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Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
War Propaganda and the Criminalization of Justice:
The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
by Michael Parenti
www.michaelParenti.org , December 2003
www.globalresearch.ca 17 December 2003
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/PAR312A.html
U.S. leaders profess a dedication to democracy. Yet over the past five
decades, democratically elected governments---guilty of introducing
redistributive economic programs or otherwise pursuing independent
courses that do not properly fit into the U.S.-sponsored global free
market system---have found themselves targeted by the U.S. national
security state. Thus democratic governments in Argentina, Bolivia,
Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, the Dominican Republic, Greece, Guatemala,
Guyana, Haiti, Syria, Uruguay, and numerous other nations were
overthrown by their respective military forces, funded and advised by
the United States. The newly installed military rulers then rolled back
the egalitarian reforms and opened their countries all the wider to
foreign corporate investors.
The U.S. national security state also has participated in destabilizing
covert actions, proxy mercenary wars, or direct military attacks
against revolutionary or nationalist governments in Afghanistan (in the
1980s), Angola, Cambodia, Cuba, East Timor, Egypt, Ethiopia, the Fiji
Islands, Grenada, Haiti, Indonesia (under Sukarno), Iran, Jamaica,
Lebanon, Libya, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Syria,
South Yemen, Venezuela (under Hugo Chavez), Western Sahara, and Iraq
(under the CIA-sponsored autocratic Saddam Hussein, after he emerged as
an economic nationalist and tried to cut a better deal on oil prices).
The propaganda method used to discredit many of these governments is
not particularly original, indeed by now it is quite transparently
predictable. Their leaders are denounced as bombastic, hostile, and
psychologically flawed. They are labeled power hungry demagogues,
mercurial strongmen, and the worst sort of dictators likened to Hitler
himself. The countries in question are designated as "terrorist" or
"rogue" states, guilty of being "anti-American" and "anti-West." Some
choice few are even condemned as members of an "evil axis." When
targeting a country and demonizing its leadership, U.S. leaders are
assisted by ideologically attuned publicists, pundits, academics, and
former government officials. Together they create a climate of opinion
that enables Washington to do whatever is necessary to inflict serious
damage upon the designated nation's infrastructure and population, all
in the name of human rights, anti-terrorism, and national security.
There is no better example of this than the tireless demonization of
democratically-elected President Slobodan Milosevic and the
U.S.-supported wars against Yugoslavia. Louis Sell, a former U.S.
Foreign Service officer, has authored a book (Slobodan Milosevic and
the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Duke University Press, 2002) that is a
hit piece on Milosevic, loaded with all the usual prefabricated images
and policy presumptions of the U.S. national security state. Sell's
Milosevic is a caricature, a cunning power seeker and maddened fool,
who turns on trusted comrades and plays upon divisions within the party.
This Milosevic is both an "orthodox socialist" and an "opportunistic
Serbian nationalist," a demagogic power-hungry "second Tito" who
simultaneously wants dictatorial power over all of Yugoslavia while
eagerly pursuing polices that "destroy the state that Tito created."
The author does not demonstrate by reference to specific policies and
programs that Milosevic is responsible for the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia, he just tells us so again and again. One would think that
the Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian Muslim, Macedonian, and Kosovo
Albanian secessionists and U.S./NATO interventionists might have had
something to do with it.
In my opinion, Milosevic's real sin was that he resisted the
dismemberment of Yugoslavia and opposed a U.S. imposed hegemony. He
also attempted to spare Yugoslavia the worst of the merciless
privatizations and rollbacks that have afflicted other former communist
countries. Yugoslavia was the only nation in Europe that did not apply
for entry into the European Union or NATO or OSCE.
For some left intellectuals, the former Yugoslavia did not qualify as a
socialist state because it had allowed too much penetration by private
corporations and the IMF. But U.S. policymakers are notorious for not
seeing the world the way purist left intellectuals do. For them
Yugoslavia was socialist enough with its developed human services
sector and an economy that was over 75 percent publicly owned. Sell
makes it clear that Yugoslavia's public ownership and Milosevic's
defense of that economy were a central consideration in Washington's
war against Yugoslavia. Milosevic, Sell complains, had a "commitment to
orthodox socialism." He "portrayed public ownership of the means of
production and a continued emphasis on [state] commodity production as
the best guarantees for prosperity." He had to go.
To make his case against Milosevic, Sell repeatedly falls back on the
usual ad hominem labeling. Thus we read that in his childhood Milosevic
was "something of a prig" and of course "by nature a loner," a weird
kind of kid because he was "uninterested in sports or other physical
activities," and he "spurned childhood pranks in favor of his books."
The author quotes an anonymous former classmate who reports that
Slobodan's mother "dressed him funny and kept him soft." Worse still,
Slobodan would never join in when other boys stole from orchards---no
doubt a sure sign of childhood pathology.
Sell further describes Milosevic as "moody," "reclusive," and given to
"mulish fatalism." But Sell's own data---when he pauses in his negative
labeling and gets down to specifics---contradicts the maladjusted
"moody loner" stereotype. He acknowledges that young Slobodan worked
well with other youth when it came to political activities. Far from
being unable to form close relations, Slobodan met a girl, his future
wife, and they enjoyed an enduring lifelong attachment. In his early
career when heading the Beogradska Banka, Milosevic was reportedly
"communicative, caring about people at the bank, and popular with his
staff." Other friends describe him as getting on well with people,
"communal and relaxed," a faithful husband to his wife, and a proud and
devoted father to his children. And Sell allows that Milosevic was at
times "confident," "outgoing," and "charismatic." But the negative
stereotype is so firmly established by repetitious pronouncement (and
by years of propagation by Western media and officialdom) that Sell can
simply slide over contradictory evidence---even when such evidence is
provided by himself.
Sell refers to anonymous "U.S. psychiatrists, who have studied
Milosevic closely." By "closely" he must mean from afar, since no U.S.
psychiatrist has ever treated or even interviewed Milosevic. These
uncited and unnamed psychiatrists supposedly diagnosed the Yugoslav
leader as a "malignant narcissistic" personality. Sell tells us that
such malignant narcissism fills Milosevic with self-deception and
leaves him with a "chore personality" that is a "sham." "People with
Milosevic's type of personality frequently either cannot or will not
recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be." How does Dr. Sigmund Sell know
all this? He seems to find proof in the fact that Milosevic dared to
have charted a course that differed from the one emanating from
Washington. Surely only personal pathology can explain such "anti-West"
obstinacy. Furthermore, we are told that Milosevic suffered from a
"blind spot" in that he was never comfortable with the notion of
private property. If this isn't evidence of malignant narcissism, what
is? Sell never considers the possibility that he himself, and the
global interventionists who think like him, cannot or will not
"recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be."
Milosevic, we are repeatedly told, fell under the growing influence of
his wife, Mirjana Markovic, "the real power behind the throne." Sell
actually calls her "Lady Macbeth" on one occasion. He portrays Markovic
as a complete wacko, given to uncontrollable anger; her eyes "vibrated
like a scared animal"; "she suffers from severe schizophrenia" with "a
tenuous grasp on reality," and is a hopeless "hypochondriac." In
addition, she has a "mousy" appearance and a "dreamy" and "traumatized"
personality. And like her husband, with whom she shares a "very
abnormal relationship," she has "an autistic relation with the world."
Worse still, she holds "hardline marxist views." We are left to wonder
how the autistic dysfunctional Markovic was able to work as a popular
university professor, organize and lead a new political party, and play
an active role in the popular resistance against Western
interventionism.
In this book, whenever Milosevic or others in his camp are quoted as
saying something, they "snarl," "gush," "hiss," and "crow." In
contrast, political players who win Sell's approval, "observe,"
"state," "note," and "conclude." When one of Milosevic's superiors
voices his discomfort about "noisy Kosovo Serbs" (as Sell calls them)
who were demonstrating against the mistreatment they suffered at the
hands of Kosovo Albanian secessionists, Milosevic "hisses," "Why are
you so afraid of the street and the people?" Some of us might think
this is a pretty good question to hiss at a government leader, but Sell
treats it as proof of Milosevic's demagoguery.
Whenever Milosevic did anything that aided the common citizenry, as
when he taxed the interest earned on foreign currency accounts---a
policy that was unpopular with Serbian elites but appreciated by the
poorer strata---he is dismissed as manipulatively currying popular
favor. Thus we must accept Sell's word that Milosevic never wanted the
power to prevent hunger but only hungered for power. The author
operates from a nonfalsefiable paradigm. If the targeted leader is
unresponsive to the people, this is proof of his dictatorial
proclivity. If he is responsive to them, this demonstrates his
demagogic opportunism.
In keeping with U.S. officialdom's view of the world, Sell labels
"Milosevic and his minions" as "hardliners," "conservatives," and
"ideologues"; they are "anti-West," and bound up in "socialist dogma."
In contrast, Croatian, Bosnian, and Kosovo Albanian secessionists who
worked hard to dismember Yugoslavia and deliver their respective
republics to the tender mercies of neoliberal rollback are identified
as "economic reformers," "the liberal leadership," and "pro-West"
(read, pro-transnational corporate capitalist). Sell treats
"Western-style democracy" and "a modern market economy" as necessary
correlates. He has nothing to say about the dismal plight of the
Eastern European countries that abandoned their deficient but endurable
planned economies for the merciless exactions of laissez-faire
capitalism.
Sell's sensitivity to demagoguery does not extend to Franco Tudjman,
the crypto-fascist anti-Semite Croat who had nice things to say about
Hitler, and who imposed his harsh autocratic rule on the newly
independent Croatia. Tudjman dismissed the Holocaust as an
exaggeration, and openly hailed the Croatian Ustashe Nazi collaborators
of World War II. He even employed a few aging Ustashe leaders in his
government. Sell says not a word about all this, and treats Tudjman as
just a good old Croatian nationalist. Likewise, he has not a critical
word about the Bosnian Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic. He comments
laconically that Izetbegovic "was sentenced to three years imprisonment
in 1946 for belonging to a group called the Young Muslims." One is left
with the impression that the Yugoslav communist government had
suppressed a devout Muslim. What Sell leaves unmentioned is that the
Young Muslims actively recruited Muslim units for the Nazi SS during
World War II; these units perpetrated horrid atrocities against the
resistance movement and the Jewish population in Yugoslavia.
Izetbegovic got off rather lightly with a three-year sentence.
Little is made in this book of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated against
the Serbs by U.S.-supported leaders like Tudjman and Izetbegovic during
and after the U.S.-sponsored wars. Conversely, no mention is made of
the ethnic tolerance and diversity that existed in President
Milosevic's Yugoslavia. By 1999, all that was left of Yugoslavia was
Montenegro and Serbia. Readers are never told that this rump nation was
the only remaining multi-ethnic society among the various former
Yugoslav republics, the only place where Serbs, Albanians, Croats,
Gorani, Jews, Egyptians, Hungarians, Roma, and numerous other ethnic
groups could live together with some measure of security and tolerance.
The relentless demonization of Milosevic spills over onto the Serbian
people in general. In Sell's book, the Serbs are aggrandizing
nationalists. Kosovo Serbs demonstrating against mistreatment by
Albanian nationalists are described as having their "bloodlust up." And
Serb workers demonstrating to defend their rights and hard won gains
are dismissed by Sell as "the lowest instruments of the mob." The Serbs
who had lived in Krajina and other parts of Croatia for centuries are
dismissed as colonial occupiers. In contrast, the Slovenian, Croatian,
and Bosnian Muslim nationalist secessionists, and Kosovo Albanian
irredentists are simply seeking "independence," "self-determination,"
and "cultural distinctiveness and sovereignty." In this book, the
Albanian KLA gunmen are not big-time drug dealers, terrorists, and
ethnic cleansers, but guerrilla fighters and patriots.
Military actions allegedly taken by the Serbs, described in the vaguest
terms, are repeatedly labeled "brutal," while assaults and atrocities
delivered upon the Serbs by other national groups are more usually
accepted as retaliatory and defensive, or are dismissed by Sell as
"untrue," "highly exaggerated," and "hyperventilated." Milosevic, Sell
says, disseminated "vicious propaganda" against the Croats, but he does
not give us any specifics. Sell does provide one or two instances of
how Serb villages were pillaged and their inhabitants raped and
murdered by Albanian secessionists. From this he grudgingly allows that
"some of the Serb charges . . . had a core of truth." But he makes
nothing more of it.
