Informazione
Language: ENGLISH, SERBOCROATIAN
The film began with production in late 2009 in several cities throughout Canada including Ottawa, Montreal and Toronto, continued in early 2010 in the United States - Columbus, Dayton, New York and Washington, and was finalized in the Summer of 2010 in Slovenia - Ljubljana; Croatia - Vukovar, Djakovo, Jasenovac, Zagreb, Gospic, Knin; Bosnia-Herzegovina - Sarajevo, Trebinje; Serbia - Belgrade, Subotica, Kosovska Mitrovica, Trepca, Pristina, Orahovac, Prizren and Strpce. "The Weight Of Chains" was completed in October 2010.
The director of this film, Boris Malagurski, has made several films to date, the last one being ìKosovo | Can You Imagine?î, a controversial documentary exposing how remaining Serbs in Kosovo have little or no basic human rights, which won several awards on film festivals around the world and was broadcasted as well. ìThe Weight Of Chainsî presents a Canadian perspective on Western involvement in the division of the ethnic groups within Yugoslavia and show that the war was forced from outside ñ regular people wanted peace. However, extreme fractions on all sides, fuelled by their foreign mentors, outvoiced the moderates and even ten years after the last conflict ñ the hatred remains and people continue spreading myths of what really happened in the 1990s. Why did all this happen?
This film will also present positive stories from the war ñ people helping each other regardless of their ethnic background, stories of bravery and self-sacrifice. The aim is to come up with a powerful weapon that people who are against war and hatred can use as a collection of good arguments in their favor. The disunity among peoples populating the Balkans have marked the last couple of centuries. Letís start a new page, today, in the 21st century.
Born in Subotica, Yugoslavia in the late 1980s. In 2005, Boris immigrated to Canada and immediately gained professional recognition for his work. His film "The Canada Project" (2005) won Best Film at the First Take International Student Film Festival in Toronto, and was shown on Serbian National Television several times. His subsequent productions were showcased on several other film festivals worldwide, including the International Film Festival in Palic, Serbia, while he was still in highschool.
"Kosovo: Can You Imagine?" (2009) was Malagurski's first political documentary which won him a Silver Palm at the Mexico International Film Festival, Best Film at the BC Days Documentary Film Festival in Vancouver and was broadcasted on Russia's first all-digital English-language TV channel Russia Today in over 60 countries worldwide.
Canadian economist and professor of economics at the University of Ottawa. He is also Director of the
Centre for Research of Globalization.
Prof. Chossudovsky acted as economic adviser to governments of developing countries and has worked as a consultant for international organizations including the UN Development Programme, the African Development Bank, the UN African Institute for Economic Development and Planning, the UN Population Fund, the International Labour Organization, the World Health Organisation, the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.
JOHN PERKINS
American economist and author, best known for his book "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" (2004), an insider's account of the exploitation or neo-colonization of Third World countries by what Perkins describes as a cabal of corporations, banks, and the United States government.
His 2007 book, The Secret History of the American Empire, provides more evidence of the negative impact of global corporations on the economies and ecologies of poor countries, as well as offering suggestions for making corporations behave more like good citizens.
SUNIL RAM
Professor of military history and land warfare at American Military University, where he also teaches peacekeeping.
He is also the author of the UNITAR training program for peacekeeping in the Balkans and is currently revising the
UNITAR program on the modern history of peacekeeping. A former Canadian soldier, he holds a UN Global Citizen Award for furthering awareness of peace and peacekeeping.
JAMES BISSETT
Former Canadian diplomat. He was High Commissioner to Trinidad and Tobago and later
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Yugoslavia, Albania (1990-1992), and Bulgaria.
He worked for the Departments of Citizenship and Immigration and Foreign Affairs and was later appointed the head of the Immigration Foreign services. Amb. Bissett also served as Canadian High Commission in London, England, and later became he assistant undersecretary of state for social affairs in the Department of External Affairs.
SCOTT TAYLOR
Canadian journalist specializing in military and war reporting.
His coverage has included wars in Cambodia, Africa, the Balkans, and Iraq. Taylor is a former private in the Canadian Forces, and is now the editor and publisher of Esprit de Corps military magazine. In his book "Inat: Images of Serbia and the Kosovo Conflict" he argues that NATO involvement in that conflict was unnecessary and that Western media coverage of the conflict was biased against the Serbs.
LEWIS MACKENZIE
Retired Canadian Major-General, author and media commentator.
He established and commanded Sector Sarajevo as part of the United Nations Protection Force UNPROFOR in Yugoslavia in 1992. Using the media as a means of trying to help restore peace, MacKenzie became well-known worldwide. He is a recipient of the Vimy Award, which recognizes a Canadian who has made a significant and outstanding contribution to the defence and security of their nation and the preservation of democratic values. In 2006, he was made a Member of the Order of Canada.
BRANISLAV LECIC
Serbian actor, and politician.
After the victory of the DOS in the 2000 presidential elections in Serbia, he was named the Minister of Culture in the government of the late Zoran Djindjic. He later founded the "Moja Srbija" (My Serbia) movement, taking part in Serbian elections in 2008.
In early 2010 he and his party merged into the Christian Democratic Party of Serbia.
VERAN MATIC
Chief Executive Officer and one of the founders of B92, a Serbian broadcaster with national coverage headquartered in Belgrade.
At the World Economic Forum's Annual Meeting in 1999, he was proclaimed one of the year's top 100 Global Leaders for Tomorrow, along with Veton Surroi, the publisher of Koha Ditore, a daily newspaper in Kosovo, Serbia.
VLADE DIVAC
Retired Serbian basketball player (played in the NBA) also well known as a great humanitarian, helping children in his native country of Serbia, as well as in Africa.
In late 2007 Divac has founded a humanitarian organization, "You Can Too", with the goal of assisting refugees in Serbia.
In 2008, Divac was appointed as a government adviser in Serbia for humanitarian issues. Divac appears in the ESPN 30 for 30 documentary "Once Brothers", where he discusses the exploits of the Yugoslavia national basketball team in the late 1980s and early 1990s and how the Yugoslav Wars tore them apart.
MICHAEL PARENTI
Award winning, internationally known American political scientist, historian, and culture critic who has been writing on a wide range of both scholarly and popular subjects for over forty years.
He has taught at several universities and colleges and has been a frequent guest lecturer before campus and community audiences. In addition, he has played an activist role in political struggles, most notably various anti-war movements. Included among the subjects he addresses are American politics, Yugoslav and Balkan affairs, news and entertainment media, ideology, historiography, ethnicity, and religion.
SLOBODAN DRAKULIC
Professor of sociology at Ryerson University, before he passed away in October 2010.
He obtained his B.A. and M.A. at the University of Zagreb (Croatia) and his Ph.D. at the University of Toronto. He taught sociology and anthropology in Croatia and Canada for almost thirty years. Dr. Drakulic published extensively in the areas of social movements, education, urban guerrillas, nationalism and war. His most recent publications included an article on nationalism in Croatia (past and present).
GREGORY ELICH
American author of "Strange Liberators: Militarism, Mayhem, and the Pursuit of Profit".
He is on the Board of Directors of the Jasenovac Research Institute and on the Advisory Board of the Korea Truth Commission. His articles have appeared in newspapers and periodicals across the world, including the U.S., Canada, South Korea, Great Britain, France, Zimbabwe, Yugoslavia, Russia, Denmark, and Australia.
GEORGE BOGDANICH
American film director of "Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War" (2002), a 165 minute documentary which was broadcast on European and Canadian television with a well reviewed (NY Times, Chicago Tribune) and theatrical release in selected cities in the US.
He is also a film and video producer for GB communications and media consultant for Serafin Associates.
BARRY LITUCHY
Executive Director of the Jasenovac Research Institute, a non-profit human rights organization and research institute committed to establishing the truth about the Holocaust in Yugoslavia and dedicated to the search for justice for its victims.
Lituchy is a Jewish-American expert on Balkan affairs and professor of Modern World Civilization, Ancient World
Civilization, and US History at Medgar Evers College, located in Brooklyn, NY.
GEORGE KENNEY
Former Yugoslav desk officer at the United States State Department headquarters in Washington DC.
Kenney resigned his commission in 1991 over US policy towards the Yugoslav conflict. He had about 60 articles published in mainstream outlets, did hundreds of radio and TV interviews and talk shows, and traveled extensively through the US on speaking tours.
JOHN BOSNITCH
Canadian journalist, consultant and political activist of Serbian descent.
He's also Bureau Chief of The InterMedia Center News Agency located in Tokyo, Japan. Bosnitch helped famous U.S. chess player Bobby Fischer after he was detained in Japan in 2005, due to his outstanding arrest warrant for Yugoslavia sanctions violation, and managed to secure his safe leave to Iceland.
BOSKO CIRKOVIC "SKABO"
Serbian musician, founder of "Beogradski Sindikat" (Belgrade Union) rap group which advocates social and political change in Serbia.
During 2003 he was writing a column for Glas Javnosti daily newspaper. He is also one of the founders and a CEO of "Magmedia" company for protection and exploitation of intellectual property. In 2010, he sang in front of a 10,000 strong crowd at the "Family Walk" rally organized by "Dveri" in Belgrade.
JOHN HAWTHORNE
Canadian international lawyer, former United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) official.
Hawthorne starred in Malagurski's previous film "Kosovo | Can You Imagine?" (2009) and has stirred controversy by revealing delicate information concerning gross human rights violations of Serbs and other non-Albanians in Serbia's southern province of Kosovo which declared independence in 2008 with support of major Western powers.
ZVONIMIR TRAJKOVIC
Serbian political advisor to four Presidents, including Slobodan Milosevic (1990 ñ 1993) and Radovan Karadzic (1994 ñ 1997). He also worked for IBM for 14 years.
He was never a member of any political party, neither the Communist Party, nor Milosevicí Socialist Party, even while Trajkovic was advising the President.
JADRANKA REIHL-KIR
The widow of Josip Reihl-Kir, the tragically perished Croatian first chief of Police in Osijek, who was at the time also in charge of Police stations in nearby towns in Slavonia.
ZELJKO SABO
Current mayor of the town of Vukovar, Croatia.
Sabo talks about the circumstances in 1991 which lead to the destruction of Vukovar which lies in the Slavnonian region of Croatia.
ZELJKO PERATOVIC
Croatian journalist since June 1991.
Quickly after he started working in the Croatian daily "Vjesnik", he was sent to cover events in Vukovar and Gospic. Powerful impressions from the war and testimonies by fragments of stories, behind which backstage political games were hidden, essentially influenced on his decision to take up research journalism. Today his research interests are directed at activities such as weapons and drug trade, prostitution, war crimes, political murders, abuse of secret services, etc.
MARKO FRANCISKOVIC
Former Croatian presidential candidate.
He is an advocate against liberal democracy and is the author of ìCroatian book of survival: Study of statehood.î
JOZE MENCINGER
Slovenian lawyer and economist, who was Minister of Economy of the Republic of Slovenia and
Vice Minister of Slovenia.
He is a Member of the European Academy of Arts and Sciences and has received the Golden Order of Freedom of the Republic of Slovenia. Mencinger was also Member of the Slovenian State Council for 5 years.
ERIK VALENCIC
Slovenian journalist, currently working for Slovenian ìMladinaî magazine in Ljubljana.
He previously worked for ìRadio Studentî and has appeared on many talk-shows discussing political and economic topics in the former Yugoslavia.
VESNA LEVAR
Widow of Croat fighter Milan Levar, who was assassinated in front of his house for investigating crimes against Serbs in Gospic, Croatia.
RADE ALEKSIC
Father of Srdjan Aleksic, who noticed that the Serbian police in Trebinje, Herzegovina, was taking away a man for being a Muslim and acted against them, which resulted in tragedy.
VEDRAN MUJAGIC & ARMIN BUSATLIC
Members of the ìDubioza Kolektivî band, currently based in Sarajevo, originating from Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Their music consists of various styles ranging from Reggae, Dub and Rock intermixed with political lyrics along with uplifting and melodic tendencies.
SRDJA TRIFKOVIC
Serbian-American writer who was foreign-affairs editor for the paleoconservative magazine ìChroniclesî.
He has a PhD in history from the University of Southampton. He was also director of the Center for International Affairs at the Rockford Institute. Trifkovic was also an unofficial spokesman for the Republika Srpska government in the 1990ís. Trifkovic is the author of Sword of the Prophet, a book on the history and doctrines of Islam. He comments on Balkan politics and is a regular columnist for several conservative publications in the United States.
BLASKO GABRIC
Founder and President of "Fourth Yugoslavia", the first mini-Yugoslavia in the Balkans, located in Subotica, Serbia.
Gabric argues that the Western world has taken away his "piece of heaven", after which he decided to take drastic action by declaring his property of 15 acres as a mini-Yugoslavia.
SLOBODAN SAMARDZIC
He was also the advisor for political issues to former Yugoslav president and Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica.
He headed the Serbian government's Committee for Decentralization and was coordinator of Serbiaís State Negotiating Team of the future status of Kosovo.
The Weight of Chains
An interview with documentary filmmaker Boris Malagurski
Gregory Elich: What led you to create The Weight of Chains? How did the idea for the film develop?
Boris Malagurski: After I initiated and organized protests against Kosovo's illegal secession from Serbia in February of 2008 in Vancouver, I was hoping that Canada, a country that has a lot of experience with separatism on its own soil, would not recognize the false state of Kosovo. When Canada, under U.S. pressure, recognized Kosovo as an independent nation, citing the "reality on the ground" as a reason for doing so, I decided to check out what the reality on the ground in Kosovo really was and filmed Kosovo: Can You Imagine?, a documentary about human rights of Serbs and other non-Albanians in the breakaway province. However, this film only analyzed the consequences of failed Western policies towards the Balkans, while I always wanted to get down to the bottom of why the West did what it did. This led me to start researching in 2009 not only why NATO entered Kosovo, but why Yugoslavia broke up -- who had an interest in the bloody dissolution of this once prosperous European state and what happened after the breakup. I knew that all these would be tough questions to answer for a 20-year-old film student, but with the help of experts on the topic, I was able to piece the information together and get a more complete picture of why Yugoslavia was killed and how it was colonized by the West.
GE: Your film does a marvelous job in unraveling the factors behind the breakup of Yugoslavia and exposing the interests that benefited from that tragedy. This is an important story that has not received the attention it deserves, and there are patterns that connect with more recent conflicts. But it is not a subject that could ever receive corporate funding. What obstacles or difficulties did you encounter in making this film? It was a very ambitious project to tackle without an ample budget.
BM: At first, I was very worried that we wouldn't have a big enough budget to complete this film, even considering that everyone in the film team worked for free. Then came one man who would change everything and help us find the funding we needed -- and this was Mr. Branislav Grbovic from Perth, Australia. He approached me via e-mail and offered his help in gathering public support for the project, which he did in a highly professional way. Thanks to him, but also many others, we were able to raise enough money to cover the expenses for making the film. Of course, every film can always be better when the budget is even bigger or when the film team includes more people, but I was happy that this project was funded through small donations of many people throughout the world who wanted this story told, who can today proudly say that this is their film as well that this is our film.
GE: In making this film you travelled to several countries, where you interviewed a diverse and interesting array of individuals. Was it difficult to track down or arrange meetings with some of your interviewees? Perhaps the heart of the film could be said to be the family relations of the little sung heroes who lost their lives in protecting those of another ethnic group. At the other end of the spectrum, you intended to interview former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright about negotiations at Rambouillet. That apparently didn't come off.
BM: I must say that I've had more than a pleasant experience with almost all those who were contacted for an interview for this film. I had help from Mr. Matt Mintz with arranging interviews in Canada and the U.S., while I arranged all the interviews in the Balkans myself. This largely consisted of contacting lots of people who maybe knew or knew someone who knew the person I was interested in interviewing, and the process took a while, but we haven't been refused by anyone -- except Madeleine Albright. Well, initially, she agreed to the interview, but when the time came to meet up in Washington, DC, she was too busy for an interview. This is a shame because I really wanted to confront her with certain issues that mainstream journalists never tackle, but perhaps she'll change her mind one day and decide to show she has nothing to hide. As for the family relations of the unsung heroes, I could sense a bit of distrust on their end when I met them, but that feeling quickly faded away as they saw that I really was passionate about telling the truth and they really opened up to me and my camera.
GE: Your passion for telling the truth about what happened in the Balkans comes across strongly in the film. You make striking use of archival footage in presenting this dramatic story. You obtained historical film clips from a variety of sources, and it seems that you had good cooperation from Radio Television Serbia. How did you go about exploring what was available, and choosing which footage to use? What was the process in working with Radio Television Serbia and others?
BM: I believe I had around 200 GB of archival footage on my computer before I started any editing. The process started with me writing a script based on research. This included information from various sources, descriptions of comments by the main political actors to the media, depictions of different images and such. Then I attempted to actually find the visuals for all that was written down on paper, and this was a difficult task because I first had to figure out where to look for these images, from which source, and only then start tracking them down. Of course, what would happen sometimes is that I would find what I need, but then find out that the license for the footage was too expensive, such as the case of the interview of Joe Biden on Larry King Live where he said that "all Serbs should be placed in Nazi style concentration camps," for which CNN asked $18,000 for 30 seconds. On the other hand, cooperation with Radio Television Serbia was more than fruitful and for this I have to thank the director of the program archive of Television Belgrade Mr. Mileta Kečina, who provided all the archival footage that we needed free of charge. This meant a lot to us, especially taking into consideration that almost everyone in the film team was under 25 years of age.
GE: This is a beautifully edited film. It is clear that a lot of time and thought went into its construction, and the way images are handled strongly supports the film's themes. This is also a briskly paced film, feeling much shorter than its two hours. Would you comment on your approach to editing? What sort of considerations played into your editing decisions?
BM: My main goal was to edit together something that would be interesting to watch even if the audience knows little to nothing about the issue. This meant that I didn't want to spend too much time on details that weren't interesting enough to cover and focus on the 'big issues', but from a different perspective. It's very fast paced and this is done for a reason -- people nowadays seem to not have the patience to hear all the arguments in a calm fashion, but prefer to be 'bombarded' with them and in an entertaining manner. There is also a dose of cynicism and black humor embedded in the film, which would cause some to compare the style with that of Michael Moore. However, I think my job is much harder than Michael Moore's, as he picks topics which are already attractive for Western audiences, while I attempted to create a spark of interest in Western audiences in the Yugoslav drama, to inspire people to think critically about the Balkans.
GE: It's a subject that is poorly understood in the West, but one that has had a wider impact than is commonly recognized. Yugoslavia provided the pretext for redefining NATO's mission as that of an offensive military arm of Western policy, able to operate beyond Western European borders. NATO is now engaged in military operations in Afghanistan and in bombing Libya. Intervention in the Balkans launched the West on the path of permanent warfare. Having divided Yugoslavia into small, weak, easily controlled states, the West imposed its economic vision on the region: privatization of state owned and socially owned enterprises, and IMF demands for laying off workers and slashing of wages, pensions and social services. It is a model that conservative forces are attempting to bring home to the U.S.
Your film has shown in Canada, Australia, and Serbia, and recently had its U.S. premiere in Washington, DC. What has been the reaction to your film in Serbia? These people lived through those events, and now they are in a very different society than before. I would also like to know if getting your film shown in the U.S. and Great Britain has presented special difficulties.
BM: It's interesting that the Serbian premiere of The Weight of Chains was supposed to be at the Kustendorf Film Festival in Drvengrad. Renowned Serbian filmmaker Emir Kusturica saw my film, liked it, and included it in the program of his festival. Unfortunately, due to unexplained reasons, the film was suddenly pulled from the program and was never shown there. After the incident, the first showing in Serbia was in my hometown, Subotica. I could barely break through the masses to reach my seat at the theater, people were very interested to see the "banned film" and the premiere was a great success. Viewers were impressed with the large amount of information divulged in the film, and it almost seemed that they wanted more -- even those who couldn't find a free seat and stood through the entire two hours of the film. I was glad that there were such positive reactions from the audiences, and I got the same impressions after film premieres in Belgrade, Novi Sad, and other Serbian cities. Even Eastern Sarajevo in neighboring Republika Srpska greeted the film with standing ovations.
As for showing the film in Western countries, I can't say that I encountered any difficulties, aside from gaining larger sponsors to show the film to a wider audience. However, I am confident that, as time goes by, more doors will open for this film, as it's in the American spirit to always ask questions and pursue the truth, regardless of what the government is attempting to sell as a reality.
GE: Finally, is there is anything else about your film that you would like our readers to know?
BM: I think it's important for everyone to know what happened to Yugoslavia, and, of course, why it happened, as it could very well happen to any country. Martin Luther King Jr. once said that everything that affects one directly, affects all indirectly. The West has had and still has a heavy involvement in Yugoslav affairs, so it's important for the citizens of Western countries to be aware of what their governments have done and what they're doing to this day, as we're all human and we all deserve to live in freedom and prosperity. I believe we should make a fresh start and turn a new page today, in the 21st century.
Gregory Elich is on the Board of Directors of the Jasenovac Research Institute and on the Advisory Board of the Korea Truth Commission. He is the author of the book Strange Liberators: Militarism, Mayhem, and the Pursuit of Profit.
Tutto Incluso 20 Mega light: telefono + ADSL a soli 17,95 € al mese per 12 mesi. Passa a Tiscali
Oggetto: cartoline dal Kosovo!
Data: 27 luglio 2011 10.29.46 GMT+02.00
dall'1 settembre al 10 settembre prossimi ospiteremo dei ragazzi provenienti dai villaggi serbi del Kosovo e Metohija, che vivono nelle zone intorno l'area di Deciani, dove sorge uno dei monasteri più importanti della cultura serba ortodossa.
Saranno 15 più 3 accompagnatori e li ospiteremo per un periodo che sarà di vacanza ma anche di studio.
Frequenteranno, infatti, un corso di Italiano tutte le mattine e li porteremo a visitare siti culturali importanti, oltre che le strutture dell'università di Roma Tor Vergata dove un giorno, chissà, potranno magari venire a studiare.
Una occasione importante per loro, ma anche per noi tutti, che avremo la possibilità di uno scambio con chi, in questo momento storico delicato, vive spesso in condizioni davvero al limite dell'accettabile.
Per fare questo, però, abbiamo bisogno anche del vostro aiuto. Lo so, sono tempi difficili per tutti, ma un piccolo contributo sarà davvero gradito visto che, in assenza totale di sponsor, sarà Un Ponte per... ad accollarsi le spese del viaggio e della permanenza del gruppo.
Se vorrete, se potrete, fate il vostro versamento a Un Ponte per... ( http://www.unponteper.it/sostienici/pagina.php?doc=sottoscrivi )
importante la causale: Cartoline dal Kosovo!
Sempre su questo argomento un mio nuovo contributo su: http://unsorrisoperognilacrima.blogspot.com/
Anticipo vostre riflessioni dicendo che mia figlia sta meglio e che lo scritto in questione (Mi arrendo...) non è dovuto alla sua vicenda ma alle tante situazioni visitate nel Kosovo e Metohija (il concetto di resa è ben espresso nello spazio dedicato ai commenti).
Buone vacanze a tutti
Alessandro
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visita: http://unsorrisoperognilacrima.blogspot.com/
"Deve esserci, lo sento, in terra o in cielo un posto
dove non soffriremo e tutto sarà giusto..."
(francesco guccini - cyrano)
Un ponte per... associazione di volontariato per la solidarietà internazionale
Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II, 132 - 00185 - Roma
tel 06-44702906 e-mail: posta@... web: www.unponteper.it
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NATO has sent more troops into Kosovo after a week of violence between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in an attempt to stop an escalation of the conflict.
Serbian-Canadian film director Boris Malagurski believes this shows how deeply the alliance is concerned about the situation in the Balkans.
