Informazione


CEREMONIAL RETURN

Friends Await Zvonko Busic
Around 500 citizens carried Croatian flags, sang patriotic songs, and chanted Busic’s name.


Around 500 friends, acquaintances and supporters greeted Zvonko Busic at Zagreb’s airport. Unfortunately, a few people managed to start chanting “Za dom spremni” ("ready for the homeland" (*)), but were soon hushed quiet, and Busic himself, upon arriving, asked those present to not shout Ustasha greetings.
"Do not let me be ashamed of you, but make me proud of you," said Busic clearly.
Amongst the many visitors were Frane Pesut, Slobodan Vlasic and Petar Matanic, participants of the hijacking of the American aircraft on a flight from New York to Chicago.
"What should I say to you, I am overjoyed, I hardly awaited this moment," said Frane Pesut with tears of joy in his eyes.
During a conversation, he stated that he knows nothing about the organization of the hijacking, because he believed Zvonko Busic and his associates that he was bringing a real bomb into the plane.
Marijan Bosnjak, somebody that knows and respects what he calls a selfless sacrifice by a Croatian hero, said that Busic decided to sacrifice himself for what he believes in.
"Zvonko wanted to attract the attention of the world to the suffering of one small people. Actions like those of Busic, raised the spirits of Croatians in the Diaspora. That event gained the attention of the whole world, and the punishment was absolutely too strict. They did not want anyone to get hurt, that action was the answer to the repression in Yugoslavia," considers Bosnjak.
"I am beside myself from happiness. The big thing is that he (Busic) can return to a independent country, and if it will remain independent is its own choice," said Benjamin Tolic.
The event was also attended by Father Vjekoslav Lasic, who before coming to the airport, paid respects to the remains of Dinko Sakic (**) at the crematorium.
"I came to greet the Croatian legend Zvonko Busic, who I visited a number of times in prison. The sentence was too strong, and he lay innocent in the USA," said Vjekoslav Lasic.
Marijan Buconjic, Busic’s roommate in New York, considers that Zvonko’s act was justified, and that he managed to show that Yugoslavia was repressive towards Croatians.
Drazen Budisa, the representative of the Busic family, held a welcoming speech in which he said that Zvonko and his associated deeply regretted the innocent victim, the police officer Brian Murray, but that they did not want anyone to get hurt. An unfortunate turn of events was in question. He wished Busic and his wife peace and freedom in their life in Croatia.
"I also fought for the independence of Croatia. I came as a Croatian convict, to greet a Croatian convict," said Anto Kovacevic who was also there.
Busic was protected by strong police security and bodyguards that were hired by the veterans’ associations. That security managed to, with great difficulty, restrain the many people gathered there to greet Busic.

(* Hystorical hymn of the fascist ustascia movement. "Pronti per la Patria", Inno del movimento nazifascista degli ustascia. NdCNJ)
(** A notorious, high-rank ustasha criminal in the 40ies. Tristemente noto criminale ustascia di alto livello negli anni '40. NdCNJ)


---
ALTRA DOCUMENTAZIONE SUL TERRORISMO USTASCIA NEL CORSO DELLA GUERRA FREDDA / MORE DOCUMENTS ON USTASHI TERRORISM DURING THE COLD WAR PERIOD:
---


On Jul 29, 2008, at 9:48 AM, Coord. Naz. per la Jugoslavia wrote:


RITORNA VINCITOR


Dopo 30 anni di detenzione negli USA, il terrorista ustascia Zvonko Busic è rientrato nella sua Croazia.
Nel 1976 si era reso responsabile di un tentativo di dirottamento aereo, causando la morte di un agente di polizia e l'accecamento di un altro all'aereoporto di New York.
L'azione - come tantissime altre commesse dagli ustascia esuli all'estero in quegli anni - aveva come obiettivo quello di attirare l'attenzione pubblica sulla causa croata.
Oggi Busic torna in Croazia da trionfatore, essendo stato conseguito l'obiettivo per cui lui ed i suoi camerati all'estero avevano commesso crimini nel corso della guerra fredda: la distruzione della Jugoslavia e la instaurazione di uno Stato etnico croato.
Come nel caso del Kosovo, anche nel caso della Croazia l'Occidente ha premiato il terrorismo fascista.
(a cura di Italo Slavo per JUGOINFO)

---

http://www.cnj.it/documentazione/ustascia.htm

Croat terrorist back to Croatia after serving 30 years in US

Associated Press - July 24, 2008

ZAGREB, Croatia - A Croatian news agency says a
convicted plane hijacker is returning to Croatia after
serving 30 years in jail in the United States.

The state-run agency HINA quoted the wife of Zvonko
Busic as saying he would return Thursday after being
granted parole for hijacking a TWA flight in 1976.

Busic led the group of hijackers to draw attention to
Croatia's struggle for independence from communist
Yugoslavia and later surrendered.

But a bomb they stashed in a locker at New York's
Grand Central Terminal exploded when police tried to
defuse it, killing one officer and blinding a second.

Busic, revered by some in Croatia as a hero, was
convicted in 1977 of air piracy and granted parole
earlier this month.



(italiano / francais / english)


https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=CommDH(2008)18

Strasbourg, 28 July 2008
CommDH(2008)18 
Original version

MEMORANDUM 1

by Thomas Hammarberg Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe

Following his visit to Italy on 19-20 June 2008

Issues reviewed: Roma and Sinti; Immigration

PDF: 

https://wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.InstraServlet?Index=no&command=com.instranet.CmdBlobGet&InstranetImage=931687&SecMode=1&DocId=1290212&Usage=2

or

https://www.cnj.it/AMICIZIA/Italy_Rom_COE_report2008.pdf


=== ITALIANO ===

https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=1328489&Site=DC&BackColorInternet=F5CA75&BackColorIntranet=F5CA75&BackColorLogged=A9BACE


Comunicato stampa - 558(2008)

Italia: “La politica sull’immigrazione deve tener conto dei diritti umani e non basarsi unicamente sulle preoccupazioni relative alla sicurezza pubblica”, ha dichiarato il commissario Hammarberg

Strasburgo, 29.07.2008 – “Una politica in materia di immigrazione non può basarsi solo sulle preoccupazioni relative alla sicurezza pubblica. Le misure adottate al momento in Italia non rispettano i diritti umani e i principi umanitari e rischiano di appesantire il clima di xenofobia”, con queste parole Thomas Hammarberg, commissario per i diritti umani del Consiglio d’Europa, ha commentato la pubblicazione del suo rapporto sulla missione speciale condotta a Roma il 19 e 20 giugno scorsi. Tale visita fa seguito alle manifestazioni, a volte molto violente, contro rom e sinti nel paese e rientra nel quadro dell’adozione o preparazione, in tempi relativamente brevi, di una legislazione che miri ad introdurre ulteriori controlli alla libertà di movimento di rom e sinti, la penalizzazione dell’immigrazione clandestina ed ulteriori restrizioni all’immigrazione.

Il Commissario ha inoltre espresso le sue preoccupazioni riguardo il ‘’pacchetto sicurezza” che sembra essere appositamente elaborato per gli immigrati rom nonché per la dichiarazione dello stato di emergenza in tre regioni italiane. “I rom ed i sinti hanno un urgente bisogno di una tutela effettiva dei loro diritti umani ed in particolare dei loro diritti sociali, come ad esempio il diritto ad un abitazione decente e all’istruzione”, ha aggiunto. “Adottare lo stato di emergenza e conferire maggiori poteri ai ‘commissari speciali’ e alle forze dell’ordine non è il giusto approccio al fine di rispondere ai bisogni dei popoli rom e sinti”. Alla consegna in data odierna del suo Memorandum, il Commissario si è detto preoccupato per l’estensione dello stato di emergenza su tutto il territorio nazionale.

Hammarberg ha anche criticato la decisione del governo italiano di considerare reato penale l’entrata ed il soggiorno irregolare di immigrati; lo considera un preoccupante allontanamento dai principi di diritto internazionale. “Queste misure possono complicare le richieste di asilo dei rifugiati e rischiano di accrescere la stigmatizzazione e l’emarginazione sociale di tutti gli immigrati – rom inclusi”, ha affermato.

Il Commissario Hammarberg è anche allarmato per il rimpatrio forzato di immigrati verso alcuni paesi dove è comprovato l’uso della tortura. Facendo particolare riferimento al caso di un cittadino tunisino espulso per ordine del Ministro degli Interni nel quadro della legge sulle misure d’urgenza per combattere il terrorismo, Thomas Hammarberg si è nuovamente opposto a decisioni di questo tipo, decisioni prese sulla base di assicurazioni diplomatiche. Ha ricordato inoltre che laddove individui che rischiano l’espulsione pesentino ricorso davanti alla Corte europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo, gli stati devono attenersi a qualsiasi richiesta da parte di quest’ultima di sospendere la deportazione, in attesa di un’esame del caso. “Il diritto di ricorso individuale è un caposaldo del sistema europeo di tutela dei diritti umani”.

Il Commissario ha infine esortato le autorità italiane alla rapida creazione di un’efficace istituzione nazionale per i diritti umani, al fine di rafforzare il sistema di protezione nel paese.

…/.

Il rapporto è stato presentato al governo italiano sotto forma di bozza; quest’ultimo ha risposto con delle osservazioni. La risposta integrale del governo figura in allegato alla versione finale del rapporto del Commissario ed è disponibile sul sito Internet del Commissario.

Contatto stampa:

Stefano Montanari, tel: +33 (0)6 61 14 70 37, stefano.montanari@...

* * *

Il Commissario per i diritti umani è un’istituzione indipendente e non giudiziaria, il cui scopo è promuovere la sensibilizzazione e il rispetto dei diritti umani nei 47 Stati membri del Consiglio d’Europa. Eletto dall’Assemblea parlamentare del Consiglio d’Europa, l’attuale commissario, Thomas Hammarberg, è in carica dal 1 aprile 2006.

Divisione della Stampa del Consiglio d’Europa
Tel: +33 (0)3 88 41 25 60
Fax:+33 (0)3 88 41 39 11

pressunit@...

www.coe.int/press



===


Rassegna stampa ARCI Immigrazione:

 

 

v      Corriere della sera 30-07-08
            Il commissario: i rom? La polizia ha fatto raid non semplici sgomberi

 

v      Corriere della sera 30-07-08
            Ronchi: straparlano, pregiudizi contro di noi

 

v      Corriere della sera 30-07-08
            Immigrati, critiche europee  Maroni:accuse false

 

v      il manifesto 30-07-08
            Maroni finge di indignarsi e rilancia: più cpt, nessuna violenza di polizia

 

v      il manifesto 30-07-08
            In guerra contro i poveri

 

v      il manifesto 30-07-08
      Altri sette morti, sognando Lampedusa

 

v      Il Sole 24 Ore 30-07-08
            Rom, accuse dall'Europa  Maroni: falsità clamorose

 

v      La Nazione-Prato 30-07-08
            Il Cpt nell'area di Campi

 

v      La Repubblica 30-07-08
            L'Onu lancia l'allarme: situazione senza precedenti

 

v      La Stampa 30-07-08
            La mutua per i clandestini

 

v      La Stampa 30-07-08
            Se la società anticipa la legge

 

v      La Stampa 30-07-08
            Immigrati, scontro Europa Governo

 

v      Liberazione 30-07-08
            Il Consiglio d'Europa sui Rom: «L'Italia viola i diritti umani»

 

v      Liberazione 30-07-08
            Il Casilino 900 «è disumano» Alemanno si limita allo sgombero

 

v      l’Unità del 30-07-08
            Gli ultimi sempre più ultimi

 

v      l’Unità 30-07-08
            Napoli, i disperati-ribelli della Cattedrale: «Ci sono frange politiche che soffiano sul razzismo»

 

v      L'Unità-Firenze 30-07-08
            Molotov contro una carovana rom



=== ENGLISH ===


Press release - 558(2008)

Italy: “Immigration policy must be based on human rights principles and not only on perceived security concerns”, says Commissioner Hammarberg presenting a special report

Strasbourg, 29.07.2008 – “Concern about security cannot be the only basis for immigration policy. Measures now being taken in Italy lack human rights and humanitarian principles and may spur further xenopohobia,”. With these words, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Thomas Hammarberg, published a report based on his special visit to Rome 19 and 20 June. The visit took place following a series of anti-Roma and anti-Sinti protests, which were occasionally very violent, and the rapid adoption or preparation of legislation, which notably aimed to introduce further controls of the freedom of movement of Roma and Sinti, the criminalisation of irregular immigration and additional restrictions on immigration.