The well-timed, well-engineered story about a Serbian massacre of
unarmed Albanians in the village of Racak, hyped by U.S. diplomat and
veteran disinformationist William Walker, is wholeheartedly embraced by
Sell, who ignores all the contrary evidence. An Associated Press TV
crew had actually filmed the battle that took place in Racak the
previous day in which Serbian police killed a number of KLA fighters. A
French journalist who went through Racak later that day found evidence
of a battle but no evidence of a massacre of unarmed civilians, nor did
Walker's own Kosovo Verification Mission monitors. All the forensic
reports reveal that almost all of the forty-four persons killed had
previously been using fire arms, and all had perished in combat. Sell
simply ignores this evidence.
The media-hyped story of how the Serbs allegedly killed 7,000 Muslims
in Srebrenica is uncritically accepted by Sell, even though the most
thorough investigations have uncovered not more than 2,000 bodies of
undetermined nationality. The earlier massacres carried out by Muslims,
their razing of some fifty Serbian villages around Srebrenica, as
reported by two British correspondents and others, are ignored. The
complete failure of Western forensic teams to locate the 250,000 or
100,000 or 50,000 or 10,000 bodies (the numbers kept changing) of
Albanians supposedly murdered by the Serbs in Kosovo also goes
unnoticed.
Sell's rendition of what happened at Rambouillet leaves much to be
desired. Under Rambouillet, Kosovo would have been turned into a NATO
colony. Milosevic might have reluctantly agreed to that, so desperate
was he to avoid a full-scale NATO onslaught on the rest of Yugoslavia.
To be certain that war could not be avoided, however, the U.S.
delegation added a remarkable stipulation, demanding that NATO forces
and personnel were to have unrestrained access to all of Yugoslavia,
unfettered use of its airports, rails, ports, telecommunication
services, and airwaves, all free of cost and immune from any
jurisdiction by Yugoslav authorities. NATO would also have the option
to modify for its own use all of Yugoslavia's infrastructure including
roads, bridges, tunnels, buildings, and utility systems. In effect, not
just Kosovo but all of Yugoslavia was to be subjected to an
extraterritoriality tantamount to outright colonial occupation.
Sell does not mention these particulars. Instead he assures us that the
request for NATO's unimpeded access to Yugoslavia was just a pro forma
protocol inserted "largely for legal reasons." A similar though less
sweeping agreement was part of the Dayton package, he says. Indeed, and
the Dayton agreement reduced Bosnia to a Western colony. But if there
was nothing wrong with the Rambouillet ultimatum, why then did
Milosevic reject it? Sell ascribes Milosevic's resistance to his
perverse "bunker mentality" and his need to defy the world.
There is not a descriptive word in this book of the 78 days of
around-the-clock massive NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, no mention of how
it caused the loss of thousands of lives, injured and maimed thousands
more, contaminated much of the land and water with depleted uranium,
and destroyed much of the country's public sector industries and
infrastructure-while leaving all the private Western corporate
structures perfectly intact.
The sources that Sell relies on share U.S. officialdom's view of the
Balkans struggle. Observers who offer a more independently critical
perspective, such as Sean Gervassi, Diana Johnstone, Gregory Elich,
Nicholas Stavrous, Michel Collon, Raju Thomas, and Michel Chossudovsky
are left untouched and uncited. Important Western sources I reference
in my book on Yugoslavia offer evidence, testimony, and documentation
that do not fit Sell's conclusions, including sources from within the
European Union, the European Community's Commission on Women's Rights,
the OSCE and its Kosovo Verification Mission, the UN War Crimes
Commission, and various other UN commissions, various State Department
reports, the German Foreign Office and German Defense Ministry reports,
and the International Red Cross. Sell does not touch these sources.
Also ignored by him are the testimonies and statements of members of
the U.S. Congress who visited the Balkans, a former State Department
official under the Bush administration, a former deputy commander of
the U.S. European command, several UN and NATO generals and
international negotiators, Spanish air force pilots, forensic teams
from various countries, and UN monitors who offer revelations that
contradict the picture drawn by Sell and other apologists of U.S.
officialdom.
In sum, Sell's book is packed with discombobulated insider details,
unsupported charges, unexamined presumptions, and ideologically loaded
labeling. As mainstream disinformation goes, it is a job well done.
The Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at www.globalresearch.ca
grants permission to cross-post original CRG articles in their
entirety, or any portions thereof, on community internet sites, as long
as the text and title of the article are not modified. The source must
be acknowledged as follows: Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG)
at www.globalresearch.ca . The active URL hyperlink address of the
original CRG article and the author's copyright note must be clearly
displayed. (For articles from other news sources, check with the
original copyright holder, where applicable.) For publication of CRG
articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites,
contact: editor@... .
Michael Parenti's recent books are To Kill a Nation: The Attack on
Yugoslavia (Verso), and The Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond
(City Lights). His latest work, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A
People's History of Ancient Rome has been nominated for a Pulitzer
Prize. © Copyright M Parenti 2003 For fair use only/ pour usage
équitable seulement.
==========================
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Data: Mer 17 Dic 2003 13:54:57 Europe/Rome
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Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
War Propaganda and the Criminalization of Justice:
The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
by Michael Parenti
www.michaelParenti.org , December 2003
www.globalresearch.ca 17 December 2003
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/PAR312A.html
U.S. leaders profess a dedication to democracy. Yet over the past five
decades, democratically elected governments---guilty of introducing
redistributive economic programs or otherwise pursuing independent
courses that do not properly fit into the U.S.-sponsored global free
market system---have found themselves targeted by the U.S. national
security state. Thus democratic governments in Argentina, Bolivia,
Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, the Dominican Republic, Greece, Guatemala,
Guyana, Haiti, Syria, Uruguay, and numerous other nations were
overthrown by their respective military forces, funded and advised by
the United States. The newly installed military rulers then rolled back
the egalitarian reforms and opened their countries all the wider to
foreign corporate investors.
The U.S. national security state also has participated in destabilizing
covert actions, proxy mercenary wars, or direct military attacks
against revolutionary or nationalist governments in Afghanistan (in the
1980s), Angola, Cambodia, Cuba, East Timor, Egypt, Ethiopia, the Fiji
Islands, Grenada, Haiti, Indonesia (under Sukarno), Iran, Jamaica,
Lebanon, Libya, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Syria,
South Yemen, Venezuela (under Hugo Chavez), Western Sahara, and Iraq
(under the CIA-sponsored autocratic Saddam Hussein, after he emerged as
an economic nationalist and tried to cut a better deal on oil prices).
The propaganda method used to discredit many of these governments is
not particularly original, indeed by now it is quite transparently
predictable. Their leaders are denounced as bombastic, hostile, and
psychologically flawed. They are labeled power hungry demagogues,
mercurial strongmen, and the worst sort of dictators likened to Hitler
himself. The countries in question are designated as "terrorist" or
"rogue" states, guilty of being "anti-American" and "anti-West." Some
choice few are even condemned as members of an "evil axis." When
targeting a country and demonizing its leadership, U.S. leaders are
assisted by ideologically attuned publicists, pundits, academics, and
former government officials. Together they create a climate of opinion
that enables Washington to do whatever is necessary to inflict serious
damage upon the designated nation's infrastructure and population, all
in the name of human rights, anti-terrorism, and national security.
There is no better example of this than the tireless demonization of
democratically-elected President Slobodan Milosevic and the
U.S.-supported wars against Yugoslavia. Louis Sell, a former U.S.
Foreign Service officer, has authored a book (Slobodan Milosevic and
the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Duke University Press, 2002) that is a
hit piece on Milosevic, loaded with all the usual prefabricated images
and policy presumptions of the U.S. national security state. Sell's
Milosevic is a caricature, a cunning power seeker and maddened fool,
who turns on trusted comrades and plays upon divisions within the party.
This Milosevic is both an "orthodox socialist" and an "opportunistic
Serbian nationalist," a demagogic power-hungry "second Tito" who
simultaneously wants dictatorial power over all of Yugoslavia while
eagerly pursuing polices that "destroy the state that Tito created."
The author does not demonstrate by reference to specific policies and
programs that Milosevic is responsible for the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia, he just tells us so again and again. One would think that
the Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian Muslim, Macedonian, and Kosovo
Albanian secessionists and U.S./NATO interventionists might have had
something to do with it.
In my opinion, Milosevic's real sin was that he resisted the
dismemberment of Yugoslavia and opposed a U.S. imposed hegemony. He
also attempted to spare Yugoslavia the worst of the merciless
privatizations and rollbacks that have afflicted other former communist
countries. Yugoslavia was the only nation in Europe that did not apply
for entry into the European Union or NATO or OSCE.
For some left intellectuals, the former Yugoslavia did not qualify as a
socialist state because it had allowed too much penetration by private
corporations and the IMF. But U.S. policymakers are notorious for not
seeing the world the way purist left intellectuals do. For them
Yugoslavia was socialist enough with its developed human services
sector and an economy that was over 75 percent publicly owned. Sell
makes it clear that Yugoslavia's public ownership and Milosevic's
defense of that economy were a central consideration in Washington's
war against Yugoslavia. Milosevic, Sell complains, had a "commitment to
orthodox socialism." He "portrayed public ownership of the means of
production and a continued emphasis on [state] commodity production as
the best guarantees for prosperity." He had to go.
To make his case against Milosevic, Sell repeatedly falls back on the
usual ad hominem labeling. Thus we read that in his childhood Milosevic
was "something of a prig" and of course "by nature a loner," a weird
kind of kid because he was "uninterested in sports or other physical
activities," and he "spurned childhood pranks in favor of his books."
The author quotes an anonymous former classmate who reports that
Slobodan's mother "dressed him funny and kept him soft." Worse still,
Slobodan would never join in when other boys stole from orchards---no
doubt a sure sign of childhood pathology.
Sell further describes Milosevic as "moody," "reclusive," and given to
"mulish fatalism." But Sell's own data---when he pauses in his negative
labeling and gets down to specifics---contradicts the maladjusted
"moody loner" stereotype. He acknowledges that young Slobodan worked
well with other youth when it came to political activities. Far from
being unable to form close relations, Slobodan met a girl, his future
wife, and they enjoyed an enduring lifelong attachment. In his early
career when heading the Beogradska Banka, Milosevic was reportedly
"communicative, caring about people at the bank, and popular with his
staff." Other friends describe him as getting on well with people,
"communal and relaxed," a faithful husband to his wife, and a proud and
devoted father to his children. And Sell allows that Milosevic was at
times "confident," "outgoing," and "charismatic." But the negative
stereotype is so firmly established by repetitious pronouncement (and
by years of propagation by Western media and officialdom) that Sell can
simply slide over contradictory evidence---even when such evidence is
provided by himself.
Sell refers to anonymous "U.S. psychiatrists, who have studied
Milosevic closely." By "closely" he must mean from afar, since no U.S.
psychiatrist has ever treated or even interviewed Milosevic. These
uncited and unnamed psychiatrists supposedly diagnosed the Yugoslav
leader as a "malignant narcissistic" personality. Sell tells us that
such malignant narcissism fills Milosevic with self-deception and
leaves him with a "chore personality" that is a "sham." "People with
Milosevic's type of personality frequently either cannot or will not
recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be." How does Dr. Sigmund Sell know
all this? He seems to find proof in the fact that Milosevic dared to
have charted a course that differed from the one emanating from
Washington. Surely only personal pathology can explain such "anti-West"
obstinacy. Furthermore, we are told that Milosevic suffered from a
"blind spot" in that he was never comfortable with the notion of
private property. If this isn't evidence of malignant narcissism, what
is? Sell never considers the possibility that he himself, and the
global interventionists who think like him, cannot or will not
"recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be."
Milosevic, we are repeatedly told, fell under the growing influence of
his wife, Mirjana Markovic, "the real power behind the throne." Sell
actually calls her "Lady Macbeth" on one occasion. He portrays Markovic
as a complete wacko, given to uncontrollable anger; her eyes "vibrated
like a scared animal"; "she suffers from severe schizophrenia" with "a
tenuous grasp on reality," and is a hopeless "hypochondriac." In
addition, she has a "mousy" appearance and a "dreamy" and "traumatized"
personality. And like her husband, with whom she shares a "very
abnormal relationship," she has "an autistic relation with the world."
Worse still, she holds "hardline marxist views." We are left to wonder
how the autistic dysfunctional Markovic was able to work as a popular
university professor, organize and lead a new political party, and play
an active role in the popular resistance against Western
interventionism.
