve žrtve svakog konflikta. Jasno je da obje naoružane strane snose odgovornost.
Ali strano vojno uplitanje nije uputan način da se zaštite prava civila kao i ljudska prava.
and to restore human rights and respect for legality
We, the undersigned non-governmental, human rights, and humanitarian organizations, urge you to mobilize the United Nations and the international community to take immediate action to halt any foreign military intervention against Syria, and instead, to act in good faith for a true mediation. Time is of the essence. We ask to act in good faith in favor of a true and peaceful mediation.
Over the past few months we have observed a steadily increasing media campaign that presents a partial and unverified account of what is happening in Syria. The same thing occurred in the lead-up to foreign intervention in the case of Libya as well.
We know that there are violent clashes between government troops and the armed insurgents of the self-proclaimed “Syria Liberated Army” with bases in Turkey, near the Syrian border. And we know that such conflicts are provoking an enormous death toll among civilians as well. Innocent civilians are the first victims of every conflict. It therefore seems clear that in Syria both armed sides bear responsibilities.
But external military interference is absolutely not the way to protect civilians and human rights.
WE STRONGLY AFFIRM THAT:
1) the proposed so-called "humanitarian military intervention" in Syria is by far the worst option and can claim no legitimacy whatsoever; protection of human rights is not obtained through armed intervention;
2) indeed, recent history shows that the inevitable results of foreign armed intervention are massive human rights violations, as in Libya;
3) smuggling weapons into an area of conflict only fuels a "civil" war and must be stopped;
4) the Libyan scenario must not be allowed to take place in Syria, i.e. a “no-fly zone” which turns into direct military intervention followed by massacres and massive human rights violations.
WE THEREFORE URGE THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO FAVOR:
1) a ceasefire on both sides and neutral mediation between the parties: we remind that a proposal made by some Latin American countries from the Alba group seems to be welcomed also by the non-armed opposition
2) action to stop foreign military and political interference in Syria aimed at destabilizing the country (and possibly the entire region);
3) reinstatement of Syria into the Regional Block;
4) a halt to current sanctions which are harming civilians;
5) an international investigative mission by neutral countries and organizations to ascertain the truth about the conditions of life in Syria;
6) an investigation by neutral international observers into the accusations and news reports coming out of Syria and which at present it has not been possible to verify.
PROMOTED BY
Peacelink Association, Italy ; U.S. Citizens for Peace & Justice – Rome;
SIGNATORIES
Associazione nazionale Italia-Cuba circolo di Roma, Rete No War-Roma, Redazione Contropiano; Rete dei Comunisti; associazione U.V.A, associazione Liberigoj; associazione Un ponte per; Rete nazionale Disarmiamoli!,...
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Milosevic, Saddam, Gaddafi: Lynchjustiz und Geopolitik
von Hannes Hofbauer
Seit dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion und des Warschauer Paktes im Jahre 1991 wurden drei dem Westen missliebige Staats- und Regierungschefs von den Institutionen des weltumspannend agierenden Triumvirats USA-EU-Nato ermordet beziehungsweise starben sie unter deren Verantwortung. Diese Entwicklung ist beunruhigend. Am 11. Mai 2006 wurde der frühere jugoslawische Staatspräsident Slobodan Miloševic tot in seiner Zelle in Scheveningen aufgefunden, nachdem ihm vom Haager Tribunal die gewünschte medizinische Hilfe verweigert worden war. Am 30. Dezember 2006 starb der zuvor per Bombenkrieg und Militäreinmarsch gestürzte irakische Ministerpräsident Saddam Hussein in al-Kadhimiya nordöstlich von Bagdad unter dem Galgen. Und am 20. Oktober 2011 schlugen und schleiften libysche Rebellen Muammar al-Gaddafi zu Tode.
Was haben diese drei toten Staatschefs gemeinsam? Zuallererst und sichtbar die brutale Form ihrer Eliminierung. Kein seriöses Gericht hat je ihre Schuld untersucht, kein internationales Hearing ihre Verantwortung für etwaige Kriegsverbrechen festgestellt. Die Verurteilungen erfolgten durchwegs durch westliche Medien nach entsprechenden Instruktionen höchster politischer und militärischer Kreise aus dem Umfeld der Nato. Im Moment ihrer Eliminierung galten alle drei als das personifizierte Böse schlechthin; und als solche wurden – im Falle von Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein und dessen Söhnen – ihre verunstalteten Leichen der Öffentlichkeit präsentiert. Medienkonsumenten sollten sicher sein: Hier liegen Teufel, keine Menschen. Der politische Mord mit anschliessender Zurschaustellung des Feindes weist zivilisatorisch in ferne Vergangenheit.
Physisch eliminiert wurden Miloševic, Saddam Hussein und Gaddafi als Feinde, nicht als Verbrecher. Und sicherlich waren sie Verbrecher, verantwortlich für eine ganze Reihe von Untaten. Aber diese ihre Verbrechen, die von der Niederschlagung oppositioneller Kräfte bis zur Repression ethnischer Minderheiten reichten, bildeten nur den Vorwand für die militärischen Interventionen des Westens. Eine andere Interpretation verbietet sich angesichts der Tatsache, dass politische Unterdrückung auch sonstwo in vielfacher Form stattfindet und keine «internationale Gemeinschaft» daran denkt, deswegen militärisch zu intervenieren. Von Saudi-Arabien bis Spanien/Baskenland, von Nigeria bis Indonesien hätte die Nato alle Hände voll zu tun, ihre Armada für Menschenrechte in den Kampf zu schicken.
Nur in ganz bestimmten Fällen tritt die westliche Allianz militärisch auf, um – angeblich – Zivilisten zu schützen. Wann und wo tut sie das? Und welche Gründe stecken dahinter?
Die westlichen Alliierten haben Miloševic, Saddam Hussein und Gaddafi nicht wegen ihrer schlechten, sondern wegen ihrer guten Politik zu Tode gejagt. Alle drei waren Symbole unterschiedlicher Formen von «Entwicklungsdiktatur». Diese beinhaltete Sozialpolitik für die Masse des Volkes, Bemühungen um einen regionalen Ausgleich und Anstrengungen in Richtung einer wirtschaftlichen Modernisierung. Das unterschied sie von jenen, die sich in erster Linie als Vertreter ausländischer Investoren oder fremder geopolitischer Interessen sahen und sehen. In Jugoslawien, im Irak und in Libyen hatten ausländische Investoren nur beschränkten Zugang zu den nationalen Märkten, fremde Militärbasen waren unerwünscht. Das war einer der Hauptgründe, warum Miloševic, Saddam Hussein und Gaddafi der Troika aus Nato, USA und EU als verdächtig galten, warum sie schliesslich als Feinde betrachtet wurden.