The Commissioner voiced strong concern at the “security package” that appears to target Roma immigrants, and at the declaration of states of emergency in three Italian regions. “Roma and Sinti are in urgent need of effective protection of their human rights, including their social rights, such as the right to adequate housing and to education” he said. “Adopting the state of emergency and providing greater powers to the “Special Commissioners” and the police is not the right approach to deal with the needs of Roma and Sinti populations.” In forwarding his Memorandum today, the Commissioner expressed his serious concern at the expected extension of the state of emergency to the whole territory.

Mr Hammarberg also criticised the decision to criminalise migrants’ entry and irregular stay. He sees this as a worrying departure from established international law principles. “These measures may make it more difficult for refugees to ask for asylum and is likely to result in a further social stigmatisation and marginalisation of all migrants - including Roma,” he said.

Commissioner Hammarberg also noted with grave concern that Italy had forcibly returned migrants to certain countries with proven records of torture. Referring in particular to the case of a Tunisian citizen expelled by order of the Minister of Interior, under the law on emergency measures to combat terrorism, Mr Hammarberg again opposed such decisions taken on the basis of diplomatic assurances. He also recalled that when individuals facing deportation have applied to the European Court of Human Rights, states must comply with any request by the Court to suspend deportation pending its examination of the case “The right of individual application is a cornerstone of the European system of human rights protection.” he said.

Finally, the Commissioner urged the Italian authorities to proceed promptly to the establishment of an effective national human rights institution, in order to reinforce the system of protection in the country.

The report has been submitted in draft form to the Italian government which in turn responded with comments. The full reply from the government is appended to the final version of the Commissioner’s report. It is available on the Commissioner’s website

Press contact:
Stefano Montanari, tel: +33 (0)6 61 14 70 37, stefano.montanari@...

* * *

The Commissioner for Human Rights is an independent, non-judicial institution within the Council of Europe, mandated to promote awareness of, and respect for, human rights in the 47 member States of the Organisation. Elected by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the present Commissioner, Mr Thomas Hammarberg, took up his function on 1 April 2006.

Council of Europe Press Division
Tel: +33 (0)3 88 41 25 60
Fax:+33 (0)3 88 41 39 11
pressunit@...

www.coe.int/press


=== FRANCAIS ===

https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=PR558(2008)&Language=lanFrench&Ver=original&Site=DC&BackColorInternet=F5CA75&BackColorIntranet=F5CA75&BackColorLogged=A9BACE

Communiqué de presse - 558(2008)

Italie : « La définition d’une politique d'immigration doit prendre en compte les exigences des droits de l’homme et pas seulement des considérations sécuritaires », déclare le Commissaire Hammarberg

Strasbourg, 29.07.2008 – « Une politique d'immigration ne peut être seulement inspirée par des préoccupations sécuritaires. La valorisation des droits fondamentaux et des principes humanitaires est largement absente des mesures prises, en ce moment-même en Italie, qui risquent d’aggraver le climat de xénophobie ». C'est ainsi que Thomas Hammarberg, Commissaire aux droits de l'homme du Conseil de l'Europe, a commenté la publication de son rapport sur une mission spéciale menée à Rome les 19 et 20 juin derniers. Cette visite faisait suite à des manifestations, parfois très violentes, contre les Roms et les Sinti dans le pays. Elle s’inscrivait également dans le contexte de l’adoption ou de la préparation dans des délais très brefs d’une législation permettant d’introduire des contrôles renforcés de la liberté de mouvement des Roms et des Sinti, de pénaliser l’immigration irrégulière et de durcir les restrictions à l’immigration.

Le Commissaire a fait part de son inquiétude au sujet du “paquet législatif de sécurité”, qui donne toutes les apparences de viser les immigrés roms, et de la proclamation de l'état d'urgence dans trois régions d'Italie.  « Les Roms et les Sinti ont un urgent besoin d'une protection effective de leurs droits de l’homme, et en particulier de leurs droits sociaux tels que ceux à un logement décent et à l'éducation », a-t-il ajouté.  « Le recours à l'état d'urgence et les pouvoirs étendus conférés aux "commissaires spéciaux" et à la police ne sont pas la bonne approche pour répondre aux besoins des populations roms et sinti. » En remettant aujourd’hui son Memorandum, le Commissaire s’est dit préoccupé par la généralisation attendue de l’état d’urgence à tout le pays.

M. Hammarberg a par ailleurs critiqué la décision de qualifier en infraction pénale l’entrée et le séjour clandestins des immigrés. Il y voit un inquiétant éloignement des principes de droit international. « Ces mesures peuvent compliquer les demandes d’asile des réfugiés. De plus, elles risquent d’ajouter encore à la stigmatisation et à la marginalisation sociales des immigrés, y compris des Roms », a-t-il poursuivi.

Le Commissaire Hammarberg est également inquiet par le rapatriement de force d’immigrés vers certains pays où la torture est attestée. Evoquant en particulier l'affaire d’un ressortissant tunisien expulsé sur ordre du Ministre de l'Intérieur dans le cadre de la loi sur les mesures d’urgence pour combattre le terrorisme, M. Hammarberg s’est une nouvelle fois opposé à des décisions de ce type prises sur la base d’assurances diplomatiques. Il a rappelé par ailleurs que lorsque des individus risquant l’expulsion introduisent un recours devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme, les Etats doivent se soumettre à toute requête de la Cour de suspendre la déportation, dans l’attente d’un examen de la requête. « Le droit de recours individuel est un des fondements du système européen de protection des droits de l'homme».

Enfin, le Commissaire a pressé les autorités italiennes de rapidement mettre en place une institution nationale efficace des droits de l'homme, afin de renforcer le système de protection dans le pays.

Le rapport avait été soumis au gouvernement italien à l’état de projet. Ce dernier y a répondu en formulant ses commentaires. La réponse intégrale du gouvernement figure en annexe de la version finale du rapport du Commissaire. Ce dernier est disponible sur le site Internet du Commissaire.

Contact presse:
Stefano Montanari, tel: +33 (0)6 61 14 70 37, stefano.montanari@...

* * *

Le Commissaire aux droits de l’homme est une institution indépendante et non judiciaire du Conseil de l’Europe. Il a pour mandat de promouvoir la sensibilisation aux droits de l’homme et le respect de ces droits dans les 47 Etats membres. Elu par l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe, M. Hammarberg, l’actuel Commissaire, a pris ses fonctions le 1er avril 2006.

Division de la Presse du Conseil de l’Europe
Tel: +33 (0)3 88 41 25 60
Fax:+33 (0)3 88 41 39 11
pressunit@...

www.coe.int/press




Siehe auch:

»Srebrenica ist Teil einer größeren Tragödie«
Radovan Karadzic wird vor UN-Tribunal wegen Völkermord angeklagt. Serbophobie macht fairen Prozeß in Den Haag unmöglich. 
Ein Gespräch mit Phillip Corwin
Von Cathrin Schütz
junge Welt (Berlin) - 31.07.2008


===


junge Welt (Berlin)

31.07.2008 / Schwerpunkt / Seite 3

Kriegsgegner in Den Haag


Das Jugoslawien-Tribunal hat nichts mit Verbrechensaufarbeitung und Gerechtigkeit zu tun. Die NATO läßt dort ihren eigenen Krieg als »gerecht« absegnen

Klaus Hartmann

Mit der Überstellung von Radovan Karadzic an das Den Haager Sondertribunal hat die neue serbische Regierung einen Beweis ihrer Unterwürfigkeit gegenüber den USA, der EU und der NATO geliefert. Deren permanente Auslieferungsforderungen an Belgrad haben nichts mit dem heuchlerisch zur Schau gestellten Wunsch nach Verbrechens­aufarbeitung und Gerechtigkeit zu tun. Sie sollen die Propaganda von der »serbischen Hauptschuld« im jugoslawischen Bürgerkrieg untermauern, mit der die westlichen Mächte ihren Zerstörungskrieg gegen Jugoslawien getarnt und gerechtfertigt haben. 

Der westlichen Bevölkerung soll erneut eingetrichtert werden, diesen Krieg als einen Kampf von Gut gegen Böse aufzufassen. Wobei die Serben das Böse verkörpern, deren Ziel »Großserbien« gewesen sei, und deren Weg dorthin über »ethnische Säuberungen«, Massenvergewaltigungen, Folter, Konzentrationslager, Massaker und Völkermord führte. Dieses angebliche »Großserbien« ist bereits eine irreführende Propagandaformel, da es den Serben immer um die Erhaltung eines multinationalen und multikulturellen Jugoslawiens gegangen ist, in dem auch die Serben verschiedener Republiken in einem Staat zusammenleben können. Genau die Zerstörung dieses gemeinsamen Staates war das Kriegsziel der Westmächte, und daher waren die Serben als ihre entschiedenen Gegner »schuldig«.

Die Einrichtung des Den Haager Sondertribunals für Jugoslawien diente und dient genau diesem Propagandazweck der NATO, ihre Kriegsgegner zu kriminalisieren, und den eigenen Krieg als »gerecht« heiligsprechen zu lassen. Dabei soll vergessen gemacht werden, daß das Sondertribunal kein UN-Gericht, sondern illegal ist, da es unter Bruch der UN-Charta vom hierfür nicht zuständigen Sicherheitsrat ins Leben gerufen wurde, und weil sein Budget nicht ausschließlich aus UN-Mitteln, sondern überwiegend von westlichen Medienkonzernen finanziert wird.

Der seit dem Bosnien-Krieg hierzulande nur als »Serbenführer« apostrophierte Radovan Karadzic ist das Opfer der Dämonisierung der serbischen Rolle im gewaltsamen Auseinanderbrechen Jugoslawiens. In dieser Propaganda kommen serbische Opfer ebenso wenig vor wie jene Zehntausende bosnische Muslime, die während des Bürgerkrieges Zuflucht »ausgerechnet« in der Republik Serbien suchten und fanden.

Deshalb werden auch die Opfer von Srebrenica, »bis zu 8000«, ausschließlich als wehrlose bosnisch-muslimische Männer und Jungen bezeichnet, aber die darunter befindlichen über 1000 serbischen Opfer nicht wahrgenommen. Ignoriert wird ebenso, daß von den »bis zu 8000« Toten einige tausend später an anderen Orten wieder ihr Wahlrecht ausübten, was Ende 1995 zu einer Wahlbeteiligung von sage und schreibe 103 Prozent der bosnischen Muslime führte.

Die »Unvoreingenommenheit« des Haager Sondertribunals wurde mit der Weigerung deutlich, Ermittlungen gegen die NATO wegen ihres völkerrechtswidrigen Überfalls auf Jugoslawien 1999 einzuleiten, geschweige denn Anklage zu erheben. Was niemand verwundert, der aus dem Munde des damaligen NATO-Sprechers Jamie Shea hörte, die NATO sei »die Freundin des Gerichts«.

Auch aus seiner Feindbildfixiertheit auf die Serben machte dieses saubere Gericht nie einen Hehl. Nachdem es Anklagen gegen die Separatisten-Chefs Alija Izetbegovic und Hashim Thaci nie in Erwägung zog, wurden nach Jahren zumindest Kriminelle aus der zweiten Reihe angeklagt: Naser Oric, Kommandant und Schlächter von Srebrenica, hat nachgewiesenerweise 1300 getötete Serben und 192 niedergebrannte Dörfer auf seinem Schuldkonto. Obwohl er ausländischen Reportern stolz seine »Kriegstrophäen« zeigte, Videos mit abgeschnittenen Köpfen, verbrannte und erschossene Serben, abgebrannte Häuser und Leichenberge, sprach ihn das Haager »Gericht« vor vier Wochen frei.