"They are sending 550 German and 550 Austrian troops," he said. "They would not be sending troops into Kosovo if they didn't estimate that the situation could explode into a larger conflict. And considering that the international community has an interest in solving the so-called North Kosovo issue, it would not be unreasonable to suggest that they are trying to fix this issue as fast as possible. And I strongly believe that if the force is necessary to do what they have planned, they will use it."
Tensions were raised last week when Kosovar police seized two crossing checkpoints to impose a ban on imports from Serbia.
Border violence killed one Kosovar policeman and brought peacekeeping forces under fire.
Possible negotiation between the sides, however, can hardly change anything now, Malagurski says.
"Whenever the both sides are urged to negotiate, it is mostly... to get the Serbs to accept something," he said. "The Serbs has already made many concessions to the so-called Republic of Kosovo -- they've recognized their documents, the IDs, the license plates. So calling on the Albanians for negotiations is another call for Serbs to accept more things leading to Serbia recognizing Kosovo."
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Politika/Tanjug News Agency - July 7, 2011
K. Albanians "trying to finalize ethnic cleansing"
BELGRADE: The Kosovo Ministry will urgently inform the EU mission in Kosovo, EULEX, about the cases of "Albanization and assimilation of Serbs", says Goran Bogdanović.
The minister for Kosovo stated on Thursday that this will come along with a request for the practice "to end immediately".
"The representatives of the international community in Kosovo cannot ignore what is happening to Serbs, and not only to Serbs but also to other peoples and ethnic groups," Bogdanović.
His comments refer to frequent changes of the personal data in Kosovo IDs issued for Serbs, which they required so as to realize their right to pension allowance.
"It is unacceptable for the names of Serbs to be Albanized in the documents issued by Priština, and that their Serb nationality be changed into 'Kosovar'," Bogdanović stated for the Belgrade-based daily Politika.
He added that this was yet another indicator that the Kosovo Albanian authorities were using all methods to gradually assimilate those Serbs in Kosovo that they had not managed to drive out of their homes - "and thus bring ethnic cleansing to an end".
Bogdanović said that recent attempts to re-designate Serb monasteries and cultural heritage as "Kosovo's heritage" was an obvious example of how Priština was trying to "Albanize" Serbian history and culture, falsify facts and presents someone else's cultural identity as their own.
"Such moves demonstrate how much Priština cares about a multi-ethnic society, but also bring harm to the dialogue (between Belgrade and Priština) and the agreement that has been reached," Bogdanović stressed.
Voice of Russia - July 26, 2011
3 Serbs wounded in clashes near Zubin Potok in Kosovo
Three Serbs have been wounded in clashes in the village of Zubin Potok in the north of Kosovo, Radio KIM that broadcasts in Kosovo and Metohija reports. At about 4:00 p.m. local time, the sounds of gunfire were heard near the village of Varage. At least one Kosovo policeman was reportedly wounded. Controversial reports are coming from Kosovo.
The Tanjug News Agency quotes Milena Cvetkovic, the head doctor of a hospital at Kosovska Mitrovica, as saying that no new patients have been admitted since Tuesday morning. At the same time, Serbia’s Minister for Kosovo and Metohija Goran Bogdanovic has confirmed that the clashes did take place and that there are casualties among Serbs.
The Serbian television says that the Jarine border crossing in Kosovo has been shut. Reports about clashes near Zubin Potok have prompted local Serbs to seal off the road to the Brnjak border checkpoint. Earlier, Kosovo special task police made a failed attempt to storm the checkpoint, Mr. Boganovic said.
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http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/07/27/53775277.html
Voice of Russia - July 26, 2011
Kosovo on verge of conflict
Three Serbs were wounded in clashes with riot police in Kosovo near the village of Zubin Potok. According to the local radio station K.I.M. the situation in northern Kosovo escalated on Monday evening, when Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci ordered the police to establish control over two checkpoints along the dividing line in central Serbia.
Normally the responsibility for these checkpoints is handled by the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, EULEX.
One checkpoint was seized but later abandoned by Kosovo police commandos. The path to another checkpoint was blocked by local Serbs.
Tuesday afternoon, after the intervention of NATO international forces under the command of the Kosovo Force, KFOR, the situation seemed to have calmed down. But later it became apparent that it had not.
According to Serbian media on Tuesday the border crossing at Yasmin was closed. After reports of the clash near Zubin Potok, Kosovo Serbs also blocked the road leading to the border crossing at Brnyak.
The Voice of Russia talked to the head of the administration of Zubin Potok, Slavish Ristic, in Serbian and he had the following to say: “Zubin Potok still remains tense. People fear for their safety. The reasons for concern are the actions that members of the special forces of the Kosovo Police have taken.”
This morning the special division of the Kosovo police and members of the Rosa (Dew) Special Forces Unit seized the border checkpoint in the village of Brnyak. After lengthy negotiations which started at 13:00 hours between representatives of Belgrade, Pristina and KFOR, and representatives of "Rosa", the border crossing was handed back to KFOR forces.
A half hour later, however, a different group of "Rosa" Forces again attempted to penetrate into Zubin Potok. Members of the Special Forces Unit opened fire on unarmed civilians who attempted to block the road. Fortunately, there were no casualties.
Currently the reports coming out of Kosovo are conflicting in nature. At approximately 16:00 Belgrade time (18.00 GMT) gunfire was heard near the village of Varaga. At least one Kosovo policeman was injured.
The chief doctor of the Kosovo-Mitrovitsa hospital, Milena Cvetkovic told the Tanjug News Agency that there had been no admissions to the hospital during the morning. However, the Minister for Kosovo-Metohija affairs, Goran Bogdanovic, confirmed that clashes had in fact taken place and that there were Serbs among the victims.
The head of Kosovska-Mitrovitsya Region, Radenko Nedelkovic, reported that on Tuesday night negotiations between the northern Kosovo Serbian authorities and the representatives of NATO forces (KFOR) had taken place.
The Serbs insist that the Albanian leadership withdraw its police commandos and special forces from the border areas. At the same time there are reports coming in that the Albanian special forces have already left the checkpoint they captured and moved in the direction of Kosovo-Mitrovitsya, and are now in the village of Zhupche.
According to other reports Minister Goran Bogdanovic and the Political Director for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia, Borislav Stefanovic, had negotiated with the commander of KFOR Erhard Bühler.
Observers say that the recent relations between Belgrade and Pristina have seriously deteriorated. Last week, the Kosovo government imposed a ban on the import of goods from Serbia, citing the decision by Serbian authorities not to recognize Kosovo's customs seal and thereby prevent the importation of goods from Kosovo into Serbia. The dispute between Belgrade and Pristina had led to the disruption of another round of talks which were to have taken place on practical issues.
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Beta News Agency/B92 - July 27, 2011
Checkpoint in northern Kosovo set on fire
JARINJE: The checkpoint of Jarinje on the administrative line between Kosovo and central Serbia has been set on fire, reports said.
"A group of several dozen young men" was identified in reports as the perpetrators that set the checkpoint facilities on fire.
KFOR helicopters are flying over the area, while media crews are being evacuated.
Beta news agency reports that shots from automatic weapons were heard, and that Molotov cocktails were also thrown at a nearby KFOR camp, after which an explosion was heard.
Thick black smoke was seen rising from that area, according to this.
The attackers were described as "young men wearing hoods".
Several hundred people are at the checkpoint.
According to reports, the young men were Serbs who came "from the direction of Kosovska Mitrovica". They asked those gathered at the administrative line post to step away, and then started to demolish and burn the facilities.
...
Serbia's state television RTS is reporting that Minister for Kosovo Goran Bogdanović and Belgrade Kosovo talks team chief Borislav Stefanović, who were at Brnjak, are now headed to Jarinje.
The crisis in northern Kosovo started late on Monday when the Kosovo Albanian authorities decided to attempt to take over Jarinje and Brnjak.
Speaking at Brnjak earier in the day, Serbian officials called on KFOR to honor an agreement reached on Tuesday, that was supposed to diffuse the flare-up in tensions and violence.
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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=07&dd=27&nav_id=75647
Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency - July 27, 2011
Serbian officials call on KFOR to respect agreement
ZUPČE: Serbian officials today in Kosovo called on KFOR to restore the previous arrangement at administrative checkpoints of Jarinje in Brnjak in the Serb north.
Local Serbs there have been blocking traffic in protest on the Priština-Ribariće road leading to Brnjak.
Stefanović stressed that KFOR violated an agreement reached on Tuesday, and that the condition was for the two administrative line checkpoints to be managed as was the case before the Kosovo police, KPS, tried to use its Rosu unit to take them over three days ago.
"The situation on the Brnjak and Jarinje crossings must be as it was before. What they have done at Brnjak is an attempt to install the institutions of Priština on this crossing which they refer to as a 'border' crossing. It is not, and it never will be. They wish to do the same at Jarinje," he warned.
Stefanović emphasized that the only way to solve the problem was for those who entered the checkpoint outside of the agreement, illegally, in order to unilaterally change the situation on the ground and thus prejudice the outcome of the Belgrade-Priština dialogue to leave there as soon as possible.
The Serbian official told the local Serbs gathered to hear him that both Bogdanović and himself demanded from the KFOR commander that the Kosovo customs workers and border police vacate the checkpoint facilities as soon as possible.
"If this does not happen, we will all stay here together," Stefanović said, and warned that the situation was "serious".
Goran Bogdanović also addressed the Serbs to tell them that the state will never abandon them or allow for "anyone to unilaterally change the reality and the situation on the ground".
"We will stand with you and we are firm in our determination to defend what's ours. We are not asking for what belongs to others, we are defending our own, and we must be persistent and firm in that," said the minister.
He added that he will continue his talks with KFOR's representatives, because they were an "organization" deployed in the province in line with the UN Security Council Resolution 1244.
But Bogdanović noted that KFOR "seems to be ready to violate that resolution at this point".
The minister however expressed his belief that the situation at the two checkpoints would be restored to how it was three days ago.
Serb members of the KPS and EULEX customs were previously in charge at the administrative line.
"We will not give up on that goal, and let nobody doubt that," was Bogdanović's message.
Bogdanović and Stefanović were accompanied by SPC Bishop Teodosije, the head of the Kosovska Mitorovica District, and mayors of Serb towns in northern Kosovo.
Close to where the Serbs blocked the roads is a Portuguese KFOR unit, while the Kosovo Albanian customs officers moved their static booth "somewhat closer to the southern (ethnic Albanian) part of Kosovska Mitrovica", reported Tanjug news agency.
Meanwhile Beta's reporter at Brnjak said that 15 ethnic Albanians, members of the "Kosovo customs and border police" were flown in this morning by helicopter.
They told reporters that they were in the area of the town of Đakovica when they were ordered to leave, without being told where they were headed.
They added they were "scared", and that they thought they were being taken to a crossing in an ethnic Albanian area.
There are also Serb members of the KPS at Brnjak, regulating traffic and performing other duties, said the news agency.
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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=07&dd=27&nav_id=75645
Tanjug News Agency - July 27, 2011
Police raise combat readiness along administrative line
ŠIMANOVCI: Interior Minister Ivica Dačić has said that all Serbian police units deployed along the administrative line with Kosovo have raised their combat readies level.
"The night went relatively peacefully in Kosovo, but today we have received information that KFOR helicopters were used to transfer members of the Kosovo police to the Brnjak and Jarinje checkpoints," Dačić said in Šimanovci on Wednesday.
He explained that it was unclear at this point whether this was yet another attempt to take over the administrative line crossings, and that the only information he had was that the units were transfered in KFOR helicopters.
He said the NATO-led force was a UN (mandate) mission that "cannot take part in such moves by the so-called government of Kosovo".
Awaiting further developments, the minister explicitly blamed the Priština authorities for the tension in northern Kosovo.
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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=07&dd=27&nav_id=75643
Serbia requests UN Security Council session on Kosovo
BELGRADE: In the wake of this week's flare-up of tension and violence in northern Kosovo, Serbia has asked for a UN Security Council session dedicated to the problem.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade confirmed this for Beta news agency on Wednesday.
Serbia is yet to receive an answer from New York to the request, the ministry said.
Extraordinary sessions of the Council are called by the country holding the one-month presidency.
In July, that country is Germany.
Should the session be called, Serbia will be represented by her Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremić.
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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=07&dd=27&nav_id=75644
Russia reacts to crisis, accuses Priština
MOSCOW: Russia reacted to the worsening situation in the northern, Serb parts of Kosovo to accuse the Kosovo Albanian authorities of being responsible for the crisis.
"We consider the provocations of Albanian authorities in Kosovo to be destabilizing the situation in the province - which is volatile as it is, and to be increasing tensions and undermining the negotiating process between Belgrade and Priština," the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on Wednesday.
Moscow now expects competent representatives of the international community - the UN and EU above all - to undertake necessary measures, and "control ambitions of the Kosovo authorities".
"All contentious issues should be solved through negotiations and in line with UNSC Resolution 1244," the Russian MFA statement said.
Voice of Russia - July 27, 2011
Kosovo separatists flexing muscle
At least 8 people are known to have been injured after separatist authorities in Kosovo attempted to seize border crossings between Serb-populated northern areas and Serbia.
Russia calls on the United Nations and the European Union to step in and restore order in the border area. In a statement from its Foreign Ministry Wednesday, it also says all disputes between Belgrade and Pristina must be resolved through talks, and what happened at the border crossings is a deliberate provocation.
Back in 2008, Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia. Serbia continues to see is as a renegade province.
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http://rt.com/news/kosovo-serbia-russia-tensions/
Russia concerned over tensions in Kosovo
Russia has joined the EU and US in condemning Kosovo's decision to send Special Forces to seize border crossings along the shared frontier with Serbia. Moscow says it threatens to destabilize the region.
"The dramatic deterioration of the situation in northern Kosovo causes serious concerns," the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement published on its website on Wednesday.
"We believe that the Kosovo Albanian authorities' provocative actions destabilize the already fragile situation in the region, escalate tensions and undermine the negotiating process between Belgrade and Pristina," it said.
NATO-led peacekeepers have been deployed to the area to help control the situation, which is stoking ethnic tensions. Hundreds of people blocked main roads in response to Kosovan police seizing two disputed border crossings. One police officer was killed in overnight clashes, two policemen have been wounded.
Kosovo says it is trying to enforce a ban on Serbian imports in response to a similar boycott of Kosovan goods.
Around 60,000 Serbs live in the north and do not recognize Kosovo's independence, which it unilaterally declared in 2008.
Russian Information Agency Novosti - July 28, 2011
NATO peacekeepers attacked in northern Kosovo
BELGRADE: Unknown gunmen attacked NATO peacekeepers in northern Kosovo for the second time in the past few hours, the Kosovo Force (KFOR) said in a statement.
NATO peacekeepers have been deployed to Kosovo's Serb-dominated north after clashes broke out in the area on Monday following the Kosovo authorities' decision to send special police forces to the border to enforce a ban on imports from Serbia, a move opposed by local Serbs.
Kosovo officials later said they ordered the withdrawal from the border posts after government customs officers had been installed at the sites.
Late on Wednesday, a group of several dozen people in masks were reported to have attacked the Jarine border crossing post in northern Kosovo with Molotov cocktails. The attackers reportedly approached the checkpoint from the north (Serbian-controlled territory).
There have been no reports of victims of injuries.
Earlier on Wednesday, some media reports said the Brnyak border crossing post was attacked and set on fire by a group of Kosovo Serbs. The reports have not been confirmed, but KFOR said security was strengthened at both border crossings.
Several hours before the attack of the Jarine checkpoint, two Mil Mi-171 (Hip) helicopters carrying Croatian peacekeepers were attacked by unknown gunmen in the area, the Croatian Defense Ministry said. No one was wounded in the attack.
KFOR Commander Gen. Erhard Buehler has been negotiating with representatives of Kosovo Albanians and Serbs to settle the situation, the KFOR statement said.
Serbian President Boris Tadic has condemned the attacks on peacekeepers. He said, however, that Belgrade "will not go to war" in response to Kosovo attempts to seize border checkpoints and will use only diplomatic means to resolve the conflict.
Kosovar Prime Minister Hashim Thaci has blamed the violence on the Serbian side.
Kosovo, which unilaterally proclaimed its independence from Serbia in 2008, has been recognized by a total of 76 out of 192 UN member states.
Serbs account for up to 10 percent of Kosovo's population, making up the biggest non-Albanian community remaining in the breakaway region following the 1998-99 Kosovan war of independence.
Tanjug News Agency - July 28, 2011
NATO declares crossings "restricted military areas"
PRIŠTINA: KFOR commander Erhard Buehler says NATO had declared two crossings on the administrative line between Kosovo and Serbia a restricted military area.
He threatened the use of lethal force in the case of attack on Jarinje and Brnjak.
“I cannot exclude another attempt. Both gates are declared military restricted areas and the rules of engagement are very clear,” Buehler told Reuters in an interview.
According to Buehler, the soldiers can employ lethal force, they can employ their weapons to defend themselves, to defend...the military restricted area.
“Nobody who is not authorized to work in the gates or to cross the gates should be near the gates,” Buehler added.
KFOR is a NATO-led force deployed in the province with UN Security Council Resolution 1244 that ended the 1999 war.
Serbian officials today accused KFOR of "enforcing decisions of the (Kosovo Albanian) Priština government" and stepping outside the UN resolution.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanians unilaterally declared independence more than three years ago, which Serbia rejected.
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Trend News Agency - July 29, 2011
Kosovo Serbs defy NATO, leave road barricades
Serbs in restive northern Kosovo on Friday maintained their barricades of two key roads in defiance of an order to call off their protest against NATO's Kosovo peace-keeping mission KFOR and European Union law enforcement agency EULEX.
The Serbs, who are accusing the two missions of siding with the Albanian majority and government in Kosovo, have parked tractors, trucks, logs and tyres in the middle of the roads.
The barricades were set up after violence erupted in the area earlier this week, claiming the life of a policeman, in an escalation of a trade war between Serbia and its former province.
The Kosovo government moved to take over the border checkpoints in the mostly Serb north in order to enforce a trade embargo on Serbian goods. Serbs reacted by torching one of the crossings.
On Thursday KFOR took control of border crossings and declared the area a restricted military zone. KFOR ordered Serbs to dismantle the barricades, with KFOR commander Erhard Buehler warning that violence in the zone would be met with deadly force.
Talks aimed at defusing the situation have failed. Buehler is due to meet Serbian officials on Friday.
Kosovo declared independence in 2008 without the approval of Serbia. The Kosovar government has failed to assert its control in the north, where Serbs are in the majority.
http://blogs.voanews.com/breaking-news/2011/08/01/nato-forces-clear-kosovo-barricades/
Voice of America News - August 1, 2011
NATO Forces Clear Kosovo Barricades
NATO forces have removed some of the barricades put up by Serbs in northern Kosovo after a trade dispute escalated into deadly violence last week, but other roadblocks still remain.
The alliance removed several roadblocks Monday that impeded access to NATO bases in northern Kosovo. It is unclear how many roadblocks are still in place.
Also Monday, the head of Belgrade's negotiating team, Borislav Stefanovic, and Serbian Minister for Kosovo Goran Bogdanovic met with Serb representatives in the northern Kosovo town of Zvecane. The move is widely seen as a further act of defiance to Kosovo's claim to statehood.
Last week, special forces of Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian government seized two border crossings in Serb-dominated northern regions to enforce a ban on imports from Serbia. Kosovo's government imposed the ban last month in retaliation for Serbia's blocking of Kosovo imports.
Northern Kosovo Serbs confronted ethnic-Albanian security forces last Monday, triggering an exchange of gunfire that killed one ethnic Albanian policeman and wounded several other people. NATO peacekeepers intervened, taking control of the two border posts on Thursday under an agreement with the Kosovo government, which pulled out its special police. After the police withdrew, a mob of Serb attackers set fire to one border post and fired on NATO peacekeepers sent to quell the violence.
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The violence in northern Kosovo was one of the most serious incidents in the region since Kosovo seceded from Serbia in 2008.
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http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/08/02/us-kosovo-nato-idUSTRE7712FK20110802
Reuters - August 2, 2011
NATO to send extra troops to Kosovo
PRISTINA/BRUSSELS: NATO will send hundreds more troops to Kosovo after an escalation of violence there between ethnic Albanians and Serbs last week, NATO officials said Tuesday.
A battalion of troops, mainly from Germany and Austria, will join the Kosovo Security Force KFOR in coming days, the officials in Brussels and Pristina said.
"The reason for the deployment is to relieve forces currently engaged in maintaining security," NATO spokeswoman Carmen Romero said.
...
NATO's force in Kosovo currently numbers nearly 6,000.
Diplomats said the reserve battalion that has been kept on standby in Germany consists of 600 German troops and 100 Austrians.
Violence flared last week after Kosovo sent ethnic Albanian special police units to border posts that had been staffed mostly by ethnic Serbs to enforce a ban on imports from Serbia.
NATO sent its ***peacekeepers*** to quell a subsequent three days of violence in which one ethnic Albanian policeman was shot dead and ***hardline Serbian nationalists*** set fire to one of the northern border crossings.
The NATO troops returned to their barracks Friday after ethnic Serbs blocked them from reaching peacekeepers deployed at border posts.
At the weekend the NATO mission said it had removed three road blocks but they were mainly on secondary roads and the situation remained tense Tuesday with local Serbs still blocking the main roads to border posts.
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Kosovo declared independence in 2008 but the 60,000 Serbs living in northern Kosovo still consider Belgrade their capital.
(Reporting by David Brunnstrom, Fatos Bytyci, Ilona Wissenbach and Justyna Pawlak, editing by Gareth Jones)
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Tanjug News Agency - August 2, 2011
KFOR won't let food, medical supplies through at Jarinje
JARINJE: KFOR is preventing the entry of vehicles that carry any kind of food, or any type of goods, at the administrative point of Jarinje are, reports said.
Tanjug news agency said that NATO-led KFOR soldiers have even banned medical supplies from going through. Drivers said they were told that American soldiers "had an order" to stop vehicles carrying goods.
They also refused to let those loaded with heating fuel to pass through. Only passenger cars are being let through.
Serbs in northern Kosovo receive supplies from central Serbia through the Brnjak and Jarinje administrative line checkpoints.
Tanjug says that at Brnjak, people managed to get bread and milk to the north in "smaller vehicles".
Meanwhile, the night went peacefully at the barricades Serbs had put put up to protest against the attempts of Kosovo Albanian authorities to take over the checkpoints.
The Serbs spent an eighth night on the barricades near Zupče, on the way to Brnjak, and near Rudare and in Leposavić, blocking the road to Jarinje.
Serbian government representatives were also in Kosovo last night - head of the Belgrade team in the dialogue with Priština Borislav Stefanović, Minister for Kosovo Goran Bogdanović, and President Boris Tadić's adviser Jovan Ratković arrived there after talks with EU mediator Robert Cooper in Raška.
They expect to meet with KFOR commander Erhard Buehler during the day.
The crisis in northern parts of Kosovo started last Monday when Priština sent its police units to the checkpoints, while several days later a group of masked men set Jarinje on fire, which was then closed, as well as Brnjak.
Serbs are a majority in the north and do not recognize the unilateral declaration of independence made by ethnic Albanians in early 2008. They also reject the authority of the government in Priština.
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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=08&dd=02&nav_id=75733
Beta News Agency/Tanjug News Agency - August 2, 2011
Minister tells Serbs in north to remain at barricades
RUDARE: The Minister for Kosovo and Metohija on Tuesday called on the residents of northern Kosovo to continue to gather at the barricades.