Aber auch die geopolitische Lage ihrer Länder machte sie zum Objekt westlicher Begierde. Alle drei liegen an der Peripherie der westlichen Einflusszone, historisch wie aktuell. Während des kalten Krieges waren Jugoslawien, der Irak und Libyen Schlüsselstaaten zwischen den zwei Blöcken, die aus eigener politischer und wirtschaftlicher Stärke keinen Grund sahen, ihre Unabhängigkeit gegenüber westlichen Übernahmen wie östlichen Begehrlichkeiten preiszugeben. Moskau und Washington garantierten indirekt je die Hälfte dieser Eigenständigkeit, womit auch das nationale Selbstbewusstsein stieg. Nach dem Ende der Sowjetunion hing dieses in der Luft und führte ohne Rückendeckung aus Moskau direkt in die Katastrophe. Es scheint, als ob die Länder zwischen den Blöcken am allermeisten unter dem Vormarsch der neuen imperialen Strategie zu leiden hatten und haben. War es, weil sie potentiell dazu in der Lage gewesen wären, eine andere als die von EU, USA und Nato diktierte Integration in den Weltmarkt zu bewerkstelligen? Fühlte sich dadurch die imperiale Troika bedroht?
Jugoslawien, der Irak und Libyen konnten auf eine lange Geschichte der ökonomischen Partnerschaft mit dem RGW (Rat für gegenseitige Wirtschaftshilfe, der sowjetischen Entsprechung zur EU) verweisen. Bis in die späten 1980er Jahre florierte der Handel mit Investitionsgütern, Konsumgütern und Waffen. Abgewickelt wurde der Handel sowohl über harte Währungen als auch in Form von sogenannten Barter-Geschäften, also durch direkten Gütertausch, was in der Welt der Dollarhegemonie verpönt war. Dreieckshandel mit afrikanischen Staaten oder Indien war an der Tagesordnung. Anfang der 1990er Jahre nützten die USA und EU-Europa die Schwäche der postsowjetischen Führung, um via Uno just über diese drei ökonomisch relativ potenten und eigenständig agierenden Länder Wirtschaftsembargos zu verhängen. Im August 1990 traf ein solches den Irak, dessen Truppen zuvor in Kuwait einmarschiert waren. Zwei Jahre später, 1992, verhängte der UN-Sicherheitsrat Sanktionen gegen Jugoslawien (30. Mai) und Libyen (31. Mai). Im Fall Belgrads wurden diese mit der «falschen» Parteinahme im jugoslawischen Bürgerkrieg, im Fall Tripolis mit der angeblichen Verantwortung für die Sprengung einer PanAm-Maschine über Lockerbie begründet, die bereits Jahre zuvor stattgefunden hatte.
Der Irak, Jugoslawien und Libyen waren die einzigen Staaten, die durch langjährige Wirtschaftsblockaden lahmgelegt wurden. Und es traf nicht nur sie selbst, sondern auch ihre traditionellen Handelspartner im Osten: Russland, Bulgarien, Rumänien … Dies ausgerechnet in einer Zeit, in der die zusammenbrechenden postkommunistischen Ökonomien sich neu orientieren mussten. Dringend hätten sie halbwegs kräftige Partner benötigt, die mit ihnen auf Nicht-Dollar-Basis Produkte handeln und tauschen hätten können. Die Embargos gegen den Irak, Jugoslawien und Libyen verhinderten dies. Anfangs empörten sich noch nicht gesäuberte Kader aus der sowjetischen Epoche über die erzwungenen Verluste: «In den ersten sechs Monaten seit Bestehen des Handelsembargos gegen den Irak hat die Sowjetunion vier Milliarden US-Dollar eingebüsst», gab Igor Mordvinov, Sprecher des Ministeriums für aussenwirtschaftliche Beziehungen, zu Protokoll. Heute wissen wir, dass die spätere Russische Föderation viel mehr verloren hat: die Möglichkeit einer alternativen ökonomischen Integration zum US-dominierten Weltmarkt.
Miloševic und Saddam Hussein waren bereits gestürzt, als Gaddafis Libyen eine kleine Chance sah, die grosse Zeitenwende zu überleben, ohne sich den Diktaten Washingtons und Brüssels völlig ausliefern zu müssen. Nachdem Tripolis 2004 Schmerzensgeld an die Nachfahren der Lockerbie-Opfer gezahlt hatte, ohne damit ein Schuldeingeständnis zu verbinden, hob der UN-Sicherheitsrat das Embargo auf. Bis dahin war Gaddafi der einzige unter den drei Parias, der die Wirtschaftssanktionen physisch überlebt hatte. Internationale Abkommen mit Grossbritannien, Frankreich und Italien wurden unterzeichnet. Aber Gaddafi erinnerte sich auch an die traditionell guten Beziehungen zu Moskau und begann, diese zu reaktivieren. Im Schatten der Westkontakte versuchten Moskau und Tripolis enge wirtschaftliche Bande zu knüpfen. 2007 besuchte Aussenminister Sergej Lawrow das Wüstenland, kurz darauf kam Wladimir Putin persönlich, um den Vertrag über den Bau einer 550 km langen Eisenbahnlinie zwischen Bengasi und Sirte perfekt zu machen. Noch interessanter waren Gespräche über die Konstruktion einer Erdgasleitung, die unter der technischen Leitung von Gazprom durch das Mittelmeer nach Europa führen sollte. Als dann noch der mächtigste Mann Russlands, Gazprom-Chef Alexej Miller, im April 2008 zu Gaddafi reiste, läuteten im Westen die Alarmglocken. Sein Angebot an Tripolis kam einer geopolitischen Bombe gleich. Gazprom würde Libyen zukünftig «das gesamte geförderte Erdgas sowie das verflüssigte Naturgas zu Weltmarktpreisen abkaufen», wie die Agentur Interfax am 9. Juli 2008 meldete. Der Westen fühlte sich bedroht. Wäre daraus ein Vertrag geworden, hätte Gazprom über die im November 2011 eröffnete Ostseeröhre «North Stream» sowie über die zu bauende «Mittelmeer-Pipeline» den westeuropäischen Gasmarkt weitgehend unter Kontrolle gebracht.