Die Haager Anklagebehörde versuchte, den jugoslawischen Präsidenten Slobodan Milosevic mangels anderer substantieller Vorwürfe für Verbrechen in Bosnien verantwortlich zu machen: Die Führung der bosnischen Serben hätte unter seiner Kontrolle gestanden. Milosevic, dessen Anliegen nicht seine persönliche Verteidigung war, sondern die Verteidigung des serbischen Volkes gegen die NATO-Lügen, verwandte nicht viel Zeit auf die leichte Widerlegung dieser These, der sogar Zeugen der »Anklage« widersprachen. Er trat der Dämonisierung der bosnischen Serben und Karadzics entgegen, ungeachtet der erheblichen politischen Differenzen, die er bekanntlich mit diesem erklärten Antikommunisten gehabt hatte.

Mit der Auslieferung Karadzics an die NATO-gesteuerte Haager Kolonialbehörde hat die Belgrader Regierung ihre Bereitschaft erklärt, unter Preisgabe der nationalen Würde und Souveränität den NATO-Feinden Gehorsam zu leisten. Die Zustimmung des neuen serbischen Innenministers Ivica Dacic, Vorsitzender der Sozialistischen Partei Serbiens, zum Auslieferungsbeschluß besiegelt den Verrat am Völkerrecht, den Interessen der jugoslawischen Völker und am Vermächtnis von Slobodan Milosevic.

Der Autor ist Vorsitzender des Internationalen Komitees für die Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic und Sprecher der deutschen Sektion


===

http://www.jungewelt.de/2008/07-31/060.php

junge Welt (Berlin)

31.07.2008 / Schwerpunkt / Seite 3

Hintergrund. Hauptanklagepunkte gegen Karadzic



Der erste Präsident der bosnischen Republika Srpska, Radovan Karadzic, wird vor dem UN-Tribunal für das ehemalige Jugoslawien (ICTY) in Den Haag wegen Völkermordes, Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit angeklagt. Das Ad-hoc-Gericht wirft ihm vor, während des Bürgerkrieges in Bosnien-Herzegowina zwischen 1992 und 1995 zusammen mit dem bosnisch-serbischen Armeechef Ratko Mladic einen Plan zur »ethnischen Säuberung« bestimmter Gebiete der ehemaligen jugoslawischen Teilrepublik erarbeitet zu haben. Zur Verwirklichung ihres Ziels eines »Großserbiens« hätten sie einen Aktionsplan in Gang gesetzt, der mit »Verfolgungen und Terrortaktiken« verbunden gewesen sei. 

Die bisherige Anklagepraxis in Den Haag trägt den antiserbischen Ressentiments im Westen während der Bürgerkriege auf dem Balkan Rechnung. Von serbischer Seite sind bisher drei frühere Staatsoberhäupter in Haager Zellen gelandet – die bosnisch-serbische Präsidentin Biljana Plavsic, der serbische Präsident Milan Milutinovic und der im März 2006 verstorbene jugoslawische Präsident Slobodan Milosevic. Das Sondertribunal hat weder kroatische noch bosnisch-muslimische Spitzenpolitiker, etwa die Präsidenten Franjo Tudjman und Alija Izetbegovic, jemals angeklagt. 

Die Deutsche Sektion des Internationalen Komitees für die Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) verurteilte am Mittwoch die Auslieferung Karadzics an das Sondertribunal und erklärte sich solidarisch mit allen seinen politischen Gefangenen. »Sie sind Opfer des Krieges gegen Jugoslawien und der Dämonisierung des serbischen Volkes, mit deren Hilfe die wahren Schuldigen an der jugoslawischen Tragödie unerkannt bleiben sollen«, hieß es in der Stellungnahme. Das ICDSM fordert die »unverzügliche Auflösung des völkerrechtswidrigen Tribunals« und die »Freilassung aller seiner politischen und Kriegsgefangenen«. 

(jW)




RITORNA VINCITOR


Dopo 30 anni di detenzione negli USA, il terrorista ustascia Zvonko Busic è rientrato nella sua Croazia.
Nel 1976 si era reso responsabile di un tentativo di dirottamento aereo, causando la morte di un agente di polizia e l'accecamento di un altro all'aereoporto di New York.
L'azione - come tantissime altre commesse dagli ustascia esuli all'estero in quegli anni - aveva come obiettivo quello di attirare l'attenzione pubblica sulla causa croata.
Oggi Busic torna in Croazia da trionfatore, essendo stato conseguito l'obiettivo per cui lui ed i suoi camerati all'estero avevano commesso crimini nel corso della guerra fredda: la distruzione della Jugoslavia e la instaurazione di uno Stato etnico croato.
Come nel caso del Kosovo, anche nel caso della Croazia l'Occidente ha premiato il terrorismo fascista.
(a cura di Italo Slavo per JUGOINFO)

---


Croat terrorist back to Croatia after serving 30 years in US


ZAGREB, Croatia - A Croatian news agency says a
convicted plane hijacker is returning to Croatia after
serving 30 years in jail in the United States.

The state-run agency HINA quoted the wife of Zvonko
Busic as saying he would return Thursday after being
granted parole for hijacking a TWA flight in 1976.

Busic led the group of hijackers to draw attention to
Croatia's struggle for independence from communist
Yugoslavia and later surrendered.

But a bomb they stashed in a locker at New York's
Grand Central Terminal exploded when police tried to
defuse it, killing one officer and blinding a second.

Busic, revered by some in Croatia as a hero, was
convicted in 1977 of air piracy and granted parole
earlier this month.




Strategic Culture Foundation
July 28, 2008

The Hague: A Lethally Dangerous Place

Alexander Mezyaev* 


It was announced on July 21 that one of the main
suspects wanted by the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the former President
of Republika Srpska Radovan Karadzic had been arrested
in Belgrade. 

The first indictment against Karadzic was issued by
the ICTY prosecutor R. Goldstone in November, 1995. 

The charges included 36 counts such as genocide,
complicity in genocide, killings, persecutions,
deportations, inhumane acts, terror against civilian
population, and the taking of hostages. However, the
new ICTY prosecutor Carla Del Ponte subsequently
changed the indictment, leaving only 11 counts. 

Interestingly, the ICTY had in fact pronounced a
judgment on Karadzic already in July, 1996. 

When the ICTY rules were drafted at the early phase of
its existence, controversy arose over the procedure
allowing for trials in absentia, that is, without the
accused being physically present before the Tribunal. 

A number of judges strongly objected to the option
while others deemed it necessary. Rule 61, formally
regarded as the procedure of reviewing charges by the
Tribunal, was adopted as a compromise. 

In reality, the procedure is a lot more unfair than
the previously proposed trials without the accused
being present, as the latter would at least provide
for the participation of defense in the process. 

On the contrary, Procedure 61 does not imply any
involvement of defense even formally. Karadzic was
indicted on July 11, 1996 on all counts in accord with
Rule 611. The hearings took only 7 days, and the
decision was made in just 2 (!) days. 

Indicting Karadzic was a matter of enormous importance
to the ICTY due to the fact that the Tribunal's
interpretation of responsibility was based on the
theory of “a joint criminal enterprise”. 

According to it, the guilt of the accused could be
assumed proven in case there allegedly existed the
enterprise and the individual was involved in it. 

The concept was introduced by a US judge in the
beginning of the Tribunal's activity to make it
possible to prove cases lacking any kind of supporting
evidence. 

Thus Karadzic, who was not only portrayed as a kind of
demon by the mass media but also had been indicted by
the Tribunal without a trial, turned into “evidence”
against other accused individuals. 

It may be hard to imagine, but bracketing Karadzic
with “a group of criminals who acted in concert” was
presented as evidence proving the guilt of Yugoslavian
President Milosevic! 

The allegation that over 7,000 Bosnian Muslims were
killed in Srebrenica in July, 1995 by the forces of
Republika Srpska which were under the command of
Karadzic as the Republic's President, was the main
charge against him. 

Though several trials related to the events in
Srebrenica have taken place at the Tribunal between
1996 and 2008 and, due to vigorous media campaigns,
the very word Srebrenica became a synonym of the
“Serbian atrocity”, the trials actually failed to
confirm the version of the events. 

Of course, the ICTY did “establish” that genocide
against Muslims had been committed in Srebrenica and
laid the guilt for it on the leaders of Republika
Srpska, but a review of the evidence on which the
conclusion was based easily reveals that the resulting
sentences are unfair and rely on hypotheses,
guesswork, and in some instances on downright
falsifications. 

Even the fact of mass killings of civilians in the
form in which it has been “established” by the ICTY
remains unconfirmed. 

Though the notion that over 7,000 Muslim men and boys
have been killed in Srebrenica is now commonly
accepted, no evidence to the effect has been presented
to the Tribunal. 

Only 1,500 of the mythic 7,000 burials were found, but
some 1,000 of the people died in combat and could not
be counted as civilians. 

As for the extent of responsibility of particular
individuals, the situation is even obscurer. 

A number of people, particularly Gen. R. Krstic and V.
Blagojevic, were found guilty solely on the basis of
testimony given by other individuals who initially had
been tried together with them. 

For example, somebody, Miroslav Deronjic, agreed to
testify against others and said they planned genocide,
but did so in return for dropping genocide charges
against himself.

Deronjic also testified against Milosevic who was
charged with genocide in Srebrenica. 

The centerpiece of Deronjic's testimony was his
statement that Karadzic “told to kill them all”. 

That was all the evidence available, but it was deemed
convincing enough to find Milosevic guilty of genocide
as it was concluded earlier that Milosevic had been in
the same “criminal enterprise” with Karadzic. As for
Deronjic, upon having played his role he was sentenced
to 10 years and died last year in jail in Holland. 

The case of Drazen Erdemovic, who had personally
executed over a hundred civilians, was no less absurd.

Murder charges against him were dropped as a reward
for his saying that he killed people on the orders
issued by the leaders of Republika Srpska.

Milosevic completely disproved Erdemovic's testimony
during a cross-examination, but the Tribunal has no
concerns over the truthfulness of witnesses'
testimonies as it is fully aware that those are
actually false. No doubt, Erdemovic is going to be the
key witness in case Karadzic is tried by the ICTY. 

The defense phase of another trial related to
Srebrenica – the Popovic case involving a total of 9
people – continues, but it is already equally clear
that the Tribunal failed to prove the guilt of any of
the accused and that they are not going to be
acquitted. 

The purpose of the Tribunal is not to serve justice
but to legitimize the falsified version of history
written with the blood of the victims of the forces
which had destroyed Yugoslavia, that is, the US and
other NATO countries. 

A circumstance that should not be overlooked is that
Karadzic was arrested at the time when, as planned by
the UN Security Council, the Tribunal is about to
close. 

According to the plan, all trials must be completed by
the end of 2008, and all appeals must be processed by
the end of 2010. 

It is obvious at the moment that the schedule will not
materialize. 

Some of the trials are at the very early phase (for
example, the trial of Serbian Radical Party's
President Vojislav Seselj) and others have not even
commenced nor are going to open in the nearest future.

Russia addressed the situation by suggesting not to
extend the Tribunal's mandate and to transfer the
currently open proceedings to national jurisdictions. 

It is clear in the context that the arrest of Karadzic
can benefit the ICTY. 

Notably, the Tribunal is the costliest institution run
by the UN. 

The salaries of its judges are orders of magnitude
higher than those of the presidents of Western
countries. 

The exact salaries of the ICTY judges and prosecutors
are kept secret, but one can guess a lot from the fact
that minor ICTY attorneys are paid Euro 30,000 a
month. 

The end of the Tribunal would be a personal drama for
its employees. 

Russia's suggestion to transfer incomplete cases to
national courts is not a problem-free solution either.

Does Karadzic have a chance to stand fair trial in
Bosnia where the case would belong as the alleged
crimes were committed in its territory? No doubt, no
fair trial of Karadzic can be expected in the Hague
either, but there at least the process would be
watched by the whole world. 

In case the trial of Karadzic takes place, it is going
to be a serious challenge for the ICTY. 

Until recently, the Tribunal was not exactly eager to
see him arrested and brought to trial. 

Carla Del Ponte's recent scandalous book has
overshadowed the no less interesting one written by
her former press-secretary Florence Hartmann, in which
she describes “strange” developments related to
Karadzic’s and Mladic’s cases. 

For example, she claims that Jacques Chirac has
brokered a deal to never try Karadzic in return for
the release of French officers. 