"I plead with you to continue gathering in as large a number as possible, and express our will and goals in a peaceful manner, to not allow the Kosovo state to take root in this region," he told some 2,000 Serbs from the province gathered at the road block in the village of Rudare.
The minister urged the citizens to behave in a dignified manner, maintain peace and fight for their rights and the rights of Serbia.
Bogdanović said negotiations concerning the situation in the north would continue, while he described those held to date as "fairly difficult and uncertain".
Yesterday, Bogdanović and other government officials met with the EU mediator in the Belgrade-Priština dialogue held in Brussels, Robert Cooper, but there were no statements given after the meeting which is expected to resume.
"Clearly there is no understanding for our interests and goals on the part of the international community, and for this reason I plead on you to be united, to set partisan issues aside, as well as rumors which are more dangerous than guns here," the minister said to the local Serbs at Rudare today.
The crisis in the northern, predominantly Serb, parts of the province started when the Kosovo Albanian government in Priština put an embargo on goods coming from central Serbia and then, on July 25, sent members of police units to take over the control of administrative checkpoints.
Local Serbs responded to the move, taken while the Belgrade-Priština dialogue was underway, by setting up roadblocks, and said they would continue the protests until the situation was "back to where it was before July 25" when EULEX customs and Serb members of the Kosovo police, KPS, were at the Brnjak and Jarinje posts.
On Tuesday, head of Serbia's negotiating team in the Kosovo dialogue Borislav Stefanović underlined that Priština was not yet ready for an agreement on the resolution of the north Kosovo crisis, and called on Serbs to stay on the barricades and not react to provocations but rather give a chance for dialogue.
...
“This is not a ghetto, this is Serbia...We want people to move freely, we want to get back to the dialogue. In order for that to happen, this crisis has to be resolved in the manner that we asked for. We are waiting for feedback. For now, Priština is not ready for talks,” Stefanović said in Rudare.
Stefanović said that Belgrade officials have, in a way, become "undesired interlocutors".
“Things will not calm down. We have to preserve unity and peace. Today we will have difficult talks. Although there will be more subversion and provocations, you should give a chance to the dialogue. You have amazed the world with your dignity and creativeness. These are the qualities that win, these are the qualities that worry them,” Stefanović said, addressing the Serbs gathered at the barricade.
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http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=08&dd=02&nav_id=75736
Tanjug News Agency - August 2, 2011
PM calls on KFOR, UNMIK to "remain neutral"
BELGRADE: Prime Minister Mirko Cvetković has stated that Serbia did not bear responsibility for the current situation in northern Kosovo.
He blamed the Kosovo Albanian authorities in Priština and international institutions active in the province for the flare-up.
The prime minister spoke on Tuesday in Belgrade to call on international representatives to engage in talks with Serbian government officials in order to bring back calm and return to the situation that existed before the crisis.
Cvetković also stated that he believed the Belgrade-Priština dialogue should be "renewed".
"Representatives of the international community, KFOR and EULEX, must remain neutral, and not take sides as they are doing right now by refusing to talk to legitimate representatives of the Republic of Serbia, and by blocking food convoys, which could lead to a humanitarian catastrophe," concluded the Serbian premier.
L’Associazione delle famiglie serbe chiede le risposte
22.07.2011.
L’Associazione delle famiglie dei 14 serbi che sono stati uccisi dodici anni fa nei pressi di Lipljane in Kosovo mentre mietevano il grano ha chiesto alle istituzioni rispettive di chiarire questo delitto compiuto dagli estreminsti albanesi e il destino di più di 3 mila serbi e non albanesi che sono stati uccisi in Kosovo. L’appello è stato lanciato in occasione del dodicesimo anniversario dell’uccisione di 14 mietitori serbi nel villaggio Staro Gracko, nei pressi di Lipljane in Kosovo. La presidentessa dell’Associazione delle famiglie dei serbi uccisi e sequestrati in Kosovo Natascia Scepanovic ha detto in conferenza stampa che nonostante molte prove nessuno è stato accusato di aver ucciso e sequestrato i serbi in Kosovo. Il presidente della commissione del governo serbo per le persone scomparse Veljko Odalovic ha ricordato che non si sa ancora il destino di 1.800 persone che sono sparite nella regione meridionale della Serbia.
Con il requiem per le vittime nel borgo Staro Gracko, nei pressi di Lipljan, è stato segnato il 12° anniversario di uno dei più gravi crimini commessi sui serbi dall’arrivo delle missioni di pace in Kosovo e Metochia, quando furono assassinati 14 mietitori nei loro campi. Di questo crimine tutt’oggi non è stato punito nessuno. Al requiem, oltre i parenti e gli amici, hanno partecipato anche il presidente della Commissione del governo serbo per gli scomparsi, Veljko Odalovic, e l’assistente del ministro per il Kosovo e Metochia, Dragan Petkovic, il comandante della KFOR, Erhard Biller, il capo della Circoscrizione kosovara, Goran Arsic, e il deputato nel parlamento kosovaro, Rada Trajkovic.
22.07.2011.
L’esecutivo serbo protesterà presso l’Unione europea perché Pristina ha decisio di vietare che la merce dalla Serbia centrale arrivi in Kosovo, ha confermato il vice premier Bozidar Djelic. L’Unione europea è il mediatore del dialogo tra Belgrado e Pristina e deve intervenire, ha detto Djelic a Obrenovac, dove ha siglato insieme con il capo della delegazione dell’Unione europea a Belgrado Vincent Deger l’accordo sulla donazione finanziaria dell’Unione europea alla Serbia, il cui valore ammonterà a 178,5 milioni di euro. Djelic ha sottolineato che la decisione di Pristina ha violato i principi fondamentali del commercio e l’accordo Cefta, la stipulazione del quale è stata incentivata e promossa dall’Unione europea. Questa decisione mette in questione anche il dialogo tra Belgrado e Pristina, il quale è stato avviato con la promessa è l’accordo che non sarebbero state prese le decsioni unilaterali che avrebbero potuto togliere ogni senso alle trattative, ha ribadito Djelic. Dopo la decisione delle autorità di Pristina di imporre l’embargo sulla merce che arriva dalla Serbia centrale, la merce serba in decine di camion è stata bloccata al valico amministrativo Merdare. La decisione delle autorità albanesi è entrata in vigore il 20 luglio.
22.07.2011.
Il Consiglio dei quattro comuni serbi del distretto di Kosovska Mitrovica ha comunicato che per la popolazione serba la decisione delle autorità di Pristina di imporre l’embargo sulla merce che arriva dalla Serbia centrale non ha alcun valore. Il Consiglio ha valutato che la decisione di Pristina è di natura politica, ed ha chiesto ai rappresentanti dell’Eulex e la polizia che si trova ai valichi amminsitrativi Brnjak e Jarinje nel Kosovo settentrionale, abitato prevalentemente dalla popolazione serba, di non rispettare la decisone di Pristina e di non ostacolare la libera circolazione di merci e servizi. Se la Kfor, l’Eulex e la polizia non daranno ascolto alla nostra richiesta, saranno responsabili della destabilizzazione in questa regione del Kosovo, hanno avvertito i rappresentanti del Consiglio. Loro hanno invitato i cittadini e gli impenditori serbi che vivono nel nord Kosovo a continuare a fornirsi della merce che arriva dalla Serbia centrale.
23 luglio 2011
Il sostituto del premier e ministro dell’interno della Serbia, Ivica Dacic, ha dichiarato che nell’Unione europea esiste un gruppo di paesi che con l’approvazione dello status di candidato per la Serbia in cambio vorrebbe vedere anche il riconoscimento dell’indipendenza del Kosovo. Se questa diventerà una condizione, allora è meglio separarsi in tempo, ha fatto sapere Dacic. “Nei prossimi anni dobbiamo aspettarci pressioni ancora più forti per il riconoscimento del Kosovo, per questo motivo bisogna iniziare i colloqui sulla delimitazioni”, ha rilevato Dacic nell’intervista rilasciata al quotidiano “Novosti”. Lui ha dichiarato che teme un’integrazione forzata del Kosovo settentrionale e che quindi la Serbia deve fare il possibile per salvare il proprio popolo.
Al Kosovo non basta
27.07.2011, 16:42 |
Belgrado cerchera’ una soluzione esclusivamente diplomatica al conflitto sulla frontiera con il Kosovo. Cosi il presidente Tadic ha commentato il tentativo dei servizi speciali kosovari di occupare alcuni posti di blocco. Secondo gli esperti, si tratta di un’azione commessa con la convinzione della propria impunibilita’.
La causa formale che ha portato a deteriorare la situazione, sono le controversie doganali della settimana scorsa. Adesso pero’, secondo gli esperti, Pristina non si limitera’ a questo attacco soltanto. In Kosovo si parla gia’ del controllo su tutta la frontiera con la Serbia. Per di piu, le forze speciali kosovare, benche’ ritirate dai posti di blocco Jarine e Brnjak, rimangono nel nord della regione.
In un’intervsita esclusiva a La Voce della Russia cosi ha detto Marko Jakscic, leader dei serbi che vivono nei territori settentironali del Kosovo:
Nella base KFOR di Leposavic, nel nord del paese, si trova una decina di agenti arrivati alla vigilia con elicatteri della Kfor. In questo modo le forze internazionali guidate dalla Nato hanno violato il principio di neutralita’. Noi insistiamo sul ritiro di questi poliziotti in quanto la base si trova ad alcuni chilometri di distanza dal posto di blocco Jarine. In ogni caso continueremo a difendere la frontiera e siamo pronti ad un nuovo tentativo di Pristina di prendere sotto controllo questa parte della regione.
Le autorita’ serbe hanno ancora una volta ribadito di puntare all’opzione negoziale, ma i passi del Kosovo mettono in dubbio la possibilita’ del dialogo, innanzi tutto per l’impunibilita’ di Pristina.
Dice l’esperto della crisi balcanica, Anna Filimonova:
Sembra che gli albanesi abbiano deciso di inasprire la situazione per portare il Kosovo all’indipendenza a pieno titolo. Dopo aver ottenuto dalla Serbia concessioni senza precedenti, adesso vogliono tutto e subito. E’ evidente che puntano all’escalation del conflitto, in cui avranno il tacito sostegno della Kfor.
Dopo l’ultimo attacco si ha puntato il dito contro l’Eulex – forze di pace dell’UE, per un impegno insufficiente. In precedenza pero’ proprio per le insistenti richieste di Pristina i caschi blu dell’Onu sono stati sostituiti con le forze europee che, in teoria, dovrebbero sostenere la formazione istituzionale delle nuove autorita’ kosovare, tramite consultazioni giuridiche. In realta’ pero’ l’Eulex ha partecipato al soffocamento delle proteste delle enclave serbe, con gas lacrimogeno e proiettili di gomma.
Mosca ha piu’ volte indicato che questa attivita’ delle forze di pace europee e’ ben lontana dal principio di neutralita’. Ma l’Ue non si e’ decisa di intervenire, in quanto oggi della pace e la stabilita’ nel Kosovo si occupa la Kfor guidata dalla Nato.
Questo comportamento del Kosovo, l’escalation del conflitto, tentativi di aggressione, come quello del 26 luglio, rimarrano impunite, senza alcuna conseguenza, anche se si tratti di una palese violazione del diritto internazionale. Tutto cio’ perche’ Pristina viene coperta dal suo patrono che silenziosamente approva tutte le sue decisioni. Cioe’ gli Usa.
In questo modo non vanno avanti anche i tentativi di chiamare alla responsabilita’ Hashim Taci colpevole del traffico di organi:
L’esempio di Taci, aggiunge l’esperto Filimonova, dimostra a tutto il mondo che la situazione nei Balcani viene controllata dagli Usa. Fino a quando Taci rimarra’ burattino di Washington, ogni tentativo di cambiare la situazione e’ destinato a fallire.
Pristina continuera’ a tutti i costi ad attuare il progetto della spartizione dei Balcani ideato dagli Usa alla fine degli anni ’90 che adesso vengono aiutati anche dall’Ue che segnala a Belgrado la necessita’ di riconoscere il Kosovo per entrare nell’Unione Europea.
In effetti, la Serbia lo ha gia’ fatto, riconoscendo la legittimita’ dei passaporti rilasciati da Pristina. Ma sembra che al Kosovo questo non basti.---
Pristina sta provocando la Serbia
28.07.2011, 16:37 |
Il tentativo delle autorità della sedicente Repubblica del Kosovo di prendere il controllo dei confini amministrativi con la Serbia ha provocato l’esplosione della violenza in queste zone abitate dai serbi. Uno dei centri abitati di frontiera - Jarinie è stato bruciato da persone ignote in maschera. La Serbia ha già condannato i tentativi di escalare il conflitto e ha esortato a convocare una seduta straordinaria del Consiglio di Sicurezza dell’ONU.
A quanto pare, mentre l’attenzione della comunità mondiale è centrata sugli avvenimenti in Norvegia, il Primo ministro del Kosovo Hashim Taci ha deciso di eliminare, rapidamente ed impercettibilmente, un problema interno. In particolare, ha introdotto truppe speciali del Ministero dell’Interno nelle zone settentrionali controllate dalla Forza di sicurezza multinazionale in Kosovo (KFOR) desiderando dimostrare in tal modo chi è il padrone di casa. Anzi, non ne ha dato comunicazione anche ai suoi protettori degli USA e dell’Ue, provocandone l’irritazione.
Al microfono Tatiana Parkhalina, vice direttore dell’ Istituto per l'economia mondiale e le relazioni internazionali, Accademia delle scienze russa.
In alcuni casi è molto difficile prevedere le azioni dei politici simili a Hashim Taci. Il fatto che il Kosovo ha proclamato la sua indipendenza e che questa indipendenza è stata riconosciuta da alcune decine di paesi non significa affatto che il problema è chiuso. Lo si può risolvere solo in una prospettiva a lunga scadenza quando il Kosovo e la Serbia saranno integrati nell’Ue. Ma non è un problema di domani.
La situazione creatasi al confine con la Serbia, naturalmente, irrita Pristina. I serbi che abitano qui mantengono gli attivi rapporti con Belgrado. Di fatto hanno controllato anche il servizio doganale locale, il potere degli albanesi da queste parti era assai formale. Questo status-quo è esistito fino al 20 luglio, giorno quando Taci ha introdotto il divieto sul commercio con Belgrado motivandolo con il presunto grande afflusso di contrabbando anche se è ben noto il ruolo del Kosovo in qualità di principale punto di trasbordo in Europa per i contrabbandieri di ogni risma. Anche Bruxelles ha rimproverato Taci di violare le norme incrollabili del libero commercio. Ma ciò non ha fermato il Premier che ha messo in opera truppe speciali. Il risultato è triste: entrambe le Parti registrano dei feriti.
Il Presidente della Serbia Boris Tadic ha invitato le Parti a rinunciare alla violenza. In particolare, ha invitato i serbi residenti nel nord del Kosovo a dare prova di autocontrollo. Attualmente per la Serbia è molto vantaggiosa la scalata del conflitto con il Kosovo, soprattutto dopo il riscaldamento dei rapporti con l’Ue dopo l’estradizione di personaggi principali della guerra civile nell’ex Jugoslavia.
Dopo i difficili negoziati il controllo al confine è tornato alla Forza multinazionale. Come ha dichiarato il portavoce del governo serbo Borislav Stefanovic, anche se gli estremisti hanno posto tutti in una situazione delicata, c’è la speranza che non ci saranno ulteriori atti provocatori. La Russia ha avvertito che le azioni provocatori delle autorità albanesi del Kosovo destabilizzano la situazione già fragile nel territorio, implicano la fomentazione della tensione, scalzano il processo negoziale tra Belgrado e Pristina. Al Consiglio di Sicurezza dell’ONU sono già iniziate le consultazioni a porte chiuse sul problema. Al loro termine sarà adottata una decisione sulla convocazione di una seduta straordinaria del Consiglio di Sicurezza.Casa Vacanza al mare affittasi. Scegli la tua meta in tutta Italia, Costa Azzurra e Corsica!
A seguito delle proteste di oggi, rivolte anche direttamente alla redazione del Corriere della Sera, la mappa che appariva sulla pagina segnalata è stata modificata:
http://www.corriere.it/esteri/11_luglio_28/tensioni-serbia-kosovo_3dfc4142-b8e3-11e0-a8dd-ced22f738d7a.shtml
--- In JUGOINFO, C.N.J. ha scritto:
AVANGUARDIA NERA
A margine di un "pezzo" sulle tensioni e gli incidenti in atto in questi giorni sulla linea di demarcazione amministrativa del Kosovo, la redazione del Corriere della Sera online ha posto una significativa mappa della regione. In essa la Serbia è ridotta alla sua sola porzione centrale, con l'amputazione non solo del Kosovo ma anche di tutta la provincia settentrionale della Vojvodina. Non è chiaro se i redattori del Corriere - che si pongono così come vera e propria avanguardia del giornalismo guerrafondaio del nostro paese - auspichino che la Vojvodina diventi l'ennesima repubblichetta delle banane, colonia di UE e NATO dello spazio jugoslavo, oppure se intendano annetterla direttamente alla Grande Ungheria, per realizzare un altro tassello del progetto nazista di spartizione "etnica" dei Balcani:
http://www.corriere.it/esteri/11_luglio_28/tensioni-serbia-kosovo_3dfc4142-b8e3-11e0-a8dd-ced22f738d7a.shtml
Balcani, alta tensione in Kosovo (CdS 28/7/2011)
Casa Vacanza al mare affittasi. Scegli la tua meta in tutta Italia, Costa Azzurra e Corsica!
Non temiamo alcun confronto: Tiscali ha l'Adsl più veloce d'Italia!
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(dichiarazione programmatica del 1. Congresso degli antifascisti dell'Europa sud-orientale, che si terrà i prossimi 29 e 30 ottobre a Bihac
- ricevuto via Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/notes/antifašistička-liga-jugoistočne-evrope/d-e-k-l-a-r-a-c-i-j-a/10150263422323921 )
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D E K L A R A C I J A
pubblicata da Antifašistička liga Jugoistočne Evrope il giorno martedì 5 luglio 2011 alle ore 0.01
Nakon dvodnevnog zasjedanja Prvog Kongres Antifašista Jugoistočne Europe, održan 29 i 30.10. 2011. godine u Bihaću donio je:
D E K L A R A C I J U
kao političko akcioni dokument u kome se iznose osnovne spoznaje o fašizmu kao povijesnom fenomenu i objašnjavaju razlozi i potreba stalne borbe protiv fašizma u sadašnjosti i u budućnosti.
I. Fašizam je složeni sociološki, psihološki, ideološki i politički fenomen, koga nije moguće jednoznačno izraziti. U sebi sjedinjuje elemente koji su različito strukturirani, podložni promjenama, ovisno o vremenu i prostoru, odnosno razvojno-sociološkim i kulturološkim uvjetima u kojima se rađa i razvija. Otud i različiti oblici fašizma. Iako pod utjecajem svoga okruženja mijenja svoje oblike, njegova bit uvijek ostaje ista.
Teorijske izvore fašizma nalazimo već u antičkoj filozofiji, pa sve do suvremenih filozofskih promišljanja, ali i u političkoj praksi svih reakcionarnih restauracija koje se temelje na koncepcijama vječnoga zakona i misticizma. No ti elementi u daljnjoj prošlosti, više su bili osmišljeni nazori nego politička praksa. Ali u svojim suvremenijim uvjetima ti nazori poprimaju elemente fašistoidnosti kao što su nacionalizam, rasizam, ksenofobija, totalitarizam, antisematizam, militarizam i imperijalizam, a u specifičnim uvjetima u kojima se našla Italija i Njemačka nakon I svjetskog rata, posloženi u sistem, doživljavaju svoju reakcionarnu kosekvenciju što jedinstvenim izrazom nazivamo nacifašizam. Fašistički pokreti organizirali su se u gotovo svim razvijenijim kapitalističkim zemljama Europe u to vrijeme, ali nisu postojali svi uvjeti i da dođu na vlast osim još u Španjolskoj.
U filozofskom smislu fašizam se pokazuje kao spiritualističko – metafizički pogled na svijet u kome je sve konačno. U sociološkom smislu, fašizam je duhovni izraz povijesno deklasiranih slojeva koji i čine njegovu političku bazu. U psihološkom smislu fašizam je izraz izgubljenosti individue, nedostatak sebe u sebi i potreba za kompenzacijom, poistovjećujući se sa stvarima iznad sebe, dakle idolatrija. U ideološkom smislu, fašizam je političko programska koncepcija sklepana sa raznim istegnutim načelima pojedinih filozofskih škola koje čak i nisu izvorno fašističke, prilagođenih kako bi se s jedne strane izrazilo nezadovoljstvo širokih masa prema postojećim prilikama, a da se istovremeno ne ugrozi vladajući kapitalistički poredak i sistem privatnoga vlasništva i nejednakosti na kome kapitalizam počiva. Čine je najmanje šest motiva, koji svaki za sebe imaju svoju funkciju, ali u njihovoj u među igri, čine specifičnost i djelotvornost fašističke ideologije, a to su; ideologija zajednice u koju se broji nacionalizam, ideologija autoriteta, koja završava načelom vođe, ideja vlasništva, vrhunac koje je militantni antikomunizam, stanoviti antikapitalizam usmjeren protiv krupnoga kapitala, ali koji su u spoju sa ideologijom vlasništva politički otupljeni, filozofija grešnoga jarca koja pruža uvjerljiva obrazloženja za sva zla svijeta i istodobno nudi masama objekt na kojima one mogu bez opasnosti rasteretiti svoju agresiju i konačno militarizam koji mase ideološki priprema za rat. Politička funkcija fašizma je novim metodama vladanja stvaranje nove masovne baze postojećeg kapitalističkog poretka koju je u krizi i nepovjerenjem masa izgubilo. Fašizam objektivno predstavlja moderni pučki, maskirani oblik građansko kapitalističke kontra revolucije, suspenzijom parlamentarne demokracije da bi se spriječila legalna pobjeda revolucije. On je blokada povijesti, anticivilizacijski i zato je tako nasilan. Fašizam kao ideološko-misaoni projekt i politička praksa uvijek se oblikuje kao diktatura u čijem sjedištu je vođa, koji se izdiže iznad društva, građana i njihovih života. U Musolinijevom fašizmu, sam život se shvaća kao borbu i jednu od presudnih vrijednosti svakog čovjeka. Čovjek je odlučujuće određen svojom pripadnošću, određenoj organskoj zajednici – svojoj naciji ili rasi, koja je mistično jedinstvo prirodnog i povijesnog. Bitna čovjekova značajka nije um, nego volja. Društvo se ustrojava tako da ljudi borbom stječu položaje – jačim nad slabijim, pa je glavno ustrojstvo društva, nadređenost jača ličnost nad slabijom, snažniji narod nad nejakim. Fašizam je i antidemokratski, jer je totalitaran i traži da država prožme život pojedinca. Država je entitet višega reda, nju ne stvara narod, nego obrnuto. Bit države koncentrira se u vođi čija je volja najviši zakon i on je ne pogrešiv. Njegovo bitno svojstvo je imperijalizam.
Sve to preuzima Hitlerov nacizam i obogatio übermensch teorijom nordijske rase i novim tehnologijama vladanja. Otud rasizam, antisemitizam, holokaust i genocid u nacizmu poprimaju krajnju konsekvenciju.