Heute wissen wir, dass es anders kam. Seit Wochen hetzen die Vorstandsvorsitzenden westlicher Öl-, Gas- und Wasserkonzerne nach Libyen, um unter den Bedingungen eines nicht existierenden Staates mit einer sogenannten «Übergangsregierung» – was die Sache äusserst preiswert macht – Nutzungs- und Förderverträge abzuschliessen. Nach acht Monaten Krieg kann sich die Koalition der Willigen, allen voran französische, britische und US-amerikanische Konzerne, billig bedienen. Der zu Redaktionsschluss im Amt befindliche Premier des Übergangsrates, Abdel Rahim el-Kib, wird seine administrativen Pflichten gegenüber den westlichen Investoren genauso widerspruchslos erfüllen, wie seine Kollegen Boris Tadic und Nuri al-Maliki dies in Belgrad und in Bagdad tun.
Hannes Hofbauer ist Chef des Promedia-Verlages in Wien und Autor zahlreicher Bücher. Im Herbst 2011 erschien aus seiner Feder «Verordnete Wahrheit, bestrafte Gesinnung. Rechtsprechung als politisches Instrument». Der obige Beitrag erschien zuerst in englischer Sprache auf www.strategic-culture.org.
Zeit-Fragen, 3.1.2012
Quelle: COMPACT 12/2011
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Andrea Lorenzo Capussela - 2 December 2011
Kosovo, autostrada ad ogni costo
Un progetto "patriottico"
Ombre sulla gara d'appalto
Il precedente albanese
Back in Kosovo
Riconoscenza, soldi, politica
BELGRADE -- U.S. Ambassador in Priština Christopher Dell has "strong personal interest" in Kosovo Albanian authorities taking over control of the administrative line.
This is according to a report on Thursday in Belgrade-based daily Blic.
The newspaper claims that tge U.S. diplomat has close business ties with a U.S. corporation that is taking part in the construction of a highway from the Albanian capital of Tirana, to Merdare on the administrative line between Kosovo and central Serbia.
According to the article, Dell is to receive a percentage from the construction of the highway which is being built by U.S. Bechtel Corporation and its Turkish partner ENKA.
The ambassador’s role is allegedly "to pour money into Kosovo’s budget and to make sure that the priority is to pay the U.S. company".
None of the sources could specify how big Dell the percentage received by Dell will be, but it is believed to be a significant amount of money.
The daily also says it learned "from a well-informed source in Priština" that the Bechtel Corporation owns 15 percent of the total value of the contract, which according to some exceeds EUR 620mn. Dell became involved when Americans realized that the Kosovo government did not have the necessary funds to make the payments.
The U.S. ambassador’s strong advocacy for the completion of Kosovo institution’s control - in the Serb north that rejects the authority of the government in Priština - is described as "a continuation of the U.S. policy in the field, but it also represents an opportunity to make profit".
According to the Blic’s source, the Kosovo budget does not have enough money and Dell believes that a way out is a sale of the telecommunications company.
According to some estimates, the so-called Telekomi Kosoves - which is in fact property owned by Serbia - could be sold for EUR 300-350mn.
A tender for the sale of the company is still open even though bids were supposed to be accepted only through June. If and when sold, it is estimated that some 75 percent of the money will be spent on payments for the highway construction. Croatia’s Telekom is among the bidders, and Croat Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor’s recent visit to Kosovo is believed to have been related to that.
“The money will be used to repay debts and it will go into the budget. But the most important thing is that there will be enough for the U.S. firm,” the daily’s source was quoted as saying.
Among other things, the highway represents an ideal link between the U.S. Camp Bondsteel and the Albanian coast, and the U.S. Fifth Fleet ships, according to the article.
Albania also signed the agreement with the U.S. company. However, certain countries have had negative experience with the Bechtel Corporation.
One of them is Romania, where a price estimate for a highways was EUR 2.2bn in 2004, to then reach EUR 7bn, with the deadine for completion moved to 2013.
The construction works started in Albania in 2006, and currently reached Prizren in Kosovo.
The newspaper also describes Christopher Dell as the diplomat exerting the most influence on the Kosovo Albanian government and its head Hashim Thaci. According to this, they did not have the support from EULEX to send Kosovo police to take over administrative line checkpoints in July, but Dell "knew about the operation".
Now, when Priština is announcing a new "takeover of borders", the U.S. ambassador is saying it is "a legitimate right of Kosovo to return its customs and police to the north".
The daily concluded that Dell also took part in the making of an "operational plan" for this to happen, that was announced on Wednesday by Thaci.
E' nata indoona : chiama, videochiama e messaggia Gratis.
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Archives and search engine:
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GRTV 2011-11-27
http://rt.com/news/kosovo-serbs-barricades-kfor-267/
GRTV - by Sasha Knezev - 2011-11-29
http://rt.com/news/kosovo-clashes-violence-victims-421/
TV Most
LEPOSAVIĆ -- Na barikadi na putu prema administrativnom prelazu Jarinje, na teritoriji opštine Leposavić, 29. novembra 2011. je održana projekcija filma „Težina lanaca" režisera Borisa Malagurskog...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2AgGmQAjuQw
Global Research, November 30, 2011
http://rt.com/politics/churkin-kosovo-serbs-security-537/
Andrea Lorenzo Capussela - 2 December 2011
http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Regions-and-countries/Kosovo/Kosovo-the-unnecessary-highway-that-could-bankrupt-Europe-s-poorest-state-108430
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7119
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7151
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7157
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7175
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7196
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7199
or http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7219
THE BELGRADE FORUM FOR A WORLD OF EQUALS
Belgrade, December 16th, 2011.
WHAT, REALLY, IS VERY BAD IN KOSOVO?