In this book, whenever Milosevic or others in his camp are quoted as
saying something, they "snarl," "gush," "hiss," and "crow." In
contrast, political players who win Sell's approval, "observe,"
"state," "note," and "conclude." When one of Milosevic's superiors
voices his discomfort about "noisy Kosovo Serbs" (as Sell calls them)
who were demonstrating against the mistreatment they suffered at the
hands of Kosovo Albanian secessionists, Milosevic "hisses," "Why are
you so afraid of the street and the people?" Some of us might think
this is a pretty good question to hiss at a government leader, but Sell
treats it as proof of Milosevic's demagoguery.
Whenever Milosevic did anything that aided the common citizenry, as
when he taxed the interest earned on foreign currency accounts---a
policy that was unpopular with Serbian elites but appreciated by the
poorer strata---he is dismissed as manipulatively currying popular
favor. Thus we must accept Sell's word that Milosevic never wanted the
power to prevent hunger but only hungered for power. The author
operates from a nonfalsefiable paradigm. If the targeted leader is
unresponsive to the people, this is proof of his dictatorial
proclivity. If he is responsive to them, this demonstrates his
demagogic opportunism.
In keeping with U.S. officialdom's view of the world, Sell labels
"Milosevic and his minions" as "hardliners," "conservatives," and
"ideologues"; they are "anti-West," and bound up in "socialist dogma."
In contrast, Croatian, Bosnian, and Kosovo Albanian secessionists who
worked hard to dismember Yugoslavia and deliver their respective
republics to the tender mercies of neoliberal rollback are identified
as "economic reformers," "the liberal leadership," and "pro-West"
(read, pro-transnational corporate capitalist). Sell treats
"Western-style democracy" and "a modern market economy" as necessary
correlates. He has nothing to say about the dismal plight of the
Eastern European countries that abandoned their deficient but endurable
planned economies for the merciless exactions of laissez-faire
capitalism.
Sell's sensitivity to demagoguery does not extend to Franco Tudjman,
the crypto-fascist anti-Semite Croat who had nice things to say about
Hitler, and who imposed his harsh autocratic rule on the newly
independent Croatia. Tudjman dismissed the Holocaust as an
exaggeration, and openly hailed the Croatian Ustashe Nazi collaborators
of World War II. He even employed a few aging Ustashe leaders in his
government. Sell says not a word about all this, and treats Tudjman as
just a good old Croatian nationalist. Likewise, he has not a critical
word about the Bosnian Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic. He comments
laconically that Izetbegovic "was sentenced to three years imprisonment
in 1946 for belonging to a group called the Young Muslims." One is left
with the impression that the Yugoslav communist government had
suppressed a devout Muslim. What Sell leaves unmentioned is that the
Young Muslims actively recruited Muslim units for the Nazi SS during
World War II; these units perpetrated horrid atrocities against the
resistance movement and the Jewish population in Yugoslavia.
Izetbegovic got off rather lightly with a three-year sentence.
Little is made in this book of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated against
the Serbs by U.S.-supported leaders like Tudjman and Izetbegovic during
and after the U.S.-sponsored wars. Conversely, no mention is made of
the ethnic tolerance and diversity that existed in President
Milosevic's Yugoslavia. By 1999, all that was left of Yugoslavia was
Montenegro and Serbia. Readers are never told that this rump nation was
the only remaining multi-ethnic society among the various former
Yugoslav republics, the only place where Serbs, Albanians, Croats,
Gorani, Jews, Egyptians, Hungarians, Roma, and numerous other ethnic
groups could live together with some measure of security and tolerance.
The relentless demonization of Milosevic spills over onto the Serbian
people in general. In Sell's book, the Serbs are aggrandizing
nationalists. Kosovo Serbs demonstrating against mistreatment by
Albanian nationalists are described as having their "bloodlust up." And
Serb workers demonstrating to defend their rights and hard won gains
are dismissed by Sell as "the lowest instruments of the mob." The Serbs
who had lived in Krajina and other parts of Croatia for centuries are
dismissed as colonial occupiers. In contrast, the Slovenian, Croatian,
and Bosnian Muslim nationalist secessionists, and Kosovo Albanian
irredentists are simply seeking "independence," "self-determination,"
and "cultural distinctiveness and sovereignty." In this book, the
Albanian KLA gunmen are not big-time drug dealers, terrorists, and
ethnic cleansers, but guerrilla fighters and patriots.
Military actions allegedly taken by the Serbs, described in the vaguest
terms, are repeatedly labeled "brutal," while assaults and atrocities
delivered upon the Serbs by other national groups are more usually
accepted as retaliatory and defensive, or are dismissed by Sell as
"untrue," "highly exaggerated," and "hyperventilated." Milosevic, Sell
says, disseminated "vicious propaganda" against the Croats, but he does
not give us any specifics. Sell does provide one or two instances of
how Serb villages were pillaged and their inhabitants raped and
murdered by Albanian secessionists. From this he grudgingly allows that
"some of the Serb charges . . . had a core of truth." But he makes
nothing more of it.
The well-timed, well-engineered story about a Serbian massacre of
unarmed Albanians in the village of Racak, hyped by U.S. diplomat and
veteran disinformationist William Walker, is wholeheartedly embraced by
Sell, who ignores all the contrary evidence. An Associated Press TV
crew had actually filmed the battle that took place in Racak the
previous day in which Serbian police killed a number of KLA fighters. A
French journalist who went through Racak later that day found evidence
of a battle but no evidence of a massacre of unarmed civilians, nor did
Walker's own Kosovo Verification Mission monitors. All the forensic
reports reveal that almost all of the forty-four persons killed had
previously been using fire arms, and all had perished in combat. Sell
simply ignores this evidence.
The media-hyped story of how the Serbs allegedly killed 7,000 Muslims
in Srebrenica is uncritically accepted by Sell, even though the most
thorough investigations have uncovered not more than 2,000 bodies of
undetermined nationality. The earlier massacres carried out by Muslims,
their razing of some fifty Serbian villages around Srebrenica, as
reported by two British correspondents and others, are ignored. The
complete failure of Western forensic teams to locate the 250,000 or
100,000 or 50,000 or 10,000 bodies (the numbers kept changing) of
Albanians supposedly murdered by the Serbs in Kosovo also goes
unnoticed.
Sell's rendition of what happened at Rambouillet leaves much to be
desired. Under Rambouillet, Kosovo would have been turned into a NATO
colony. Milosevic might have reluctantly agreed to that, so desperate
was he to avoid a full-scale NATO onslaught on the rest of Yugoslavia.
To be certain that war could not be avoided, however, the U.S.
delegation added a remarkable stipulation, demanding that NATO forces
and personnel were to have unrestrained access to all of Yugoslavia,
unfettered use of its airports, rails, ports, telecommunication
services, and airwaves, all free of cost and immune from any
jurisdiction by Yugoslav authorities. NATO would also have the option
to modify for its own use all of Yugoslavia's infrastructure including
roads, bridges, tunnels, buildings, and utility systems. In effect, not
just Kosovo but all of Yugoslavia was to be subjected to an
extraterritoriality tantamount to outright colonial occupation.
Sell does not mention these particulars. Instead he assures us that the
request for NATO's unimpeded access to Yugoslavia was just a pro forma
protocol inserted "largely for legal reasons." A similar though less
sweeping agreement was part of the Dayton package, he says. Indeed, and
the Dayton agreement reduced Bosnia to a Western colony. But if there
was nothing wrong with the Rambouillet ultimatum, why then did
Milosevic reject it? Sell ascribes Milosevic's resistance to his
perverse "bunker mentality" and his need to defy the world.
There is not a descriptive word in this book of the 78 days of
around-the-clock massive NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, no mention of how
it caused the loss of thousands of lives, injured and maimed thousands
more, contaminated much of the land and water with depleted uranium,
and destroyed much of the country's public sector industries and
infrastructure-while leaving all the private Western corporate
structures perfectly intact.
The sources that Sell relies on share U.S. officialdom's view of the
Balkans struggle. Observers who offer a more independently critical
perspective, such as Sean Gervassi, Diana Johnstone, Gregory Elich,
Nicholas Stavrous, Michel Collon, Raju Thomas, and Michel Chossudovsky
are left untouched and uncited. Important Western sources I reference
in my book on Yugoslavia offer evidence, testimony, and documentation
that do not fit Sell's conclusions, including sources from within the
European Union, the European Community's Commission on Women's Rights,
the OSCE and its Kosovo Verification Mission, the UN War Crimes
Commission, and various other UN commissions, various State Department
reports, the German Foreign Office and German Defense Ministry reports,
and the International Red Cross. Sell does not touch these sources.
Also ignored by him are the testimonies and statements of members of
the U.S. Congress who visited the Balkans, a former State Department
official under the Bush administration, a former deputy commander of
the U.S. European command, several UN and NATO generals and
international negotiators, Spanish air force pilots, forensic teams
from various countries, and UN monitors who offer revelations that
contradict the picture drawn by Sell and other apologists of U.S.
officialdom.
In sum, Sell's book is packed with discombobulated insider details,
unsupported charges, unexamined presumptions, and ideologically loaded
labeling. As mainstream disinformation goes, it is a job well done.
The Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at www.globalresearch.ca
grants permission to cross-post original CRG articles in their
entirety, or any portions thereof, on community internet sites, as long
as the text and title of the article are not modified. The source must
be acknowledged as follows: Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG)
at www.globalresearch.ca . The active URL hyperlink address of the
original CRG article and the author's copyright note must be clearly
displayed. (For articles from other news sources, check with the
original copyright holder, where applicable.) For publication of CRG
articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites,
contact: editor@... .
Michael Parenti's recent books are To Kill a Nation: The Attack on
Yugoslavia (Verso), and The Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond
(City Lights). His latest work, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A
People's History of Ancient Rome has been nominated for a Pulitzer
Prize. © Copyright M Parenti 2003 For fair use only/ pour usage
équitable seulement.
==========================
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Intellettuali di servizio: Bernard Henri LEVY
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-------- Original Message --------
Subject: « Romanquete » ou mauvaise enquete ?
Date: Thu, 11 Dec 2003 13:45:03 +0100 (CET)
From: Le Monde diplomatique <info-diplo@...>
To: Le Monde diplomatique <info-diplo@...>
« QUI A TUÉ DANIEL PEARL ? »
« Romanquête » ou mauvaise enquête ?
(11 décembre 2003)
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/bhl/
Peu après la guerre du Kosovo, Daniel Pearl enquêta au
Kosovo avec son camarade Robert Block. Leur enquête fut
publiée à la « une » du Wall Street Journal le 31
décembre 1999. Contredisant le parti pris éditorial des
responsables du quotidien américain, très favorable à la
guerre de l'OTAN et assuré de l'existence d'un génocide,
cette enquête établissait que si les forces yougoslaves
avaient bien « expulsé des centaines de milliers de
Kosovars albanais, brûlant des maisons et se livrant à
des exécutions sommaires, d'autres allégations - meurtres
de masse indiscriminés, camps de viols, mutilation des
morts - n'ont pas été confirmées. (...) Des militants
kosovars albanais, des organisations humanitaires, l'OTAN
et les médias se sont alimentés les uns les autres pour
donner une crédibilité aux rumeurs de génocide. » En
parlant avec insistance de « wagons plombés » opérant
« dans le brouillard », Bernard-Henri Lévy fut l'un des
plus grands propagateurs en France de ces « rumeurs de
génocide ». Une telle erreur est peut-être excusable.
Mais elle ne faisait pas forcément de lui le meilleur
biographe de Daniel Pearl, journaliste exemplaire
atrocement assassiné.
Le système BHL opère depuis plus de vingt-cinq ans.
Presque rien ne lui échappe. Ni dans le domaine du
politique (où les amitiés du philosophe vont de Nicolas
Sarkozy à Dominique Strauss-Kahn). Ni dans celui de
l'économie (il a prononcé l'hommage funèbre du père
d'Arnaud Lagardère, François Pinault parle de lui comme
d'un fils). Ni dans celui des médias (ceux que possèdent
les industriels précités... et la plupart des autres). Ce
système constitue-t-il un des éléments de l'« exception
française », du « retard » qu'un pays trop provincial
aurait pris sur le grand large des idées, d'une certaine
frivolité parisienne ? Fournit-il plutôt la preuve du non
renouvellement des élites hexagonales et de la connivence
qui les lie, au risque d'aiguiser un soupçon de sclérose
intellectuelle ? Depuis un quart de siècle, en tout cas,
Bernard-Henri Lévy fait beaucoup de choses dont il est
presque impossible d'ignorer une seule. Sans doute
sont-elles trop nombreuses, sur des terrains trop divers,
pour être vraiment bien faites.