II. Iako je fašistički pokret duboko povezan sa krizom kapitalizma i njegovim spašavanjem, ne može se reći da je fašizam običan privjesak kapitala, jer on ima svoju socijalnu bazu, koja nipošto nije izvorna baza krupnog kapitala. Ali za svoj razvoj i osvajanje vlasti bila mu je potrebna podrška kapitala. Tamo gdje tu podršku nije dobio, nije ni došao na vlast. To znači da postoji uzajamna naklonost između kapitala i fašizma i da ona proizlazi iz neke zajedničke osnove, a to je ideologija vlasništva i zajednički neprijatelj komunizam. Iz toga proizlazi da je fašizam samo jedan od oblika građanske klasne vladavine, do duše najgrubljeg oblika, od liberalizma do fašizma. Njegovu socijalnu bazu rađa kapitalističko raslojavanje, a nastup osigurava kriza kapitalističke reprodukcije i strah od moguće revolucije. Zato je nenaučno i krajnje licemjerno današnje propagandističko izjednačavanje komunizma i fašizma, od strane buržoaske apologije. Ta veza postoji samo sa kapitalizmom. Naprotiv, fašizam je zajedno sa krupnim kapitalom uperen protiv Marksizma i revolucije.
U ostalom nacifašizam o kome govorimo, odnjihala je kapitalistička reakcija vjerujući da će fašizam samo blokirati promjene u zemljama u kojima je na vlasti, a na internacionalnom planu biti udarna pesnica protiv Oktobarske revolucije i SSSR. Ali fašizmu je imenentan imperijalizam i protiv je svake demokracije uključujući i građanske liberalne. Kada se nacifašističko osvajanje svijeta rasplamsalo, morala je biti uspostavljena velika antifašistička koalicija svih demokratskih snaga da se zaustavi ta nacistička neman, koja je pokrenula II svjetski rat i u kome je uz golema materijalna razaranja i patnje poginulo 50 miliona ljudi, najviše u povijesti čovječanstva. Njegove najstrašnije tekovine su holokaust i genocid.
III. Antifašizam je pokret protiv fašizma, za razvoj demokracije i mira. Istovremeno, on je značio i borbu za očuvanja nezavisnosti i oslobođenje od fašističke okupacije zemalja. Antifašizam označuje i politički i kulturni program antifašističkih organizacija u nacionalnim i svjetskim razmjerima.
Antifašizam se pojavio gotovo kada i sam fašizam. Francuski komunisti i socijalisti 1934. godine spriječili su pokušaj fašističkog prevrata u Francuskoj. U Austriji antifašistička borba bila je izražena u oružanom ustanku radništva. U Španjolskoj antifašizam pretvorio se u građanski rat ( 1936-1938 ) u kome je iskazana i međunarodna solidarnost. Komunistička Internacionala je u drugoj dekadi tridesetih godina prošloga stoljeća pokrenula stvaranje antifašističke fronte, koja je naročito došla do izražaju u Francuskoj i Poljskoj. Antifašistička udruženja pokretali su i kulturni radnici i stvaraoci. I konačno u II svjetskom ratu stvorena je velika antifašistička koalicija, Velika Britanija SAD i SSSR i brojne antifašističke i narodnooslobodilačke fronte u Jugoslaviji, Grčkoj, Poljskoj, Belgiji, Nizozemskoj, Danskoj, Norveškoj i Italiji, protiv sila osovina Rim – Berlin - Tokyo.
Nakon II svjetskog rata, antifašizam je ugrađen u temelje Zapadno europske demokracije, Narodne demokracije u zemljama Istočne Europe i socijalističkih revolucija u Jugoslaviji i Kini, te u antikolonijalistički pokret mnogih afričkih i azijskih zemalja.
Nažalost neke bitne vrijednosne komponente antifašizma, nisu se do kraja ostvarile. Nedostatak jedinstvene osnove antifašizma i različitost interesa članova Velike antifašističke koalicije, dovela ih je u međusobnu borbu oko podjele interesa, produživši se novim međusobnim ratom, ali sada ne više ne vatrenim, nego «hladnim» koji traje i do devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća. Time se antifašizam sveo pretežno na obilježavanje ratnih datuma i uspomena, a izgubio frontovsko politički karakter i antifašističku predostrožnost, koju svakako treba povratiti u novim uvjetima, stvaranjem jedinstvene ideološke osnove. Samo puna demokracija, ekonomska, socijalna i politička, u čijem je središtu čovjek može biti ideološka osnova da se to postigne i da se spriječi svaki oblik fašizacije i novog fašizma. Antifašizam, dakle mora dobiti novu suvremenu dimenziju.
IV. Ako fašizam shvaćamo kao mogući odgovor na krizu kapitalizma, onda opasnost od fašizma i dalje postoji, iako je od 1945. godine, kao oblik vladavine u Italiji i Njemačkoj i šire poražen. Kapitalistički društveni poredak, koji je u prošlosti proizveo fašizam i dalje postoji u najvećem djelu razvijenih industrijskih zemalja. Iako on stalno sofisticira svoje metode vladavine, on nije fundamentalno promijenio svoju bit, da bi fašističke konsekvencije bile sasvim isključene. Još uvijek postoje socijalni uvjeti za nastanak i djelovanje fašističkih pokreta koji u raznim oblicima postoje, koji se ne razlikuju po svojim ciljevima od pokreta dvadesetih i tridesetih godina prošloga stoljeća, jedino što se prilagođavaju novim uvjetima i što samo otežava borbu protiv njih. Svjedoci smo i dramatičnih kriza kapitalističke reprodukcije, kao i pojave lijevih antiglobalizacijskih i emancipaotirskih pokreta u pojedinim zemljama i svjetskoj razini, pa u očuvanju postojećeg kapitalističkog poretka od lijevih emancipatorkih snaga, može doći do spoja između fašistoidnih organizacija i grupa i gornjih vladajućih slojeva, što je nužno za pobjedu novog fašizma.
Čak što više nakon realnog socijalizma u Istočnoj Europi, a time i urušavanja Jugoslavije i socijalističkog samoupravljanja kao anticipacije nove budućnosti, bez obzirni nastup globalnog kapitala se pojačava, a time i povećava opasnost od kriza i načina njihovog razrješavanja. Uostalom, razvijene kapitalističke zemlje na čelu sa SDA i kao pobjednice antifašističke koalicije nisu do kraja obračunale sa ostacima fašističkog pokreta, već su ga na razne načine održavale i spremale za dnevno političke svrhe u borbi protiv socijalizma. I same su podržavale brojne fašističke diktature nakon II svjetskog rata kao konkretnog odgovora na krize u pojedinim zemljama interesne sfere i obrane svjetskog kapitalističkog poretka (Južna Koreja, Indonezija, Grčka, Čile, Argentina ) i brojne druge diktature ali i brojni lokalni ratovi uključujući i ratove na tlu Avnojske Jugoslavije.
Osim toga u suvremenim uvjetima fašističke tendencije djeluju manje vidljivo i kapilarno u fašistoidnim pojavama, koje se uvijek u kriznim uvjetima mogu spojiti u sistem. Pa i sam neoliberalni sistem koji je u osnovi diktatura kapitala i uskih oligarhijskih upravljačkih i političkih moćnih slojeva, a propagandistički viju zastavu demokracije i ljudskih prava od čega u stvarnosti gotovo da ništa nema, po mnogo čemu je fašistoidni oblik stvaranja masovne baze kapitalizmu da bi mogao opstati. Sama multinacionalna korporacija kao glavni medijator globalnog kapitalizma, u kojoj je sve lijepo posloženo i uglađeno po svojim ciljevima i funkcijama je duboko nedemokratska i fašistoidna, jer čovjeka zaposlenika potpuno podređuje jedinom cilju a to je rast korporacija kao uvjeta njenog opstanka. Antikomunistička histerija koja se u zadnje vrijeme u svijetu naročito poduzima, dobar je dokaz da fašistoidnosti i suprotstavljanju suštinskim promjenama. Komunizam koji je samo filozofski pojam i nigdje u svijetu nije oživotvoren, samo zato što označava pokret podjarmljenih radnih slojeva za ekonomsko i socijalno oslobođenje proglašava se zločinom. O faktičkim zločinima kapitalizma u njegovoj gotovo 400 godišnjoj vladavini i nemilosrdnoj eksploataciji radnih slojeva i prouzročenim ratovima, ni riječi. To je tobože samo borba za demokraciju i ljudska prava, ali je svakom pametnom vidljivo koliko je vladajuća oligarhija bliža fašistoidnim rješenjima, nego istinskoj socijalizaciji. Najveća imperijalistička sila SDA svojom nacionalnom strategijom polazeći od Wilsonove doktrine, da ono što je dobro za Ameriku, dobro je i za Svijet, uzima sebi za pravo da kontrolira svjetske resurse i sirovine i pojavu nepoželjnih emancipatorskih pokreta i poredaka, koji bi mogli ugroziti kapitalistički poredak i njenu vodeću ulogu i da vojno intervenira mimo organizacije UN i Međunarodnog prava. Po principu obožavanja njih slijedi veliki broj režima u svijetu što je po sebi fašistoidno. To je već nedopustivo veliki stupanj fašizacije međunarodnih ekonomskih i političkih odnosa i neravnopravnosti među narodima i državama.
Danas u svijetu postoji cijeli niz i drugih okolnosti koje objektivno mogu pridonositi fašistoidnim promišljanjima pa i rješenjima kao što su; jačanje jaza između bogatih i siromašnih zemalja, brojne tehnologije koje potpadaju pod kontrolu uskih oligarhijskih interesa i njihova moguća zloupotreba, vrlo raširena i neutaživa pohlepa za profitom i političkom moći, trka u naoružanju , terorizam kao očajnička reakcija na jednakost i ponižavanje određenih skupina i slojeva, demokratura kao oblik degradacije same liberalne demokracije pod utjecajem oligarhijske moći i tome slično.
V. Kakvu nestabilnost, nepredvidivost i do dramatičnih raspleta, ali u kojoj se ipak daju nazreti osnovne zakonitosti povijesnih kretanja, govore i događaji devedesetih, koji simboliziraju pad berlinskog zida, a naročito ono što se dogodilo na prostorima, avnojevske Jugoslavije.
Autentična socijalistička revolucija koja se tokom II svjetskog rata i poslije njega dogodila na ovim prostorima, imala je svoje uspone i blistave trenutke, prije svega u narodnooslobodilačkoj i antifašističkoj borbi, uspostavljanju nove naprednije društveno ekonomske socijalističke strukture, razvoja proizvodnih snaga društva, naročito u uspostavljanju razvoja radničkog, socijalističko i društvenog samoupravljanja na unutarnjem planu, te suprostavljanju i otporu staljinizmu u međunarodnom radničkom pokretu, te u uspostavi miroljubive koigzistencije i pokretanju nesvrstanosti na međunarodnom planu, ali i svojih padova. U svakom slučaju bio je to najviši društveno-ekonomski, socijalni i kulturni doseg razvoja ovih prostora, u svojoj povijesti i najduži period života u miru.
Radnička klasa nastala u predratnoj Kapitalističkoj Jugoslaviji, omasovljena u periodu državnog socijalizma, transformirala se u sistem udruženog rada i integralnog samoupravljanja, u slobodne proizvođače i potrošače i postala pretežni i vodeći sloj društva, pokazujući svijetu u kom pravcu procesi istinske demokracije treba da idu. Bivši neobrazovani i siromašni seljaci, koji su i dalje ostali na selu, postali su organizirani robni proizvođači i bitno unapredili kvalitetu svoga života.
Ekonomsko, politički, socijalni i moralni učinak te povijesne stvarnosti je neuništiv, a potpuni diskontinuitet nemoguć, barem ne bez teških posljedica. Nastup neoliberalnih snaga devedesetih, da se učini taj otklon, urodio je sadašnjim teškim društvenim stanjem, koje je bliže katastrofalnom, nego lošem. Naime, ovi prostori danas su ponovno prožeti rigidnim kapitalizmom i usisani u svjetski poredak klasne kapitalističke vladavine. Karakteriziraju ga prvobitna akumulacija kapitala, ogromno socijalno raslojavanje, potpuna obespravljenost radničke klase i nepostojanje djelotvornog radničkog pokreta. To naravno nije kapitalizam centra, koga karakteriziraju visoko razvijene i homogene nacionalne privrede, bazirane prije svega na unutrašnjim tržištima i jakom ekspanzijom u svijet iz koga dovlače ekstra profite i zahvaljujući tome, bez obzira na socijalne i klasne razlike, osiguravaju relativno visoku potrošnju većine kategorija stanovništva, a koga predstavlja grupa razvijenih zemalja zapada, koje ne propuštaju ostali svijet unutra, nego periferni kapitalizam, koga karaktezira posve obrnuta situacija, uslijed specijalizacije iz centra i pojačane eksploatacije i dezartikulirane privrede ovisne od centra, razvoj nerazvijenosti, relativno zaostajanje i siromaštvo, a koga čine polu razvijene i nerazvijene zemlje trećega svijeta. Time su ovi prostori iz stanja srednje industrijske razvijenosti i ubrzanog razvoja, ponovo poprimili obilježja zemalja trećega svijeta, razorene privredne i socijalne strukture i zaostajanje za zemljama razvijenog centra.
Razloge očigledne destrukcije objašnjava prosta činjenica da ove promjene devedesetih nisu bile u korespodenciji sa potrebama i razinom razvijenosti proizvodnih snaga društva i duhovnog ozračja dvadeset prvog stoljeća, već korak natrag u povijesno prevladani proizvodni društveni odnos i njemu odgovarajuće konzervativne društvene svijesti. U svakom slučaju put kojim se krenulo, nije bio pravi odgovor na krizu u kojem se jugoslavensko društvo našlo krajem osamdesetih. Destruirana Partija i tehnobirokracija koji su krizu i izazvale, nisu bile u stanju dati odgovor u pravcu istinskog jačanja samoupravljanja i vlasti radničke klase što je otvorilo vrata kontrarevoluciji. Te vladajuće strukture, ne samo da nisu bile spremne prepustiti vlast samoupravljanju, već su napustile ideju i tekovine socijalizma i velikim djelom prešle na stranu neoliberalne kontrarevolucije. Bila je to povijesna repriza termidorske kontrarevolucije koju je doživjela i građanska revolucija u Francuskoj, naravno u posve drugim uvjetima i vremenu, ali prema istim historijsko-dijalektičkim zakonitostima. Nacionalizam je svjesno postao ideologija i tehnologija vladanja, koji je omogućio, da se proces prvobitne akumulacije, koji se sastajao u pljački društvene imovine i surovoj eksploataciji i obespravljenju radničke klase, prikrije iza fraze o borbi za nacionalno oslobođenje. Izmišljajući neprijatelje nacije ili pogrešno prikazujući i objašnjavajući stvarne društvene procese, novonastali nacionalistički režimi su uspjeli postići nacionalističku homogenizaciju čitavih etnosa nakon čega je bilo lako provesti proces kapitalističke restauracije, bez opasnosti da to dovede do krupnih socijalnih sukoba. Ti sukobi su samo odloženi i oni sada dolaze do punog izražaja. Da je odgovor na krizu od socijalističkih snaga dat na vrijeme, nacionalizam ne bi imao nikakve šanse. Ovako sve je završilo u raspadu zemlje i građanskom ratu sa teškim dugoročnim posljedicama za sve narode na ovim prostorima.
Nakon svega što se dogodilo, južnoslavenske države, iako formalno nezavisne imaju manje samostalnosti nego što su imale u SFRJ iz po Ustavu iz 1974. godine. Ekonomski, socijalno i moralno su potpuno upropaštene, a politički pod čvrstom kontrolom centrala moći u Bruxellesu i Washingtonu. Nacionalni dignitet, za koga se tobože na smrt borilo nikada nije bio ugroženiji. Budućnost nikad nije bila neizvjesnija. Na teritoriju bivše SFRJ stvoreno je gotovo dvadesetak državnih i poludržavnih entiteta, što podsjeća na stanje srednjovjekovne podijeljenosti. To pogoduje uspostavljanju tržišta razvijenih kapitalističkih ekonomija, a naposlje tržišta jeftine radne snage, što služi rješavanju krize u centru, a ne razvoju lokalnih nacionalnih ekonomija. Kultura, nauka i znanje su potpuno zanemareni. Obrazovani ljudi već su otišli, a mnogi se spremaju da odu, jer teško dolaze do izražaja u državama u kojima postoji vladavina mediokriteta, političkih elita i mafije. Demokracija je poprimila karikaturne oblike, pretvorivši se u partitokratiju i demokraturu.
Vladajuće kaste teže uključivanju u Euroatlantske integracije, jer to je jedini način da očuvaju nelegitimno stečene privilegije i vlasti. Ali narodi sve više razmišljaju drugačije. U svakom slučaju ovdje su se odvili retrogradni procesi, koji produbljuju krizu i na domaćem i na svjetskom planu, a time i opasnosti od moguće fašizacije.
VI. Rat devedesetih potaknuo je, oslobodio i reafirmirao fašistoidne elemente, neofašizam i novi fašizam. Zabrinjava da ni nakon završenog rata te pojave i tendencije ne jenjavaju. Pošto su ti elementi, grupe i organizacije učestvovale za « nacionalnu stvar », one su svjesno dobile i svoje koncesije, ne samo materijalne, nego i moralne, relativizacijom fašističkih zločina, obilježavanje njihovih obljetnica iz II svjetskog rata i nesmetani javni politički nastup.
Liberalna demokracija, netom uspostavljena, postala je okvir da se slobodno djelovanje, kao tobože jednako pravni glasovi civilnoga društva, gdje se jaz između fašističkih i antifašističkih vrijednosti i ideja pokušava prikazati kao normalni sukob dviju ravnopravnih koncepcija. Vladajuće kapitalističke kaste, kao i prije II svjetskog rata, podcjenjuju te fašističke nastupe, čak što više stavljajući ih u istu ravan sa antifašizmom, što je otvoreni izraz sklonosti prema tim snagama i pojavama i prepoznatljivi instrumentarij borbe protiv opasnog nastupa ljevice, za vladajući sistem u ovim za njih opasnim vremenima. Ide se čak i dalje od toga, pa se istjeruju i izmišljaju komunistički i antifašistički zločini. Pišu se nove političke rezolucije u kojima se ratni zločinci oslobađaju krivnje i prikazuju kao žrtve.
Nestankom Jugoslavije raspala se jedinstvena interpretacija vezanih za II svjetski rat. Svaka od novo nastalih država u svojim udžbenicima povijesti nudi vlastite (re) interpretacije tog povijesnog perioda, odbacujući «nepoželjne» elemente i prihvaćajući one događaje i ličnosti i ideje koje konzerviraju mitološke osnove za novo uspostavljene nacionalne ideologije. Antifašizmu se doduše ne uskraćuju civilizacijske vrijednosti, ali se reinterpretacijom i umanjenjem uloge komunista i partizana, one otupljuju. Tako se u Hrvatskoj umanjuju zločini ustaškog pokreta, u Bosni prešućuje Handžar divizija, a u Srbiji četnički pokret prikazuje kao vojska odana kralju i otadžbini.
Ponovo oživljena mitologija i ideološka revizija tako postaju djelom historiografske, publicistike i javnoga diskursa, oblikujući nacionalne ideologije, koje historijske fakte, reintepretiraju u cilju vlastitog utemeljenja i afirmacije. Postojeći udžbenici obiluju primjerima netrepeljivosti i satanizacije drugih naroda i nacionalnih manjina, iskrivljenim historijskim podacima, paušalnim ocjenama i ideološkim konstrukcijama. Etnička indokrinacija mladih tako biva začeta unutar samog obrazovnog sistema. Odrastajući i obrazujući se u sredini koja ističe različitost, a potom i na njima utemeljen animuzitet, bez jasne predodžbe o stvarnoj prirodi fašističke ideologije, mladi pribjegavaju korištenju fašističkih simbola i veličanju onih kolaboracionističkih ideologija, koje izvore imaju u njihovoj etničkoj skupini. Nasuprot ideologiji bratstva i jedinstva naroda i prožimanja različitosti u zajedničko, što je izgurano kroz prozor, danas imamo, ideologiju mržnje prema svemu što je drugačije. Nakon neofašizma koji se porodio, dekadu nakon II svjetskog rata, nakon rata devedesetih, pred nama stoji fenomen novog fašizma kome je mržnja temeljna odlika svega. To je veliki problem koji sada stoji pred nama i cijelom civilizacijom i koji traži rješenja. Ali vladajuće kaste ta nam rješenja ne nude.
VII. Sve zabrinutije mase koje se otrežnjuju i koje sve više razmišljaju u kategorijama socijalne pravde, pune demokracije i ravnopravnosti naroda, imperativ vide prije svega u povezivanju malih i sebi ravnih naroda, a ne nadobudno utapanje u neravnopravne asocijacije krupnog europskog kapitala. Doduše nije moguće zaboraviti ili zbrisati sve ono što se ovdje dogodilo, već to treba naučno objasniti i izbjeći pogubni subjektivizam i nacionalizam. Brojni zločini koji su u proteklom ratu činjeni na ovim prostorima, ne smiju biti prepreka za suradnju onih koji u njima nisu učestvovali, niti su ih podržavali i opravdavali, jer već postoje pouzdani podaci koji potvrđuju da je vrlo mali broj lica učestvovao u njihovom planiranju, postrehavanju, izvršavanju i prikrivanju. Čitavi narodi ne smiju ispaštati zbog zločina malih skupina ljudi.
Zbližavanje i suradnja južnoslavenskih naroda i država je imperativ, u prvom redu radničke klase i radničkog pokreta, koje imaju dugu tradiciju zajedničkog življenja i čvrste političke, ekonomske i kulturne povezanosti. Ta suradnja naroda najprije će se razvijati na kulturnom, sportskom i ekonomskom planu.
Kulturna suradnja omogućavat će stvaranje šireg kulturnog prostora, koji je postojao do 1991. godine, a čiji nedostatak, kulturni radnici neprekidno osjećaju i o tom otvorno govore. Ovo je utoliko značajnije, ukoliko se zna da se radi o narodima na približno istom ili sličnom stupnju kulturnoga razvoja i koji govori istim ili sličnim jezikom.
Iako između novonastalih država postoje razlike u pogledu stupnja ekonomske razvijenosti, one ipak sve dijele sudbinu kapitalističke poluperiferije, što znači da će na svjetskom tržištu uvijek biti u podređenom položaju. Činjenica da su južnoslavenske ekonomije tehnološki zaostale za razvijenim zapadnim ekonomijama, ukazuju na potrebu da svoju konkurentnost i razvoj pokušavaju ostvariti u međusobnoj suradnji i čvršćim ekonomskim integracijama, a ne u pogubnim angažmanima s razvijenim zapadnim ekonomijama. Drugim riječima one moraju težiti stvaranju zajedničke strategije nastupa prema razvijenom zapadnom tržištu i izgradnji mehanizma i institucija planiranja i usklađivanja ekonomskog razvoja na regionalnom nivou.
Političke integracije bit će moguće u mjeri u kojoj slabi razjareni nacionalizam. Nasuprot političkim strukturama EU, koji dovode do nedemokratske vladavine euro birokracije nužne su regionalne integracije, koje neće ugrožavati samostalnost i samobitnost jugoslavenskih naroda i država, nego će omogućiti da oni međusobno i zajednici sa sebi ravnim narodima postignu istinsku demokraciju i ekonomski napredak. One će se događati po mjeri nužnosti borbe malih naroda i država za pravo i vlastiti samostalni put ka postizavanju optimalnog društveno ekonomskog i duhovnog razvoja.