A lot of things referred to in this book, if presented
at a trial, could hurt high-ranking politicians in the
US and other NATO countries. 

It appears likely that the trial will either never
start or never be completed. The destiny that awaits
Karadzic, considering how much he knows, can be the
same as that of Yugoslavian President S. Milosevic and
Serbian Krajina's President M. Babic – doctors in the
Hague jail are known to easily declare that the deaths
of inmates have been natural.


*Prof. Alexander B. Mezyaev is the Head of the
International Law Department at the Administration
Academy (Kazan') 


(english / deutsch)

Karadzics Festnahme

1) KKE: The Serbian government gave in to the pressure of EU and USA
2) Moskau ruft den Gerichtshof in Den Haag auf, in seiner Tätigkeit auf die Anlegung doppelter Maßstäbe zu verzichten (Voice of Russia)
3) Karadzics Kopf - EU-Eintrittspreis für Serbien (RIA Novosti)
4) Der Westen triumphiert (R. Göbel, junge Welt)
5) Karadzic’s judges appointed (Russia Today)
6) The executioner and Elodia (Adevarul, Romania)
7) INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL LOSING FACE (Voice of Russia)
8) Russia accuses the international tribunal for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia of exercising double standards (Voice of Russia)


=== 1 ===

From: Communist Party of Greece, Friday, July 25, 2008
==================================================

Communist Party of Greece

The Serbian government gave in to the pressure of EU and USA

The Press Bureau of the Central Committee of KKE made the following comment on the arrest of R. Karadzic:

"The new government of Serbia having submitted to the pressure exerted by EU and USA arrested and is about to extradite Radovan Karadzic to the illegal and discredited -as it has been proved- Hague Tribunal. It is the Tribunal that is responsible for the arresting and for the death of the former president of Yugoslavia Milosevic who had the courage to oppose to the NATO war against his country.
The General Secretary of NATO as well the Prime Ministers of the north Atlantic alliance who were in duty in 1998 are those who should have been put under accusation for mass crimes against the peoples of Yugoslavia, for the secession of Kosovo, for the rising of nationalism and the new threats against peace. The imperialist domination in Balkans breeds poverty, unemployment and hunger for the majority of the people. 
The other results are states "protectorate", NATO occupation forces, secession acts, chauvinism, endless nationalistic disputes and new war threats in the region.
KKE calls upon the workers to intensify their anti-imperialist struggle, to cancel the imperialist policy everywhere in the Balkans, in FYROM, in Kosovo or in Cyprus. No terrorist measure can stop the peoples struggle.


=== 2 ===


Moskau ruft den Gerichtshof in Den Haag auf, in seiner Tätigkeit auf
die Anlegung doppelter Maßstäbe zu verzichten

Moskau hat den Internationalen Gerichtshof in den Haag zur Ahndung von
Kriegsverbrechen im ehemaligen Jugoslawien aufgefordert, in seiner
Tätigkeit auf die Anlegung doppelter Maßstäbe zu verzichten. Das
erklärte der amtliche Sprecher des russischen Außenministeriums im
Zusammenhang mit der Festnahme des früheren Führers der bosnischen
Serben Radovan Karadžić;. Näheres hierzu im Beitrag von Wjatscheslaw
Solowjow.

Bereits vor 13 Jahren wurde er in Abwesenheit vom Gerichtshof in Den
Haag wegen Kriegsverbrechen angeklagt, die während des Kriegs in
Bosnien und Herzegowina verübt wurden. Doch es ist bekannt, dass in
jenem Krieg, wie übrigens auch bei anderen bewaffneten Zusammenstößen
auf dem Territorium des früheren Jugoslawiens, weder die Serben noch
die bosnischen Muslime oder die Kroaten einander leiden konnten. Die
Tatsachen der von einer jeden dieser drei Seiten verübten Verbrechen
sind gut bekannt. Doch bis in die Gegenwart ist allein Radovan
Karadžić angeklagt. Es ist auch gut bekannt, dass der Gerichtshof in
Den Haag darin, was die ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Angeklagten
betrifft, voreingenommen ist. In den Jahren seiner Tätigkeit hat das
Gericht etwa einhundert Serben, 25 Kroaten, 9 bosnische Muslime und 8
Albaner zur Verantwortung gezogen. Daraus ergibt sich die eindeutige
Schlussfolgerung, dass man allein die Serben für alles verantwortlich
macht, was auf dem Balkan geschehen ist.

Übrigens wurden die serbischen Behörden im Zusammenhang mit der
Festnahme von Radovan Karadžić aus Washington bereits gelobt und
beglückwünscht, ebenso aus mehreren europäischen Hauptstädten.
Indessen beobachtet die Hälfte der serbischen Gesellschaft verbittert
das Geschehen, meint sie doch, dass das offizielle Belgrad faktisch
mit seiner Souveränität Handel treibe. Zudem betrachten viele Menschen
den früheren Führer der bosnischen Serben als eine heldenhafte Figur.
In diesem Zusammenhang erklärte Borislaw Milošević – der Bruder des im
Den Haager Gefängnis während des Gerichtsprozesses auf geheimnisvolle
Weise ums Leben gekommenen ehemaligen Präsidenten Jugoslawiens
Slobodan Milošević – Folgendes:

„Der Den Haager Gerichtshof ist eine antiserbische Institution. Er
verurteilt hauptsächlich nur Serben. Dieser Gerichtshof muss
geschlossen werden. Denn er ist immer noch ein Druckhebel gegen
Belgrad und unser Volk."

Übrigens hatte selbst die frühere Hauptanklägerin dieses Gerichtshofes
Carla del Ponte, der oft die Anlegung doppelter Maßstäbe vorgeworfen
wurde, in ihrem vor kurzem erschienenen Buch zugegeben, dass der
Internationale Gerichtshof oft vor offenkundigen Fakten von Verbrechen
die Augen geschlossen hatte, wenn sie nicht von Serben begangen
wurden. So zum Beispiel hatte man die Augen vor der Tatsache
verschlossen, dass im Kosovo mehr als 300 Serben entführt wurden, die
von den albanischen Kämpfern dann planmäßig getötet wurden, um ihre
inneren Organe für Implantationen zu verkaufen. Der Gerichtshof hat
jedoch keine Untersuchung dieser Tatsachen eingeleitet.

23.07.2008


=== 3 ===


Karadzics Kopf - EU-Eintrittspreis für Serbien

23/07/2008 11:36 MOSKAU, 23. Juli (Andrej Fedjaschin, RIA Novosti).

Vor dem Internationalen Tribunal für Ex-Jugoslawien wird demnächst ein neuer
Top-Angeklagter stehen: Radovan Karadzic.

Für den prowestlich orientierten serbischen Präsidenten Boris Tadic gibt es
keinen Grund, ihn nicht an Den Haag auszuliefern. Ein Prozess gegen Karadzic in
Serbien kommt nicht in Frage: Dies wäre sogar gefährlich.

Seine proeuropäische Einstellung hatte Tadic bereits während seines
Wahlkampfes proklamiert. Diese Politik lässt sich aber nur verwirklichen, wenn
die "Bösewichte" aus dem letzten Balkan-Krieg ausfindig gemacht und an das
Tribunal ausgeliefert werden.

Angesichts der kläglichen Wirtschaftslage Serbiens (die Nato-Bombenangriffe
haben dabei nicht die letzte Rolle gespielt) kann Serbien ohne EU-Unterstützung
mit nichts rechnen. Eine Alternative zum europäischen Weg wäre ein weiteres
Abgleiten in die Rolle eines politischen und wirtschaftlichen Schurkenstaats
unter den ehemaligen jugoslawischen Brüdern und Schwestern, die entweder
bereits in der Nato sind oder an der Schwelle zu einem Nato-Beitritt stehen.

Die ganze Entwicklung um Serbien und Kosovo hat bereits gezeigt, dass es für
Russland kein Platz auf dem Balkan gibt. Aber auch Russland selbst hatte
Jugoslawien und Serbien in Zeiten Gorbatschows und Jelzins mehr als einmal im
Stich gelassen. Insofern hofft heute kaum jemand noch in Serbien auf Russland.

Aber auch Moskau müsste bei seiner Solidarität mit Belgrad umsichtiger sein.
Immerhin schickt Serbien bereits wieder seine Botschafter zurück in die
westlichen Staaten, die die Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo anerkannt haben. Nun
steht es bereits an der Schwelle zur EU. Ein Nato-Beitritt wäre nur eine Frage
der Zeit.

Markanterweise wurde Karadzic kurz vor einem EU-Außenministertreffen in
Brüssel gefasst, bei dem es darum gehen soll, ob Serbien eine Einladung in die
Europäische Gemeinschaft bekommt oder nicht. Die EU-Anforderung an Serbien war
eindeutig: Der Beitritt kommt nur in Frage, wenn Serbien bei der Suche nach
Karadzic und dem Chef der serbischen Streitkräfte in Bosnien-Herzegowina,
General Ratko Mladic, seine Unterstützung erweisen würde.

Nun hat der EU-Außenbeauftragte Javier Solana bereits die Hoffnung geäußert,
dass das Tribunal das Mitmachen Belgrads nach Gebühr schätzen und seine
Zustimmung für ein EU-Serbien-Abkommen geben wird.

Die Entscheidung des Tribunals scheint schon vorausbestimmt zu sein. Die Anklage
gegen Karadzic wegen Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen war bereits 1995 erhoben
worden, am 24. Juli 1996 wurde ein Haftbefehl erteilt.

Karadzic wird beschuldigt, ein Massaker gegen Moslems in der Stadt Srebrenica
organisiert zu haben. Die genaue Zahl der Opfer ist aber nicht bekannt.
Westliche Medien sprechen von 6 000 bis 8 000 Toten, in Srebrenica selbst sind 2
907 Personen beigesetzt worden.

Das Tribunal hat ein großes Problem mit dem Eintreiben von Zeugenaussagen. Ihm
stehen keine nationalen Justizorgane zur Verfügung, deshalb ist es nicht
zuletzt auf Medienbeiträge angewiesen. Übrigens: In der Anklage gegen Karadzic
wird nicht eine einzige Opferzahl erwähnt.

Wie alle zentralen Figuren des zehnjährigen blutigen Dramas des
Jugoslawien-Zerfalls ist der 63-jährige Diplom-Psychiater und Lyriker Karadzic
eine äußerst widersprüchliche Figur. Für die meisten bosnischen Serben und
einen großen Teil der Serben in Serbien ist er ein Held und ein flammender
Kämpfer für deren Rechte.

Für die bosnischen Moslems und die Kroaten ist er die Verkörperung des Bösen.
Das Merkwürdige am Tribunal in Den Haag besteht aber darin, dass eine der
Seiten im Voraus für schuldig erklärt wird. Rund 90 Prozent der Angeklagten in
den Den Haager Prozessen sind Serben.

Die Meinung des Verfassers muss nicht mit der von RIA Novosti übereinstimmen.


=== 4 ===


junge Welt (Berlin)

23.07.2008 / Titel / Seite 1Inhalt

Der Westen triumphiert

Von Rüdiger Göbel

Die Verhaftung des früheren Präsidenten der bosnischen Serben Radovan Karadzic läßt Spitzenpolitiker in den NATO-Mitgliedsländern wahre Jubelgesänge anstimmen. In Deutschland, das Anfang der 1990er Jahre mit der Anerkennung von Kroatien, Slowenien und Bosnien-Herzegowina die blutigen Bürgerkriege im ehemaligen Jugoslawien mit ausgelöst hatte, zeigte sich Kanzlerin Angela Merkel (CDU) am Dienstag über die Erfolgsmeldung aus Belgrad zufrieden. Die Festnahme von Karadzic sei ein »historischer Augenblick« und eine »gute Nachricht für den gesamten Balkan«. Die Opfer dürften wissen, so Merkel weiter, »massive Menschenrechtsverletzungen bleiben nicht ungestraft«. Bundesaußenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier wertete die lange eingeforderte Verhaftung als »Meilenstein« in den Beziehungen zwischen Serbien und der EU. Der Sozialdemokrat mahnte die Regierung in Belgrad, nun auch den gesuchten früheren Befehlshaber der bosnisch-serbischen Armee, Ratko Mladic, festzusetzen und an das UN-Tribunal in Den Haag zu überstellen.