Philosophe (inconnu des philosophes), réalisateur de
films (de facture incertaine), dramaturge, essayiste,
romancier, reporter, envoyé spécial du président de la
République, homme de télévision et des magazines people,
ami des industriels, Grand Commentateur de Tout, en
particulier de chacune de ses interventions : c'est
assurément beaucoup pour une seule personne.
Bernard-Henri Lévy s'est donc engagé plus d'une fois au
service des causes les plus discutables. Et il s'est
beaucoup trompé. En mars 1985, une résistance attire son
attention, elle obtient son appui. Très mauvaise pioche :
il s'agit en effet de la « contra » du Nicaragua, un
groupe de combattants opérant à coup d'actions
terroristes contre le régime légal du pays, reconnu par
la communauté des Etats. Cette guérilla opère grâce à la
CIA et avec le concours de l'extrême droite locale. Quand
le Congrès des Etats-Unis décide de cesser de financer
cette « sale guerre », Bernard-Henri Lévy intervient avec
quelques autres pour supplier les parlementaires
américains de « reconduire l'aide à la résistance
nicaragayenne. Le Monde Libre attend votre réponse. Ses
ennemis aussi ». D'autres guérillas, que Ronald Reagan ne
soutenait pas, trouvèrent en Bernard-Henri Lévy un avocat
moins attentionné...
Quoi qu'il fasse, l'homme n'est jamais dépourvu d'appuis.
Il opère d'ailleurs à découvert. Il suffit de lire son
« bloc-notes » du Point pour comprendre qui sont ses
alliés et qui sont ses adversaires. Il loue les premiers,
fustige les autres. A charge de revanche. (Lire Dans
les cuisines du Bernard-Henri Lévisme et, dans Le Monde
diplomatique de décembre 2003, « Cela dure depuis
vingt-cing ans »). En 1997, son film Le Jour et la Nuit
réalise une forme d'exploit : un budget impressionnant,
Alain Delon et Karl Zéro au générique, la couverture de
plusieurs magazines (en particulier quand ils
appartiennent aux amis du philosophe et aux producteurs
du film, comme François Pinault et Jean-Luc Lagardère).
Pourtant, à l'arrivée le fiasco commercial est terrible
(70 000 entrées pour un film qui a coûté 53 millions de
francs...) Une aide de 3,5 millions de francs (530 000
euros) du Centre national de la cinématographie, sans
doute ému par les efforts d'un jeune réalisateur
désargenté et sans entregent, n'y fera rien : les
critiques vont saluer la performance artistique d'un
éclat de rire un peu humiliant. Bernard-Henri Lévy passe
à autre chose.
Le 15 février 2002, « à la demande conjointe du président
de la République et du premier ministre », M. Hubert
Védrine, ministre français des affaires étrangères,
confie à Bernard-Henri Lévy « la mission de se rendre en
Afghanistan et d'y étudier les modalités d'une
contribution française à la reconstruction de ce pays
meurtri ». L'enquête est rondement menée. Quelques
semaines après son départ à Kaboul, Bernard-Henri Lévy
revient, rapport bouclé. Il sera publié par La
Documentation française, qui dépend directement du
Premier ministre. Le recueil ne contient qu'une annexe :
le texte d'un discours de Bernard-Henri Lévy à Kaboul...
Quelques mois plus tard, l'intelligentsia afghane hérite
d'un mensuel lui permettant, enfin, de lire en deux
langues un éditorial de Bernard-Henri Lévy sur l'affaire
Papon.
Dès 1977, le philosophe Gilles Deleuze résumait ainsi
l'oeuvre des « nouveaux philosophes » et le formidable
« marketing littéraire » qui leur servait déjà de caisse
de résonance : « Je crois que leur pensée est nulle. Je
vois deux raisons possibles à cette nullité. D'abord ils
procèdent par gros concepts, aussi gros que des dents
creuses, LA loi, LE pouvoir, LE maître, LE monde, LA
rébellion, LA foi, etc. Ils peuvent faire ainsi des
mélanges grotesques, des dualismes sommaires, la loi et
le rebelle, le pouvoir et l'ange. Plus le contenu de
pensée est faible, plus le penseur prend d'importance,
plus le sujet d'énonciation se donne de l'importance par
rapport aux énoncés vides. » (A propos des nouveaux
philosophes et d'un problème plus général, éditions de
Minuit, 2003.) Les choses ont-elles changé vingt-cinq ans
plus tard ? Bernard-Henri Lévy a répondu à sa manière au
moment de la sortie de Qui a tué Daniel Pearl ? : « Je
suis le même, il me semble. Avec le même souci, la même
obsession et la même question inlassable, posée de livre
en livre, qui est la question du mal. Que ce soit dans
mes romans, dans mes essais politiques, ou que ce soit
dans ce livre enquête, je tourne autour de la même
hypothèse théorique : à savoir qu'un système, mais aussi
une société ou un monde se jugent en fonction de leur
part d'ombre et de leur envers davantage que parce qu'ils
montrent ou rendent visible. Je ne suis jamais sorti de
cela : ce qui est intéressant, c'est la part maudite des
sociétés humaines. La part du diable, en quelque
sorte. » (Livres Hebdo, 30 mai 2003.)
Il n'est pas établi qu'un tel fil conducteur, une telle
« hypothèse théorique », ait toujours servi le
journalisme ou l'histoire. Dès 1981, dans un commentaire
cinglant de L'idéologie française, essai de Bernard-Henri
Lévy sur la Collaboration, Raymond Aron notait dans
L'Express : « Un auteur qui emploie volontiers les
adjectifs infâme ou obscène pour qualifier les hommes et
les idées invite le critique à lui rendre la pareille. Je
résisterai autant que possible à la tentation, bien que
le livre de Bernard-Henri Lévy présente quelques-uns des
défauts qui m'horripilent : la boursouflure du style, la
prétention à trancher des mérites et des démérites des
vivants et des morts, l'ambition de rappeler à un peuple
amnésique la part engloutie de son passé, les citations
détachées de leur contexte et interprétées
arbitrairement. » A l'époque, on lisait les livres du
nouveau philosophe avant de se prosterner aux pieds de
leur auteur. Les défauts qui horripilaient Raymond Aron
n'ont pas disparu quand Bernard-Henri Lévy est passé de
l'essai à l'enquête. Qu'il s'agisse de l'Algérie (lire
Les généraux d'Alger préfèrent un reportage de BHL à
une enquête internationale), de l'Afghanistan (lire
BHL en Afghanistan ou Tintin au Congo ? ), de la
Colombie (lire La Colombie selon Bernard-Henri Lévy)
ou, à présent, du Pakistan, plusieurs enquêtes de
Bernard-Henri Lévy ont suscité une volée de bois vert
administrée par ceux qui connaissaient bien les sujets et
les pays en question.
Avec Qui a tué Daniel Pearl ?, il s'agissait d'un
« romanquête », autrement dit d'un mélange des genres
permettant à la fois de constater ce que le romancier
n'aurait pas su imaginer et d'imaginer ce que l'enquêteur
n'aurait pas pu constater. A charge pour le lecteur de
démêler l'un de l'autre. Autant dire que l'ambition était
immense. Dans ses nombreux entretiens, l'auteur a par
exemple répété que les services secrets pakistanais
pourraient avoir procuré les secrets de la bombe atomique
à Al-Qaida ? Une « hypothèse » en passant... Mais
n'est-elle trop sérieuse, trop peu « théorique » pour
être avancée, innocemment, sur des plateaux de
télévision comme si la commercialisation d'un livre était
dorénavant devenue raison suffisante pour lancer
n'importe quelle campagne d'affolement ? Toutefois, la
panique n'eût pas lieu, preuve peut-être que, pour le
public, vingt-cinq ans d'expérience de Bernard-Henri Lévy
n'ont pas été sans effet. Et puis, comment prendre tout à
fait au sérieux un auteur qui, en s'appuyant sur une
citation tronquée de Raymond Aron, qualifia un jour
Pierre Bourdieu de « sociologue ambitieux » d'« aide de
camp peu doué », de « soldat de plomb » à l'« âpreté
désolée » et au « ressentiment visible » ?
Tant qu'à citer Raymond Aron, Bernard-Henri Lévy,
aujourd'hui embarqué avec d'autres dans une chasse à la
« nouvelle judéophobie » trop souvent dépourvue de
discernement pour être convaincante ou même utile, aurait
gagné à rappeler ce que Raymond Aron lui opposa dès
1981 : « Nombre de Juifs, en France, se sentent à nouveau
guettés par l'antisémitisme et, comme des êtres
" choqués ", ils amplifient par leurs réactions le danger
plus ou moins illusoire qu'ils affrontent. Que leur dit
ce livre [L'Idéologie française, de Bernard-Henri Lévy,
ndlr], Que le péril est partout, que l'idéologie
française les condamne à un combat de chaque instant
contre un ennemi installé dans l'inconscient de millions
de leurs concitoyens. Des Français non juifs en
concluront que les juifs sont encore plus différents des
autres Français qu'ils ne l'imaginaient, puisqu'un auteur
acclamé par les organisations juives se révèle incapable
de comprendre tant d'expressions de la pensée française,
au point de les mettre au ban de la France. Il nous
annonce la vérité pour que la nation française connaisse
et surmonte son passé, il jette du sel sur toutes les
plaies mal cicatrisées. Par son hystérie, il va nourrir
l'hystérie d'une fraction de la communauté juive, déjà
portée aux actes du délire. » (L'Express, 7 février
1981.)
Au fond, une succession de reportages déficients ou
calamiteux, de propos à l'emporte-pièce, pose un problème
qui va très au-delà du seul Bernard-Henri Lévy,
épiphénomène exemplaire de ce que Pierre Bourdieu,
justement, appelait l' « intellectuel négatif ». C'est
celui du court-circuit entre les règles qui gouvernent la
vie intellectuelle, le monde des idées, et les techniques
qui régissent l'univers des stars, les lois de la
célébrité. En publiant une contre-enquête au
« romanquête », la New York Review of Books (lire Le
Monde diplomatique, décembre 2003) aura peut-être
contribué à imposer quelques exigences méconnues aux
éditeurs et aux journalistes français. Eux qui présentent
si souvent les Etats-Unis comme un modèle...
Mais dès lors qu'il est peu vraisemblable que, cette
fois, le modèle les inspire, l'affaire Bernard-Henri Lévy
risque de se reproduire très bientôt. Comment ne pas
remarquer déjà que l'article de la New York Review of
Books n'a eu aucun écho dans les médias. Des médias qui
pourtant, il y a six mois, encensaient presque unanimes
Qui a tué Daniel Pearl ?
Un article inédit de SERGE HALIMI.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/bhl/
« Le Monde diplomatique »
- La Colombie selon Bernard-Henri Lévy, par Maurice
Lemoine, juin 2001.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/cahier/ameriquelatine/tintin
« Bibliographie »
- BHL en Afghanistan ou Tintin au Congo ? , par Gilles
Dorronsoro, octobre 1998.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/documents/bhl/afghanistan
- Les généraux d'Alger préfèrent un reportage de BHL à
une enquête internationale, par Nicolas Beau, janvier 1998
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/documents/bhl/algerie
- Dans les cuisines du Bernard-Henri Lévisme , par
Nicolas Beau, janvier 1994.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/documents/bhl/cuisine/
- « A propos des nouveaux philosophes et d'un problème
plus général », Gilles Deleuze, Deux régimes de fous -
Textes et entretiens (1975-1995), Editions de Minuit,
Paris.
« Sur la Toile »
- Murder in Karachi, par William Dalrymple, New York
Review of Books, décembre 2003.
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16823
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http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/generiques/
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-------- Original Message --------
Subject: « Romanquete » ou mauvaise enquete ?
Date: Thu, 11 Dec 2003 13:45:03 +0100 (CET)
From: Le Monde diplomatique <info-diplo@...>
To: Le Monde diplomatique <info-diplo@...>
« QUI A TUÉ DANIEL PEARL ? »
« Romanquête » ou mauvaise enquête ?