VIII. Antifašiste Jugoistočne Europe (bivše Jugoslavije) spaja potreba obaveza i htjenje u očuvanju tekovina slavne antifašističke borbe za oslobođenje svojevremeno zajedničke zemlje od okupatora i domaćih kvislinga i socijalnog i političkog preobražaja, ali i velikih tekovina u izgradnji novog socijalističkog društva i sveukupnog društvenog napretka poslije II svjetskog rata, a napose samoupravljanja na domaćem planu i antikolonijalizma, miroljubive koegzistencije i nesvrstanosti na međunarodnom planu. To je bila prije svega velika narodna epopeja i pobjeda sa puno žrtava, kojima moramo odavati trajno poštovanje i mnogo heroja i pojedinačnih imena među kojima je zasigurno najveće ime, ime Josipa Broza Tita, maršala i državnika svjetskih dimenzija. Ali jednako tako zbog posljedica građanskog rata i restauracijom kapitalizma, ovo područje ponovno je postalo bure baruta i nadmetanje svjetskih multinacionalnih i imperijalističkih interesa i utjecaja reafirmacije nastajanja i širenja neofašističkih pojava i tendencija i otud potreba da se bratski držimo za ruke u zajedničkoj borbi protiv svih negativnih unutrašnjih i vanjskih tendencija, kako bi osvijetlili i spriječili nove podjele, mržnje i ratove i osigurali mir i napredak. U tom smislu Antifašisti Jugoistočne Europe utvrđuju da je u njihovom zajedničkom interesu:
• Stabilizacija odnosa među svim južno slavenskim narodima i bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama na svim poljima međusobne suradnje.
• Pokušaj degradacije i potpune eliminacije šovinističkih ideologija na ovim prostorima kao izvora sukoba nesreća i patnji svih naroda i narodnosti.
• Suradnja sa svim društvima, udrugama i udruženjima antifašističke programske deklaracije u Europi i svijetu, kao i sa svim srodnim organizacijama, pokretima i udruženjima slične programske orijentacije na prostoru Jugoistočne Europe, a posebno objedinjavanje svih antifašista na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije.
• Razvijanje i gajenje antifašizma, humanizma i pune demokracije, istinske tolerancije među građanima, narodima i regijama, a na demokratskim principima solidarnosti i socijalne pravde, te poticanje i podržavanje naprednih, humanističkih ideja i pokreta
• Njegovanje patriotizma i pripadnosti svojoj naciji i državi svakog pojedinca, a time ne omalovažavajući druge i drugačije da čine isto, i pri tome poštujući sve različitosti koje čine bogatstvo među kulturama, narodima Europe i Svijeta.
• Čuvanje i zaštita tekovina NOR-a 1941 – 1945., radi očuvanja antifašističkih ideja na kojima počiva poslijeratna Europa i Svijet.
• Oživljavanje sjećanja kakav je ugled u Titovo vrijeme uživala Jugoslavija, koliko je bila cijenjena njena uloga u međunarodnim odnosima i koliko je u svijetu bio cijenjen i poštovan doprinos Josipa Broza Tita.
• Čuvanje istine o vremenu i dostignućima socijalističke izgradnje i razvoja društva ne neprolaznim vrijednostima, jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i sloge, te razvijanju neposredne, samoupravne demokracije, humanizma, socijalne pravde, kulturnog preporoda, sigurnosti i dostojanstva svih građana i naroda.
• Zajedničko organiziranje naučnih istraživanja, kritičkih rasprava, javnih skupova, obilježavanje historijskih događaja i datuma vezanih za ime Josipa Broza Tita i tekovina Antifašističke koalicije iz II svjetskog rata, a posebno ukazivanje na vrijednost odluka AVNOJ-a, donesenih u Bihaću i Jajcu, 1942 i 1943 godine
• Posebno se zalagati zajedničkim djelovanje na punoj državnosti bivših Republika u njihovim Avnojevskim granicama i punoj međudržavnoj suradnji na svim poljima.
• Zajednički je interes Antifašista i naroda Jugoistočne Evrope (bivše SFRJ) ukidanje granica medju AVNOJ-evskim državama na način kako to funkcioniše u EU.
• Ni u jednoj AVNOJ-evskoj državi niti jedan narod sa prostora Jugoistočne Evrope (bivše SFRJ) nebi smio da bude nacionalna manjina, a u svim AVNOJ-evskim zemljama treba biti omogućeno svim gradjanima da se mogu slobodno izjasniti kaojugosloveni ukoliko to žele ili se tako osjećaju, a da pri tom ne budu tretirani kao nacionalna manjina ili narod bez države kao što je to slučaj nakon 90-tih godina.
• U zajedničkom je interesu svih naroda i svih novonastalih država na prostoru Jugoistočne Evrope zajedničko djelovanje na vojnom planu što uključuje postizanje i potpisivanje sporazuma o medjusobnom trajnom miru medju državama i narodima Jugoistočne Evrope (bivše SFRJ), a posebno je u zajedničkom interesu proglasiti sve ratove koji su vodjeni nakon 1990 godine na prostoru SFRJ izmedju naroda i izmedju južnoslavenskih država nepotrebnim obzirom da je Ustav SFRJ iz 1974 godine garantovao veću samostalnost AVNOJ-evskim državama i narodima nego što su to dobili izlaskom iz SFRJ.
IX. Naprijed obrazložena poimanja fašizma i povijesno politička konstelacija ne samo da opravdava, već i nalaže daljnje djelovanje antifašista protiv svih neofašističkih pojavnosti ma u kakvom se obliku očitovale. Nažalost antifašizam je danas ideja koju ne plediraju politički sistemi, odnosno njihove institucije i predstavnici, već samo dio populacije i veterani, koji ne žele da se stvari ponove. Drugim riječima nema potrebne antifašističke fronte, postoje samo pojedinci koji se ne misle pomiriti sa fašizmom, koji znaju da život može biti nešto više od mržnje, tjeskobe i rata.
U središtu pozornosti antifašističkih aktivnosti treba biti čovjek i demokracija kao čovjekokracija, a to će reći sloboda, pravna i socijalna sigurnost, ravnopravnost, mirno rješavanje sporova, uzajamnost, solidarnost i druge vrijednosti dostojne čovjeka i ljudskih zajednica, ali njegov odnos prema prirodi kao svom životnom okolišu.
Antifašisti se moraju zalagati za otklanjane uzroka i uvjeta pod kojima se rađaju fašistoidi. To dalje pretpostavlja potrebu obogaćivanja programa antifašističkih udruženjima, novim sadržajima, oblicima i metodama djelovanja koji odgovaraju današnjem vremenu. Nije dovoljno samo čuvati antifašističke vrijednosti i braniti ih od njihova iskrivljavanja, već ih je nužno dalje razvijati i neposredno širiti. Samo jedan najširi masovni pokret koji integrira sve progresivne vrijednosti političkih stranaka, ali ih i nadilazi, ma kako se zvao, mogao bi imati snage i vjerodostojnosti da spriječi rat, terorizam, bijedu i nepravdu, siromaštvo u svijetu kao i opasnosti koje prijete od samouništenja ljudskog roda na ovoj planeti. To bi morao biti pokret za punu demokraciju – političku, ekonomsku i socijalnu. On bi morao biti usmjeren protiv svakog ekstremizma, militarizma, totalitarizma neokolonijalizma, hegemonizma i svih drugih negativnih pojavnosti ne samo političke nego i privredne, socijalne, ekološke i moralne prirode i to na svim razinama i stupnjevima društvene organiziranosti i opće razvijenosti svijeta. Antifašizam se naprosto treba prihvatiti kao jedno od mjerila civilizacijske razvijenosti, te političko-demokratsko-kulturološke zrelosti. Za vjerovati je, a antifašisti će se za to zalagati, da čovječanstvo krene pravim putem od raskrižja na kome se danas nalazi. Misli se na put koji vodi u društvo blagostanja, prema novoj humanijoj zdravstvenoj civilizaciji visoko obrazovanih i kulturnih ljudi i tako izbjeći opasno kretanje putem koji vodi u samouništenje ljudskog roda i svih povijesno kulturnih vrijednosti koje su postignute u dosadašnjem razvoju čovječanstva uključivo i njegov odnos prema prirodi koja ga okružuje i čiji je sastavni dio – podruštvljena očovječena priroda. Antifašisti Jugoistočne Europe tako snažnu antifašističku frontu započet će ostvarivati na ovim prostorima i širiti taj utjecaj prema Europi i svijetu.
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Voice of Russia - June 15, 2011
Human organ trafficking scandal unveils in Kosovo
Today we shall talk about Kosovo and the investigation into the organ trafficking story dating back to the late 1990s.
Several people in Pristina have been charged with organ trafficking. “Similar offences,” the Council of Europe says, “have been committed in the late 1990s.” That was the subject of the report filed by Dick Marty, the reporter of the Council of Europe.
So, has there been any investigation into the facts unveiled in the Marty report? What consequences could the Kosovo leaders face and why?
We discussed these issues with some help from our guest speaker, Cedomir Antic, leading researcher with the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade, Serbia.
In fact, we were reminded of the whole human organ trafficking scandal in Kosovo after today the news appeared that Kosovo's European Union justice mission has charged a Turk and an Israeli citizen with illegally trafficking organs at a clinic in Pristina which is the capital of Kosovo, a Balkan state which declared independence from Serbia in 2008.
Now, according to the report which was filed by the EU's police and justice mission EULEX, the District Court in Pristina has issued warrants for the arrest of a Turkish surgeon, called Yusuf Ercin Sonmez, and a citizen of Israel by the name of Moshe Harel.
So, now they are also subject to international wanted notices issued by Interpol.
These two people are charged with trafficking in persons, unlawful medical activity and organized crime, so it is like a full spectrum.
In fact, there is a whole group of people, and they are all Kosovo citizens, who have been charged by EULEX on the same case with similar offences, and they all are waiting for their trials to begin. But when I heard the news, my first thought was that those were the offences referred to by Dick Marty’s report.
You mean the one which actually made the news in December of last year?
That is right, but, however, it appeared that my impression was wrong, because these cases you have mentioned date back to the year 2008.
Which is obviously a different story.
We could remind our listeners of this report.
Back in December 2010 Swiss senator Dick Marty, who is also a reporter for the Council of Europe Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, presented a draft report which claimed that Prime Minister of Kosovo Mr. [Hashim] Thaçi had headed a mafia-style organized crime ring in the late 1990s that engaged in assassinations, beatings, organ trafficking and other crimes.
That are really serious offences.
This is an extremely serious offence, especially when we are talking about a head of state.
If we are talking about Dick Marty’s report, then things are moving quite slowly.
Now I suppose it is the right time to move to the Burning Point Press Desk.
Blic, which is a Serbian English-language daily, said that EULEX finally conducted “the tender for election of a seven-member team that shall investigate claims over body organ trade under the EULEX authority. The names of judges and prosecutors to investigate abductions, murders and organ trade as well as the involvement of the Kosovo Liberation Army leadership in those activities are still not known. However, as things are now, the former chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal, Carla Del Ponte, who recommended herself to lead the investigation and got support by Serbian prosecution, is not going to be a part of that team.” Which is quite strange, isn’t it?
It really takes them so long - almost six months after the facts have been made public.
This is not the first year that we have heard about these suspicious claims.
Then there were allegations, but I believe that Dick Marty has dug up some facts. So, he listed them in a report, and then it takes them almost six months to appoint judges.
According to Blic, this new team is going to have seven members including a special prosecutor. The special prosecutor is from one of the EU countries and has not been working within the EULEX until so far. That means that the prosecutor in question cannot be Del Ponte since Switzerland is not a member of the EU. The newly established team of prosecutors and judges would join the already formed EULEX team leading the preliminary investigation which has been going on since January.
This might actually mean that things are moving in the right direction, though slowly. But the reality is more complicated.
According to the same Blic, to its unofficial sources, “The investigation being led by the EULEX since January is stuck and is mainly focused on unsuccessful attempts of coming into possession of material pieces of evidence which would confirm doubts contained in the report by the Council of Europe. The success of the investigation depends on the testimony of eyewitnesses that Dick Marty talked with. That is why Marty insisted on several occasions that the EULEX should not lead the investigation because it does not have the capacity to protect witnesses. By the way, both Dick Marty and the Serbian side insisted on a team that should be capable of protecting witnesses in Kosovo.”
It is an important point, because if you cannot guarantee that witnesses are going to be protected even after the trial then you are not going to get people willing to testify.
If we remember the whole security situation in Kosovo is rather difficult and besides that some authorities at least used to belong to a mafia, do you think you could really protect witnesses in Kosovo?
I think if I was a witness in Kosovo I certainly would not be testifying.
It is interesting that Del Ponte was surprised at the whole issue because she actually publically brought the issue up in her book which was published three years ago. So, she is allegedly surprised by news that a competition was announced for the selection of a seven-member team which is obviously going to investigate the case within the UN mission in Kosovo. Mrs. Del Ponte said, “I know nothing about that but let us wait and see what is going to happen in the days to come.” She also added that she was ready to take part in that investigation at any time.
It is also interesting that she was not even aware of something that was going on in the case which she actually unveiled, [about which] she was the first one to ring the bell. It does seem a little bit inadequate. So, there is a whole series of inadequacies, something just does not fit. Besides there are also questions, as far as I know, related to EULEX.
There was something on Balkaninsight.com; they are saying that EULEX has not been efficient enough, particularly in the north. “The EULEX deputy head Andy Sparkes told Pristina daily newspaper Zeri that EULEX was not efficient enough, particularly in the north, but added that the biggest responsibility for success and failures falls on local institutions.”
“It’s not the job of the international community to achieve success or failure. This is the job that Kosovars have to do with our help,” Sparkes was quoted by Zeri as saying.
Again something is just not making sense.
It would seem logical that the international community should be a part of any investigation process.
Besides it is rather strange to me that the main responsibility should be assigend to local authorities. Responsibility in what? In investigating what the highest authorities actually did in 1990s?
It seems odd.
Serbian analysts actually talk of a double-standard policy that the international bodies have been applying to the Serbian region. And now we are joined by Cedomir Antic, researcher with the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade.
I believe that international justice in the case of the latest Yugoslav wars is just perceived as some kind of war instrument, as regarding the parts in the war there was no understanding for punishing war crimes. I would say that in Serbia, in the former Yugoslavia, in Croatia, in Bosnia, in Kosovo, even though all governments were democratically elected they were not interested in prosecuting war crimes, especially those war crimes which were committed by their own national armies which were involved in those wars.
The international community was not inspired by some kind of universal Nuremberg justice, but they established a tribunal in the Hague which was only concentrated on the Yugoslav wars, and, as a matter of fact, it was obvious that the international court was actually involved in post-war efforts to reshape the outcome of the war.
And only the Serbian political leadership and Serbian high command was prosecuted. Ethnic Albanians and ethnic Bosnians were not prosecuted; there are only few of their people who were accused and later on sentenced for war crimes.
In Kosovo that situation was and actually is very obvious. Your audience might remember that at the beginning of NATO aggression against Serbia and the Serbian nation it was officially stated by high officials of the United States and its NATO allies that more than 100 thousand ethnic Albanians were killed and more than 500 thousand were banished from Serbia; later on it was revealed that out of 12 thousand people who were killed during the war more than 2600 were ethnic Serbs, which means that ethnic Serbs were victims twice more frequently according to total numbers than ethnic Albanians who were allegedly identified as the only victims.
When Carla Del Ponte revealed the affair related to internal organs [trafficking], she did it when she was no longer chief prosecutor; it was some kind of her last official address to the international public because she put it in her memoirs, and it was important for history but not for those victims and for the actual situation in Kosovo and in Serbia.
And then the Council of Europe asked Mr. Dick Marty to produce a report, that report was produced, and then Mr. Dick Marty was isolated, he was attacked from all sides, and now we are about to forget that report and EULEX would like to avoid greater instability in Kosovo region: Mr. Thaçi, who was mentioned in that report as someone who was involved, he is now the most influential person in Kosovo and he had full support from the United States and from the European Union.
I believe that this decision of EULEX to appoint some international judges to take this case it is a part of efforts to stop that course of events which was unintentionally published by Mrs. Del Ponte and which was in a very honest way presented to the international community by Mr. Dick Marty. I do not have much hope about EULEX justice because we have seen the deeds of EULEX in last three years. I do not believe that with Mrs. Del Ponte something would be better and would be different. Mr. Dick Marty was something of a bright spot of the European Union in the Kosovo situation, in the Kosovo crisis; Mrs. Del Ponte would not be, by my humble opinion, remembered as a good prosecutor and as a person who committed to reconciliation and justice in Serbia.
So, do I get you right that what we are witnessing now is again a case of double standards, because if we have sufficient evidence that the crime has been there and that some key officials, not only Hashim Thaçi, but also some of his closest allies, were involved in organ trafficking, and still the international bodies are just trying to cover it up? So, what is the point actually because what they are getting in a result is a small state run by criminals? So, what could be their logic?
That was an outcome of very narrow-minded policy of the United States in 1998-1999. They supported the extremists and semi-criminals in 1998.
...
Mr. Holbrooke was the one who negotiated with Milošević in those negotiations which led to bombing, and not only allies of Milošević were bombed but the entire nation was bombed, the nation which was against Milošević, which was involved possibly by support of the United States of America in elections which were forced. And what to say about those people? They established during the war the international court of law; only the main purpose of that court was political, not legal. And what now to say about their protégés? It was obvious even before they were involved in illegal activities.
Do I get you right now that you believe that no matter what the results could the investigation produce, the present team is likely to remain in power in Kosovo? Is my understanding correct?
By all means, because the entire nation is behind them, and you should know that in Kosovo during the last twelve years more than 940 Serbs have been killed while more than 250 Albanians, mostly political active, were killed as well. I believe that it was some kind of criminal engineering of political scene in Kosovo. The international community, especially the United States and some European states, even divided Serbs in Kosovo, and we now have one tiny minority, but this minority took part in parliamentary elections which attracted 20% of total lot among ethnic Serbs who support Thaçi. It was a great project, Mr. Thaçi and his party – they were a great project. We can see the same situation with Haradinaj, one of former Kosovo prime ministers, who was allegedly involved into war crimes, during his trial nine witnesses were killed, and he was released. When he was accused as a war criminal, he was prime minister, and then the international
representative in Kosovo received him, took a cup of coffee with him, said him farewell. Mrs. Del Ponte actually wrote it in her book that in Germany the federal government wanted even to make him reception of honor in the airport even though he was in his journey to The Hague. It was a part of political activity which is partially or even mainly aimed against vital interests of Republic of Serbia and the Serbian nation. It is obvious, and I do not say that ethnic Serbs were innocent; I do not say that the international community should not create international court of law, but this court of law is not the way. The nternational court of law which now exists for other countries which is financed by the United States while the United States decided not to hold its own citizens for that court, that court is not the way for international justice, because there is one great power which believes that it is above the international law.
But it is exceptional, right?
For me it is not.
It believes that it is exceptional?
Yes, it is exceptional.
Do you see that this strategy is still being applied to the region now?
I hope that the independence of Kosovo, the process which actually started in 1990, is stopped. However, it is obvious that in Northern and South-Western Serbia there are movements for autonomy and in future that would be the movements for independence which enjoy some kind of support of the international community. I would like to mention the region of Novi Pazar, so called Sanjak: there about 130 thousand ethnic Bosnians live, and they want to unite six municipalities in which more than 110 thousand ethnic Serbs live, and they would like to create some kind of autonomy and later on probably a federal republic inside of Serbia. They do not have an open support of the EU, but some European states and the USA created groups for Sanjak. And now I would ask why then for more than 110 thousand Serbs in Croatia who live in Krajina and who are much more threatened than Bosnians in Sanjak, why there is no group for Krajina, or group for Knin? It is the exact
truth that there are double standards. Not to mention Vojvodina. For example, in Vojvodina more than 70% of the population are ethnic Serbs, and there is a tiny group of ethnic Serbs predominantly who want autonomy because they want to have power, and they are supported by several institutions of the EU, even though they do not have support of people, but they use some kind of split which exists in ruling party of Serbia, Democratic Party, which was elected on the ground of some social and democratic issues, not national issues. In Vojvodina that tiny minority which represents maybe just 10% of electorate, when they want an independent electrical company for Vojvodina, when they want police, nobody said anything, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina where 90% of Serbs want to preserve the autonomy, when that autonomy is attacked by high representative of the United Nations, nobody with exceptions in some circles of Serbia and in Russia, nobody intervenes,
nobody reacts. Why? Because there are double standards, and we used to live with double standards, we do not want to accept that true is false.
What is your forecast? How do you see the security situation is going to develop in the region?
I hope that it will be better in future. As you know, we are now in the process of negotiating of technical issues between the government of Kosovo, so-called Republic of Kosovo, and Republic of Serbia. On the other hand, I believe that the majority of people in Serbia are firmly concentrated to our constitution of 2006. In Bosnia, even though the situation is fragile now, there is some kind of balance of power between Republic of Serbska and, on the other hand, higher representative of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I hope that the European Union would keep that balance of power, would not try to challenge it, because we should be a part of the European Union but with knowing the truth about the situation in this region. It is not only impossible, it is injustice to resolve Serbia as a state and, on the other hand, to establish some kind of unitary Bosnia - artificially and against the will of majority of its people. I believe that the European
Union and the United States of America should recognize and approve the situation which was established when the peace was established in this region, because even though this peace came after the wars, after heavy negotiations, after bitter compromise, I hope that this peace agreement and this peaceful period of 10 years and even 15 had some good points, had some good angles which should be preserved.
Right, let us hope that they finally abandoned their double standard approach.
It would be very nice, and I hope that now their attention would be attracted by Africa and Middle East, and that we would not be so interested for them.
Mr. Antic, thank you very much!
To sum up what we have been talking about in this program, it really looks like the international community is still pursuing a double-standard policy in regards to Serbia and other former Yugoslavian regions.
Their approach is not new, and it usually back fires. The famous saying “Somoza may be a son of a bitch but he is our son of the bitch” has been attributed to a number of US presidents but the message it sends is clear. We have seen that in Latin America, in Africa, in Iraq, in Afghanistan – just to name a few; we have seen some of that in the Middle East which is now scorching in the hit of Arab Spring revolutions.
However, Mr. Antic said that in a long-run security situation in former Yugoslavia might turn for the better for the simple reason that the US is now taking more interest in Africa than in the Balkans.
But could security situation really improve in countries ruled by former mafia leaders? I have my doubts, but time will tell.
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U drugoj polovini 20. veka na teritoriji Zapadne Nemačke bilo je stacionirano oko 900.000 vojnika NATO snaga od čega 500.000 Amerikanaca. Ujedinjenjem Nemačke i raspadom Varšavskog pakta u njoj je ostalo oko 100.000 vojnika. Godine 2004. SAD su odlučile da zatvore skoro polovinu od svojih 589 vojnih baza u Evropi. U ovom trenutku, smatraju vojni stručnjaci, Amerika je više zainteresovana ne za klasične vojne baze, već za „punktove zajedničke bezbednosti“, koji bi trebalo da budu razmešteni u prvom redu u zemljama oko Crnog mora, pre svega u Rumuniji i Bugarskoj.
Bosna
Potreba za vojnim angažovanjem Amerike aktuelizovana je ponovo u građanskom ratu u Bosni. Posle potpisivanja Dejtonskog sporazuma 21. novembra 1995. godine odlučeno je da snage NATO budu stacionirane u Bosni. Prvi kontingent od ukupno 20.000 američkih vojnika u sastavu IFOR, a kasnije i SFOR dolaze u BiH početkom januara 1996. godine. Daljom stabilizacijom prilika taj broj je negde 2004. godine bio smanjen na 6.000 da bi već početkom 2006. Amerikance u Bosni zamenile bezbednosne snage EU. U BiH, američke vojne baze su formirane u bosanskoj Posavini i širem rejonu Tuzle. Najveća baza upravo je formirana na aerodromu „ Dubrava“ kod Tuzle gde je bila smeštena operativna grupa „ Orao“ i gde se nalazila komanda koja je pokrivala američki sektor u BiH. Baza je do samog zatvaranja sredinom 2006. godine bila pretvorena u pravu tvrđavu u kojoj su bile smeštene dve snažne helikopterske eskadrile od čega je jedna bila eskadrila naoružana „apačima“. Amerikanci su u Bosni napravili i dve manje baze: „Mekgarven“ i kod „Bratunca“ kapaciteta oko 150 vojnika. Aktivan je i vojna baza „Butmir“.