Zufrieden zeigten sich ebenso die USA, die während des Bürgerkrieges in Bosnien-Herzegowina (1992–1995) die Muslime gegen die Serben militärisch aufgerüstet und trainiert hatten. Das Weiße Haus erklärte, den Opfern der Kriegsgreuel könne am besten »gehuldigt« werden, indem die Schuldigen zur Verantwortung gezogen würden. Der frühere US-Balkanbeauftragte Richard Holbrooke behauptete, ein »großer Verbrecher« sei »von der öffentlichen Bühne entfernt« worden. Karadzic sei der »Osama bin Laden Europas«. Wa­shingtons Berufsdiplomat hatte während des Krieges in Bosnien mit der Bombardierung der serbischen Hauptstadt Belgrad gedroht. 1998 hatte er die politische Aufwertung der Kosovo-Separatistenguerilla UCK betrieben und damit den Boden für den völkerrechtswidrigen NATO-Krieg gegen Jugoslawien im Folgejahr bereitet. Das Internetlexikon Wikipedia merkt zu dem US-Spitzenpolitiker zudem an: »In den 1970er Jahren war Holbrooke US-Berater in Indonesien. Es gibt Berichte, nach denen Holbrooke aktiv die brutale Invasion Jakartas in Osttimor unterstützte, die mit militärischer Hilfe der USA ausgeführt wurde. Einige Kritiker werfen Holbrooke in diesem Zusammenhang vor, mitverantwortlich für den Tod von 200000 Timoresen zu sein.«

Zurück zur Karadzic-Verhaftung, die gestern erwartungsgemäß auch von der NATO begrüßt wurde. Der Generalsekretär der westlichen Militärallianz, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, würdigte das »bedeutende Zusammenwirken« der serbischen Behörden mit dem Haager Tribunal. Notwendig sei jetzt noch die Festnahme von Ratko Mladic. Die ­NATO hatte im Sommer 1995 mit massiven Luftangriffen gegen dessen Truppen in den Bürgerkrieg zugunsten der bosnischen Muslime interveniert. Danach wurden Karadzic und Mladic vom Haager Tribunal wegen Völkermord, Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit angeklagt und international zur Fahndung ausgeschrieben. Vor knapp drei Wochen erst, am 3. Juli, war der frühere muslimische Stadtkommandant von Srebrenica, der als »Serbenschlächter in Bosnien« gefürchtete Naser Oric vom selben Gerichtshof freigesprochen worden.


=== 5 ===


Russia Today
July 26, 2008

Karadzic’s judges appointed

-“We have evidence and three witnesses who were there
on July 18. Someone will have a lot of explaining to
do about why they lied to us and the world public
about the date of Radovan Karadzic's arrest.” 
-“That’s a demonstration of force, that’s the
democracy that the West is trying to implement here in
this region.” 

The Chairman of International Criminal Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), Fausto Pocar, has
already appointed the three judges who'll try the case
of Radovan Karadzic. They are Alphons Orie (presiding
judge), Christine Van Den Wyngaert and Bakone Moloto.

Meanwhile, Radovan Karadzic’s lawyer Sveta Vujacic
says his client won't be extradited to The Hague
before Wednesday, but the Serbian war crimes
prosecutor Vladimir Vukcevic says the former Bosnian
Serb leader could already be in the The Hague by
Monday evening.

Karadzic’s lawyer had previously said he would lodge
an appeal against his client’s extradition to The
Hague at the last minute on Friday evening, sending it
at 7.55pm by registered mail from a post-office in
Serbia: whether or not he actually did so is not known
at this moment.

Vujacic has also submitted papers at court in Belgrade
arguing that his client’s arrest didn’t follow correct
legal procedures. 

He says that despite official information that
Karadzic was arrested on Monday, he was detained on
Friday.

“We have evidence and three witnesses who were there
on July 18. Someone will have a lot of explaining to
do about why they lied to us and the world public
about the date of Radovan Karadzic's arrest,” said
Vujacic.

On their part, police are investigating how Karadzic
evaded capture for so long.

Radovan Karadzic has already said he will defend
himself in court, although lawyers who are close to
him have offered to do the job.

Sveta Vujacic is not only Karadzic’s lawyer but he’s
also a friend of the family, who has known Karadzic
for years, and he believes it is a very sad day for
Serbia because the country has accused and let down
another hero.

Karadzic’s family wants to arrive from Pale to be with
him. Two of his brothers have already visited him in
his detention cell.

One of them, Luka Karadzic, in an exclusive interview
to RT, said the High Representative of the
International Community in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Miroslav Lajcak, said he had made the decision that
the family should not be allowed to come to Belgrade.

“That’s a demonstration of force, that’s the democracy
that the West is trying to implement here in this
region,” Luka Karadzic said.

Miroslav Lajcak banned the family from leaving the
country because of suspicions they helped Karadzic
elude capture for 13 years.

Lajcak ordered local police to confiscate the travel
documents of Karadzic's wife Ljiljana Zelen-Karadzic,
son Aleksandar, daughter Sonja and son-in-law
Branislav Jovicic.
....
Meanwhile, Serbia’s President Boris Tadic has hailed
the arrest of Karadzic, saying anyone responsible for
crimes in the former Yugoslavia has to face justice.
He says his capture shows that those in power in
Serbia respect both national and international law.

Serbia's new government is to reinstate the
ambassadors it withdrew from EU countries that
recognised Kosovo’s independence. Belgrade believes
the move will speed up its bid to join the European
club. The Serbian ambassadors were recalled from those
countries who recognised Kosovo’s declaration of
independence in February.

Earlier Brussels had warned Serbia that it couldn’t
join the EU unless it handed over the war crimes
suspect.

Karadzic was on the run for more than a decade before
his arrest earlier this week on charges of genocide
and war crimes. It's been reported that he was
betrayed by people close to him.


=== 6 ===


Adevarul (Romania)
July 25, 2008

The executioner and Elodia

ADRIAN HALPERT 
Editorial Director 

[Edited. Elodia is a Romanian television soap opera.]

-[T]he first gun fire in the 1990s belonged to the
Croatian army, whose combatants [predecessors]
massacred 300,000 Serbians, 70,000 Jews and 30,000
Gypsies in the 1940s, the Jasenovac camp being second
only to the Auschwitz internment camp. 
-The conflict from the former Yugoslav area has deep
historical, religious and ethnic roots. 
And it deserves to be treated on the whole. 
Especially, in Romania, where we are not far, and not
unaware of these convulsions, about which we deceive
ourselves that they’ll be brought to an end through
Pax Americana. 

It’s a proof of the poor ideas that the Romanian press
is confronting in the field of international politics.

Almost without exception, Bucharest newspapers "raked
with machine-gun fire" pompous heads debating the
topic of the arrest of the former Bosnian Serb leader
Radovan Karadzic: "The monster", "the executioner"
,"the butcher", "Europe’s Osama"....

No shades, no explanations. 

It was foreseen that Romanian journalists, inhabitants
of the Balkans area, were to launch a series of
articles about the complexity of former Yugoslav area
phenomena. 

One can see with half an eye that it’s a lot easier to
"analyze" the Elodia soap opera or comment on Elena
Udrea’s outfit. 

After all, this is not to be blamed! 

Looks like the majority of the Romanian public is more
interested in Andreea Marin’ breasts, Mihaela
Radulescu’s cutting a dash or the love series between
Elena Basescu and Andrei Hrebenciuc. 

Still, we would have expected the press to handle this
topic in a more mature manner, for that segment of its
readers that goes above the line of a dress, instead
of copying the Western common rooms’ clichés.

Otherwise, the Romanian reader would have deserved to
know why the "executioner" Karadzic is, for many
Serbians, a hero. 

Why is it that the International Criminal Court for
the former Yugoslavia has only Serbians on the war
criminals list? 

Also, it should have been made public that in the
Balkans the so-beloved by Americans simplistic black
and white formula does not apply. 

Because there are many grey shades. 

Because the first gun fire in the 1990s belonged to
the Croatian army, whose combatants [predecessors]
massacred 300,000 Serbians, 70,000 Jews and 30,000
Gypsies in the 1940s, the Jasenovac camp being second
only to the Auschwitz internment camp. 

And that in the Balkans everybody had and still has a
bone to pick: Croatians with Serbians, Serbians with
Muslim Bosnians, Croatians with Muslim Bosnians,
Albanians with Serbians....Because the Muslim fighters
from Bosnia were not exactly saints, and Kosovo
Albanians all the worse. 

But, there you go, history remembers only the winners’
justice, and the world is in tune with their scores. 

The conflict from the former Yugoslav area has deep
historical, religious and ethnic roots. 

And it deserves to be treated on the whole. 

Especially, in Romania, where we are not far, and not
unaware of these convulsions, about which we deceive
ourselves that they’ll be brought to an end through
Pax Americana. 


=== 7 ===


Voice of Russia
July 25, 2008

INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL LOSING FACE
By Yuri Reshetnikov 

The arrest of Radovan Karadzic, the Bosnian Serb
leader accused of war crimes in Bosnia in the 1990s,
may become a major test for the overstaffed and costly
international court in The Hague that will try him. 

The UN-affiliated International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia has been plagued with problems
right from the start. 

Created by a 1993 UN resolution, the tribunal has
indicted 161 people in connection with the Balkans
wars of the 1990s, the worst violence in Europe since
World War Two. 

The court has a 310 million-dollar annual budget and
more than 1,100 employees from 82 countries. Critics
have accused it of being too expensive and
ineffective, bringing too few people to justice in
view of its vast resources. 

So far, the tribunal has convicted 56 people and
acquitted 10 others. 27 people are said to be
currently on trial, with a score of others being in
various stages of the pretrial or pre-appeal process. 

As to charges of the tribunal being too expensive,
about 12 percent of the budget goes to legal aid for
the accused and the tribunal, which is located 1,000
miles from where the crimes took place, has to spend
millions of dollars to conduct investigations. 

Although the Serbian government of President Boris
Tadic is cooperating with the tribunal, it remains
deeply unpopular on the streets of Belgrade, the
capital of Serbia. 

“It’s a first-class political court and a farce”,
according to a Serbian man interviewed by the
Washington Post in Belgrade. 

“Serbian people are unprotected there, and without any
allies”, he added. 

And a spokesman for the Serbian government, Milivoje
Mihajlovic, told the paper that “the Serbian people
don’t trust The Hague” because they think “it’s
one-sided.” 

He said the acquittal in April of Ramush Haradinaj, a
former Kosovo prime minister and the highest-ranking
ethnic Albanian to be brought before the court, added
to the public perception that the court is biased
against Serbs. 

The tribunal is scheduled to complete its mandate in
2011 but its life might be extended to deal with the
Karadzic case and those of the two fugitives, should
they be caught. 

But apparently the court would not need to continue
operating in its large headquarters in The Hague,
which also provides facilities for a shopping center
where visitors can buy tribunal baseball caps,
T-shirts and coffee mugs. Nor would there be any
reason to continue employing so many people. 

Russia proposed last month that the tribunal, and a
second UN-affiliated body dealing with crimes
committed in Rwanda, be closed next year. 

Vitaly Churkin, the Russian ambassador to the United
Nations, said the prosecutions should be turned over
to national courts. “We do not see why those countries
should be denied their sovereign right of exercising
national justice,” he said at UN headquarters in New
York. 


=== 8 ===


Voice of Russia
July 25, 2008

Russia accuses the international tribunal for war
crimes in the former Yugoslavia of exercising double
standards

A senior Russian diplomat said this to the agency
RIA-Novosti Friday after the tribunal acquitted the
killer of 1,500 Serbs in Srebrenica, the Bosnian
Moslem commander Nasir Oric, and prepared
argumentation for clearing the former operations chief
of the entire armed forces of the Bosnian Moslems
General Rasim Delic. 

The General faced charges of issuing orders to kill 23
captured Bosnian Croats and torture and execute
imprisoned Bosnian Serbs. 

Russia insists that the Tribunal comply with United
Nations directives to use the period before 2010 for
having itself wrapped up and shut down. 





Strategic Culture Foundation (Russia)
Pyotr Iskenderov

Will the Serbian-Albanian Standoff Develop Into a Military Conflict?