(11 décembre 2003)
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/bhl/
Peu après la guerre du Kosovo, Daniel Pearl enquêta au
Kosovo avec son camarade Robert Block. Leur enquête fut
publiée à la « une » du Wall Street Journal le 31
décembre 1999. Contredisant le parti pris éditorial des
responsables du quotidien américain, très favorable à la
guerre de l'OTAN et assuré de l'existence d'un génocide,
cette enquête établissait que si les forces yougoslaves
avaient bien « expulsé des centaines de milliers de
Kosovars albanais, brûlant des maisons et se livrant à
des exécutions sommaires, d'autres allégations - meurtres
de masse indiscriminés, camps de viols, mutilation des
morts - n'ont pas été confirmées. (...) Des militants
kosovars albanais, des organisations humanitaires, l'OTAN
et les médias se sont alimentés les uns les autres pour
donner une crédibilité aux rumeurs de génocide. » En
parlant avec insistance de « wagons plombés » opérant
« dans le brouillard », Bernard-Henri Lévy fut l'un des
plus grands propagateurs en France de ces « rumeurs de
génocide ». Une telle erreur est peut-être excusable.
Mais elle ne faisait pas forcément de lui le meilleur
biographe de Daniel Pearl, journaliste exemplaire
atrocement assassiné.
Le système BHL opère depuis plus de vingt-cinq ans.
Presque rien ne lui échappe. Ni dans le domaine du
politique (où les amitiés du philosophe vont de Nicolas
Sarkozy à Dominique Strauss-Kahn). Ni dans celui de
l'économie (il a prononcé l'hommage funèbre du père
d'Arnaud Lagardère, François Pinault parle de lui comme
d'un fils). Ni dans celui des médias (ceux que possèdent
les industriels précités... et la plupart des autres). Ce
système constitue-t-il un des éléments de l'« exception
française », du « retard » qu'un pays trop provincial
aurait pris sur le grand large des idées, d'une certaine
frivolité parisienne ? Fournit-il plutôt la preuve du non
renouvellement des élites hexagonales et de la connivence
qui les lie, au risque d'aiguiser un soupçon de sclérose
intellectuelle ? Depuis un quart de siècle, en tout cas,
Bernard-Henri Lévy fait beaucoup de choses dont il est
presque impossible d'ignorer une seule. Sans doute
sont-elles trop nombreuses, sur des terrains trop divers,
pour être vraiment bien faites.
Philosophe (inconnu des philosophes), réalisateur de
films (de facture incertaine), dramaturge, essayiste,
romancier, reporter, envoyé spécial du président de la
République, homme de télévision et des magazines people,
ami des industriels, Grand Commentateur de Tout, en
particulier de chacune de ses interventions : c'est
assurément beaucoup pour une seule personne.
Bernard-Henri Lévy s'est donc engagé plus d'une fois au
service des causes les plus discutables. Et il s'est
beaucoup trompé. En mars 1985, une résistance attire son
attention, elle obtient son appui. Très mauvaise pioche :
il s'agit en effet de la « contra » du Nicaragua, un
groupe de combattants opérant à coup d'actions
terroristes contre le régime légal du pays, reconnu par
la communauté des Etats. Cette guérilla opère grâce à la
CIA et avec le concours de l'extrême droite locale. Quand
le Congrès des Etats-Unis décide de cesser de financer
cette « sale guerre », Bernard-Henri Lévy intervient avec
quelques autres pour supplier les parlementaires
américains de « reconduire l'aide à la résistance
nicaragayenne. Le Monde Libre attend votre réponse. Ses
ennemis aussi ». D'autres guérillas, que Ronald Reagan ne
soutenait pas, trouvèrent en Bernard-Henri Lévy un avocat
moins attentionné...
Quoi qu'il fasse, l'homme n'est jamais dépourvu d'appuis.
Il opère d'ailleurs à découvert. Il suffit de lire son
« bloc-notes » du Point pour comprendre qui sont ses
alliés et qui sont ses adversaires. Il loue les premiers,
fustige les autres. A charge de revanche. (Lire Dans
les cuisines du Bernard-Henri Lévisme et, dans Le Monde
diplomatique de décembre 2003, « Cela dure depuis
vingt-cing ans »). En 1997, son film Le Jour et la Nuit
réalise une forme d'exploit : un budget impressionnant,
Alain Delon et Karl Zéro au générique, la couverture de
plusieurs magazines (en particulier quand ils
appartiennent aux amis du philosophe et aux producteurs
du film, comme François Pinault et Jean-Luc Lagardère).
Pourtant, à l'arrivée le fiasco commercial est terrible
(70 000 entrées pour un film qui a coûté 53 millions de
francs...) Une aide de 3,5 millions de francs (530 000
euros) du Centre national de la cinématographie, sans
doute ému par les efforts d'un jeune réalisateur
désargenté et sans entregent, n'y fera rien : les
critiques vont saluer la performance artistique d'un
éclat de rire un peu humiliant. Bernard-Henri Lévy passe
à autre chose.
Le 15 février 2002, « à la demande conjointe du président
de la République et du premier ministre », M. Hubert
Védrine, ministre français des affaires étrangères,
confie à Bernard-Henri Lévy « la mission de se rendre en
Afghanistan et d'y étudier les modalités d'une
contribution française à la reconstruction de ce pays
meurtri ». L'enquête est rondement menée. Quelques
semaines après son départ à Kaboul, Bernard-Henri Lévy
revient, rapport bouclé. Il sera publié par La
Documentation française, qui dépend directement du
Premier ministre. Le recueil ne contient qu'une annexe :
le texte d'un discours de Bernard-Henri Lévy à Kaboul...
Quelques mois plus tard, l'intelligentsia afghane hérite
d'un mensuel lui permettant, enfin, de lire en deux
langues un éditorial de Bernard-Henri Lévy sur l'affaire
Papon.
Dès 1977, le philosophe Gilles Deleuze résumait ainsi
l'oeuvre des « nouveaux philosophes » et le formidable
« marketing littéraire » qui leur servait déjà de caisse
de résonance : « Je crois que leur pensée est nulle. Je
vois deux raisons possibles à cette nullité. D'abord ils
procèdent par gros concepts, aussi gros que des dents
creuses, LA loi, LE pouvoir, LE maître, LE monde, LA
rébellion, LA foi, etc. Ils peuvent faire ainsi des
mélanges grotesques, des dualismes sommaires, la loi et
le rebelle, le pouvoir et l'ange. Plus le contenu de
pensée est faible, plus le penseur prend d'importance,
plus le sujet d'énonciation se donne de l'importance par
rapport aux énoncés vides. » (A propos des nouveaux
philosophes et d'un problème plus général, éditions de
Minuit, 2003.) Les choses ont-elles changé vingt-cinq ans
plus tard ? Bernard-Henri Lévy a répondu à sa manière au
moment de la sortie de Qui a tué Daniel Pearl ? : « Je
suis le même, il me semble. Avec le même souci, la même
obsession et la même question inlassable, posée de livre
en livre, qui est la question du mal. Que ce soit dans
mes romans, dans mes essais politiques, ou que ce soit
dans ce livre enquête, je tourne autour de la même
hypothèse théorique : à savoir qu'un système, mais aussi
une société ou un monde se jugent en fonction de leur
part d'ombre et de leur envers davantage que parce qu'ils
montrent ou rendent visible. Je ne suis jamais sorti de
cela : ce qui est intéressant, c'est la part maudite des
sociétés humaines. La part du diable, en quelque
sorte. » (Livres Hebdo, 30 mai 2003.)
Il n'est pas établi qu'un tel fil conducteur, une telle
« hypothèse théorique », ait toujours servi le
journalisme ou l'histoire. Dès 1981, dans un commentaire
cinglant de L'idéologie française, essai de Bernard-Henri
Lévy sur la Collaboration, Raymond Aron notait dans
L'Express : « Un auteur qui emploie volontiers les
adjectifs infâme ou obscène pour qualifier les hommes et
les idées invite le critique à lui rendre la pareille. Je
résisterai autant que possible à la tentation, bien que
le livre de Bernard-Henri Lévy présente quelques-uns des
défauts qui m'horripilent : la boursouflure du style, la
prétention à trancher des mérites et des démérites des
vivants et des morts, l'ambition de rappeler à un peuple
amnésique la part engloutie de son passé, les citations
détachées de leur contexte et interprétées
arbitrairement. » A l'époque, on lisait les livres du
nouveau philosophe avant de se prosterner aux pieds de
leur auteur. Les défauts qui horripilaient Raymond Aron
n'ont pas disparu quand Bernard-Henri Lévy est passé de
l'essai à l'enquête. Qu'il s'agisse de l'Algérie (lire
Les généraux d'Alger préfèrent un reportage de BHL à
une enquête internationale), de l'Afghanistan (lire
BHL en Afghanistan ou Tintin au Congo ? ), de la
Colombie (lire La Colombie selon Bernard-Henri Lévy)
ou, à présent, du Pakistan, plusieurs enquêtes de
Bernard-Henri Lévy ont suscité une volée de bois vert
administrée par ceux qui connaissaient bien les sujets et
les pays en question.
Avec Qui a tué Daniel Pearl ?, il s'agissait d'un
« romanquête », autrement dit d'un mélange des genres
permettant à la fois de constater ce que le romancier
n'aurait pas su imaginer et d'imaginer ce que l'enquêteur
n'aurait pas pu constater. A charge pour le lecteur de
démêler l'un de l'autre. Autant dire que l'ambition était
immense. Dans ses nombreux entretiens, l'auteur a par
exemple répété que les services secrets pakistanais
pourraient avoir procuré les secrets de la bombe atomique
à Al-Qaida ? Une « hypothèse » en passant... Mais
n'est-elle trop sérieuse, trop peu « théorique » pour
être avancée, innocemment, sur des plateaux de
télévision comme si la commercialisation d'un livre était
dorénavant devenue raison suffisante pour lancer
n'importe quelle campagne d'affolement ? Toutefois, la
panique n'eût pas lieu, preuve peut-être que, pour le
public, vingt-cinq ans d'expérience de Bernard-Henri Lévy
n'ont pas été sans effet. Et puis, comment prendre tout à
fait au sérieux un auteur qui, en s'appuyant sur une
citation tronquée de Raymond Aron, qualifia un jour
Pierre Bourdieu de « sociologue ambitieux » d'« aide de
camp peu doué », de « soldat de plomb » à l'« âpreté
désolée » et au « ressentiment visible » ?
Tant qu'à citer Raymond Aron, Bernard-Henri Lévy,
aujourd'hui embarqué avec d'autres dans une chasse à la
« nouvelle judéophobie » trop souvent dépourvue de
discernement pour être convaincante ou même utile, aurait
gagné à rappeler ce que Raymond Aron lui opposa dès
1981 : « Nombre de Juifs, en France, se sentent à nouveau
guettés par l'antisémitisme et, comme des êtres
" choqués ", ils amplifient par leurs réactions le danger
plus ou moins illusoire qu'ils affrontent. Que leur dit
ce livre [L'Idéologie française, de Bernard-Henri Lévy,
ndlr], Que le péril est partout, que l'idéologie
française les condamne à un combat de chaque instant
contre un ennemi installé dans l'inconscient de millions
de leurs concitoyens. Des Français non juifs en
concluront que les juifs sont encore plus différents des
autres Français qu'ils ne l'imaginaient, puisqu'un auteur
acclamé par les organisations juives se révèle incapable
de comprendre tant d'expressions de la pensée française,
au point de les mettre au ban de la France. Il nous
annonce la vérité pour que la nation française connaisse
et surmonte son passé, il jette du sel sur toutes les
plaies mal cicatrisées. Par son hystérie, il va nourrir
l'hystérie d'une fraction de la communauté juive, déjà
portée aux actes du délire. » (L'Express, 7 février
1981.)
Au fond, une succession de reportages déficients ou
calamiteux, de propos à l'emporte-pièce, pose un problème
qui va très au-delà du seul Bernard-Henri Lévy,
épiphénomène exemplaire de ce que Pierre Bourdieu,
justement, appelait l' « intellectuel négatif ». C'est
celui du court-circuit entre les règles qui gouvernent la
vie intellectuelle, le monde des idées, et les techniques
qui régissent l'univers des stars, les lois de la
célébrité. En publiant une contre-enquête au
« romanquête », la New York Review of Books (lire Le
Monde diplomatique, décembre 2003) aura peut-être
contribué à imposer quelques exigences méconnues aux
éditeurs et aux journalistes français. Eux qui présentent
si souvent les Etats-Unis comme un modèle...
Mais dès lors qu'il est peu vraisemblable que, cette
fois, le modèle les inspire, l'affaire Bernard-Henri Lévy
risque de se reproduire très bientôt. Comment ne pas
remarquer déjà que l'article de la New York Review of
Books n'a eu aucun écho dans les médias. Des médias qui
pourtant, il y a six mois, encensaient presque unanimes
Qui a tué Daniel Pearl ?