Kosmet
Okončanjem agresije NATO pakta i potpisivanjem Vojnotehničkog sporazuma u Kumanovu juna 1999. godine stvoreni su prvi uslovi za dugotrajnije stacioniranje američkih vojnika na prostoru Kosova i Metohije. Amerikanci su napravili novu bazu 35 kilometara južno od Prištine, kod Uroševca na površini od 75 hektara. Kamp „Bondstil“, kako je zovu smatra se najvećom vojnom bazom na Balkanu. Izgradnjom ove baze Pentagon je ostvario uslove da američke vojne efektive iz Zapadne Evrope budu preseljene na Balkan do kraja 2010. godine, a počev od 2004.
„Bondstil“ se dalje vodi kao privremena baza armije SAD. Baza ima kapacitet za prijem 7.000 vojnika. Amerikanci su na Kosovu izgradili još dve manje baze u sektoru koji pokrivaju, a to su „ Montif“ pored Gnjilana kapaciteta 2.000 vojnika i baza kod Vitine kapaciteta 3.000 vojnika.
Ostale snage NATO su u svojim sektorima takođe gradile vojne baze jer je na početku misije KFOR trebalo smestiti preko 40.000 vojnika. Zato su Nemci u Kačaniku izgradili veliki artiljerijski centar, koji pokriva zonu Prizrena. U italijanskom sektoru u okolini Peći i Đakovice izgrađena je baza gde je smešten obaveštajno-bezbednosni centar . U selu Balovac kod Podujeva Englezi su izgradili bazu za 1.000 vojnika, a na obroncima planine Kopaonik sa kosovske strane izgrađena je helikopterska baza.
Makedonija
Amerikanci su u Makedoniji vojno prisutni od kraja 1992. godine. Na aerodromu „ Petrovec“ kod Skoplja 1994. godine formirana je vojna baza sa zadatkom da štiti interese SAD u Makedoniji. Kapacitet ove baze povećava se dolaskom KFOR, izgrađen je novi heliodrom, baza opremljena za PVO odbranu osmatračkim radarima i PVO raketnim sistemima „ houk“. U okviru plana razmeštanja vojnika SAD zauzet je i nekadašnji vojni poligon „Krivolak“ gde se vršila obuka NATO snaga i jedinica Partnerstva za mir. U Kumanovu je uspostavljena špijunsko-satelitska baza i logistički centar KFOR, koji su izbijanjem sukoba sa Albancima u proleće 2001. iseljeni.
Grčka
Danas u Grčkoj postoji samo jedna vojna baza SAD na ostrvu Krit u Egejskom moru. Baza „Suda zaliv“ je poslednja od četiri nekadašnje operativne baze armije SAD, koja je ostala operativna posle gašenja preostale tri početkom devedesetih prošlog veka. „ Suda zaliv“ je izgrađena 1953. godine kao podrška američkim pomorskim snagama u Sredozemlju. U ovoj bazi smešteno je 200 vojnika i pista za poletanje izvidničkih aviona. NATO je zadržao u svom sastavu i avio-bazu „ Larisa“, koja je modernizovana krajem 2002. godine izgradnjom podzemnih kaponira i modernizacijom piste, a NATO je u nju prebacio i deo svoje komande za ovaj deo Evrope.
Rumunija i Bugarska
Ulaskom Rumunije i Bugarske u NATO kao zalog naši istočni susedi su ponudili crnomorske luke Konstancu i Varnu kao baze za NATO flotu. Bugari su Amerikancima dali na korišćenje i avio-bazu Graf Ignjatijevo blizu Plovdiva u koju će biti prebačeni vazdušni kapaciteti armije SAD iz Nemačke. Osim ove dve baze u planu su još tri i to Jambol, Sliven i Veliko Trnovo. Pentagon planira da do kraja ove godine iskešira oko 110 miliona dolara za obnovu vojnih baza u Bugarskoj i Rumuniji. Planom je predviđeno da baze postanu operativne posle obnove infrastrukture i ulaganje do 2012. godine u kojima će biti stacionirano više od 4.000 vojnika armije SAD. U Rumuniji se predviđa smeštanje 1.600 vojnika, a u Bugarskoj 2.500.
Usložnjavanjem vojnopolitičke situacije na Balkanu i izbijanjem sukoba na Kosmetu 1998, i 1999. godine u službu Amerikanaca stavljena je i bivša avio-baza“Tasar“ u Mađarskoj odakle su pre NATO agresije u jesen i zimu 1998. godine poletale bespilotne letelice nad SRJ, a tokom agresije i lovci-bombarderi FA-18, a za iste svrhe poslužila je i baza u Italiji „Avijano“.
Source of the following texts in english is the Stop NATO e-mail list
Website and articles:
http://rickrozoff.wordpress.com
======================================================================
ADN Kronos International - June 13, 2011
Serbia: Opposition protests held over NATO conference in Belgrade
Belgrade: Several opposition parties protested on Monday against a NATO conference on a “strategic military partnership”, hosted by the Serbian ministry of defence, which opens in Belgrade on Tuesday.
About one hundred officials and members of parliament from the... Serbian Radical Party (SRS) protested in front of the Serbian state presidency building, burning NATO flags and calling pro-European President Boris Tadic a “traitor”.
Sunday evening several hundreds attended a protest rally organised by the opposition Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), headed by former prime minister Vojislav Kostunica.
NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 to push Serbian forces out of breakaway Kosovo province...
As a result, Kosovo declared independence in February 2008.
Apart from huge material damages, over 2,000 people were killed in the bombing and animosities are still high against western military alliance. Serbia is striving for membership in the European Union, but has taken a neutral stand towards any military bloc and two thirds of the population oppose membership in NATO.
SRS protesters said that holding a NATO conference in Belgrade was like a “criminal returning to the scene of crime”. They accused Tadic of “betraying state and national interests” and of having tacitly approved Kosovo independence.
The conference will be attended by chiefs of general staff of NATO countries and NATO's Partnership for Peace, of which Serbia is a member. A total of sixty countries, including Serbia’s ally Russia, will attend Belgrade meeting.
...
http://en.trend.az/news/nato/1890945.html
Trend News Agency - June 13, 2011
NATO conference begins in Belgrade
NATO opened its annual Strategic Military Partner Conference on Monday in the Serbian capital of Belgrade. Military representatives of about 70 countries will participate in three days of workshops and discussions, aimed at sharing perspectives on strategic issues, Xinhua reported.
The agenda of the conference's theme "Post Lisbon: Delivering Transformation" is expected to follow three major topics: Innovative Approaches to Effective Capability Development, Assured Access to the Global Commons, and finally Training, Partnerships and Outreach.
According to a NATO press release, this annual conference is a "core event"
within its military engagement campaign. As a strategic level conference it will be used to inform members and partners of NATO's transformational efforts and provide a forum for the discussion these ideas from national military points of view.
...
Serbia's main opposition political parties held a rally on Monday to protest the conference. Members of the...Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), demanding that Serbia remain militarily neutral, hung banners "No to NATO" and "Never in NATO" from the bridges over the River Sava, linking the old town with the towers of New Belgrade.
As Serbia moves toward EU integration, membership in NATO remains an emotional and politically divisive issue.
In 1999, NATO forces bombed Serbia, forcing its army to leave its southern
province of Kosovo. In the aftermath, Kosovo unilaterally declared independence and has been recognized by most members of NATO. As many as 3,500 people were killed and 12,500 wounded; with damage to infrastructure estimated between 30 million and 100 million U.S. dollars.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/14/51675975.html
Voice of Russia - June 14, 2011
Security tightened in Belgrade over NATO conference
Security has been tightened in Belgrade in view of a NATO conference on strategic military partnership that’s due to get under way in the Serbian capital today.
Hundreds of Serbs held a rally outside President Boris Tadic’s office yesterday night. The posters they held read “Never to NATO”.
They accused the Serbian leader of high treason and burnt down the NATO flag. The protesters see the arrival in Serbia of “criminals that bombed Serbia in 1999” and tore away Kosovo as inadmissible.
ADN Kronos International - June 14, 2011
Libya: Prolonged Nato operation 'may run into financial problems'
Belgrade: A high-ranking Nato official said on Tuesday said he believed in the success of the military coalition's operation in Libya, but cautioned that a drawn out mission could cause the alliance to run into financial difficulty.
“At this point the allied forces have enough means and I’m convinced that the operation in Libya will be successful,” General Stephane Abrial, Nato's Supreme Allied Commander for Transformation, told a Nato conference in Belgrade.
“But if the operation is prolonged, of course the question of finances will become an issue,” the French general said.
He echoed a concern expressed buy the US Secretary of defence Robert Gates last week that only eight Nato's 28 members were actively taking part in the aerial operations against Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.
Abrial opened the first Nato conference in Belgrade, attended by chiefs of general staff of member countries and participants in the Partnership for Peace program. The Partnership for Peace is a programme of practical bilateral cooperation between individual partner countries and Nato. A total of 56 countries, including Russia, are attending.
The meeting is held under tight security measures, amid opposition protests against Nato - which bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 - over what was called a “humanitarian catastrophe” and mass exodus of Albanians from breakaway Kosovo province, which declared independence in 2008.
Two thirds of Serbian citizens oppose the country’s membership in Nato...
But defence minister Dragan Sutanovac told the meeting Serbia was actively cooperating with Nato through the Partnership for Peace program and was ready to take part in peace-keeping missions under the umbrella of the United Nations.
“Fully aware of the emotions provoked by Nato in Serbia, we have assumed the responsibility to organize this meeting because we deeply believe that it is in the general interest and good for the future,” Sutanovac said.
http://www.balkans.com/open-news.php?uniquenumber=108494
Balkans Business News - June 14, 2011
Montenegro receives support to become the 29th NATO alliance member
Mr Lamers said he has deep appreciation for PM Lukšić’s policy and commended Montenegro’s commitment to EU and NATO integration. He welcomed Montenegro’s involvement in Afghanistan..
Mr Lamers also made a favourable assessment of Montenegro’s EU accession process, at the same time underlining that “Germany gives full support to both the EU and NATO integration of Montenegro.”
PM Lukšić stressed that Montenegro will continue to work diligently on venerating the European and Euro-Atlantic principles not only for the sake of joining the organisations but primarily to ensure better quality of life for its citizens.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/14/51703227.html
Voice of Russia - June 14, 2011
Serbians not too keen on joining NATO
An overwhelming majority of the Serbians have a negative opinion of the plans of their leadership to start the process of joining NATO. This was obviously demonstrated on Monday, ahead of the NATO conference on strategic military partnership in Belgrade. Hundreds of people went into the streets to protest against President Boris Tadic’s pro-NATO policy.
For ordinary Serbians NATO is first of all associated with devastating bombings of Belgrade in 1999. According to public opinion polls, 75% of Serbian citizens do not accept the policy of joining the alliance.
Many people believe that holding a NATO conference so soon after the extradition of General Ratko Mladic to the Hague is an act of national humiliation. Instead of suing NATO in the International Court for numerous victims and the collapse of Yugoslavia, the authorities are developing a close military cooperation with the bloc.
Moreover, the Serbian Defence Ministry has declared that “holding the conference will raise the clout of the country on the international arena”. This is not a very politically correct explanation for their own people, believes the head of the Centre for Studying the Current Balkan Crisis Yelena Guskova:
“People have not forgotten the bombings, deprivations, grief and isolation of the country. This is why they march in the streets protesting against NATO. The country’s leadership is sure that holding the conference in Belgrade is a sign of a good attitude to Serbia. But if Serbia, which was bombed in the past, joins NATO, this will be the justification of the NATO policy in that period and Serbia will pass its own indictment.”
Serbians who live in Kosovo and Metohija are also utterly disappointed. Serbia lost its lands exactly because of the NATO policy. Serbian politician Marko Jaksic calls the decision of the Serbian authorities to host the NATO conference “masochistic”:
“NATO bombed Yugoslavia for 79 days. Over 800 children were killed, the number of cancer patients has increased by six times because the alliance used shells with depleted uranium, and the country suffered damage of more than $200 billion. In the end, it was due to NATO that Serbia lost Kosovo which makes up 15% of its territory. This is how the alliance contributed to the good of our country”.
However, it would be wrong to say that all Serbians are against integration with Europe. They support cooperation with the EU and joining it in the future, but they do not want to join NATO. This is what Alexander Karasiov, the head of a department of the Institute of Slavonic Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences, says:
“There is a consensus about joining the EU. Most Serbians are in favour of this, joining the EU is important for both intellectuals and businessmen. As for relations with NATO, the problem is much more complicated. We can see a definite rift here. The majority of those who want the country to join the EU are against Serbia joining NATO”.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=06&dd=14&nav_id=74904&version=print
B92/Tanjug News Agency - June 14, 2011
Minister: Conference has military significance
BELGRADE: Defense Minister Dragan Šutanovac says the Strategic Military Partner Conference in Belgrade has considerable military, but not political significance.
...
Šutanovac stressed that, while making a decision to host the gathering, the Serbian Defense Ministry was aware of the emotions that NATO provokes in Serbia.
....
"The conference has an extremely important military, not political character," Šutanovac stressed, adding that the goal of the meeting is to show that Serbia is a dependable partner that can be relied on not only by NATO, but also by other countries attending the conference.
Šutanovac said that Serbia will continue strengthening its defense forces and raising international reputation through its presence in peacekeeping missions.
He underscored that two recently signed agreements with the EU will establish the legal framework for Serbia's participation in the EU peacekeeping operations.
"In this way, we will confirm our commitment to Serbia's European perspective and the universal system of values fostered in the modern world," he said.
The aim of the Strategic Military Partner Conference is to exchange experience and opinions on major strategic issues of common interest. The conference is attended by representatives of member states of NATO, the Partnership for Peace, Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, as well as high EU and NATO officials.
The gathering, bringing together NATO and its partner countries, was opened today by NATO Commander of Allied Command Transformation Stephane Abrial.
Dragan Šutanovac and Miloje Miletić, chief of the VS general staff, were present.
Representatives of some 60 countries are taking part in the event that started at the Hyatt Hotel in Belgrade.
Ahead of the official start of the conference, participants attended a reception at the Guard House in Topčider.
The conference will last through June 15.
It is organized by NATO's Allied Command Transformation, and gathered members of this western military alliance, its Partnership for Peace program, the Mediterranean Dialogue and the Istanbul Initiative.
Security culture
Serbia is recognized as a partner country that shares a common security culture of the contemporary world Stephane Abrial has been quoted as saying ahead of the conference.
Abrial met with Dragan Šutanovac in Belgrade on Monday.
Abrial praised the Serbian Defense Ministry and the army (VS) for a successful organization and extraordinary cooperation in the preparation of the Strategic Military Partner Conference, co-organized with the Allied Command Transformation, the Defense Ministry said in a website release.
Šutanovac informed his guest about the results achieved in the defense system reforms that have been key conditions to put Serbia among countries with the capacity to contribute to international peace and security.
Trust is also being earned by such conferences, and credibility gained by readiness to reform a country's defense system in a way that it can respond to national, regional and global security challenges, Šutanovac said.
http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/15/51720388.html
Voice of Russia - June 15, 2011
Serbian Patriarch condemns NATO
The head of the Serbian Orthodox Church Patriarch Irenaeus condemned the holding of a NATO conference in Belgrade. According to him, the wounds inflicted by the alliance on the Serbian people have not yet healed.
In March 1999, NATO countries, led by the United States, began a bombing campaign in Yugoslavia, mainly in Serbia and Montenegro.
Due to the fact that aircraft used shells with depleted uranium cores the local residents who were in the areas of the bombing have seen a dramatic increase in mortality rates and an increased number of congenital diseases in children.
The NATO operation, undertaken without UN sanctions, continued for about three months. Its purpose was to protect Kosovar Albanians from the Serbian authorities, who started a military operation against the militant Albanian terrorist organization "The Kosovo Liberation Army."
Standart News - June 16, 2011
US Marines Come to Bulgaria from Afghanistan
Serbian troops that came to Bulgaria to take part in the joint US-Bulgarian military exercise were given brand new Kalashnikov automatic rifles.
The gala inauguration ceremony of the Black Sea Rotation Force 2011 was held in the Novo Selo base. For the first time a unit of the Serbian army will partake in such a large-scale military training in Bulgarian territory.
A platoon of the Bulgarian western neighbor, however, arrived without being armed. Bulgarian, Serbian and American marines lined up at one of the training grounds of Novo Selo. The flag hoisting ceremony was headed by current commander Lieutenant Colonel Nelson Cardella of the US Marines. “Our troops will be trained to improve the interoperability of our staffs,” he said.
The top USMC commanding officer underscored that most of the US SEALS have arrived in Novo Selo straight from Afghanistan.
“This is a very good range with excellent conditions for training and monoeuvring,” the US officer said.
The Standart daily learnt that US Marines arrived by Hercules-C-130 personnel carrier, which in the next two weeks will be at the disposal of paratroopers from the Bulgarian Army.
In the last two years Serbia sent observers to the joint Bulgarian-US exercise. This year it will participate with proper subdivisions and it is expected that next year the Black Sea Rotation Force exercise will take place in Serbia.
It is scheduled 2012 Bulgarian-US trainings to include subdivisions from some other Balkan countries.
During Black Sea Rotation Force 2011 several basic actions will be drilled, staff officers said.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - June 29, 2011
NATO Secretary General visits Montenegro and calls for Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans
The NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen visited Budva, Montenegro on Wednesday, 29th June 2011. During his visit, the Secretary General met with President Filip Vujanovic and with Prime Minister Igor Luksic.
They discussed progress made in the first year of Montenegro’s Membership Action Plan (MAP), the situation in the Western Balkans as well as NATO-led operations in Afghanistan and Libya. In a joint press conference with the Prime Minister, Mr. Rasmussen thanked Montenegro for substantial contributions to the Alliance’s operation in Afghanistan.
...
The Secretary General also commended the participation of Montenegro in the Adriatic Charter initiative aimed at providing trainers to Afghanistan.
...
Mr. Rasmussen stressed that the joint Adriatic Charter initiative "is an excellent example of how we can produce security in the future”.
...
Mr. Rasmussen also commended Montenegro for the constructive role it has played in promoting security and stability in the region.
"It is my vision to see all countries in the Western Balkans improve their relationship with NATO and the EU in the future", he emphasised.
The Secretary General praised the Government of Montenegro for "its efforts to reform the Montenegrin society."
“Your first year in the MAP process has been a great success. Montenegro has achieved a lot of progress in its reform process".
The Secretary General underlined that nevertheless "there is still some work to do when it comes to fight against organised crime and corruption" and concluded: "I welcome the strong commitment of the Government to continue the reform work".
In his address to the Adriatic Charter Conference, the Secretary General urged the leaders of the region to focus on the common ground and the common good.
“My message to all the political leaders, of all the countries in this region, is clear. You are responsible for breaking with the past, and focusing on the future. For taking your countries forward. And into Europe and the Euro-Atlantic community of nations”, he said.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization - July 11, 2011
Western Balkans: moving closer to Euro-Atlantic integration
For nearly two decades, NATO [has been active] in the Western Balkans. In that time, the region’s engagement with NATO has been shifting increasingly from peacekeeping and crisis management towards Euro-Atlantic integration.
“We want to see the whole of this region sharing the stability and the well-being of the Euro-Atlantic community of nations,” said NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen during a speech in Montenegro on 29 June...
Within a few years of having deployed its first peacekeeping mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina in December 1995, NATO mobilized to intervene in the Kosovo crisis...and deployed the NATO-led Kosovo Force in 1999. In 2001, NATO along with the European Union came to the assistance of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ [sic], facilitating the end of an internal conflict...
While the mission in Kosovo is ongoing, the focus of relations with partners in the region has shifted towards developing cooperation to promote reform and Euro-Atlantic integration. NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme has had a major impact, engaging partner countries in political dialogue and helping them with reform challenges, especially in the defence sector.
The Secretary General stressed that NATO would continue supporting the entire region on the way to Euro-Atlantic integration and that the Alliance’s door is open...
Members and partners
An important indicator of the progress that has already been made in the region is that some former partners have joined the Alliance, namely Albania (2009), Croatia (2009) and Slovenia (2004).
Three partners in the Western Balkans are membership aspirants. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹, will be invited to start accession talks when a solution to the issue over the country’s name has been reached.
Montenegro joined the MAP in 2009 and Bosnia and Herzegovina was invited to MAP in 2010, pending the resolution of a key issue concerning immovable defence property.
While Serbia does not currently aspire to join NATO, it is seeking to deepen cooperation with the Alliance and further its European Union integration goals.
No longer “security consumers”
Another important measure of progress in the Western Balkans is the fact that partners that were previously “security consumers” are now themselves contributing to international security by supporting peace-support operations abroad.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia¹ has been contributing to the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan since 2002, Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2009, and Montenegro since 2010.
1. Turkey recognizes the Republic of Macedonia with its constitutional name.
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Investig'Action - michelcollon.info
Sarkozy, combien d'enfants as-tu tués cette nuit ?
http://www.michelcollon.info/VIDEO-Sarkozy-combien-d-enfants-as.html?lang=fr
Non il n'existe pas de « guerre propre » ! Michel Collon nous envoie un reportage depuis la Libye. Il nous montre ce que les bombes de l'OTAN peuvent faire loin des caméras de télévision.
ATTENTION, CERTAINES IMAGES PEUVENT CHOQUER.
Voir la vidéo: http://vimeo.com/26309684
Michel Collon in Libya shows a « collateral damage ».
Guerre umanitarie: la pulizia etnica dei Libici Neri
di Black Star News
su altre testate del 04/07/2011
Editoriale di Black Star News.
I "ribelli" a Misurata in Libia hanno cacciato l'intera popolazione nera della città, secondo un racconto agghiacciante di «The Wall Street Journal» con il titolo “Città libica lacerata da faida tribale”. I "ribelli" ora si trovano in vista della città di Tawergha, a 40 km di distanza, e giurano di ripulirla da tutte le persone di colore, una volta che si impadroniscano della città. Non è questa la perfetta definizione del termine "genocidio"? Secondo l'articolo del «Wall Street Journal», i "ribelli" si riferiscono a se stessi come «la brigata per l'eliminazione degli schiavi, pelle nera». Il giornale cita un comandante ribelle, Ibrahim al-Halbous, all’atto di dichiarare sui libici neri che «dovrebbero fare le valigie,» e che «Tawergha non esiste più, solo Misurata».
Non leggerete un articolo di questo tipo nel «New York Times», che è diventato giornalisticamente corrotto e compromesso come la vecchia «Pravda» dell'era sovietica. Questa rubrica ha insistito fin dall'inizio del conflitto di Libia sul fatto che i "ribelli" hanno abbracciato il razzismo e usato l'accusa che Muammar Gheddafi avesse impiegato mercenari provenienti da altri paesi africani come un pretesto per massacrare i libici neri.
Le prove di pubblico linciaggio di persone di colore sono disponibili online attraverso semplici ricerche di Google o YouTube, anche se il «New York Times» ha completamente ignorato questa storia cruciale. Qualcuno ritiene che se gente di origine africana controllasse gli editoriali del «New York Times» o addirittura le pagine delle notizie una storia così grande e negativa sarebbe stata ignorata?