WASHINGTON -- U.S. Ambassador in Belgrade Mary Warlick stated for Voice of America that progress has been made in the dialogue, but that Kosovo's participation in regional forums has not been resolved yet, as well as that it is very bad that there are barricades in Kosovo…
First of all, it is very bad to take way 15% of the Serbian state territory by force and hand it over to the former terrorist leader Hashim Tachi and co;
Second, it is very bad that the US government violated sovereignty and territorial integrity of FRY ( Serbia ), guarantied by UN SC resolution 1244 (1244) and Serbia ’s Constitution, by recognizing unilateral illegal secession of Prishtina and lobbying world-wide recognition of such an illegal act;
Third, it is very bad that the US established military base Bondstil in Kosovo, said to be the biggest US base in the world, immediately following the NATO aggression in 1999, without asking permission neither from Serbia to which the territory belongs, nor from UN SC which still has mandate over the Province;
Fourth, it is very bad that US government, having decisive role in KFOR and UNMIK, has done little if anything, to help uncover perpetrators of thousands of crimes against Serbs in Kosovo including abductions, disappearance and deaths of over 1.000 Serbs since KFOR/UNMIK took over full responsibility in the Province 1999;
Fifth, it is very bad, that the US obstructs return of contingents of Serbian Army and Police to Kosovo explicitly provided for by UN SC resolution 1244(1999);
Sixth, it is very bad that US government obstructs that investigation about human organs harvesting and trafficking, demanded by the Resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, as well as by the Government of Serbia, be conducted under UN SC and not EULEX mandate;
Seventh, it is very bad, that US Government, has done little if anything, to help free and safe return of about 230.000 of displaced Serbs and other non-Albanians to their native homes in Kosovo, as provided for in the UN SC resolution 1244 (1999);
Eighth, it is very bad that US State Secretary Hillary Clinton has just signed the document with Edita Tahiri about cultural monuments in Kosovo and Metohija, omitting to note that those monuments in over 90% of cases are monuments of Serbian culture, including Serbian medieval churches and monasteries some of which have been registered part of the world cultural heritage by UNESCO;
Ninth, it is very bad that illegal police and customs officers of illegal Prishtina entities have been transported by NATO military helicopters to the administrative line in Northern part of the Province, to establish state border within Serbia’s state territory, using military force against civilian peaceful protesters and violating the will of the Serbian majority to remain free within Serbia.
KFOR, EULEX and illegal so called "albanian Kosovo" institutions are blocking much needed humanitarian aid from Russia to Serb population in currently occupied southern Serbia's province of Kosovo and Metohija...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mkNZ9jty_lE
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 7, 2011
Russia sends humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs
MOSCOW: Russia is sending on Wednesday a second shipment of humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs, totaling 284 tons, the emergencies ministry said.
A 40-truck convoy will deliver blankets, power generators, furniture and food supplies, the ministry said in a statement on Tuesday.
The convoy will leave the city of Noginsk near Moscow at 5.45 a.m. Moscow time and is expected to arrive in the city of Mitrovica in northern Kosovo in two days.
In November, an emergencies ministry’s Il-76 cargo plane delivered the first shipment of humanitarian aid, weighing 36 tons, to the city of Nis in southern Serbia.
A Russian-Serbian center for emergency situations in the Balkans opened in Nis in October.
Kosovo, a landlocked region with a population of mainly ethnic Albanians, declared its independence from Serbia in February 2008. Ethnic Serbs account for up to 10 percent of Kosovo’s two-million population.
Both Serbia and Russia have refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence.
Itar-Tass - December 13, 2011
Russian humanitarian convoy banned from entering Kosovo
The European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, or EULEX Kosovo, prevented a convoy of Russian humanitarian supplies from entering northern Kosovo via the Jarinje checkpoint on the Serbian border.
The convoy consists of 25 trucks, carrying food, blankets, cutlery, and portable electric generators.
After the first two trucks went through the necessary customs formalities, the procedure was interrupted, without any explanation provided so far.
http://rt.com/news/russia-aid-serbia-kosovo-733/
RT - December 13, 2011
Russian humanitarian convoy blocked at Kosovo border
A Russian truck convoy carrying humanitarian aid for Kosovo’s Serbian population is now heading back to Russia after daylong negotiations between Russia and EULEX proved fruitless.
The Russian convoy consisting of 25 trucks with humanitarian aid including power-plants, blankets, food supplies, furniture and other necessities had been heading for Mitrovica, the largest city in Kosovo’s Serb-dominated north. Two trucks were able to enter Kosovo through the Jarinje border checkpoint but the rest were not allowed through by the EULEX police in charge of the post.
EULEX said it wanted to escort the convoy on its way to Mitrovica, but Russia said the region was safe and there was no reason for EULEX to accompany its trucks. Kosovo Serbs did not want to let EULEX police through as they saw it as an opportunity for Kosovo customs officials to sneak into their region. EULEX also said Russia could use another checkpoint at Merdare. However, Russia refused this offer because the checkpoint is under Kosovo control, a country Russia does not recognize.
The Russian ambassador to Serbia, as well as Russian Emergency Ministry officials and diplomats arrived at the scene to negotiate with EULEX. The talks took place in a roadside café and in a nearby meadow. However, at the end the day, they were to no avail and the remaining 23 trucks are now heading back to Russia according to the latest reports for RT’s Igor Ogorodnev.
In November 20,000 Kosovo Serbs signed a petition asking for Russian citizenship. The Russian Foreign Ministry rejected their demand but said Russia would help the Serbian population of Northern Kosovo with humanitarian aid.
Northern Kosovo has seen a surge in violence this year after the government of Kosovo tried to enforce its trade embargo with Serbia. Some Kosovo Serbs launched an attack on customs checkpoints set up by the Kosovo administration, resulting in NATO and EULEX becoming involved. Since the summer the local Serbian population has set up barricades to prevent international peacekeepers from using the main roads in the region.
---
http://www.itar-tass.com/en/c32/296539.html
Itar-Tass - December 13, 2011
Kosovo Albanian authorities try to use Russian convoy for seizing control over checkpoint
JARINJE: A Russian convoy carrying humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs has been staying at the entry to Kosovo since 2:00 p.m. Moscow time on Tuesday.
EULEX officers refuse to let the trucks cross the Jarinje checkpoint on the administrative border of central Serbia and Kosovo. The first two trucks were cleared by the customs and the procedure stopped by the order of the mission administration without any explanations.
EULEX insists that the convoy must be accompanied for security reasons, Russian Ambassador to Serbia Alexander Konuzin said. In his words, the Russian side has repeatedly declined the accompanying of the convoy as there are no threats to the convoy in northern areas of Kosovo.
Meanwhile, Kosovo Serbs refuse to let EULEX vehicles into the areas they control. A source in Kosovska Mitrovica told Itar-Tass that eleven EULEX vehicles are staying at the entry to the city. Kosovo Albanian border guards, customs officers and journalists are members of the so-called accompanying group. “It seems the Albanian side has decided to use the occasion for taking control over the Jarinje checkpoint, whose approaches are blocked by Kosovo Serbs,” the source said.
The Russian ambassador called the Serbian foreign minister to discuss the problem. The Russian Foreign and Emergency Situations Ministries were informed about the situation.
Russian diplomats, representatives of the Emergency Situations Ministry and the media insist on the free movement of the Russian convoy to the territory of Kosovo.
The convoy crossed the Romanian border on Saturday and headed for Kosovo for transferring the humanitarian cargo to the Serbian organization of the Red Cross in Kosovska Mitrovica.