[Edited]

July 13th marked the 130th anniversary of the day of
conclusion of one of the most famous and
simultaneously contradictory international agreements
related to the settlement of the problems of the
Balkans, the Berlin Treaty (Treatise). 

The document drew the line under the 1975-1877 Great
Esatern Crisis. 

That was known for both...victories...the Russian army
that liberated...Serbs, Montenegrians and Bulgarians
from Turkish oppression, and the inability of the
Russian diplomats to defend the victories won in the
bloody war. 

In the end, instead of what seemed such a close
realisation of the dream of flying the Russian flag
over Constantinople and the Black Sea Straits,
St.Petersburg had to satisfy itself with acquiring
control of Batum. Bulgaria was re-captured by the
Ottoman Empire regardless of the fact that it had
succeeded in laying down the foundations of the future
national statehood. 

However, the significance of the Berlin Congress was
more than drawing a bottom line under the 1877-1878
Russo-Turkish war. The decisions that were made or
declined at that forum laid the foundations of the
beginning of a rapid maturing of the regional problem
that currently, 130 years later, is threatening to
push the Balkans into the nightmare of a deeper
cataclysm than that of the late 1890s and early 1990s.

For the first time in history the Albanian national
movement made itself manifest. 

Right from the start it had a single-valued Greater
Albanian character. 

It was incorporated in the form of a set of decisions
made by the Albanian (Prizren) League aiming at the
consolidation of all the territories inhabited by
Albanians into a single state formation by using arms
and disregarding the interests of non-Albanian ethnic
elements. 

The initial programme adopted by the Prisren League in
1878 stipulated that all Albanians living in the
Balkan Peninsula should wage armed struggle “for the
creation of a separate province out of all the
territories inhabited by Albanians to be run by
Turkish governors-general.” 

In the follow-up versions of the programme the
sovereignty of the Turkish sultans was reduced to the
responsibility to defend Albanian interests and “the
integrity of Albanian lands” that began to be
interpreted more and more widely. 

At that time the great powers decided to disregard the
danger that was becoming more and more obvious. 

Albanian issue was not viewed as significant enough to
be included on the agenda of the Berlin Congress. 

Its participants even doubted the very fact of the
existence of an Albanian nation (according to German
Chancellor Otto Bismarck, the chair of the Congress,
“the Albanian nation does not exist”) so they regarded
any one territory with an Albanian population only as
a fact of geography. 

However, one Congress decision directly determined the
follow-up course of events in that Balkans region that
at the time was known as Old Serbia, nowadays Kosovo
and Metohia. Having encouraged the Austrian-Hungarian
occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina that were in the
sphere of Serbia’s national and state interests, the
Berlin Treaty forced Belgrade to choose as its
priority policies direction the southern vector, Old
Serbia and Macedonia. 

Small wonder, as early as 1912 the Kosovo problem was
one of the front-burner issues of big European
policies. 
....
The mapping of the Serbian-Albanian frontier defined
by the 1912-1913 London Conference of the great powers
on the whole remained almost intact, and currently the
leaders of Albanians in Kosovo, Macedonia, South
Serbia and Montenegro in their maps of “Greater
Albania” largely redraw the projects of building the
Balkans used by the Austrian-Hungarian foreign
ministry before World War I. 

In 1912 the great powers themselves realised that by
creating an autonomous Albania that had no real
preconditions for its statehood, having simultaneously
refused the victorious Serbia a vitally important
access to the Adriatic Sea, they made prepared the
soil for new conflicts. 
....
In the early 20th century Albanian supporters in the
powers of the Tripartite Union did not doubt that the
time would come to make real their project of
establishing a “Greater Albania” that was to include
the entire Old Serbia (Kosovo and Metohia) and
three-quarters of the territory of Macedonia. 

All the more so that at the time anti-Serbian
sentiment was fed by both their nationalist
aspirations and the activities of their neighbours in
the Balkans, with the leading role played by certain
circles in Bulgaria. Close ties were established
between Albanian and Macedonian leaders already in
early 1990s. 

That was mainly true of the Interim Macedonian
Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO). Contacts of the
kind met Sofia’s interests when it thought that giving
Albanians autonomy would make a similar Macedonian
scenario also probable, so they rendered financial and
military support to the Albanian leaders. 

The situation is repeated today as Bulgaria was one of
the first states to acknowledge Kosovo independent
whereas IMRO leaders and other Macedonian political
forces engaged in internal strife that has lasted for
years embrace local Albanian parties led by
“godfathers” of independent Kosovo as their coalition
partners. 

What we are witnessing in Kosovo at present is the
process of implementation of the “Greater Albania”
projects dating back to the early 1900s that were
devised with the full-fledged participation of
Austrian, German and Italian diplomats envisaging
turning Kosovo and Macedonia into a nucleus of an
Albanian state ephemerically controlled by the
European supervisors. 

In the plans of the United States and the leading
European states the establishment of independent
Kosovo was to become a major stride ahead in realising
the strategy of...counteracting the Russian attempts
to regain its historical positions in the Balkans. 

Small wonder, the words head of Chiefs of Staff of the
Austrian-Hungarian army general Conrad von Hetzendorf
said on the eve of World War I sound so acutely
modern. He said that Albania established at the will
of the great powers “should be taken account of as an
ally in the fight against Serbia and Montenegro.” 

The architects of independent Kosovo are not perplexed
about the total inviability of the new pseudo-state
whose support has already become a burden on the
European and US taxpayers. 

The Brussels conference of the Kosovo donor countries
and organisations on July 11, 2008 assessed the
initial cost of this project rooted in the age-long
geopolitical history as worth Euro 1.2 billion, with
Euro 800 000 million of initial needs to be supported
by the EU and Euro 250 million by the United States. 

It is noteworthy that the bulk of this astronomic
amount will be used to pay back the state debt of
Serbia to the former Yugoslavia that Kosovo is now the
payer. 

What would these investments do? The amounts the
international community already invested in Kosovo in
the last decade would give an unequivocal answer. 

It’s $5 billion. This money failed to make Kosovo a
viable economy or even make it independent from the
financial and economic system of Serbia, filling the
accounts of Kosovo criminal kingpins that currently
form the province’s ruling elite. 

Further developments in Kosovo can take different
forms: 

1) The first scenario is the immediate explosion of
the Serbian-Albanian standoff in the province, making
it a bloody armed confrontation. 

This can happen should Pristina authorities supported
by NATO, KFOR and the EU international police force
try to implement the provisions of the Constitution of
the self-proclaimed Kosovo state, taking control of
the Serb-inhabited territories. 

The attack on the court building in Kosovo Mitrovica
undertaken by an international police force in March
of 2008 was a rehearsal for such a scenario. Kosovo
Serbs then showed in reality their preparedness to
defend their rights. Should such an act be repeated,
its consequence could be much more tragic. 

2) The second scenario envisages the preservation in
Kosovo of the status quo for an indefinite period. 

That could enable Kosovo Serbs to live in the province
according to Serbian law until Kosovo’s Albanian
authorities continue building muscle, getting armed
with the help of and under the control of NATO. 

In that period the Pristina authorities would try to
lay the foundations for the implementation of the
Kosovo scenario in Macedonia, Montenegro and South
Serbia with an eye to turning the Balkans into an
arena of the struggle for “Greater Albania.” 

3) Finally the third scenario is of a more global
nature. 

It is all about holding an international forum along
the lines of the above-mentioned Berlin Congress to
work out blueprints of new foundations of bringing
order to the Balkans. 

That would allow the players on the Balkans field to
disavow their previous unilateral decisions in an
attempt to find a solution to both the Kosovo and
other Balkans crisis. 

However, as a precondition to this Russia should get
the approval of the United States and the EU
leadership to give up their support of independent
Kosovo to return the situation onto the international
legal field under the control of the United Nations. 
______________________ 
Pyotr Ahmedovich ISKENDEROV, Senior Fellow, Institute
for Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences,
Cand. Of Sc. (History) 


(allucinante cronaca degli incontri tra il presidente degli USA e Condoleeza Rice da una
parte, e il "presidente" e il "premier" dello Stato-fantoccio del Kosovo, trattati da scolaretti
servili, dall'altra. Fonte: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/yugoslaviainfo)


Bush To KLA Capos: Yes, Sir. Thank You, Guys

Posted by: "Rick Rozoff"
Mon Jul 21, 2008 8:14 pm (PDT)

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2008/07/20080721-3.html

The White House
President George W. Bush

For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
July 21, 2008

President Bush meets with President Sejdiu and Prime
Minister Thaci of the Republic of Kosovo
Oval Office

-[Bush] I mentioned to both these leaders that they
were sitting right below the portrait of George
Washington, the founder of a free United States. And I
appreciate your courage. I appreciate your leadership.
And I commit the United States to help you realize
your dreams. Welcome.
-[Thaci] As a sovereign and democratic country we want
to be part of NATO and part of the EU and have
excellent relations with the United States. This is
our pledge, this is our responsibility, this is our
vision.
Thank you very much.
[Bush] Yes, sir. Thank you, guys.

PRESIDENT BUSH: It has been an honor to welcome the
President and Prime Minister of an independent Kosovo
to the Oval Office. I'm proud you all are here. I
welcome you. I'm a strong supporter of Kosovo's
independence. I'm against any partition of Kosovo. I
believe strongly that the United Nations mission must
be transferred to the EU as quickly as possible. I
want to thank you very much for your support of
minority rights, the full implementation of the
Ahtisaari plan.

We discussed a variety of issues. We discussed the
problems that Kosovo faces, its desire to be
recognized by more nations around the world. I pledged
that the United States would continue to work with
those nations that have not recognized an independent
Kosovo to convince them to do so as quickly as
possible.

We talked about economics, education. And we talked
about the transatlantic aspirations of both Kosovo and
Serbia, which the United States supports in both
cases.

I mentioned to both these leaders that they were
sitting right below the portrait of George Washington,
the founder of a free United States. And I appreciate
your courage. I appreciate your leadership. And I
commit the United States to help you realize your
dreams. Welcome.

PRESIDENT SEJDIU: (As translated.) It's an
extraordinary occasion for us to be received by
President Bush to convey to him all of the aspirations
and all the thanks of the Kosovo people - heartfelt
thanks.

The Kosovo people have been following democracy, the
principles of democracy and freedom. And the United
States are - they're our supporters. We guaranteed
President Bush that we will continue on this road, and
at the same time to implement the Ahtisaari document.

Kosovo will be a country of democracy, a country of
all its citizens. It will have a special respect for
the minorities. We are very much interested to have
good relations with the Republic of Serbia. Our
progress will be with the integration of NATO and the
EU.

Again, my heartfelt thanks, and God bless America.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, sir. Prime Minister?

PRIME MINISTER THACI: (As translated.) Today's meeting
with President Bush not only reiterates the fact that
we are closely connected with the United States, but
will always be their trustful friend, forever.

We have always trusted the United States and trusted
the development of our country and that it will be to
the benefit of the international development.

The Kosovo government and the Kosovo people will
always bow in deep respect for the United States and
for the U.S. administration. It is a joint success
story. We are building a democratic Kosovo,
affirmative action for the minorities. We'll develop
economic - Kosovo economically. We'll have excellent
relations with all our neighbors, and in the future
with Serbia.

As a sovereign and democratic country we want to be
part of NATO and part of the EU and have excellent
relations with the United States. This is our pledge,
this is our responsibility, this is our vision.

Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, sir. Thank you, guys.



KLA's Thaci To Rice: We Bow Before The American Government
Posted by: "Rick Rozoff"
Wed Jul 23, 2008 6:26 pm (PDT)

http://www.ks-gov.net/pm/Fillimi/tabid/36/EntryID/835/Default.aspx

Office of the Prime Minister of Kosovo
July 18, 2008

Prime Minister Thaci: Kosovo and its people bow before
the American Government and American people for their
support


Thank you, Madame Secretary, for the strong support
that the United States of America has given to Kosovo
and its people.

Today, Kosovo is an independent, sovereign and
democratic state; it is a country of peace, stability
and with a perspective to develop. Kosovo has
excellent cooperation with all the countries of the
region, with Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, and in
the near democratic future, we believe, also with
Serbia.
....
This is a historical visit and meeting, because it is
the first delegation of the state of Kosovo to visit
Washington.