Un article inédit de SERGE HALIMI.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/bhl/
« Le Monde diplomatique »
- La Colombie selon Bernard-Henri Lévy, par Maurice
Lemoine, juin 2001.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/cahier/ameriquelatine/tintin
« Bibliographie »
- BHL en Afghanistan ou Tintin au Congo ? , par Gilles
Dorronsoro, octobre 1998.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/documents/bhl/afghanistan
- Les généraux d'Alger préfèrent un reportage de BHL à
une enquête internationale, par Nicolas Beau, janvier 1998
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/documents/bhl/algerie
- Dans les cuisines du Bernard-Henri Lévisme , par
Nicolas Beau, janvier 1994.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/documents/bhl/cuisine/
- « A propos des nouveaux philosophes et d'un problème
plus général », Gilles Deleuze, Deux régimes de fous -
Textes et entretiens (1975-1995), Editions de Minuit,
Paris.
« Sur la Toile »
- Murder in Karachi, par William Dalrymple, New York
Review of Books, décembre 2003.
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16823
___________________________________________________
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pour un ami, un abonnement au Monde diplomatique
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/abo/
Enfin des génériques antisida pour l'Afrique
subsaharienne , par Philippe Rivière.
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/dossiers/generiques/
Les archives de septembre en texte intégral
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2003/09/
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Milosevic "Trial" Synopsis, Dec. 5--16 , 2003
1. News: Jovanovic refused to plea guilty or not guilty before Hague
tribunal / "Trial" Session cancelled on Dec. 9th
2. PHONY INTERCEPTS AT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
3. HAGUE "TRIBUNAL" BANS PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC FROM SPEAKING TO THE
OUTSIDE WORLD
THE SHAME OF WESLEY CLARK'S SECRET TESTIMONY:
4. Protest set to greet Gen. Clark at the Hague tribunal
5. STOP WAR CRIMINAL WESLEY CLARK FROM TESTIFYING IN SECRET - Statement
of the International Action Center 12/15/03
=== 1 ===
Jovanovic refused to plea guilty or not guilty before Hague tribunal
Tanjug - December 5, 2003
17:31 THE HAGUE , Dec 5 (Tanjug) - Editor-in-chief of the Podgorica
daily Dan Dusko Jovanovic, who had been accused of disrespect of The
Hague-based International War Crimes Tribunal, on Friday faced the
hearing of The Hague tribunal court council, but refused to plea
guilty or not guilty.
In my case, there is an objective responsibility having in mind my post
(of editor-in-chief), but I had no intention of making any offence to
The Hague tribunal, said Jovanovic who, according to the tribunal's
regulations, has another 30 days to plea guilty or not guilty.
---
Press Advisory . Avis pour information
(Exclusively for the use of the media. Not an official document)
The Hague, 8 December 2003
P.I.S./PA146
MILOSEVIC CASE:
Please be informed that the Milosevic Trial is cancelled for tomorrow,
Tuesday 9 December, and will commence on Wednesday 10 December at 9am
in Courtroom I, due to Judge Robinson’s absence for medical reasons.
For further information please call: +31 (70) 512-5343 or 512-5356.
Copyright 2003 ICTY P.I.S.
Posted for Fair Use only.
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg121003.htm
PHONY INTERCEPTS AT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL: MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" DECEMBER 10,
2003
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - December 10, 2003
Written by: Andy Wilcoxson
In its only hearing this week the so-called “tribunal” sat for an
extended period, and over the course of the day 2 secret witnesses and
one open witness were heard from.
Before I deal with the witnesses I would like to discuss the matter of
intercepts which was discussed today.
At this so-called “trial” the prosecution has exhibited 245
intercepts. The origins of the intercepts are unclear although it was
revealed today that they came from the intelligence services of
unnamed governments that are hostile towards Serbia.
It was also revealed that no steps have been taken to authenticate the
intercepts. No technicians have been charged with the task of
verifying the integrity or the authenticity of the recordings. The
“tribunal” isn’t even following its own rules here. Rule 89(E)
requires the authentication of evidence.
Neither President Milosevic nor his associates has been given access
to the original recordings. In fact, all the OTP has are copies. The
intelligence services maintain possession of the originals.
President Milosevic contends that the intercepts are forgeries. He
says that the tapes have been doctored by the same hostile governments
that produced them for the prosecution. He says that these governments
forged the tapes in order to justify their own actions and policies
against Serbia.
President Milosevic’s assertion is not beyond the realm of
possibility. I have heard some of these intercepts played in “court.” I
am a technician at a television station, and I have some experience
with audio mixing, and it is very possible that these tapes are forged.
First of all, on every intercept I’ve heard, the background noise
[http://www.webref.org/acoustics/b/background_noise.htm%5d is very high,
and the audio quality is quite degraded. This could be the result of
generation loss [http://www.atis.org/tg2k/_generation_loss.html%5d.
Intentionally re-copying the same tape over and over again will
degrade the sound quality and it can help to cover-up the subtle
details that a technician would have to look for in order to determine
the authenticity of a recording.
The excessive background noise may be artificial, intentionally added
using a mixer [http://www.webref.org/acoustics/m/mixer.htm%5d to mask
[http://www.webref.org/acoustics/m/masking.htm%5d the original background
noise. A tell tale sign of a forged tape is subtle changes in the
background noise. Different recordings will have a different noise
floor [http://www.webref.org/acoustics/n/noise_floor.htm%5d. If a single
recording is spliced together from multiple recordings, then you
should be able to detect small changes in the amount of background
noise, because of the changes in the noise floor generated by the
recording equipment, and the amount of ambient noise
[http://www.webref.org/acoustics/a/ambient_noise.htm%5d that may be
present on the different recordings.
If you add artificial background noise to a recording you can cover-up
the original background noise provided that the artificial background
noise is at a sufficiently high level to mask the original background
noise. Thus, the artificial background noise will be consistent and
evidence of splicing of different recordings can be eliminated.
In my view, the extremely poor sound quality of the intercepts raises
the distinct possibility that they are forged, and given the hostile
nature of the sources the tapes come from it is clear that no such
tapes can be treated as any sort of evidence.
Recordings of such poor sound quality as these intercepts are can not
be conclusively authenticated by a legitimate technician. In spite of
this fact I would still suggest that technicians analyze the
intercepts. A technician can prove a forgery, but he can not provide
authentication, and if a forgery is proved then it can indicate a
malicious intent by the prosecution.
Enough with the technical explanations though. The first witness to
testify was a secret witness codenamed “B-1011.” B-1011 professed to
be a Muslim from Brcko.
According to B-1011 Serb forces attacked Brcko on April 31, 1992.
Obviously, nobody consulted a calendar because there is no such date as
April 31st, but this is a minor point.
B-1011 claims to have been arrested by Captain Dragan. B-1011
described Captain Dragan as being tall thin man with brown hair.
Unfortunately for the witness, Captain Dragan is a short man with gray
hair.
B-1011 claimed that Captain Dragan spoke with an English accent, and
in particular B-1011 identified it as being an Australian accent.
B-1011 does not speak English, so how he could manage to identify an
Australian accent is rather a mystery.
Captain Dragan doesn’t even speak English with an Australian accent.
You can see Captain Dragan speaking in both English and Serbian for
yourself by watching the first segment of this Dutch television
documentary
[http://info.vpro.nl/info/tegenlicht/
index.shtml?7738514+7738518+7738520+14130404]. Captain Dragan is the
short gray haired man who appears at approximately the 5 minute mark.
In spite of what he claimed in court, B-1011 was obviously not
arrested by Captain Dragan. B-1011 claimed that “Captain Dragan” was
wearing sunglasses, blue jeans, and a military shirt, and that
“captain Dragan” was going around Brcko carrying out arrests along
with 30 other men, none of whom were wearing the same uniform.
B-1011 claimed that he was taken to a hotel in Brcko, and that it was
guarded by Captain Dragan’s men. At this point B-1011 claimed that
Captain Dragan’s men all wore dark blue uniforms.
If we believe B-1011 then the only one among Captain Dragan’s men who
didn’t have a proper uniform was Captain Dragan himself.
While at the Hotel, B-1011 claimed that he saw four dead bodies when
he went to use the toilet. He was at the hotel for 40 minutes before
he went to the toilet, but he didn’t hear any shots, nonetheless he
concluded that the men had been shot recently since there was steam
emanating from the corpses.
This is the 4th of May, it is spring time, and we are supposed to
believe that it was cold enough outside for dead bodies to be
emanating steam.
In his statement B-1011 claimed that a Serbian commander named Goran
Jelisic was upset because some of his men had been killed by the
Muslims. When Milosevic asked if these bodies could have been precisely
those dead Serbs, B-1011, in spite of the fact that he couldn’t
identify the bodies, said that they most certainly were not the bodies
of those dead Serbs.
The next witness to testify was Mehmed Mojsic, a Muslim from the
Sarajevo municipality of Hajici. He claims to have been captured by the
Bosnian Serbs on June 20, 1992 and held in custody until November 5,
1992 when he was exchanged.
While in custody Mojsic alleged that he was the victim of some
mistreatment. He gave three statements about the mistreatment that he
allegedly suffered.
He gave his first statement to the B-H authorities in April 1993, he
gave his next statement to the ICTY investigators in June of 1997, and
he gave his last statement to the B-H Authorities in February 1998.
Mojsic’s testimony ran into two problems. Mr. Kwon asked a question
that should be asked about each witness. Mr. Kwon asked the prosecutor,
Ms. Pack: “What relevance does this witness’s evidence have to the
indictment?” Ms. Pack was at a loss for an answer, and so she
confessed that there was no relevance.
The next problem was that Mojsic had made these three statements and
they didn’t jive with one another.
Mojsic explained that he had given the statements by the process of
recounting events as he remembered them, not by the process of
answering questions which nicely eliminated the “they never asked me”
excuse.
In subsequent statements Mr. Mojsic claimed that he was mistreated by
the members of the Red Berets, the JNA, and by Arkan’s men. In his
first statement of April 1993 he never mentions the Red Berets, the JNA
or Arkan’s men at all.
When President Milosevic confronted Mojsic on this point the witness
became irate. First he tried to accuse President Milosevic of lying,
but that didn’t work because Milosevic challenged the witness to show
him where in the first statement he mentions the JNA, Arkan’s men, or
the Red Berets.
Mojsic replied by telling President Milosevic to find those references
for himself. To which Milosevic replied “I can’t find them, which is
why I am asking you to find them.”
Of course President Milosevic was right and no mention ever was found
of the JNA, Arkan’s men, or the Red Berets in Mojsic’s first statement.
Another “minor detail” that never made it into Mojsic’s first
statement was the death of his own brother. In subsequent statements he
said that his brother was killed in a JNA detention facility, and that
he was forced to carry his own dead brother through an obstacle course
where JNA soldiers along with Arkan’s men shot at them.
Maybe this is something that he just forgot. I imagine that a “minor
detail” like being shot at while carrying your dead brother is an easy
thing to forget. When Mr. Tapuskovic asked Mr. Mojsic why he didn’t
mention any of this in his first statement, he angrily snapped back
saying “What have I got to explain to you?”
Maybe I misunderstand the purpose behind a witness appearing in a
court. I thought that they come to court to answer questions and
explain things. But what the Hell? This isn’t a real court it’s the
Hague Tribunal, and besides by Ms. Pack’s own admission this witness’s
testimony is completely irrelevant to the indictment anyway.
Ms. Pack’s re-examination was a comical display indeed. She only asked
one question. She said that President Milosevic and Mr. Tapuskovic had
indicated that Mr. Mojsic was making events up, because he didn’t
mention them in his first statement and only came up with them five
years later in his subsequent statements. Based on this premise she
asked him the following question, “Did you tell us the truth, or have
you been making things up?”
Of course Mojsic said that he was telling the truth, and perish the
thought that he would lie. With that Ms. Pack’s re-examination was
over with.
The final witness was a secret witness codenamed “B-1770.” B-1770 was
caught swimming across the Drina River into Serbia.
He was trying to sneak into Serbia illegally, but he wasn’t sneaky
enough. The VJ was waiting for him on the other bank and he was
arrested and sent to the Mitrovica detention facility where a Muslim
brigade was being held after they had fled from Bosnian territory.
Although, B-1770 claims that he was not part of the brigade.
B-1770 said that he ran away from Bosnia, leaving his wife and
children behind, because he wanted to get away from the Serbs. Of
course he went to the most logical place that anybody seeking to get
away from the Serbs would go. He went to Serbia.