Twenty-five trucks departed from Noginsk on December 7 to bring power plants, blankets, food, dishes and folding furniture to Serbia. The total weight of the humanitarian cargo is 284 tonnes. The convoy was supposed to cross the territory of Russia, Ukraine, Romania and Serbia.
Emergency Situations Minister Sergei Shoigu said on Friday that the ministry was sending another humanitarian convoy to Kosovo Serbs.
“A convoy carrying humanitarian cargo will depart from the Russian Emergency Situations Ministry’s 179th rescue center in Noginsk, Moscow region, to Serbia at 5:30 a.m. Moscow time on December 10,” he said.
The trucks will deliver diesel power plants, furnaces, folding furniture, household heaters, blankets, bed linen and food with the total weight of 160 tonnes, the minister said.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=12&dd=13&nav_id=77768
Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency - December 13, 2011
Ambassador: EULEX blocking humanitarian aid
JARINJE: Russian Ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Konuzin says that the EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, is blocking a convoy of humanitarian aid.
The 27 trucks carrying the aid to Serbs in the north, sent by Russia, are blocked at the Jarinje administrative checkpoint since Tuesday morning.
The convoy of trucks sent by the Russian Ministry for Emergency Situations and meant to be delivered to Serbs in Kosovo arrived at the gates at Jarinje this morning, the ambassador told reporters at the spot, adding that the convoy had been told it would be allowed to cross the administrative line between central Serbia and the Kosovo province.
He said that the formalities concerning the procedures for trucks to enter the southern Serbian province had to be observed and were underway.
Two trucks have already been allowed to enter and are already in the province, and a third truck was currently undergoing the same procedure, said Konuzin.
“EULEX then issued an order to halt the formal procedure, blocking the convoy movement," he said. "We received no information as to the reason for stopping the control procedure. Then we were given the ultimatum to either continue to move on accompanied by EULEX or to go to the Merdare checkpoint,” he said.
Konuzin said EULEX had then been said it was not required to escort the convoy and that the convoy would not go on to Merdare because the crossing was controlled by authorities from Priština that neither Russia nor the Serbian authorities considered legitimate.
For now, the movement of the convoy remains blocked, Konuzin said, adding that he was in contact with Serbian and Russian authorities trying to find a solution.
“The most important thing is for the Russian humanitarian aid to reach those for whom it is meant - Kosovo Serbs,” the Russian diplomat said.
Speaking in Kragujevac, central Serbia on Tuesday afternoon, Serbian President Boris Tadić "thanked Russia for sending the humanitarian aid", and added that "no convoy carrying aid to Serbs in Kosovo should be stopped as they are today the most vulnerable ethnic group in Europe”.
Russian trucks through, EULEX turned back
Earlier in the day, Serbs in northern Kosovo removed a barricade this morning to let through a convoy of 25 trucks carrying Russian humanitarian aid enter northern Kosovo.
The barricade was located in front of the Jarinje administrative line checkpoint, in the area that's part of central Serbia.
The vehicles then reached Jarinje, which is controlled by EULEX officials. Journalists also saw police officers of the Kosovo Albanian authorities from Priština there, but they did not check the trucks and cars.
Russian Ambassador in Belgrade Aleksandr Konuzin traveled in the convoy. At the barricade, he exited his car to shake hands with the Serbs guarding the roadblock and took pictures with them.
But when a convoy of 11 vehicles belonging to the EU mission in the province, EULEX, headed for Jarinje from the southern, ethnic Albanian, part of Kosovska Mitrovica, Serbs turned them back twice from two locations.
Initially, it was said that EULEX was sending vehicles to escort the Russian convoy, but when Konuzin said that such escort was not needed, Serbs stopped the EULEX vehicles in Zvečan.
That convoy went back via the ethnic Albanian village of Čabra and via Jagnjenica, but soon after they made another attempt to reach Jarinje. The locals then stopped them in the village of Žerovnica near the town of Zvečan.
Kosovska Mitrovica Mayor Krstimir Pantić told reporters that the Serbs blocked EULEX because the mission was "transporting Kosovo border police and customs" to Jarinje, as well as Albanian-language media crews from Priština, whose goal was to report that "the road toward Jarinje is passable, and that a Russian humanitarian envoy was the first to cross a customs post that Serbs are boycotting".
Pantić described this as "yet another unnecessary provocation" on the part of EULEX:
"This new provocation by EULEX was meant to cause the Serbs to react inappropriately and be blamed for that. It was unnecessary for EULEX to head toward the north when nobody asked them to do that."
Ambassador Konuzin was expected to address the citizens at another barricade, in Leposavić, and then in Kosovska Mitrovica, where the aid shipment is to be handed over to the Red Cross.
The shipment consists of food, tents, blankets, and other goods, and will be distributed to Serb families most in need of such assistance.
It was announced that the ceremony in northern Kosovska Mitrovica would be attended by officials of the Ministry for Kosovo, the Red Cross, and local self-administration.
...
The presence of the Kosovo police was noticeably reinforced along the main road from Kosovska Mitrovica to Jarinje, said Tanjug's reporters in the province.
Itar-Tass - December 14, 2011
Political blackmail in Kosovo - Ambassador
A convoy of trucks carrying humanitarian aid from the Russian Emergency Situations Ministry has become an object of political blackmail. This was announced on Tuesday by the Russian Ambassador to Serbia Alexander Konuzin.
"The Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) has once again gone beyond its mandate and has taken the side of the Kosovo Albanian authorities," said Konuzin.
According to him, after the first two trucks successfully passed the necessary customs formalities on the border between central Serbia and Kosovo, the procedure was abruptly stopped without explanation by orders from the mission’s leadership.
According to the Ambassador, the basis of the actions was "politically motivated."
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=12&dd=14&nav_id=77783
B92/Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency - December 14, 2011
Humanitarian aid still at administrative crossing
JARINJE: A Russian convoy of 24 trucks carrying humanitarian aid to Serbs in Kosovo still has not crossed the Jarinje administrative checkpoint.
EULEX wants the Russian convoy to go to the Priština-controlled Merdare checkpoint.
Russia’s Ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Konuzin said that it was “EULEX’s blackmail he cannot accept”.
Two trucks crossed the administrative line on Tuesday but the other trucks were not allowed to go through and the reason why the convoy has not been allowed to cross is still unknown.
The Russian ambassador was told by EULEX that the trucks could not proceed without EULEX’s escort and that they could cross at the Merdare crossing. Konuzin refused to accept both conditions.
Ambassador Konuzin today conferred via video link with Russian Emergency Situations Minister Sergei Shoigu, who said the humanitarian convoy was blocked without any official explanation.