We expressed our new commitment to making progress in
Kosovo, and awareness about the new responsibilities
that we will take over for Kosovo as a state that will
be part of the Euro-Atlantic family, part of NATO and
of the European Union, and always in excellent
relations with the US.

Kosovo and the people of Kosovo bow before the
Government and the people of America for their
support.


===========================
Stop NATO
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato

To subscribe, send an e-mail to:
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.

Archives:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato/messages

http://lists.topica.com/lists/ANTINATO/read
==============================


J. Laughland on the Arrest of Radovan Karadzic 

and more: Moscow hopes a trial of Radovan Karadzic to be unbiased / MOSCOW ACCUSES HAGUE-BASED TRIBUNAL OF DOUBLE STANDARDS / The lost chance for peace in Bosnia (Letters to The Independent)


===


Russian Information Agency Novosti
July 22, 2008

On the Arrest of Radovan Karadzic 

John Laughland, Director of Studies at the Institute
for Democracy and Cooperation in Paris


MOSCOW - The arrest of Radovan Karadzic comes almost
exactly seven years after the first appearance of
Slobodan Milosevic at the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague on 3
July 2001. 

Milosevic's handover was, like Karadzic's, the
immediate result of regime change in Belgrade: just as
Karadzic's arrest swiftly followed the formation of a
pro-European and pro-Western government in Serbia on 8
July, so Milosevic's arrest in April 2001 was the
result of the victory of the Democratic Party (whose
leader is now the President of Serbia) at the
parliamentary elections in December 2000. 

The arrest shows that political power matters deeply
when it comes to criminal prosecution: obviously, as
with Milosevic, the fact that Karadzic's friends lost
power in Belgrade caused it. 

But this truth also applies to the ICTY itself. 

At the end of June, the ICTY released Nasir Oric, the
Bosnian Muslim commander at Srebrenica whose forces
used the cover of the UN safe haven there to conduct
nightly raids against the surrounding Serbian
villages, and which committed numerous atrocities
against civilians. 

Oric's release followed the ICTY's acquittal in April
of the former Prime Minister of Kosovo and former KLA
leader, Ramush Haradinaj, even though the Tribunal in
its ruling noted that several prosecution witnesses
had been mysteriously killed before they could come to
The Hague to give their testimony. 

Many Serbs, then, will be convinced that the ICTY has
a fundamental anti-Serb bias. 

But the majority of Serbs has evidently also been so
worn down by a decade and a half of such hostility
from the West in general, that it has presumably
decided that if you can't beat them, join them: this
is why Serbs voted for a pro-European president in
February and a pro-European government in May. 

They, or at any rate their leaders, have concluded
that Karadzic should be sacrificed for the greater
national good, which in their view means absorption
into the EU and NATO. 

Serbia's inclusion into these structures, which is now
inevitable, will merely complete the West's
geopolitical project in the Balkans. 

Therefore, while it may well be true that the ICTY is
anti-Serb, this is to miss the key point about the
ICTY's political agenda, which is to justify the
West's new doctrine of military and judicial
interventionism. 

According to this doctrine, military force can be
deployed against a state when its government commits
human rights abuses. 

The Serbs are just the people on whom this policy has
been tried out. 

While it may have great superficial appeal, since
there is no doubt that atrocities were committed in
the Balkan wars, the hypocrisy of this policy lies in
the fact that neither NATO nor any of the Western
powers have ever tried to get truly international
support for it, for instance by drawing up an
international treaty or by reforming the UN charter
which currently prohibits such interventionism. The
policy has simply been announced unilaterally. 

No criminal trial of a political leader in history has
ended in acquittal, in spite of the fact that the
tradition stretches back to the trial of the King of
England, Charles I, in 1649. 

This is because the prosecution of a former sovereign
is a means of demonstrating that a new regime is in
power, and that the old regime was never legitimate in
the first place. 

In the case of Karadzic, things will be no different. 

The ICTY commits numerous violations of the best
principles of legal procedure to obtain its
convictions, and it has in particular elaborated a
theory of liability which is so broad that defendants
are effectively required to prove their innocence
against the presumption of guilt. 

Even if no order is produced from Karadzic instructing
people to commit war crimes, he will be convicted on
the basis that he should have known or must have
known. 

The ICTY will do this because the political narrative
behind his trial is be that he, as Bosnian Serb
president, was only ever a criminal; that the state he
headed never had any legitimacy; and that NATO's
intervention against the Bosnian Serbs in 1995 was
therefore not an act of aggression in international
law but instead a justifiable act. 

The logic tested in the Balkans 1995 and 1999 (when
NATO attacked Yugoslavia over Kosovo) was implemented
much more dramatically when the US and Britain
declared that they alone had the right to enforce UN
Security Council Resolutions in Iraq. 

That war - also subsequently legitimised by a
political trial - has now consumed nearly a million
lives and plunged a whole region into seemingly
interminable chaos. 

It is time for the world to reflect seriously on the
danger of introducing the criminal law into
international relations. 

John Laughland - British political scientist, Director
of Studies at the Institute for Democracy and
Cooperation in Paris. His book on the Milosevic
trial, "Travesty", was published by Pluto Press in
London in 2007. 


---


Voice of Russia
July 22, 2008

Moscow hopes a trial of Radovan Karadzic to be unbiased 

Moscow hopes a trial of the former Bosnian Serb leader
Radovan Karadzic by the International Tribunal for
Former Yugoslavia will be unbiased. 

Mr. Karadzic was charge with war crimes in the Balkans
in the early 1990s. 

Commenting on his arrest, the Russian Foreign Ministry
spokesman Andrei Nesterenko said the issue was an
internal matter for Serbia. 

At the same time he noted that the Hague-based
tribunal had repeatedly demonstrated bias against
Serbs and acquitted Kosovo Albanians despite
irrefutable evidence of their involvement in war
crimes. 

Russia insists that the tribunal be dissolved and all
the remaining cases be tried by judicial bodies of
former Yugoslav republics. 

---


Voice of Russia
July 23, 2008

MOSCOW ACCUSES HAGUE-BASED TRIBUNAL OF DOUBLE STANDARDS
Vyacheslav Solovyov

Moscow has again urged the International Tribunal for
Former Yugoslavia to renounce double standards and
bias. 

The call came in a statement released by the Russian
Foreign Ministry following the arrest in Serbia of the
former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic. 

13 years ago, the tribunal indicted him in absentia
for military crimes during the war in
Bosnia-Herzegovina in the early 90s of the past
century. 

It is no secret that neither Serbs, nor Bosnian
Muslims, nor Croatians spared each other during that
war. 

Nevertheless, despite evidence of crimes committed by
each of the sides, there is only one defendant –
Radovan Karadzic. 

The tribunal is notorious for its bias against Serbs. 

Over more than a decade, about 100 Serbs and just 25
Croatians, 9 Bosnian Muslims and 8 Albanians have
stood trial on charges of war crimes in an obvious
attempt to hold the Serbs responsible for the events
in the Balkans. 

While the Serbian government is receiving
congratulations from Washington and European capitals
on Mr. Karadzic’s arrest, the majority of Serbs, most
of whom treat Mr. Karadzic as a hero, suspect Belgrade
of political bargaining. 

This is how Borislav Milosevic, the brother of the
former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic who died
in prison during a trial in the Hague, commented on
the issue: 

"For a big part of the Serbian population, Radovan
Karadzic is a national hero and the Hague-based
tribunal is an anti-Serb court convicting Serbs only.
As the Russian Foreign Ministry has said recently,
this tribunal must be shut. It’s been a tool to exert
pressure on Belgrade and our people." 

The tribunal’s former chief prosecutor Carla Del
Ponte, in her book titled “The Hunt: Me and My War
Criminals”, published after her resignation,
acknowledged that evidence of severe crimes had often
been ignored if those crimes were committed by Bosnian
Muslims, Croatians or Kosovo Albanians. 

For one, the tribunal turned a blind eye to the
abduction and killing of more than 300 Serbs by
Albanian militants in Kosovo and the subsequent sale
of their organs for transplant surgery. 

No investigation into these facts has been launched. 


---


The Independent
July 24, 2008

The lost chance for peace in Bosnia


It's all the fault of the Serbs and Radovan Karadzic,
according to Marcus Tanner ("Karadzic, the
psychiatrist who became a genocidal madman", 22 July).
He may care to ask why the Dayton Agreement was not
reached before the Bosnian wars broke out. There was,
after all, the confederal-cantonal Cutileiro Plan,
which was provisionally agreed by Bosnia's three
ethnic leaders at negotiations hosted by the European
Community in Lisbon on 23 February 1992. 

The Muslim leader, Alija Izetbegovic, who all along
wanted a centrally governed Bosnia, flew back to
Sarajevo and met the US ambassador to Yugoslavia
Warren Zimmermann. Encouraged by Zimmermann,
Izetbegovic disowned the plan. Washington had, in
effect, pushed the Europeans aside and paved the way
for war. Some three and a half years later, a
muscularly interventionist Washington was
congratulating itself for having engineered the
confederal-cantonal Dayton Agreement.

And the beliefs of Alija Izetbegovic echoed those of
Islamists. His authorship of The Islamic Declaration
in 1970 earned him a prison sentence. In it, he
yearned for a caliphate subject to Islamic law from
Morocco to Indonesia, and ultimately elsewhere,
whenever and wherever Muslims attained a majority. At
no time did he disown the publication.

Irony abounds. Just as many British today fear
Islamist organisations advocating a caliphate, so
Bosnia's Serbs and Croats feared a centrally-governed,
Izetbegovic-led Bosnia. Moreover, if Izetbegovic were
alive today, he would not be granted entry into the
US. 

Yugo Kovach
Twickenham, Middlesex 



Radovan Karadzic, un ricordo
 
In un momento in cui il mondo esulta per la cattura del "criminale" Karadzic, penso sia onesto proporre un'immagine di "minoranza" dell'uomo.
Nei primi anni '90 ebbi l'occasione di parlargli molte volte. In una affrontai il tema dei crimini di guerra di cui era accusato. Gli dissi "neanche mia moglie mi crede quando le dico che non mi sembri un criminale"; lui mi rispose che nei primi giorni della guerra civile "cittadini uccisero altri cittadini", e che nessuna autorità era abbastanza forte da fermare il massacro. Quando lui prese in mano la situazione i massacri furono fermati. Per dare a mia moglie un messaggio concreto della sua buona fede mi consegnò un documento in cui mi permetteva di attraversare le linee serbe con bambini musulmani da portare in Italia per cure.
Quando i croati sfondarono il fronte occidentale migliaia di profughi serbi stavano scappando dai territori invasi. C'era una ragazza croata con un tumore in fase terminale che voleva morire tra le braccia di sua madre, abitante a Banja Luka. Per una croata viaggiare contro la corrente dei serbi in fuga era un grosso problema, e nemmeno importanti organizzazioni internazionali erano riuscite ad aiutarla. Io chiesi aiuto a Karadzic e lo ottenni. Degli amici veneti e triestini  la misero su di un aereo per Belgrado; qui venne presa in carico da miei colleghi serbi che la nascosero per una notte in un ospedale, quindi iniziò il suo viaggio verso Banja Luka in una ambulanza messa a disposizione dai serbo-bosniaci. Io la precedevo di qualche chilometro per trattare il suo passaggio ai vari posti di blocco. La ragazza era molto coraggiosa e strinse la vita tra i denti, rifiutandosi di morire prima di aver visto sua madre. Alla fine arrivò a casa della madre e poche dopo ore morì come aveva chiesto. I serbo-bosniaci mi diedero una medaglia quale segno di riconoscenza per aver dato loro l'occasione di mostrare la loro vera natura.
Prima che la guerra volgesse in favore dei croati e dei musulmani la sacca di Bihac era assediata dall'esercito di Mladic e la gente stava per morire di fame.
Io fui contattato da alcuni membri del Quinto Corpo d'Armata musulmano per una missione di soccorso alla popolazione di Bihac. Avevano riempito due camion con cibo, in particolare zucchero, ma non sapevano come passare attraverso le linee serbe. Nemmeno l'ONU era riuscita ad ottenere i permessi.
Io offrii una cena a Zagabria ad un membro dello stato maggiore croato e ottenni da lui il permesso di passare attraverso il territorio croato, fino al confine di Moscenica con la zona occupata dai serbi.
Arrivai poi a Pale di sera e chiesi di parlare con Karadzic; era occupato con il Gruppo di Contatto europeo, e mi fu chiesto di aspettare. Nell'attesa molto lunga fui invitato a cena in una sala piena di soldati e  funzionari del governo serbo-bosniaco. A metà della cena mi accorsi che i presenti si irrigidivano, mentre alla mie spalle la voce di Karadzic: "cosa vuoi questa volta?" Io riuscii a malapena ad ingoiare un grosso boccone e balbettai: "i bambini di Bihac stanno morendo di fame, tu non li lascerai morire, vero?"
Karadzic sospirò e mi diede il permesso di passare con i camion, ma mi raccomandò di fare attenzione perchè "quelli erano terroristi". Io ebbi il coraggio di rispondergli "è proprio quello che dicono di te".
Così fui in grado di guidare i due camion con targa croata con due autisti musulmani attraverso la Croazia e la Republika Srpska. Nessun osò torcere un capello ai miei autisti. Ebbi solo un problema con un funzionario dell'ONU che mi denunciò per violazione dell'embargo contro la Serbia, avendo io una tanica di benzina in macchina...
Poi i due camion riuscirono a passare dentro la sacca di Bihac, altri camion li seguirono nelle settimane seguenti, poi i musulmani cercarono di rapirmi, ma questa è un'altra storia.
 