B-1770 claims that he was mistreated in Serbia. He admits that he was
monitored by the International Red Cross, and the UNHCR throughout the
time he was in Serbia. He has no medical records to prove that he was
mistreated, and he can’t identify the perpetrators of his alleged
mistreatment.
The Red Cross, who monitored the detention facility on a regular
basis, did not even file one report that there was mistreatment, and by
the witness’s own admission they saw him twice a week.
He claimed that he lost a lot of weight while in custody, but
apparently on his passport that was issued right after his release, but
which we can’t see because he is a secret witness; it says that he is
a healthy weight and in his picture he doesn’t look emaciated at all.
B-1770 tried to explain that away by saying that they “fattened him
up” before his release.
Of course what B-1770 is saying is absurd. The media and the
diplomatic corps visited that facility all the time. Nobody was being
beaten there, not the witness, and not anybody else.
B-1770 was the last witness of the day, and the so-called “tribunal”
adjourned until next Monday. I will not be able to provide you with
any details about next Monday or Tuesday’s proceedings because the
Perfumed Prince, Wesley Clark, will be occupying the witness stand,
and he gets to testify in secret, and after his secret testimony the
U.S. Government will censor the transcripts.
I suppose it’s no great loss that we can’t see Clark testify. All
he’ll do is lie anyway. The unfortunate thing is that we won’t get the
pleasure of watching Slobo expose Wesley Clark for the lying terrorist
that he is.
=== 3 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg121203.htm
HAGUE "TRIBUNAL" BANS PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC FROM SPEAKING TO THE OUTSIDE
WORLD
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - December 12, 2003
The Hague Tribunal has made a decision
[http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/ictymilosevicban121203.htm%5d to
essentially cut President Milosevic off from the outside world because
he made a speech which allegedly threatened peace and security in the
Former Yugoslavia.
President Milosevic's speech
[http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic120303.htm%5d did not
threaten anybody's peace and security. This communication ban that the
so-called "tribunal" has imposed comes at an interesting time. It
comes right before Wesley Clark is due to testify.
Under the decision the following restrictions will be imposed on
President Milosevic by the registrar of the ICTY:
(i) Prohibit communication, via telephone between the Accused with
any person(s) (particularly with the media), such prohibition shall
not apply to telephone communication with his immediate family,
legal counsel (where applicable), diplomatic or consular
representatives on condition that this facility shall not be used in
any manner to contact the media;
(ii) All authorised telephone conversations, except for
communications with recognised legal representatives (if any) and
diplomatic or consular representatives, shall be monitored, in
accordance with current Detention Unit practices;
(iii) Prohibit all visits between the Accused with any person(s)
(particularly with the media), such prohibition shall not apply to
visits with his immediate family, legal counsel (where applicable),
diplomatic or consular representatives;
(iv) All authorised visits shall be supervised by the Commanding
Officer of the Detention Unit or an official he designates.
(v) The aforesaid restrictions will not apply to written
communications wherein the current practices shall be maintained and
the Detention Unit’s regulations concerning the import and export of
mail shall be adhered to.
See how afraid this so-called "tribunal" is. Look at how keen they are
to control the information that the media gets. The prosecutor is
allowed to speak to the media, in fact the ICTY provides facilities
that the prosecutor can use to call press conferences. But, the person
who is being accused by the "tribunal" can't even use the telephone if
it is thought that a reporter could hear about the contents of the
telephone conversation.
The Hague "tribunal" regularly conducts closed-door hearings, in spite
of President Milosevic's vehement objections. They also conceal the
identity of many of their witnesses. According to an ICTY press
release dated December 2, 2003 only 60% of ICTY witnesses testify
openly, which means that 40% of the witnesses are heard behind closed
doors, or else their identity is kept a secret.
The witnesses don't even write their own witness statements. The
prosecutor writes them, and then turns around and submits their
version of what the witness said as "evidence" under their Rule 89(F).
As if that wasn't bad enough President Milosevic isn't even allowed to
cross-examine all of the witnesses who's testimony is being used
against him. Under Rule 92-bis testimony from other "trials" can be
used against him, and he has no right to cross-examine.
Now with Wesley Clark the so-called "tribunal" has decided that
President Milosevic must apply to the American Government in advance
about which topics and questions he will ask. The testimony will take
place behind closed doors, out of the public view. After Clark
testifies the U.S. Government will get 48 hours to redact the
transcripts and edit the video of the testimony, and only then will
the public be allowed to see what went on. Unfortunately, it will only
be the version of events that the U.S. Government censors allow you to
see.
It is beyond belief that anybody could take the verdicts of the Hague
Tribunal seriously. The Hague Tribunal is a kangaroo court. The sole
purpose of the Hague Tribunal is to retroactively legitimize Western
aggression against Yugoslavia, and to silence the voice of anybody who
is in a position to expose the nature of that aggression.
The ICTY is a propaganda tool that acts on the whims of bureaucrats in
Washington and Brussels. The "trials" are conducted in a secretive
manner because the verdicts are pre-fabricated to meet the propaganda
needs of NATO. The information coming out of the "tribunal" is strictly
controlled so that only the prosecutor's voice is heard by the public.
God forbid that some reporter, after speaking with someone who is on
"trial", would report something that was unfriendly to the propaganda
goals of NATO. That right there is why it is so important to the
"tribunal" that persons who are on "trial" not be allowed to speak to
the media.
This decision to restrict President Milosevic's ability to communicate
with the outside world has nothing to do with any concern for the
peace and security of the former Yugoslavia, and everything to do with
NATO's desire to manipulate the public and hide the truth about their
criminal aggression against Yugoslavia.
=== 4 ===
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/milosevic1218.php
Protest set to greet Gen. Clark at the Hague tribunal
By John Catalinotto
Organizations in the Netherlands and around the world plan to protest
the appearance of Gen. Wesley Clark before the tribunal in The Hague on
Dec. 15. He is scheduled to be a prosecution witness in the trial of
former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
Clark was commander of NATO when, beginning on March 24, 1999, it waged
a 78-day bombing campaign against Yugo slavia. The current U.S.
presidential candidate was himself tried and convicted in Belgrade of
war crimes. On June 10, 2000, right here in the United States, a
people's tribunal found General Clark, along with then-President Bill
Clinton and other U.S. and NATO leaders, guilty of war crimes.
A call for the protest distributed by the International Committee for
the Defense of Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) expressed outrage over how
the trial is being conducted:
"More clearly than ever before now the direct influence of the U.S.
regime comes to the surface. It is the U.S. that literally dictated to
the tribunal the terms under which Wesley Clark will testify. Following
the direct conditions from Washington, no public and no media will be
allowed inside. The only people who will observe the proceedings will
be two representatives of the U.S. government. And not only this: the
U.S. government has the authority to decide which parts of the
testimony will remain secret. The other parts will be presented to the
U.S. government, which will then have a time period of 48 hours to
censor also this part."
The New Communist Party of the Netherlands has organized a protest for
8 a.m. in front of the tribunal building. At 9 a.m. there will be a
press conference of the ICDSM in the Hotel Bel Air next to the
tribunal. Canadian attorney Tiphaine Dickson, lawyer for the ICDSM,
will speak to the media.
ICDSM chapters in other countries are also protesting General Clark's
secret testimony. For information on the activity of the U.S. section,
see www.icdsm-us.org.
Reprinted from the Dec. 18, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@.... Subscribe
wwnews-on@.... Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support
independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)
=== 5 ===
STOP WAR CRIMINAL WESLEY CLARK
FROM TESTIFYING IN SECRET
Statement of the International Action Center 12/15/03
The International Action Center (IAC) protests the appearance
before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) of U.S. General Wesley Clark, former NATO commander
and current presidential candidate.
The IAC especially protests the acquiescence of the ICTY to
Washington’s demands that General Clark’s testimony be given in
secret. We would ask, “What are they hiding?” but we already know the
answer. General Clark is a war criminal and both he and the U.S.
government fear being exposed as such.
General Clark commanded the 78-day NATO bombing campaign against
Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999. During that campaign, which was
directed mainly against civilian targets in Serbia, killed several
thousand Serbian civilians, destroyed or damaged schools and hospitals
as well as much of the industrial infrastructure of the country,
General Clark was responsible for ordering war crimes.
Indeed, General Clark admitted in his book, “Fighting Modern War,”
that the NATO powers opted for warfare as a political weapon. The
Kosovo war, he writes, "was coercive diplomacy, the use of armed
forces to impose the political will of the NATO nations on the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, or more specifically, on Serbia. The NATO
nations voluntarily undertook this war." This means General Clark
collaborated in a crime against peace, the most serious of all war
crimes.
According to the public record, General Clark argued for bombing
civilian targets in order to force the Yugoslav leadership to
retreat and allow NATO troops to occupy Kosovo. This is a war crime.
At least three initiatives recognized General Clark’s
responsibility for these crimes by naming him along with other
NATO political and military leaders in war crimes indictments.
In 1999 a group of lawyers and legal academics, including Toronto
Professors Michael Mandel and David Jacobs, drafted a Request that
the Prosecutor for the ICTY investigate and indict named persons
including General Clark for war crimes in connection with the attack on
Yugoslavia. They presented what they called “overwhelming evidence
that the attack was unlawful and that the conduct of the attack on
civilian objects,” breaching the Geneva Conventions. The
Prosecution has laid no charges to date and has refused to indict
any U.S. forces for crimes committed during the war on Yugoslavia.
On June 10, 2000, a People’s Tribunal organized by the
International Action Center and others held its final hearing in
New York and found the same NATO leaders, including General Clark,
guilty of war crimes. Individuals from about 20 countries
presented evidence to prove a thorough indictment prepared a year
before by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark accusing
Wesley Clark and others of crimes against peace, war crimes and
crimes against humanity.
In a major war-crimes case, a Belgrade court found him and the
other leaders guilty on Sept. 22, 2000.
Considering the skill Slobodan Milosevic has shown in
cross-examining witnesses during almost two years of defending
himself before the ICTY, the Yugoslav leader could easily expose
General Wesley Clark as a war criminal of the worst sort. That,
and not the phony “national interests” excuse from Washington, is
why the U.S. government has demanded secrecy.
According to a Nov. 19 ICTY announcement, the public gallery of
the ICTY will be closed during the course of Clark's testimony. In
addition, "the broadcast of the testimony [will] be delayed for a
period of 48 hours to enable the U.S. government to review the
transcript and make representations as to whether evidence given
in open session should be redacted in order to protect the
national interests of the U.S."
That the ICTY has acquiesced in this matter to U.S. demands is the
final proof, if any was needed, that this court is a U.S. tool
created as part of the overall U.S. and NATO campaign to destroy
Yugoslavia.
Protests were reported to have been carried out at The Hague on
the morning of Dec. 15 against General Clark1s secret testimony
and there were other protests in different capitals.
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
En Espanol: iac-cai@...
web: http://www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT SITE http://www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
To make a tax-deductible donation,
go to http://www.peoplesrightsfund.org
1. News: Jovanovic refused to plea guilty or not guilty before Hague
tribunal / "Trial" Session cancelled on Dec. 9th
2. PHONY INTERCEPTS AT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
3. HAGUE "TRIBUNAL" BANS PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC FROM SPEAKING TO THE
OUTSIDE WORLD
THE SHAME OF WESLEY CLARK'S SECRET TESTIMONY:
4. Protest set to greet Gen. Clark at the Hague tribunal
5. STOP WAR CRIMINAL WESLEY CLARK FROM TESTIFYING IN SECRET - Statement
of the International Action Center 12/15/03
=== 1 ===
Jovanovic refused to plea guilty or not guilty before Hague tribunal
Tanjug - December 5, 2003
17:31 THE HAGUE , Dec 5 (Tanjug) - Editor-in-chief of the Podgorica
daily Dan Dusko Jovanovic, who had been accused of disrespect of The
Hague-based International War Crimes Tribunal, on Friday faced the
hearing of The Hague tribunal court council, but refused to plea
guilty or not guilty.
In my case, there is an objective responsibility having in mind my post
(of editor-in-chief), but I had no intention of making any offence to
The Hague tribunal, said Jovanovic who, according to the tribunal's
regulations, has another 30 days to plea guilty or not guilty.
---
Press Advisory . Avis pour information
(Exclusively for the use of the media. Not an official document)
The Hague, 8 December 2003
P.I.S./PA146
MILOSEVIC CASE:
Please be informed that the Milosevic Trial is cancelled for tomorrow,
Tuesday 9 December, and will commence on Wednesday 10 December at 9am
in Courtroom I, due to Judge Robinson’s absence for medical reasons.