"The problem of the passage of the Russian humanitarian aid convoy for Serbs in Kosovo has not been solved. We do not know when it will be solved, because we have not received any official response. We are acting strictly in line with UN resolution (1244) and are sending only humanitarian cargo, which can be checked," Shoigu told Russia 24 TV outlet.
At the same time, Russian envoy to NATO Dmitry Rogozin reacted to describe the case as "humanitarian crime", and add that Moscow cannot negotiate about it with the unrecognized state in Kosovo.
"We do not recognize those authorities as authorities of an independent state. We will continue negotiations exclusively with international representatives of NATO and the EU. The recognition of Kosovo is a matter for their conscience, as well as the recognition of gangsters of the former Kosovo army (KLA), who have now formed their own police units," said the ambassador.
The blocking of the convoy of Russian trucks at the administrative line checkpoint of Jarinje will be one of the topics discussed at the EU-Russia summit, Rogozin announced.
A spokesperson for the EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, said in Priština that the convoy "had two choices to enter Kosovo", and listed them as either accepting EULEX police escort, "because that is usual practice", or going to the Merdare checkpoint.
Irina Gudeljevic also noted that if the convoy accepted EULEX police escort, "that means that EULEX vehicles must be let trough the barricades".
The citizens in the north of the province, however, are not allowing EULEX through their barricades, because the EU mission has been transporting Kosovo Albanian institutions' customs and police workers to the checkpoints in the north.
Serbs are a majority population north of the Ibar River and they reject the authority of the government in Priština, and the ethnic Albanian unilateral declaration of independence made in early 2008.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/12/14/62216503.html
Voice of Russia - December 14, 2011
Russian humanitarian convoy blocked on Kosovo border
A Russian convoy which is to deliver 285 tons of humanitarian aid to Kosovo Serbs remains blocked on the demarcation line between Serbia and the Kosovo province. On Tuesday afternoon, the representatives of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, (EULEX) halted a convoy with Russian humanitarian aid for Kosovo Serbs.
The border guards let two trucks enter Kosovo but after that EULEX ordered them to halt the third truck for custom formalities. These formalities, in particular, implied that the Russian trucks should be convoyed by EULEX representatives to enter the territory of Kosovo.
In response Serbs blocked 11 cars with EULEX representatives who were on the way to Jarinje. According to Alexander Konuzin, Russia’s ambassador in Serbia, who is heading the convoy, Pristina laid it down as a condition either the trucks go to Kosovo’s Mitrovica convoyed by EULEX or they turn back and go to the administrative center of Merdare, where is Kosovo custom checkpoint is located.
Konuzin told EULEX representatives that he had not asked them to convoy the trucks with humanitarian aid. He also said that the Russian convoy would not go to Merdare because this checkpoint is controlled by Pristina authorities, which neither Serbia nor Russia recognize as a legitimate government.
It should be noted here that if the Russian convoy passes through customs in Merdare it can be taken as an indirect recognition of Kosovo’s independence by Russia.
Meanwhile, Peter Feith, the representative in Pristina of the US and the 22 EU countries that recognize Kosovo, said he did not understand why the Russian ambassador should go to the north of Kosovo if there is a Russian representative in Pristina. Feith recommended the Russian embassy to follow the rules and to agree on cargo delivery with Pristina authorities.
But he forgot to mention an important detail: the Russian office in Pristina is part of the Russian embassy in Belgrade and Alexander Konuzin is the ambassador on the entire territory of Serbia including Kosovo, which Moscow regards as an integral part of Serbia.
By the way, Peter Feith says he does not see any humanitarian crisis in Kosovo. At the same time, according to the Serbian Red Cross’ report, about 30,000 people in Kosovo, which is one fifth of the regional population really need such an aid, Vesna Milenovic, the secretary general of this organization, said in an interview with the Voice of Russia:
"We see no reasons not to let the humanitarian convoy enter Kosovo. We received humanitarian aid from Russia several times and it was always at the right time," Milenovic continued. According to her, "the current aid was put together considering the current needs of the population. It contains flour, sugar, canned meat products and hygiene products, and all this is really needed. It is winter now and people’s humanitarian needs are growing. That is why they also need electric heaters as well as portable power generators, which will be installed in the organizations where they are especially needed."
And here is a statement from Mileta Babovic, General Secretary of the Association of Serbia’s economic executives, which also collects humanitarian aid for Kosovo Serbs:
"This humanitarian aid is very important now - it is not clear how the situation in the region will develop. The talks between Belgrade and Pristina are likely to last long. Meanwhile our citizens in Kosovo still live in conditions of total instability when one day you have a land plot and a house and next day Albanians come and take it away from you."
Russia’s Emergency Ministry and Russia’s envoy inn NATO Dmitry Rogozin have already called the actions of the EU representatives who halted Russia’s convoy on the border with to Kosovo as a “humanitarian crime”.
On Wednesday the Russian leadership plans to raise this issue at the EU-Russia summit in Brussels.
http://www.aco.nato.int/statement-by-the-north-atlantic-council-on-present-situation-in-kosovo.aspx
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - December 1, 2011
Statement by the North Atlantic Council on present situation in Kosovo
Today, we discussed the situation in Kosovo with our partners in KFOR.
NATO Allies and KFOR partners are deeply concerned about the recent developments in the northern part of Kosovo, which we continue to monitor carefully. The use of violence against KFOR is unacceptable and we deplore it. NATO and our KFOR partners welcome President Tadic's statement of 29 November, which must be followed by concrete actions. We urge all parties to exercise restraint and cooperate fully with all international actors on the ground to ensure freedom of movement without delay.
NATO Allies and KFOR partners fully support Commander KFOR...NATO and our KFOR partners commend KFOR's coordination with EULEX in this regard.
NATO Allies and KFOR partners call on Belgrade and Pristina to continue their constructive participation to the EU-facilitated dialogue.
B92/Politika/Danas - December 1, 2011
N. Kosovo Serbs build three new barricades
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA: Even though President Boris Tadić called for removal of barricades, northern Kosovo Serbs have built three new barricades in the village of Jagnjenica.
A barricade in the village of Dudin Krš has been reinforced.
Daily Politika writes that the local Serbs are keeping watch at all 19 barricades in northern Kosovo.
...
Northern Kosovo Serbs “disappointed” in Tadić
They told Politika that they would call an emergency joint session of four northern Kosovo Serb municipalities on Thursday in order to discuss the president’s request.
Daily Danas, on the other hand, writes that the northern Kosovo Serbs are ready for alternative resistance measures if the government decided to implement some temporary measures against them. The daily has learned that criminal charges against Belgrade team chief Borislav Stefanović will be filed by the local Serb representatives as soon as details about today’s talks with Priština in Brussels are made public.