Se il caso fosse capovolto e i libici neri stessero commettendo pulizia etnica contro i libici non di colore, qualcuno crede che le persone che ora controllano gli editoriali o le pagine di news al «New York Times» ignorerebbero una storia del genere? Evidentemente, non è motivo di fastidio per i guru del «Times» il fatto che i libici neri siano presi specificamente di mira in funzione di una loro liquidazione per via del colore della loro pelle.
Invece il «New York Times» ha altro da fare, come in un recente editoriale che vantava il suo sostegno alla campagna di bombardamenti della NATO, che solo in questa settimana a quanto si riferisce ha ucciso 20 civili. Il «Times» ha anche ignorato l’appello del parlamentare Dennis Kucinich affinché la Corte penale internazionale (CPI) indaghi i comandanti della NATO su possibili crimini di guerra in relazione ai civili libici uccisi.
Il «Times» non può scrivere sulla pulizia etnica dei libici neri e dei migranti da altri paesi africani in quanto diminuirebbe la reputazione dei "ribelli" che il giornale ha pienamente preso sotto le sue amorevoli cure, perfino dopo che la Corte penale internazionale ha pure riferito che anche loro hanno commesso crimini di guerra. Invece, il «Times» si trova a suo agio con la narrazione semplicistica: «Gheddafi cattivo», e «ribelli buoni», a prescindere addirittura dal fatto che il «Wall Street Journal» ha anche riferito che i ribelli sono stati addestrati da ex leader di al-Qa‘ida che erano stati affrancati dalla detenzione statunitense nella Baia di Guantanamo.
Il «New York Times» ha anche del tutto ignorato il piano di pace dell'Unione Africana (UA), che fa appello essenzialmente a un cessate il fuoco, per dei negoziati finalizzati a una costituzione, ed elezioni democratiche, il tutto da far monitorare alla comunità internazionale.
Quindi, cosa possiamo dire del «New York Times» per il fatto di aver ignorato la pulizia etnica dei libici neri da parte dei "ribelli" di Misurata, con l'aiuto della NATO? Questo rende per caso «The New York Times» colpevole della pulizia etnica, in quanto il giornale non solo ignora deliberatamente la storia, ma altresì dipinge falsamente i "ribelli" come salvatori della Libia?
Telefonate al «New York Times» al (212) 556-1234 e domandate del redattore degli Esteri per chiedergli perché il suo giornale non stia riferendo nulla della pulizia etnica dei libici neri.
"Dire la verità per dar forza".
Fonte: http://www.blackstarnews.com/news/135/ARTICLE/7478/2011-06-21.html.
Traduzione per Megachip a cura di Pino Cabras e Melania Turudda.
WFDY o nalogu za hapsenje Moamera Gadafija od strane Medunarodnog krivicnog suda
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7107
WFDY on the ICC capture warrant against Muammar Khadafi
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/7107
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2011/jun2011/sark-j17.shtml
ASSALTO ALLA LIBIA: LO STATO FRANCESE CONTRO LO STATO FRANCESE?
Avvocati francesi chiamano Sarkozy in giudizio per crimini contro l'umanità in Libia
Di Antoine Lerougetel
17 giugno 2011
Due avvocati di primi piano francesi, Jacques Vergès e l'ex ministro del Partito Socialista Roland Dumas, hanno annunciato che progettano di ricorrere in giudizio contro il presidente francese Nicolas Sarkozy francese con l'accusa di crimini contro l'umanità commessi nel corso del corrente intervento militare NATO in Libia. I due legali agiscono per conto di circa trenta famiglie libiche parenti di vittime uccise nei bombardamenti. In una conferenza stampa in Libia il 29 maggio u.s. hanno dichiarato che gli atti legali dovrebbero iniziare nei tribunali francesi lunedì, il 30 maggio.
C'è stato un black-out quasi completo dell'annuncio nei mezzi di comunicazione francesi. Solo il Marianne, rivista settimanale vicina al Partito Socialista ha commentato la notizia, attaccando Dumas e Vergès per "un'accusa grottesca contro il presidente della Repubblica".
In una conferenza stampa in Libia domenica scorsa Dumas ha detto, facendo riferimento al bombardamento NATO, "questa missione, annunciata a protezione dei civili, nei fatti li sta uccidendo". Ha dedefinito la guerra in Libia "un'aggressione brutale contro una nazione sovrana".
Appellando le nazioni dell'alleanza NATO "assassini", Vergès ha denunziato "uno stato francese capeggiato da teppisti e da assassini... Intendiamo rompere il muro del silenzio". Ha dichiarato di aver visto in un ospedale svariate vittime civili, dove da uno dei medici gli è stato riferito di un numero di vittime attorno alle 20.000.
Dumas ha detto di essere pronto a sostenere la difesa di Gaddafi stesso se egli fosse intenzionato a comparire al Tribunale Penale Internazionale (ICC) All'Aia, riferendosi al fatto che il 16 maggio, agendo per conto delle maggiori potenze Occidentali, il procuratore ("prosecutor" in originale, ndt) dell' ICC ha richiesto un mandato di cattura per crimini contro l'umanità contro Gaddafi. Dumas ha inoltre stigmatizzato la dubbia legittimità e autorità di Sarkozy e della NATO nel condurre il bombardamento basandosi sulla Risoluzione 1973 del Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU, definendola "l'artificiale - molto artificiale - copertura delle Nazioni Unite".
L'azione legale cade nel momento in cui gli alleati NATO hanno dichiarato che la guerra sarà estesa per almeno altri 90 giorni, fino a settembre, e mentre Gran Bretagna e Francia hanno annunciato un'incremento dei bombardamenti militari, che già ha comportato diverse azioni mirati all'assassinio politico, mediante il bombardamento di abitazioni della famiglia del leader libico Muammar Gaddafi.
Le truppe di élite britanniche EX-SAS e altri mercenari al soldo dalla NATO aiutano l'identificazione dei bersagli nella città portuale libica di Misrata. Sono lì con la benedizione di Gran Bretagna, Francia e degli altri paesi NATO, che hanno fornito loro le apparecchiatura di comunicazione. È probabile che forniscano pure informazioni ai piloti degli elicotteri di attacco di recente schierati da Francia e Gran Bretagna.
Il governo francese è stato il protagonista principale della Risoluzione 1073 del Consiglio di sicurezza della Nzioni Unita, una fragile copertura legale per uno scoperto intervento neocolonialista e imperialista, spacciaco come atto a proteggere i civili dalle forze armate libice. Nella realtà, esso si inquadra nella corsa alle risorse di petrolio e gas della Libia, e per l'imposizione di un governo filo-imperialista compiacente che già è stato assemblato e coltivato a Benghazi.
Altri avvocati che agiscono per conto di Aïcha Gaddafi, la figlia del dirigente libico Muammar Gaddafi, hanno presentato atti di accusa contro la NATO in un tribunale belga. Hanno dichiarato, "La decisione di mirare a una casa civile in Tripoli costituisce un crimine di guerra". L'accusa riguarda un'incursione aerea NATO del 30 aprile che ha ucciso il più giovane dei figli di Gaddafi e tre dei suoi nipotini.
I due avvocati, inoltre, ricorrono in giudizio anche per l'annullamento della decisione dei ministri UE di congelare i conti del regime libico nella Corte Europea di giustizia in Lussemburgo.
Non è chiaro se l'ottuagenario Vergès e Dumas, con lunghi e stretti rapporti con lo Stato francese, stiano lavorando direttamente assieme a settori dello Stato, ma di certo seri dubbi sono emersi nei circoli decisionali francesi sulla decisione di Sarkozy di intraprendere l'intervento militare in Libia.
Il sito web della TTU - informazioni della difesa ha commentato una relazione inedita di 50 pagina emessa dopo una visita di tre settimane in Libia dagli esperti di intelligence capitanati da Yves Bonnet, già capo dell'agenzia nazionale di intelligence francese DST.
Secondo il sito della di TTU, l'intervento oltrepassa la risoluzione 1973, mentre "il controllo di risorse di energia è il cuore della strategia attuale. Agli Stati Uniti piacerebbe rovesciare Gaddafi per cacciare la Cina fuori dal Paese. L'Egitto, che non ha mai accettato l'unione della Cirenaica e delle sue riserve di petrolio a Tripoli, non può vedere nient'altro che vantaggi dalle divisioni del paese". Il sito aggiunge: "La relazione esprime allarme per quest'implicazione "sconsiderata" di Parigi, che gioca nelle mani dell'amministrazione americana, che invece si è presa cura di non mostrare il suo giuoco, lasciando che sia la Francia a portarne tutti i rischi". Vengono espressi forti dubbi sul se e come il Consiglio transitorio di Benghazi possa "preservare gli interessi delle potenze coinvolti", riferendosi specificatamente a quelli dell'imperialismo francese. Il commentatore militare Jacques Borde fa notare inoltre che, mentre la Francia oltrepassa futilmente le sue capacità militari, i suoi alleati Arabi e Occidentali mieteranno le ricompense in termini della suddivisione delle spoglie.
C'è anche il pericolo della "Somalizzazione" di Libia - cioè la sua disintegrazione in tribù guerriere e signori della guerra.
I due attempati avvocati hanno delle lunghe storie politiche e legali.
Dumas ha rivelato di essere stato assieme a Vergès avvicinato dal regime di Gaddafi per occuparsi del caso.
Ad ogni modo, e quali siano le loro motivazioni, non v'è dubbio che l'imputazione che portano per le criminali azioni condotte dall'imperialismo francese e Occidentale contro la popolazione libica è una fonte di imbarazzo per il governo di Sarkozy ed i suoi alleati imperialisti. Così è anche per il PS, il PCF e le falsi sinistre del NPA in Francia, che hanno fatto i tromboni dell'imperialismo diffondendo la bugia dell'intervento "umanitario" pianificato per proteggere il popolo della Libia.
Copyright © 1998-2009
World Socialist Web Site
Traduzione di G. Ellero, giugno 2011
Giornalismo come arma nella guerra di Libia
Durante la notte il rumore dei jet della NATO che sorvolano Tripoli può essere ascoltato nelle città costiere del Mediterraneo. Tripoli non è stata bombardata da alcuni giorni, ma i i sorvoli sono stati numerosi. L’Alleanza Atlantica sceglie deliberatamente la notte come mezzo per disturbare il sonno dei residenti, nel tentativo di diffondere la paura. I bambini piccoli in Libia hanno perso parecchio sonno durante questa guerra. Questa è parte della guerra psicologica. Ha lo scopo di spezzare lo spirito della Libia. Tutto ciò si aggiunge alle gravi ferite inflitte alla Libia, con falsità e sedizione.
Nello stesso contesto, la guerra mediatica contro la Libia è continuata. L’Hotel Rixos nella capitale libica di Tripoli, dove si trova la maggior parte della stampa internazionale, è un nido di menzogne e di deformazione, in cui i giornalisti stranieri distorcono la realtà, mistificano i fatti e pubblicano articoli inesatti per giustificare la guerra della NATO contro la Libia. Ogni relazione e dispaccio di agenzia viene inviato dalla Libia, dai reporter internazionali, deve essere attentamente controllo incrociato e analizzato. I giornalisti stranieri hanno messo parole in bocca ai libici e sono volontariamente ciechi. Hanno ignorato i civili morti in Libia, i crimini di guerra perpetrati chiaramente contro il popolo libico, ed i danni alle infrastrutture civili, dagli hotel agli ospedali e alle banchine.
Un gruppo di giovani libici ha spiegato, in una conversazione privata, che quando si parla con i giornalisti dovrebbero intervistare a due a due. Uno porrebbe la domanda seguito immediatamente dall’altro. Nel processo, la risposta alla prima domanda, verrebbe utilizzata come risposta per la seconda. Negli ospedali libici i report esteri cercano di non riprendere le immagini dei feriti e dei moribondi. Vanno negli ospedali solo per dipingersi un’immagine di imparzialità, ma praticamente non rapportano sui nulla e ignorano quasi tutto ciò che faccia notizia. Si rifiutano di raccontare l’altro lato della storia. Sfacciatamente di fronte a civili gravemente feriti, il tipo di domande che molti giornalisti stranieri pongono a medici, infermieri e personale ospedaliero è se hanno curato personale militare e della sicurezza negli ospedali.
La CNN ha anche pubblicato un rapporto da Misurata di Sara Sidner, che mostra la sodomizzazione di una donna con un manico di scopa, che è stato compiuto dai militari libici (che attribuisce alle truppe di Gheddafi, come strumento di demonizzazione). In realtà il video è stato un caso nazionale e da prima del conflitto. In origine si è svolto a Tripoli e l’uomo ha anche un accento di Tripoli. Questo è il tipo di invenzioni che i media mainstream portano avanti per sostenere la guerra e l’intervento militare.
Ora ci sono indagini in corso per dimostrare che l’uranio impoverito è stato usato contro libici. L’uso di uranio impoverito è un crimine di guerra assoluto. Non è solo un attacco al presente, ma lascia anche una traccia radioattiva che attacca i bambini non ancora nati di domani. Le generazioni future saranno ferite da queste armi. Queste future generazioni sono innocenti. L’uso di uranio impoverito è come se gli Stati Uniti avessero lasciato delle armi nucleari in Germania o in Giappone, durante la seconda guerra mondiale, e lasciando che i timer le facessero esplodere nel 2011. Questo è un tema importante e degno di nota in Libia, e tutti i giornalisti stranieri ne hanno sentito parlare, ma quanti ne hanno effettivamente parlato?
La Ionis, una nave di Bengasi che è attraccato a Tripoli il 26 giugno 2011, trasportava oltre 100 persone che volevano lasciare Bengasi e ricongiungersi con le loro famiglie a Tripoli. I reporter stranieri erano lì in massa, giunti da tutto il mondo. CNN, RT e Reuters erano tra loro. Tra i giornalisti stranieri c’erano molti che non avevano alcun indizio circa la situazione in Libia, e stavano lavorando sulla base della disinformazione sostenuta dai loro rispettivi network e paesi. Ad una discussione informale, quando questi giornalisti sono sfidati sulla base delle loro valutazioni, non riuscono a rispondere e sembrano ridicoli. Un giornalista occidentale ha detto che le defezioni governative a Tripoli sono una valanga, ma quando viene sfidato da un collega a spiegare, ha potuto solo citare la cosiddetta defezione di un atleta libico.
L’arrivo della nave passeggeri è stato significativa, perché è un sintomo che la partizione politica della Libia è in corso. Quando le famiglie e gli individui sono trasportati in diverse parti della Libia, c’è l’indicazione che una sorta di linea di demarcazione sarà tracciata in modo temporaneo o permanente.
La Chiesa cattolica romana in Libia è stato distrutta e ferita. La posizione di padre Giovanni Martinelli, vescovo di Tripoli, è in contraddizione con quella degli Stati Uniti e della NATO. Il contatto con le chiese cattolica e le comunità a Bengasi e dintorni è stato perso. Mons. Martinelli ha anche perso dei cari amici nella guerra, che non avevano niente a che fare con qualsiasi sorta di combattimento o ostilità. Quali giornalisti e agenzie di stampa stranieri ha parlato di ciò?
I giornalisti hanno la responsabilità di dire la verità e segnalare tutte le notizie. Alcuni lo fanno, ma le loro storie o sono modificate o non vengono mai pubblicate o trasmesse. Altri non dicono nulla e invece inventano storie. E’ ora responsabilità del pubblico leggere i report che escono dalla Libia da tutti le parti cum grano salis. La diversità delle notizie è solo un inizio.
The Bombing of Al Fateh University, Campus B
By Cynthia McKinney
“Intervento umanitario” della NATO: il bombardamento dell'Università di Tripoli
di Cynthia McKinney*
su www.informationclearinghouse.info del 27/06/2011
Traduzione di l'Ernesto online
* Cynthia McKinney è stata deputato della Georgia al Congresso degli Stati Uniti
Fin dal mio arrivo a Tripoli per vedere sul posto le conseguenze delle operazioni militari della NATO, mi è risultato evidente che, nonostante il continuo silenzio della stampa internazionale che si trova qui sul terreno, in Libia esiste una chiara evidenza che sono stati attaccati obiettivi civili e che civili libici sono stati feriti e uccisi.
La mattina di martedì mi hanno condotto dal mio hotel, attraverso la città, in mezzo a un intenso traffico, fino all'Università Al Fateh.
Il 9 giugno, il decano Ali Mansur si trovava all'esterno nel parcheggio. Il cielo era di un azzurro intenso. Le nubi bianche. Gonfie e bianche. Il decano Mansur era visibilmente irritato. Sembrava che alcuni ragazzi del Campus B dell'Università Al Fateh stessero litigando per delle ragazze. Mi ha spiegato che i libici sono di sangue ardente. Con un sorriso, mi ha detto: “le ragazze sono importanti per i giovani”.
Si, era evidente mentre mi stavo avvicinando all'Università Al Fateh, al Campus B, noto in precedenza come Università Nasser. Sotto gli alberi, sul prato mentre ci avvicinavamo alle porte del campus, ho potuto vedere giovani uomini e donne conversare, parlare con i telefoni mobili, camminare da un lato all'altro, riuniti, probabilmente commentando le notizie più recenti del campus, non importa quali. Il campus Al Fateh è traboccante di vita. La vita studentesca pare vibrare. Il sentimento e il clima di questa università non pare diverso da quello di centinaia di università che ho visitato negli Stati Uniti e in tutto il mondo.
I ragazzi e le ragazze libici sono come i nostri. Mio figlio si troverebbe facilmente bene in questa università.
Anche il campus sembra traboccare di vita. Le gru stanno ad indicare un solido programma di costruzione, allo scopo di aggiungere nuovi edifici per migliorare l'ambiente educativo. Nonostante il chiasso degli studenti, il decano aveva tutte le ragioni del mondo per sentirsi contento nel vedere che la sua università si sta ingrandendo, sta migliorando e rafforzandosi. Mi ha detto che era stato firmato un accordo con un'università britannica per avviare programmi in inglese. Non corsi di inglese, ma tutto un programma insegnato in lingua inglese. Certamente, disse, è una delusione che tutto ciò sia andato in fumo.
L'Università Al Fateh, Campus B, è formata da circa 10.000 studenti, 800 candidati a master, e 18 studenti del dottorato, 150 professori ad hoc, 120 impiegati. Ha otto auditorium, 19 aule, 4 aule più grandi. Ha anche un campus rurale a Al Azizia dove studiano 700 studenti e che fa parte del sistema universitario. Il decano Mansur si paragona a un sindaco perché ha tante responsabilità nella direzione di una grande comunità di studenti impegnati in una vita accademica ricca e vivace.
Il decano mi ha detto che la vita nell'università, e la sua personale, è cambiata per sempre la sera di giovedì 9 giugno 2011.
Ha ricordato che l'università aveva aperto come sempre alle 8 circa del mattino e avrebbe dovuto chiudere la sera alle 8.
Aveva pensato che il 9 giugno sarebbe stato un giorno normale, se non fosse stato per il litigio per le ragazze che aveva spinto molti ragazzi ad abbandonare il campus per non partecipare alla disputa. Fuori, nel parcheggio del campus, il dottor Mansur era preoccupato pensando a come affrontare il problema disciplinare che si preannunciava.
Improvvisamente, si sentì un forte rumore nel cielo.
Era come un ruggito fortissimo. Subito dopo un sibilo ad alta frequenza. Mansur dice di aver guardato verso il cielo e di non aver creduto a quello che vedevano i suoi occhi: è apparso qualcosa di luccicante nel cielo che si agitava di fronte a lui. Si muoveva come un gioco atari o qualcosa di somigliante. Si agitava e zigzagava per tutto il cielo. Dice di essere rimasto paralizzato davanti a questo oggetto per un tempo che sembrava di minuti, ma in realtà era solo di pochi secondi.
Accelerava nel cielo, alzandosi, abbassandosi e virando, andando a schiantarsi sul terreno circostante. Era un missile della NATO.
Tragicamente aveva trovato il suo bersaglio: l'Università Fateh, Campus B.
Il Decano Mansur afferma di aver visto solo un missile, molto fuoco, molti colori diversi da tutte le parti, e subito dopo un'immensa colonna di fumo. Ha visto un missile, ma ha sentito quelle che sembravano essere molte esplosioni. Non può dire esattamente quante.
Il dottor Mansur dice che la forza e l'impatto dell'esplosione lo hanno lasciato paralizzato. Che il suo cuore ha cessato di battere per un momento. Non aveva paura, era solo come paralizzato. Non si è messo a correre; non è stato sopraffatto dalla paura; era semplicemente stupefatto.
La forza dell'esplosione ha penetrato strutture in cemento armato, ha rotto centinaia di vetri e ha fatto crollare i tetti delle sale di riunione.
Nessuno sa se si trattava di un missile Tomahawk o di una bomba guidata da un laser mal indirizzata. Nessuno è in grado di saperlo.
I suoi primi pensieri sono stati per le migliaia di studenti dell'università e per i suoi tre figli che vi studiano.
Dopo circa 30 minuti, è arrivata la stampa libica per vedere cosa era successo. Sono arrivati anche il presidente dell'Università ed altri funzionari dell'istituzione. Ma, con sorpresa del dottor Mansur, non si è visto nessuno della stampa internazionale.
E che cosa hanno visto?
I media hanno constatato un rilevante danno strutturale in molti degli edifici, tutte le finestre rovesciate in ognuno degli otto auditorium. Porte strappate dai cardini. La biblioteca ridotta in un ammasso di rovine. Libri e detriti ovunque. La moschea del campus danneggiata. Vetri dappertutto. Si stava già tentando di ripulire.
Il dottor Mansur dice, che in tutti i posti in cui è stato possibile farlo, si è rimesso a posto come prima dell'attacco. Con l'eccezione dell'ala principale in cui lavorano gli studenti, che si sta ripulendo e che verrà ribattezzata Seif Al-Arab in memoria del figlio di Muammar Gheddafi assassinato dalle bombe della NATO a casa sua, il 30 aprile 2011.
Giovedì, i missili della NATO. Venerdì e sabato qui vengono considerati fine settimana. Domenica, lunedì e martedì, gli studenti sono tornati nelle loro aule senza lasciarsi intimidire dalle bombe. In molte aule che ho visitato, gli studenti stavano svolgendo i loro esami finali tra le macerie. Mentre camminavo per il campo, una voce virile ha gridato in arabo: “Dove sta Obama?”
Buona domanda, ho pensato.
Sempre mi sono domandata se i politici che inviano regolarmente i nostri giovani uomini e donne in guerra e che bombardano regolarmente la gente povera del mondo, si siano trovati a fare, essi stessi, da bersaglio di un attacco di missili da crociera o se abbiano provato gli effetti di una bomba all'uranio impoverito guidata da un laser. Ho pensato che se fosse accaduto, se avessero sperimentato di persona l'orrore di un attacco della NATO contro un obiettivo civile, potrebbero fermarsi un momento a riflettere, mettendo in discussione la necessità di inviare le nostre forze armate ad attaccare il popolo della Libia.
Non ho voluto disturbare gli studenti impegnati negli esami e ho incontrato alcuni che stavano fuori dalle aule. Ho chiesto se avevano qualcosa da dire al presidente Obama. Una professoressa ha subito risposto, dicendo: “Lavoriamo sotto il fuoco, fisico e psicologico”. Uno studente ha affermato che Obama dovrebbe “liberare la Palestina e lasciare in pace la Libia”. E ha proseguito: “noi siamo una sola famiglia”.
Rispetto a questa affermazione, in breve, c'è da dire che ogni libico è membro di una tribù e che ogni tribù si governa e seleziona i suoi dirigenti: dopo, i dirigenti di tutte le tribù eleggono i loro leader, e così di seguito fino a quando emerga il leader di tutte le tribù della Libia. Ho incontrato questo leader tribale a Tripoli che mi dicono essere il vero leader di questo paese. Presiede il Consiglio Tribale che costituisce il vero organo di decisione politica della Libia. Di modo che quando il giovane ha affermato “siamo una sola famiglia”, dice realmente la verità.