Quando il Tribunale dell'Aja emise il primo mandato di cattura contro Karadzic la motivazione era quella di essere stato il comandante in capo dell'esercito serbo che si era reso responsabile di quei crimini. Chissà se qualcuno ricorda che una settimana prima di Srebrenica il giornalista del Piccolo di Trieste, Maranzana, aveva scritto un articolo in cui definiva Karadzic un presidente ormai praticamente spodestato (da Mladic, per ordine di Milosevic?) quasi prigioniero nella sua residenza di Pale. La mia impressione è che il Tribunale, in ossequio a chi pagava lo stipendo ai suoi giudici, abbia emesso il mandato di cattura un po' frettolosamente, inventandosi gli unici crimini di cui Karadzic poteva certamente definirsi innocente.
 
Io non so se Radovan abbia rubato da bambino la marmellata o se abbia mai ordinato di uccidere qualcuno nella sua vita; posso solo testimoniare che l'uomo che io ho conosciuto mi ha sempre concesso di aiutare bambini di entrambe le fazioni senza alcuna discriminazione. Non ebbi mai l'impressione di parlare con un mostro.
 
Marino Andolina
pediatra (Trieste)



La parola a Radovan Karadžić


Per gentile concessione dell'autrice, Jean Toschi Marazzani Visconti, sono disponibili sul nostro sito internet - alla pagina https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/karadzic.htm - alcuni estratti dal suo libro "Il corridoio". Si tratta di brani di interviste a Radovan Karadžić, effettuate tra il 1993 ed il 1996, che consentono al lettore di farsi un'idea della personalità e della ideologia del leader politico dei serbi di Bosnia senza dover passare attraverso i filtri e i veri e propri insulti usati in queste ore dai mass-media nostrani in occasione della cattura di Karadžić a Belgrado.
Dalle parole di Karadžić emerge un quadro sicuramente sorprendente, tanto nella scoperta di ciò su cui si può essere d'accordo, quanto nei punti di disaccordo che ciascuno di noi può avere rispetto a certi aspetti delle posizioni di Karadžić. Un quadro comunque profondamente diverso, e per certi versi persino ribaltato, rispetto a quello dipinto dal giornalismo di guerra dei paesi della NATO. (a cura di AM per il CNJ)


Sugli schieramenti internazionali:

... Molte volte siamo stati sorpresi dal  comportamento degli americani. Prima di tutto,  quando  hanno riconosciuto  la dissoluzione della Jugoslavia e hanno  sostenuto la secessione unilaterale di Slovenia e Croazia. Avevamo  sperato che  gli Stati Uniti rispondessero negativamente alle  secessioni unilaterali. Ora Washington sta aiutando i musulmani a continuare la  guerra con la promessa che i risultati saranno  riconosciuti. Anche i serbi hanno diritto agli stessi riconoscimenti. Siamo con le spalle al muro, non abbiamo altra scelta che difenderci.

... Per la prima volta il nazismo croato ha avuto più alleati di noi. Noi serbi, non la mia gente o il mio partito, noi serbi in generale siamo stati accusati di essere un paese bolscevico, comunista, nazionalista, le etichette sono state cambiate continuamente. La verità è che ci troviamo sul cammino della Germania verso l’Est. Abbiamo protetto l’Europa dall’Islam come nel Medioevo e proteggiamo i paesi dell’Est dalla Germania. Il nostro destino è quello di trovarci in una posizione geopolitica molto difficile.


Su chi ha incominciato la guerra e perchè:

... durante la Conferenza di Lisbona prima della  guerra (1991).  C'eravamo  accordati su una  confederazione  in  Bosnia-Erzegovina. Tutte   le  tre  parti avevano   accettato.   Poi l'Ambasciatore statunitense Zimmermann consigliò Alija  Izetbegović di rifiutare. Ecco perchè abbiamo avuto la guerra. Due anni di  tragico  conflitto  per ritrovarci nella stessa  condizione:  tre repubbliche.  Tutto  poteva essere raggiunto senza guerra, ma  i musulmani  sono  stati  consigliati  di  rifiutare  la  soluzione politica.   L'Ambasciatore Zimmermann ne ha tutta la responsabilità.  Come anche i Signori Genscher e Mock, insieme ad  altri politici europei.

... Questo è  esattamente quello a cui mira Alija Izetbegović: che due milioni  di  serbi si rifugino in Serbia. Questi due  milioni  di abitanti  in  più  creerebbero  gravi  problemi  sociali  per  la differenza  di  abitudini,  mentalità e per  la  loro  rabbia  e povertà. Sarebbe una catastrofe per la Serbia. E'  stupefacente che  la dirigenza jugoslava non realizzi che è  la Jugoslavia  che vogliono distruggere, non la Repubblica Srpska o la Krajina.

... Se  gli Stati Uniti fossero favorevoli  alla  pace,  potrebbe realizzarsi  in poche settimane. Siamo stati spesso molto  vicini alla   soluzione,   poi  qualcuno  suggeriva  ai   musulmani   di abbandonare le trattative. Tutto dipende dall'America. ... La Bosnia poteva sussistere solo come parte della Federazione Jugoslava. 

... Prevedo la presenza della NATO  per molto tempo. Noi siamo le vittime di questo tipo di gioco politico. La guerra nella ex Jugoslavia, non è scoppiata contro la volontà della Comunità Internazionale, ma per sua decisione. Questo è molto grave per noi. Comunque posso affermare che, durante i quattro, cinque anni di guerra, i generali delle Nazioni Unite arrivavano con pesanti pregiudizi nei nostri confronti, ma nel giro di un mese comprendevano chi è chi in questa guerra. Molti di loro sono stati rimpiazzati, perchè acquisivano troppe informazioni e diventavano favorevoli alla nostra causa.

... la Repubblica Srpska non è il risultato dei nostri atti. Ci era stato offerto di costituire la nostra unità etnica in Bosnia tre settimane prima dello scoppio della guerra. Il 18 marzo 1991, durante la Conferenza di Lisbona avevamo accettato di firmare l’accordo sulla Bosnia composta da tre Stati etnici. Il trattato era stato accettato dai musulmani, dai croati e dai serbi. Poco più tardi i musulmani rinunciarono all’accordo e iniziarono la guerra, la sera del 4 aprile, qui a Sarajevo. Sebbene prima avessimo subito alcuni arresti a Bijeljina e attacchi da parte dell’esercito musulmano regolare a Kupres e Bosanski Brod, loro diedero inizio al conflitto in Sarajevo nella notte fra il quattro e il cinque, alla fine del Ramadam, il mese sacro.


Sui retroterra ideologici dei diversi nazionalismi:

... Il signor Izetbegović vestiva l’uniforme nazi-tedesca durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Esistono delle foto, articoli di giornali e sappiamo che è stato giudicato colpevole da un tribunale per aver fatto parte del gruppo dei giovani nazisti musulmani, Handžar, il cui modello spirituale era il Muftì di Gerusalemme, Mohamed Amin  al-Husseini. Nel 1991 ha pubblicato a Sarajevo una “Dichiarazione Islamica“ nella quale auspicava che l’Islam si estendesse dall’Indonesia all’Europa. Noi serbi conoscevamo anche il signor Tudjman e le sue insegne ustascia e la stessa retorica della Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Oggi, noi  proteggiamo la democrazia dal nazismo croato e l’Europa dal fondamentalismo islamico incombente,  ma siamo i “criminali”.


Sul Kosovo:

... Sappiamo  che appena  la pace avverrà, gli Stati Uniti inizieranno a  creare fastidi in Kosovo. ... Chiunque abbia interesse a destabilizzare i Balcani e l’Europa inizierà con il Kosovo.






Ricordo di Pierluigi Visintin

Domenica scorsa, il 13 luglio, è morto a Udine Pierluigi Visintin, mio amico e autore di tanti libri sulla storia partigiana. Nel 1991 aveva pubblicato I giorni del Cormôr, un testo in forma di dramma teatrale sulle grandi lotte bracciantili avvenute nel 1950 nella Bassa Friulana. In seguito ha scritto Romano il Mancino e i Diavoli Rossi, i protagonisti di una delle imprese più eroiche della Resistenza, la liberazione dalle carceri di Udine, il 7 febbraio del 1945, di 70 prigionieri dei nazifascisti. L'intento di Pierluigi era quello di togliere dall'anonimato coloro che avevano combattuto, per questo aveva fatto decine e decine di interviste a partigiani, a comunisti, sindacalisti ecc., proponendo le loro biografie e le loro foto. Per lui dare un volto a queste persone significava riconoscere la loro partecipazione e la loro importanza nelle lotte. Erano tutti compagni che nel dopoguerra erano stati costretti all'emigrazione, in Svizzera, in Francia, in Jugoslavia, e lui aveva raccolto le loro storie. Le aveva fatte conoscere attraverso i libri, ma anche attraverso spettacoli teatrali e musicali, per i quali aveva saputo coinvolgere artisti e musicisti friulani, impegnandoli in un lavoro non solo culturale ma anche politico.
È stato anche autore di un libro su Giuseppe Nogara, l'arcivescovo di Udine collaborazionista dei fascisti (dal titolo "Che il mondo intero attonito sta". Giuseppe Nogara, luci ed ombre di un arcivescovo, insieme con me) e di un altro libro sulle organizzazioni antesignane di Gladio e il loro intervento nelle elezioni del '48 nella nostra regione, dal titolo Come si vincono le elezioni (insieme con Faustino Nazzi). È stato inoltre, negli anni Novanta, il direttore della collana di storia e politica "I quaderni del Picchio" della Kappa Vu (il Picchio era il suo soprannome, per la sua capacità e determinazione nell'andare a fondo nelle cose che ricercava e studiava...)
Ma vorrei ricordare Pierluigi anche - e soprattutto - per un altro motivo: all'inizio degli anni novanta fu il primo ad accorgersi delle manovre revisionistiche che stavano iniziando a livello storiografico. Fu lui che raccolse la documentazione necessaria a capire chi era Marco Pirina, il neofascista coinvolto nell'inchiesta sul golpe Borghese, che nel 1990 stava cominciando in maniera subdola, presentandosi come storico della Resistenza, ad insinuarsi, nella nostra regione, nel mondo della storiografia resistenziale, cercando di farsi accreditare come storico. Pierluigi scoprì il suo passato politico, costringendolo a rivelarsi e rendendogli più difficili le sue provocazioni.
La morte di Pierluigi è stata una grande perdita per tutti noi che stiamo cercando di difendere la memoria di coloro che hanno combattuto nella Resistenza e i loro ideali.
Per questo ho voluto ricordarlo a tutti voi.

Alessandra Kersevan