The daily also added that the northern Kosovo Serb representatives will most likely request a parliament session so the MPs could discuss a change of the state policy which was announced by Tadić.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=12&dd=02&nav_id=77594
Tanjug News Agency - December 2, 2011
Holocaust memorial desecrated in Kosovo
PRIŠTINA: Kosovo police are investigating who sprayed swastikas on dozens of tombstones in a Jewish cemetery in Priština.
“Jews out” was spray-painted on a memorial for Jewish families who perished during World War II.
Police Spokesman Brahim Sadrija said Thursday that police had sealed off the cemetery in Priština and were looking for clues. The vandalism is believed to have happened Tuesday, AP has reported.
”Kosovo police went to the scene and have taken the necessary steps. An expert from Priština’s Monument Directorate has also been contacted. The investigators are conducting an investigation in order to find out who the perpetrator of this act is,” Sadrija told Radio Free Europe.
He said he could not disclose more details pending the ongoing investigation.
Kosovo Albanian President Atifete Jahjaga and PM Hashim Thaci have condemned the act. :)
The U.S. Embassy in Priština was the first to condemn the incident and called on the Kosovo authorities to thoroughly investigate the case and bring the persons responsible for it to justice.
Kosovo's Jewish community left for Israel and Serbia during and after the 1998-99 Kosovo war.
Austrian Independent - December 2, 2011
Injured soldiers return home from Kosovo
The seven Austrian soldiers who were injured in conflict in Kosovo have returned home and are on the mend. According to "Österreich" two of the men have already left the hospital and the others are making a speedy recovery.
"Two soldiers are receiving care at home," said Major Gerhard Oberreiter from the military base in Upper Austria. "The other five are being cared for in hospitals in the area with many of them in the west," in Innviertel.
It seems the men have even got their sense of humour back. "When I was flown back on Wednesday, I felt like I had been in a pub brawl," said 24-year-old Manuel Sperl. Corporal Sperl from Ried im Innkreis, was the most seriously injured of the soldiers and was flown back to Austria on Wednesday. The soldier suffered a lung contusion after he and his troops came under attack from Serbians during a demonstration on Monday.
According to doctors at the AKH hospital in Linz, the 24-year-old has made an incredible recovery having been on a drip for just a day. His family have also been able to breathe a sigh of relief after waiting for hours at the airport on Wednesday for the much loved brother and uncle.
Mayor of Ried in Austria, Albert Ortig, is keen for the community to show their appreciation to the heroes. "They are our barracks, they are our soldiers. We are all closely connected to them," said Ortig. "As a town we will thank the soldiers and their families after Christmas and show our appreciation - it is the least we can do," he said.
People's Daily - December 2, 2011
China calls for cool heads in Kosovo
Li Baodong, the Chinese ambassador to the United Nations, said in his speech to the U.N. Security Council on Nov. 29 that China is concerned over the continued tension in northern Kosovo.
Li stressed that all parties should fully understand the situation in the region, including its sensitivity and complexity. Li said all involved should handle the differences through dialogue and negotiations while avoiding actions that may escalate tensions.
The situation in Kosovo is crucial to the peace and stability of the Balkan region and the rest of Europe as well, Li said. Serbia's sovereignty and territorial integrity should be respected and the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 is an important legal basis to solve issues pertaining to Kosovo.
Furthermore, the issue should be resolved within the framework of the U.N. Security Council resolutions, and through dialogue, consultation, negotiation and other peaceful means.
Tanjug News Agency - December 2, 2011
KFOR fortifies position, Serbs stand watch
JAGNJENICA: KFOR troops fortified their camp in Jagnjenica on Friday with large sacks filled with rocks and sand, said reports from northern Kosovo.
Inside the camp, which stretches to the nearby ethnic Albanian village of Čabra, is a host of army trucks, armored transporters and jeeps, Tanjug is reporting.
From a forest-covered hill above the camp, KFOR troops are videotaping the people gathered at the barricades in Jagnjenica.
Troops are also posted on top of their vehicles, which they used to block the road leading to Zvećan on Monday, after KFOR had broken through the barricade set up by local Serbs.
The trucks and buses removed and damaged in this operation can still be seen in Jagnjenica, and inside the circle KFOR has surrounded by barbed wire are several cars left over from KFOR's last operation.
In the neighboring village of Zupče, one lane is open for traffic, so passenger cars were are to travel on the road from Kosovska Mitrovica to Ribariće on Friday.
Protesting Serbs are also standing watch on Friday at other barricades, while the two official administrative crossings in northern Kosovo - Jarinje and Brnjak - remain closed, so the only way between northern Kosovo and central Serbia remain by bypass forest roads.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/12/02/61409376.html
Interfax - December 2, 2011
Russia to send observers to Kosovo to protect Serbs
“Russia should expand its presence in the Balkans,” he says. “It should send its observers there. The presence of foreign observers will most probably make Kosovo’s authorities think twice before persecuting Serbs.”
“Openness and transparency are very serious matters,” the Russian MP continues. “If an international tribunal on Serbia already exists, an international tribunal on Kosovo will appear sooner or later.”
Mr. Torshin believes that “what is happening in Kosovo looks very much like genocide of the Serbian people”.
Tanjug News Agency - December 3, 2011
KFOR commander: We won't tolerate violence
PRIŠTINA: KFOR Commander Erhard Drews has stated that troops under his command will in the future respond in kind to violence against them.
Drews said that he would not tolerate the use of force against KFOR troops, Radio Television of Kosovo has reported.
He said that KFOR would respond with the same means to those who used force in a case of escalation of violence such as the one at the village in Jagnjenica last Monday.
The KFOR commander said he expected concrete results when it came to Serbian President Boris Tadić’s call to northern Kosovo Serbs to remove the barricades.
Tanjug News Agency - December 3, 2011
PUPS warns of possible displacement of Kosovo Serbs
BELGRADE: The Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) deputy leader Milan Krkobabić has warned of possible displacement of Serbs from Kosovo.
He has called on Serbian officials to make sure that a new displacement of Kosovo Serbs does not happen.
During a visit to a refugee settlement in the Belgrade neighborhood of Krnjača, Krkobabić commented on the political situation in Kosovo and stressed that those leading the negotiations should visit the camp.
“It would be good if those people who are today leading the negotiations with Priština came here instead of going to cafes and spent a day or two, to hear and see things that are happening to you and then decide about the fate of those people at the barricades,” he stressed.