Il dottor Mansur, formato negli Stati Uniti, ha ricordato con affetto la sua permanenza negli USA e i molti amici che ha in questo paese. E' orgoglioso dei suoi studenti e della ricchezza di vita della comunità universitaria. Esattamente come qualsiasi altro decano universitario.
Penso che Dio sia intervenuto il 9 giugno 2011.
Il giorno che è caduto il missile, non è morto un solo studente. Sarebbe potuto andare ben diversamente. Poteva essere una catastrofe, che sarebbe costata la vita a centinaia di giovani.
Mi dicono che nell'area circostante, nei dintorni dell'università, altri non sono stati così fortunati. Dicono che ci sono stati morti nelle case vicine.
C'è qualcosa di strano nella guerra. Coloro che la causano sembrano inconsapevoli ed estranei alle sue conseguenze; sembrano felici di infliggere danno ad altri e sono assolutamente insensibili di fronte alle conseguenze, mentre le vittime della guerra si danno da fare per normalizzare l'anormale e adattarsi a vivere sotto la costante minaccia della morte e della distruzione.
Dopo aver visitato Tripoli, mi oppongo più che mai alla guerra.
Gli studenti dell'Università Al Fateh continuano i loro studi nonostante l'accerchiamento che subisce il paese.
Al gruppo di studenti con cui ho parlato ho chiesto anche quanto pagano per l'iscrizione. Mi hanno guardato sconcertati dopo la traduzione. Ho domandato quanto pagano per i libri. Di nuovo, gli stessi volti sconcertati. L'iscrizione all'Università Al Fateh è di 16 dinari all'anno – circa 9 dollari -. E a causa dell'embargo della NATO sulle importazioni di benzina, la scuola ha inaugurato 10 linee gratuite di bus nelle aree vicine, allo scopo di garantire che gli studenti possano arrivare a scuola, gratis.
Ho detto che anch'io mi sono trovata sul punto di entrare in un programma di dottorato negli USA e che per l'iscrizione e i libri avrei avuto bisogno di decine di migliaia di dollari. Ho spiegato che mia cugina ha un debito di 100.000 dollari per pagare un master nell'università che ha scelto.
Mi hanno risposto: “Ringraziamo Muammar Gheddafi. Perchè grazie a Muammar Gheddafi abbiamo l'istruzione gratuita. Allah, Muammar, Libia obes!”
In quanto alla NATO, continua a sostenere la favola che i suoi attacchi sono solo contro obiettivi militari e che il suo è un “intervento umanitario”.
Ancora continuo ad aspettare che mi si dimostri, in qualche luogo del mondo, che il bombardamento dall'aria di povere popolazioni civili del Terzo Mondo vada bene per il loro diritto al voto, alla democrazia, all'assistenza medica, all'educazione, all'assistenza sociale, e per migliorare le loro entrate personali e la distribuzione della ricchezza. Mi sembra ovvio che i problemi complessi della vita richiedono un intervento più complesso di quello che può fornire un missile da crociera.
Papst ehrt Ustascha Verbrecher
Vorbild Kroatien
=== 2 ===
Massenmörder hatte Wohlwollen des Papstes
Der Papstbesuch am Wochenende in Kroatien bringt die Erinnerung an einen Massenmörder zurück, der Hunderttausende massakrieren liess: Ante Pavelic, kroatischer Führer von Hitlers und Mussolinis Gnaden.
NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA: NAJBOLJE ČUVANA TAJNA VATIKANA
Početkom juna 2011. rimski papa Benedikt Šesnaesti posetio je Hrvatsku, dajući podršku njenom putu ka Evropskoj uniji i pozivajući je da i dalje ostane verna Vatikanu, boreći se za hrišćanske vrednosti. Oduševljeno dočekan od preko 3oo ooo Hrvata, papa nije propustio da usput pomene kvislinšku tvorevinu, Nezavisnu Državu Hrvatsku, kao instrumentalizovanu od fašizma i nacizma (nijednom ne pominjući 7ooooo žrtava ustaškog konclogora Jasenovac, koje su stradale zato što su bile Srbi, Jevreji i Romi, kao ni ulogu preko 1ooo rimokatoličkih župnika, fratara i časnih sestara, koji ne samo da su podržavali Pavelića i njegove monstrume, nego su i aktivno učestvovali u pokoljima nedužnih ljudi ,kao „zaklete ustaše“.) Mlako se ograđujući od NDH, papa je veličao zagrebačkog nadbiskupa Alojzija Stepinca, koga je njegov prehodnik, papa Ivan Pavao Drugi, 1998. proglasio „blaženim“, i koji je, po Benediktu Šesnaestom, navodno bio žrtva dvaju totalitarizama – nacizma i komunizma.
Racinger je, još kao kardinal, 15. februara 1998., u hrvatskom (negda ilirskom) vatikanskom Zavodu Svetog Jeronima održao besedu u čast Stepinčevu. (To je onaj zavod u kome je monsinjor Mađarec 1941. godine oduševljeno dočekao Antu Pavelića, a monsinjor Ratko Perić, sadašnji biskup, 1991. godine Franju Tuđmana.) Racinger je tada istakao da je Stepinac bio jedan „Božiji Hrvat“, kakvog je Dante opevao u „Raju“ svoje „Božanstvene komedije“. Stepinac je, po Racingeru, bio živa slika „trpećeg Krista“, koji je na kraju poneo njegovu trnovu krunu i muke. Suprostavljajući se totalitarizmima, kardinal DIXIT, Stepinac je u doba nacizma, bio „branitelj židova, pravoslavaca i svih progonjenih, zatim je, u vremenu komunizma, postao odvjetnik svojih vjernika, svojih svećenika progonjenih i ubijanih“. U svojoj besedi, kao učenik germanske škole srbofobije, Racinger je istakao da je Stepinac postao nadbiskup Hrvatske 1936. godine, kada je rimokatolicima bilo teško, jer su trpeli Jugoslaviju „koju su saveznici nakon Prvog svetskog rata stvorili od suprotnih elemenata i sa snažnim protukatoličkim nabojem“.
Pred dolazak u nezavisnu EU Hrvatsku, ove, 2o11, papa je o Stepincu opet fabulirao kao o borcu protiv ustaškog režima i branitelju Srba, Jevreja i Roma, kao i velikom humanisti. Nazvao je velikim pastirom i hrišćaninom onoga koga italijanski naučnik Marko Aurelio Riveli zove „nadbiskupom genocida“.
A koliko je Stepinac zaista bio protiv ustaškog režima, koga se Racinger javno odriče, dovoljno je pisano. Doduše, nadbiskup zagrebački je u nekim svojim prpovedima u doba rata ustajao protiv rasizma i nasilja, ali ga to nije sprečavalo da bude vojni vikar ustaške vojske, član NDH Sabora, nosilac ustaških odlikovanja i, naravno, koordinator prekrštavanja Srba u Pavelićevoj monstrum-državi. Da i ne govorimo da je vatreno branio NDH u Vatikanu, koji je, preko Vlade Kraljevine Jugoslavije, bio odlično obavešten o zločinima hrvatske CivitasDei. Godine 1943, Stepinac je papi Piju Dvanaestom podneo Memorandum u kome, između ostalog, piše o vekovnoj vernosti Hrvata papi, i upozorava ga šta bi se desilo ako bi NDH propala:“/.../ Njezinom propašću ili fatalnim smanjenjem – tisuće najboljih hrvatskih vjernika i svećenika žrtvovalo bi dragovoljno i rado svoje živote da zapriječe tu mogućnost. Ne bi bilo uništeno samo onih cca24oooo prelaznika sa srpskog pravoslavlja, nego i čitavo katoličko pučanstvo tolikih teritorija sa svojim crkvama i svojim samostanima/.../ Napredak katolicizma je najuže povezan sa napretkom Hrvatske Države, njegov opstanak uz njen opstanak, njezin spas-njegov spas“.
A 10. juna 1943. ustaški izaslanik u Rimu, Lobkovic, javlja da je Stepinac mnogo učinio za NDH pred Kurijom:“/.../ Nadbiskup je vrlo pozitivno izvijestio o Hrvatskoj. Naglasio je, da je neke stvari s kojima se on inače nikako ne slaže – prešutio, samo da stvori o Hrvatskoj ŠTO BOLJI DOJAM/.../ Mnogo je u Vatikanu izticao naše zakone za zločin pobačaja, koji su zakoni u Vatikanu vrlo dobro primljeni /.../
Nadbiskup je na temelju tih zakona OPRAVDAO DJELOMIČNO I POSTUPAK PROTIV ŽIDOVA (toliko o Stepinčevom zastupanju Jevreja, nap. V. D.), koji su kod nas bili najveći pobornici i najčešći izvršitelji zločina ovakve vrsti“. (Stepinac je branio ustaške zakone protiv pobačaja u doba dok su ustaše vadile nerođenu srbsku decu iz utroba majki, i na kame ih nabijali; ovakva hipokrizija je metastaza onog licemerja zbog koga je Dostojevski tvrdio da je papizam gori od ateizma, jer propoveda izopačeni Hristov lik.) A zvanični ustaški list, „Hrvatski narod“, 27. jula 1944. godine preneo je poruku Stepinca da je „nepokolebljivi optimist“ o budućnosti Hrvata. Novine su hvalile Stepinca zbog uloge koju je imao u Vatikanu, braneći NDH.
Posle rata, Stepinac je na Kaptolu skrivao kako ustaške zločince, tako i njihovu arhivu, ali i zlato opljačkano od žrtava, koje je, jednim značajnim svojim delom, završilo u vatikanskim trezorima.
Kakav je Stepinac bio „branitelj“ Srba, posvedočio je i njegov sekretar, monsinjor Stjepan Lacković, koji se vratio u Hrvatsku posle 45 godina emigracije (i dao intervju „Azur žurnalu“ broj 9, za januar 1991. godine), koji je vodio spiskove prekrštenih Srba:“/.../ Mnogi pravoslavaci koji su ovdje živjeli stoljećima isto su tako pozdravili tu priliku da mogu sada s Hrvatima katolicima biti u jednoj vjerskoj zajednici/.../ Politička vlast (ustaše, nap. V.D.) je mislila da će riješiti pitanje i našeg suživota i zajedništva./.../ Svi moramo doći u jednu zajednicu djece ljudske, a to nije nikakva politička ustanova, već katolička crkva/.../“
Dakle, Lacković ni jednom jedinom rečju nije izrazio žaljenje što su Stepinac i on sam učestvovali u NASILNOM KATOLIČENJU SRBA, nego je tvrdio da je Pavelić time hteo da dođe do „srećnijeg suživota“ na prostoru NDH... Toliko o Stepincu, koga papa Benedikt predstavlja kao „humanistu“ i zaštitnika Srba, Jevreja i Roma...
USTAŠTVO: BORBENI RIMOKATOLICIZAM
Papa Racinger se, u svojim izjavama, ograđivao od ustaša (tobožnjih su instrumentalizovali zli fašisti i nacisti), pa je, kao što smo videli, i Stepinca proglasio borcem protiv ustaštva. No, naravno, to je samo maskiranje prave istine. U svojoj programskoj knjizi, „Strahote zabluda“ (poglavnikov „Majn kampf“ ), godine 1937., Pavelić je istakao da Hrvati ne mogu živeti u Jugoslaviji koja teži da se „preokrene tisućgodišnja orijentacija hrvatskih katolika i da se prekinu pradavne veze Hrvata sa Svetom Stolicom“. Pavelić je ozakonio sve ono za šta se u današnjoj Hrvatskoj založio i papa – katolički kult porodice, zabranu pobačaja, „kršćanske vrednote“. Ali, te „vrednote“ važile su samo za rimokatolike.
Pavelić je pravoslavne Srbe u Hrvatskoj smatrao za strano, antikatoličko telo, koje treba ukloniti iz narodnog organizma. NDH je doživljavao kao predstražu rimokatoličke Evrope, koja brani istu od „varvarskog Bizanta“, to jest Balkana. Pre no što je stigao u Zagreb, papa Benedikt se sećao hrvatskih kardinala Šečera, Kuharića i Bozanića, koji su mu stalno govorili da Hrvatska nije Balkan, nego Srednja Evropa. I ustaše su Hrvatsku izdvajali iz oblasti Balkana: u intervjuu španskom fašističkom listu „Arriba“ datom 26. maja 1943, Pavelić kaže: “Balkanski je duh imao ekspanzivnu moć koja je uspjela da prodre do granice Beča. Austro-Ugarska je imala snage da goni taj duh ka Jugoistoku, gdje više nije predstavljao nikakvu opasnost. Dužnost je Hrvatske da nastavi sa ovim pritiskom na balkanske običaje dok ih ne svede u njihove prave granice“. A ustaški ideolog, svećenik dr Ivo Guberina, usred rata ponavlja poglavnikove ideje: “Uništen je bizantsko-pravoslavni pritisak na Hrvatsku i stvorena je mogućnost da Hrvatska zaigra ulogu predziđa Europe. NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA JE JEDINA DRŽAVA SA KATOLIČKOM VEĆINOM NA BALKANU. JEDINA VRATA KATOLICIZMA NA BALKANU. Ne samo to. NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA JE DANAS NAJJAČI BEDEM SREDNJE EUROPE“.
A ovo se sve uklapalo u staru vatikansku predstavu o Srbima kao „remetilačkom faktoru“. Setimo se da je austrougarskom poslaniku u Vatikanu, grofu Moricu Palfiju, kardinal Meri del Vala, sekretar najmanje države na svetu, 1914. blagoslovio rat protiv Srbije, sledećim rečima: “Papa i Kurija vide u Srbiji razornu bolest, koja pomalo nagriza monarhiju i koja će je vremenoim rastočiti/.../ Njegova Svetost je u više mahova izrazila svoje žaljenje, što je Austro-Ugarska u više mahova propustila da kazni svog opasnog dunavskog suseda.“
Pavelić je bio više nego odani rimokatolik. Njegova ćerka, Mirjana Pavelić-Pšeničnik, , u intervjuu „Globusu“ (17. maj 1991.) kaže: “Tata je bio katolik i mi smo imali svog kapelana koji je nedjeljom dolazio kod nas. Čak smo sagradili i kapelicu za njega. Svake nedjelje smo slušali misu, a tata je čak i ministrirao, jer je to kao mladi dečko naučio. Ministrirao je kod isusovaca u Travniku“.
Da, to je isti onaj Pavelić kome su, kako svedoči Kurcio Malaparte, ustaše slale, na poklon, kotaricu punu očiju poklanih Srba…
HRVATSKI RIMOKATOLICI SE NE ODRIČU USTAŠTVA
Iako se, zarad EU vrednosti, zvaničnici Hrvatske formalno odriču ustaštva, rimokatolički živalj i njegovo sveštenstvo ostaju najdubljim simpatijama vezani za period NDH. O tome govori popularnost pevača Marka Perkovića Tompsona, koga je sadašnji papa primao u audijenciju, i koji je ove godine, skupa s drugim hrvatskim pevačima, dočekivao papu pesmom o porodičnim vrednostima. Tompson u svojim songovima veliča ustaške koljače poput Jure Francetića i Maksa Luburića, kao i samog Antu Pavelića. Upravo rimokatolički sveštenici pravdaju Tompsona kao odanog „domoljuba“. U novinama „Vjesnik“, sveštenik Pavle Primorac je istakao da neki kritičari mrze Tompsona samo zato „što im je svaka ideja nacionalnoga i vjerskog opredjeljenja mrska“, da bi fra Martin Planinić u „Fokusu“, marta 2006, ustvrdio da mu je omiljena pesma „Kroz Imotski kamioni žure, voze bojnu Francetića Jure“ (inače, zloglasnog komandanta ustaške „Crne legije“.)
Opravdanja NDH i njene ideologije može se, među rimokatoličkim klerom, naći u izobilju. Tako je don Luka Vučo, u „Novom listu“, maja 2003, tumačio popularnost ustaškog pozdrava „Za dom spremni“ na sledeći način: “Uzvik „Za dom spremni“ nije kod naroda pristajanje uz ustaštvo, već želja za samostalnošću od Srba koja je postojala, nažalost, samo za ustaša“. Don Anto Baković je u listu „Narod“, avgusta 2oo3, izjavio:“U Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj se probudio genije hrvatskog naroda, u kojoj je hrvatski narod konačno dobio svoju slobodu, svoju hrvatsku državu, a sve je to trajalo sasvim kratko, očajno kratko...“Govoreći o krvoloku Anti Paveliću, na misi zadušnici u zadarskoj crkvi Ivana Krstitelja u januaru 2oo5, fra Vjekoslav Lasić je istakao: “Poglavnik je za života učinio mnogo dobrih djela, a jedno od najvećih je obnova NDH. To uskrsnuće su Hrvati, skupa sa svojim mučenikom, blaženim Alojzijem Stepincem, doživjeli kao ostvarenje najvišeg sna... Poglavnik je bio dobar čovjek i branitelj Hrvatske, vođa zemlje čije zasade leže u današnjoj Hrvatskoj“. Pater Vladimir Horvat, na Radio Mariji u julu 2oo5, poriče da je Jasenovac bio logor smrti i užasa (za koga Jevreji koji su preživeli tvrde da je, po monstruoznosti s kojom su nevini ubijani, bio strašniji od industrijske smrti Aušvica), i kaže da tu ljude „nisu dovodili da ih ubijaju, nego da rade“.
Jednom rečju, NDH se među rimokatoličkim sveštenstvom doživljava kao država svoja, u kojoj su branjene vrednosti rimokatolicizma. Zato nije nimalo slučajno da se papa Benedikt Šesnaesti nikad neće pokloniti žrtvama u Jasenovcu, niti će biti spreman da se kaje zbog nedela ustaških klerofašista. NDH je ipak bila rimokatolička CIVITASDEI, ostvarenje srednjevekovnih ideala krstaških ratova u dvadesetom veku. Dok se borimo protiv revizije ishoda Drugog svetskog rata i svih laži koje bi da rehabilituju nacizam (u ime navodnog antikomunizma, a u stvari rusofobije i srbofobije), i to treba imati u vidu.
Episkop Irinej o poseti pape Zagrebu
Ipak, dve poruke izrečene u dva dana ostale su zapamćene kao kontroverzne, i to ne samo u srpskoj javnosti.
Prvu je papa poslao još na putu u Hrvatsku, iz aviona, u neformalnom razgovoru sa novinarima. Naime, sećajući se ranijih zagrebačkih nadbiskupa, on je izjavio: „Pokojni kardinal Franjo Šeper, pokojni kardinal Franjo Kuharić i kardinal Josip Bozanić uvek su govorili da Hrvatska nije na Balkanu nego u Srednjoj Evropi, pa bi bilo logično, pravedno i potrebno da Hrvatska uđe u Evropsku uniju, gde istorijski i kulturno oduvek pripada.“ Razmišljajući o ovom sudu, pritom bez ulaženja u raspravu o tome da li je Hrvatska na Balkanu ili u Srednjoj Evropi, želimo da verujemo da njegov ugledni izricatelj nije imao nameru da Jugoistočnu Evropu – nekada središnji prostor Rimskog Carstva, a potonju Rumeliju (u prevodu Rimsku zemlju: evropski, pretežno hrišćanski deo Otomanske Imperije), danas poznatu pod turskim nazivom Balkan – smesti nekud izvan Evrope, niti pak da se vrati na početak 16. stoleća, kada je njegov prethodnik Lav X Hrvatsku označio kao antemurale christianitatis („predziđe hrišćanstva“). Ne treba pritom zaboraviti da su „predziđe“ u ta vremena, pored Zrinskih i Frankopana, čuvali i mnogobrojni Srbi graničari, kojih danas, posle pet vekova istorijskog prisustva, najednom onde više nema ili opstaju kao ostatak što poklanog što proteranog naroda.
Sa svoje strane, mi Balkanci, dakle i mi Srbi, Evropu ne vidimo u uskom obzorju Zapadne i Srednje Evrope, pa ni u širem rasponu od Atlantika do Urala, nego je vidimo kao civilizacijski kontinent od Atlantika do Pacifika, odnosno od Kanarskih do Kurilskih ostrva, jer je to jedinstven duhovni prostor, koji ima iste hrišćanske korene i deli iste vrednosne ideale. Mi pak koji pripadamo pravoslavnim narodima Balkana, ne ljubimo samo svoje otadžbine nego i sav Balkan, svoj vizantijsko-slovenski, ali i onaj zapadnohrišćanski, kao i muslimanski, svoju širu – romejsku – otadžbinu, svesni da je ona podarila Evropi njena dva civilizacijska temelja, jelinstvo i hrišćanstvo. Napominjemo da klasična jelinska kultura, vekovima najviša u Evropi, jeste, po definiciji, prevashodno balkanska kultura – kao što su to i najstarije poznate kulture Evrope, lepenska i vinčanska – a da je mlado hrišćanstvo na tlo Evrope stupilo takođe na Balkanu (konkretno u Filipima, blizu današnje Kavale u Grčkoj).
Podsećamo i na antologijsku formulaciju počivšeg pape Jovana Pavla II da nema Evrope bez oba plućna krila, od kojih se jedno zove pravoslavno ili istočnohrišćansko, mahom grčko-slovensko…
Mada ovom prilikom nisu ispunjena očekivanja mnogih rimokatoličkih vernika, ponajpre u Hrvatskoj, da će Alojzije Stepinac, zagrebački nadbiskup tokom Drugog svetskog rata, biti kanonizovan, odnosno priznat za svetitelja Rimokatoličke Crkve, dodatnu kontroverzu, u našoj sredini i bolnu nedoumicu, izazvale su papine reči – izgovorene takođe na putu prema Zagrebu – da je kardinal Alojzije Stepinac „bio protiv ustaškog režima“ i da je „branio pravo čovečanstvo protiv tog režima time što je branio Srbe, Jevreje, Rome“. Slično je ponovio u omiliji u zagrebačkoj katedrali rekavši da je kardinal Stepinac „u vreme nacističke i fašističke diktature postao braniteljem Jevreja, pravoslavnih i svih progonjenih“. S obzirom na to da je Stepinac bio vojni vikar „Nezavisne Države“ Hrvatske – ili je, prema drugima, postavio vojnog vikara – i član parlamenta endehazije, a, sa druge strane, imajući u vidu čitavom svetu poznati ustaški fizički i duhovni genocid nad Srbima, Jevrejima i Ciganima, moramo istaći da je, u svetlu istorijskih činjenica, ova dimenzija Stepinčeve ličnosti u najmanju ruku jednostrano prenaglašena ili, pre će biti, na silu iskonstruisana, i to predimenzioniranjem slučajeva njegovog zauzimanja za pojedine Srbe ili Jevreje, među kojima nekim čudom, nema imenâ trojice mučenički postradalih pravoslavnih episkopa i više od dve stotine pravoslavnih sveštenika pobijenih od ustaša, a prećutkivanjem ili minimalizovanjem njegove ideološki motivisane i javno iskazivane animoznosti prema Pravoslavlju, „Bizantu“, Jevrejstvu, Srpstvu i još ponečem.
Na kraju, blagodarno ističemo, uprkos svemu prethodnom, papin poziv rimokatoličkim biskupima i sveštenicima da se trajno zauzimaju za pomirenje među podeljenim hrišćanima, kao i među hrišćanima i muslimanima. Ruke pomirenja neka uvek budu ispružene, kao u aktu stvaranja, kako ga je Mikelanđelo Buanoroti prikazao u Sikstinskoj kapeli. Bog je Pomiritelj prošlog sa budućim. Bog je naš Istok, i Zapad, i Sever, i Jug. Bog je naše Sve.