Tanjug News Agency - December 1, 2011
NUNS condemns KFOR attack on journalists
BELGRADE: The Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (NUNS) has condemned KFOR's attack on a group of journalists at a barricade in the village of Jagnjenica.
Pointing out that violence against journalists cannot be justified, NUNS has stated that it strongly condemns the KFOR’s attack on a group of reporters that took place on Tuesday.
“NUNS will inform international journalists and media associations about this shocking attack of KFOR members on the journalists,” it is said in the announcement.
According to media reports, KFOR troops attacked journalists reporting for Belgrade-based Press and Kurir dailies, and cameramen of several Belgrade-based TV outlets.
The incident happened around 16:00 CET on Tuesday.
It took place at the new barricade in the village of Jagnjenica when KFOR troops without any reason or warning fired rubber bullets at the reporters and crews, the association stressed in its statement.
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 8, 2011
Kosovo Serbs continue petitioning for Russian citizenship
Kosovo Serbs, who earlier addressed Moscow with a request to grant them Russian citizenship, may continue to file their petition. This was announced on Thursday to RIA Novosti news agency by a representative of the "Old Serbia" movement, publicist Rajko Dzhurdzhevich.
In early November, Kosovo Serbs handed over to the Russian embassy in Belgrade 21 thousand signatures of those seeking Russian citizenship, because they believed that Serbia was not giving them adequate support.
Earlier on Thursday at a briefing in Moscow Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman Alexander Lukashevich said that that such a request “cannot be fulfilled in accordance with the Russian Citizenship Law.”
Dwelling on the deplorable situation in the province, Dzhurdzhevich pointed to the unequal position of Kosovo Serbs in their standoff with the international military forces, and likened Serbian enclaves to "concentration camps, since people there live behind barbed wire."
Tanjug News Agency - December 13, 2011
"Plans being made to conquer north militarily"
BELGRADE: Interior Minister and Deputy PM Ivica Dačić says a local Serb businessman who was described as a criminal by KFOR "is not Kosovo's biggest problem".
The EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, sent no proof of Zvonko Veselinović's involvement in the unrest in the north, Dačić told reporters on Tuesday, speaking at the Belgrade Aeroklub venue.
"Do you really think that the problem in Kosovo is Zvonko Veselinović? I cannot believe that you're considering the problem in such simplified terms. Being suspected of causing incidents is one thing, while what Serbs in Kosovo are demanding is another," he responded to questions from journalists.
Dačić also revealed that the Interior Ministry (MUP) had "certain information" about other activities of persons named by KFOR commander Erhard Drews as organizers of violence, but that no investigation was launched.
Asked whether "the Serbian police would arrest Veselinović if it had an opportunity", Dačić responded by saying this was "a hypothetical question", and added that "even if this were to happen, any extradition to Priština would be out of the question", since Serbia considers Kosovo a part of its territory.
The minister further stressed that Serbs had the right to put forward their political demands just as ethnic Albanians had done, and that he had been listening for two years "to the international community" saying that the center of crime was in northern Kosovo, but that this was "not true".
"That's a lie! The hotbed of crime is in Priština and in Albania. The Albanian mafia is the strongest in the world. Those are not my words, those are the words of Russian, German, and American services. Yet, here we are, discussing Zvonko Veselinović. I cannot believe we've reached this level," Dačić said.
He also sent a message to NATO's troops in the province, KFOR, that they "would do better to find a way to cooperate with Serbs in the north, and prevent unilateral actions in Kosovo".
"Does anyone really think we don't know what they're up to there? Does a part of the international community really think we don't know about the plans being made to militarily conquer northern Kosovo?" the minister asked, but would not provide any more details related to this assertion.
Northern Kosovo is inhabited by a Serb majority that does not recognize the Kosovo Albanian unilateral declaration of independence made in early 2008, or the authority of the Priština-based institutions.
In a bid to prevent Priština's customs and police from taking over administrative line checkpoints between northern Kosovo and central Serbia, local Serbs last summer put up barricades, blocking several roads in that part of Kosovo.
Itar-Tass - December 13, 2011
Kosovo - main drug transit center in Europe - Russia's anti-drug chief
Kosovo has turned into the main drug trafficking transit center in Europe, Russia`s anti-drug chief Viktor Ivanov said Tuesday.
He is now in Ljubljana where he is taking part in a ministerial conference of the Council of Europe Pompidou Group on combating drug abuse and illicit trafficking in Drugs.
Annually about 50 tons of heroin are transferred via Kosovo, he said.
B92/Beta News Agency - December 19, 2011
German chancellor arrives in Kosovo
BERLIN, PRIŠTINA: German Chancellor Angela Merkel has arrived in Priština and has already met with Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci.
The main goal of her visit is to pay a visit to German troops stationed in Kosovo, German government’s spokesman said earlier.
According to German media, Merkel will also meet with KFOR Commander Erhard Drews during her one-day visit to Kosovo.
The German chancellor was welcomed by Thaci and most of his deputies and ministers at Priština airport. She and Thaci will hold a press conference after the meeting.
The German media say that Merkel told Serbia loud and clear that the reason Germany did not support Serbia’s EU candidate status was wounding of two German troops in northern Kosovo.
Serbian government representatives, however, do not believe that her visit could strengthen Priština’s position.
»Ständig politischer Gewalt ausgesetzt«
Solidaritätsfahrten nach Mitrovica: Serben im Kosovo fühlen sich von Regierung in Belgrad im Stich gelassen. Ein Gespräch mit Benjamin Schett
Interview: Rüdiger Göbel
Benjamin Schett studiert in Wien Osteuropäische Geschichte und beteiligt sich an Solidaritätsaktionen für die Serben im Kosovo
Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel hat am vergangenen Freitag mit Blick auf die Auseinandersetzungen im Kosovo konstatiert, Serbien sei nicht reif für EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen. Das Land werde den Anforderungen des Prozesses »nicht gerecht«. Sie sehe bei Serbien keinen Kandidatenstatus. Wie ist die Nachricht bei der serbischen Bevölkerung angekommen?
Daß die Kritik aus Deutschland kommt, macht die Sache nicht gerade besser: Von einem Land, das Serbien im 20. Jahrhundert dreimal angegriffen hat und eine Tradition der Zusammenarbeit mit Rechtsaußenkräften in Kroatien pflegt, will man sich ganz sicher nicht belehren lassen.
Von Belgrad aus starten Busse mit Unterstützern zu den protestierenden Serben im Norden des Kosovo, die sich der von Pristina 2008 proklamierten Sezession verweigern. Was ist das Ziel dieser
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