For further information please call: +31 (70) 512-5343 or 512-5356.
Copyright 2003 ICTY P.I.S.
Posted for Fair Use only.
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg121003.htm
PHONY INTERCEPTS AT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL: MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" DECEMBER 10,
2003
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - December 10, 2003
Written by: Andy Wilcoxson
In its only hearing this week the so-called “tribunal” sat for an
extended period, and over the course of the day 2 secret witnesses and
one open witness were heard from.
Before I deal with the witnesses I would like to discuss the matter of
intercepts which was discussed today.
At this so-called “trial” the prosecution has exhibited 245
intercepts. The origins of the intercepts are unclear although it was
revealed today that they came from the intelligence services of
unnamed governments that are hostile towards Serbia.
It was also revealed that no steps have been taken to authenticate the
intercepts. No technicians have been charged with the task of
verifying the integrity or the authenticity of the recordings. The
“tribunal” isn’t even following its own rules here. Rule 89(E)
requires the authentication of evidence.
Neither President Milosevic nor his associates has been given access
to the original recordings. In fact, all the OTP has are copies. The
intelligence services maintain possession of the originals.
President Milosevic contends that the intercepts are forgeries. He
says that the tapes have been doctored by the same hostile governments
that produced them for the prosecution. He says that these governments
forged the tapes in order to justify their own actions and policies
against Serbia.
President Milosevic’s assertion is not beyond the realm of
possibility. I have heard some of these intercepts played in “court.” I
am a technician at a television station, and I have some experience
with audio mixing, and it is very possible that these tapes are forged.
First of all, on every intercept I’ve heard, the background noise
[http://www.webref.org/acoustics/b/background_noise.htm%5d is very high,
and the audio quality is quite degraded. This could be the result of
generation loss [http://www.atis.org/tg2k/_generation_loss.html%5d.
Intentionally re-copying the same tape over and over again will
degrade the sound quality and it can help to cover-up the subtle
details that a technician would have to look for in order to determine
the authenticity of a recording.
The excessive background noise may be artificial, intentionally added
using a mixer [http://www.webref.org/acoustics/m/mixer.htm%5d to mask
[http://www.webref.org/acoustics/m/masking.htm%5d the original background
noise. A tell tale sign of a forged tape is subtle changes in the
background noise. Different recordings will have a different noise
floor [http://www.webref.org/acoustics/n/noise_floor.htm%5d. If a single
recording is spliced together from multiple recordings, then you
should be able to detect small changes in the amount of background
noise, because of the changes in the noise floor generated by the
recording equipment, and the amount of ambient noise
[http://www.webref.org/acoustics/a/ambient_noise.htm%5d that may be
present on the different recordings.
If you add artificial background noise to a recording you can cover-up
the original background noise provided that the artificial background
noise is at a sufficiently high level to mask the original background
noise. Thus, the artificial background noise will be consistent and
evidence of splicing of different recordings can be eliminated.
In my view, the extremely poor sound quality of the intercepts raises
the distinct possibility that they are forged, and given the hostile
nature of the sources the tapes come from it is clear that no such
tapes can be treated as any sort of evidence.
Recordings of such poor sound quality as these intercepts are can not
be conclusively authenticated by a legitimate technician. In spite of
this fact I would still suggest that technicians analyze the
intercepts. A technician can prove a forgery, but he can not provide
authentication, and if a forgery is proved then it can indicate a
malicious intent by the prosecution.
Enough with the technical explanations though. The first witness to
testify was a secret witness codenamed “B-1011.” B-1011 professed to
be a Muslim from Brcko.
According to B-1011 Serb forces attacked Brcko on April 31, 1992.
Obviously, nobody consulted a calendar because there is no such date as
April 31st, but this is a minor point.
B-1011 claims to have been arrested by Captain Dragan. B-1011
described Captain Dragan as being tall thin man with brown hair.
Unfortunately for the witness, Captain Dragan is a short man with gray
hair.
B-1011 claimed that Captain Dragan spoke with an English accent, and
in particular B-1011 identified it as being an Australian accent.
B-1011 does not speak English, so how he could manage to identify an
Australian accent is rather a mystery.
Captain Dragan doesn’t even speak English with an Australian accent.
You can see Captain Dragan speaking in both English and Serbian for
yourself by watching the first segment of this Dutch television
documentary
[http://info.vpro.nl/info/tegenlicht/
index.shtml?7738514+7738518+7738520+14130404]. Captain Dragan is the
short gray haired man who appears at approximately the 5 minute mark.
In spite of what he claimed in court, B-1011 was obviously not
arrested by Captain Dragan. B-1011 claimed that “Captain Dragan” was
wearing sunglasses, blue jeans, and a military shirt, and that
“captain Dragan” was going around Brcko carrying out arrests along
with 30 other men, none of whom were wearing the same uniform.
B-1011 claimed that he was taken to a hotel in Brcko, and that it was
guarded by Captain Dragan’s men. At this point B-1011 claimed that
Captain Dragan’s men all wore dark blue uniforms.
If we believe B-1011 then the only one among Captain Dragan’s men who
didn’t have a proper uniform was Captain Dragan himself.
While at the Hotel, B-1011 claimed that he saw four dead bodies when
he went to use the toilet. He was at the hotel for 40 minutes before
he went to the toilet, but he didn’t hear any shots, nonetheless he
concluded that the men had been shot recently since there was steam
emanating from the corpses.
This is the 4th of May, it is spring time, and we are supposed to
believe that it was cold enough outside for dead bodies to be
emanating steam.
In his statement B-1011 claimed that a Serbian commander named Goran
Jelisic was upset because some of his men had been killed by the
Muslims. When Milosevic asked if these bodies could have been precisely
those dead Serbs, B-1011, in spite of the fact that he couldn’t
identify the bodies, said that they most certainly were not the bodies
of those dead Serbs.
The next witness to testify was Mehmed Mojsic, a Muslim from the
Sarajevo municipality of Hajici. He claims to have been captured by the
Bosnian Serbs on June 20, 1992 and held in custody until November 5,
1992 when he was exchanged.
While in custody Mojsic alleged that he was the victim of some
mistreatment. He gave three statements about the mistreatment that he
allegedly suffered.
He gave his first statement to the B-H authorities in April 1993, he
gave his next statement to the ICTY investigators in June of 1997, and
he gave his last statement to the B-H Authorities in February 1998.
Mojsic’s testimony ran into two problems. Mr. Kwon asked a question
that should be asked about each witness. Mr. Kwon asked the prosecutor,
Ms. Pack: “What relevance does this witness’s evidence have to the
indictment?” Ms. Pack was at a loss for an answer, and so she
confessed that there was no relevance.
The next problem was that Mojsic had made these three statements and
they didn’t jive with one another.
Mojsic explained that he had given the statements by the process of
recounting events as he remembered them, not by the process of
answering questions which nicely eliminated the “they never asked me”
excuse.
In subsequent statements Mr. Mojsic claimed that he was mistreated by
the members of the Red Berets, the JNA, and by Arkan’s men. In his
first statement of April 1993 he never mentions the Red Berets, the JNA
or Arkan’s men at all.
When President Milosevic confronted Mojsic on this point the witness
became irate. First he tried to accuse President Milosevic of lying,
but that didn’t work because Milosevic challenged the witness to show
him where in the first statement he mentions the JNA, Arkan’s men, or
the Red Berets.
Mojsic replied by telling President Milosevic to find those references
for himself. To which Milosevic replied “I can’t find them, which is
why I am asking you to find them.”
Of course President Milosevic was right and no mention ever was found
of the JNA, Arkan’s men, or the Red Berets in Mojsic’s first statement.
Another “minor detail” that never made it into Mojsic’s first
statement was the death of his own brother. In subsequent statements he
said that his brother was killed in a JNA detention facility, and that
he was forced to carry his own dead brother through an obstacle course
where JNA soldiers along with Arkan’s men shot at them.
Maybe this is something that he just forgot. I imagine that a “minor
detail” like being shot at while carrying your dead brother is an easy
thing to forget. When Mr. Tapuskovic asked Mr. Mojsic why he didn’t
mention any of this in his first statement, he angrily snapped back
saying “What have I got to explain to you?”
Maybe I misunderstand the purpose behind a witness appearing in a
court. I thought that they come to court to answer questions and
explain things. But what the Hell? This isn’t a real court it’s the
Hague Tribunal, and besides by Ms. Pack’s own admission this witness’s
testimony is completely irrelevant to the indictment anyway.
Ms. Pack’s re-examination was a comical display indeed. She only asked
one question. She said that President Milosevic and Mr. Tapuskovic had
indicated that Mr. Mojsic was making events up, because he didn’t
mention them in his first statement and only came up with them five
years later in his subsequent statements. Based on this premise she
asked him the following question, “Did you tell us the truth, or have
you been making things up?”
Of course Mojsic said that he was telling the truth, and perish the
thought that he would lie. With that Ms. Pack’s re-examination was
over with.
The final witness was a secret witness codenamed “B-1770.” B-1770 was
caught swimming across the Drina River into Serbia.
He was trying to sneak into Serbia illegally, but he wasn’t sneaky
enough. The VJ was waiting for him on the other bank and he was
arrested and sent to the Mitrovica detention facility where a Muslim
brigade was being held after they had fled from Bosnian territory.
Although, B-1770 claims that he was not part of the brigade.
B-1770 said that he ran away from Bosnia, leaving his wife and
children behind, because he wanted to get away from the Serbs. Of
course he went to the most logical place that anybody seeking to get
away from the Serbs would go. He went to Serbia.
B-1770 claims that he was mistreated in Serbia. He admits that he was
monitored by the International Red Cross, and the UNHCR throughout the
time he was in Serbia. He has no medical records to prove that he was
mistreated, and he can’t identify the perpetrators of his alleged
mistreatment.
The Red Cross, who monitored the detention facility on a regular
basis, did not even file one report that there was mistreatment, and by
the witness’s own admission they saw him twice a week.
He claimed that he lost a lot of weight while in custody, but
apparently on his passport that was issued right after his release, but
which we can’t see because he is a secret witness; it says that he is
a healthy weight and in his picture he doesn’t look emaciated at all.
B-1770 tried to explain that away by saying that they “fattened him
up” before his release.
Of course what B-1770 is saying is absurd. The media and the
diplomatic corps visited that facility all the time. Nobody was being
beaten there, not the witness, and not anybody else.
B-1770 was the last witness of the day, and the so-called “tribunal”
adjourned until next Monday. I will not be able to provide you with
any details about next Monday or Tuesday’s proceedings because the
Perfumed Prince, Wesley Clark, will be occupying the witness stand,
and he gets to testify in secret, and after his secret testimony the
U.S. Government will censor the transcripts.
I suppose it’s no great loss that we can’t see Clark testify. All
he’ll do is lie anyway. The unfortunate thing is that we won’t get the
pleasure of watching Slobo expose Wesley Clark for the lying terrorist
that he is.
=== 3 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg121203.htm
HAGUE "TRIBUNAL" BANS PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC FROM SPEAKING TO THE OUTSIDE
WORLD
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - December 12, 2003
The Hague Tribunal has made a decision
[http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/ictymilosevicban121203.htm%5d to
essentially cut President Milosevic off from the outside world because
he made a speech which allegedly threatened peace and security in the
Former Yugoslavia.
President Milosevic's speech
[http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic120303.htm%5d did not
threaten anybody's peace and security. This communication ban that the
so-called "tribunal" has imposed comes at an interesting time. It
comes right before Wesley Clark is due to testify.
Under the decision the following restrictions will be imposed on
President Milosevic by the registrar of the ICTY:
(i) Prohibit communication, via telephone between the Accused with
any person(s) (particularly with the media), such prohibition shall
not apply to telephone communication with his immediate family,
legal counsel (where applicable), diplomatic or consular
representatives on condition that this facility shall not be used in
any manner to contact the media;
(ii) All authorised telephone conversations, except for
communications with recognised legal representatives (if any) and
diplomatic or consular representatives, shall be monitored, in
accordance with current Detention Unit practices;
(iii) Prohibit all visits between the Accused with any person(s)
(particularly with the media), such prohibition shall not apply to
visits with his immediate family, legal counsel (where applicable),
diplomatic or consular representatives;
(iv) All authorised visits shall be supervised by the Commanding
Officer of the Detention Unit or an official he designates.
(v) The aforesaid restrictions will not apply to written
communications wherein the current practices shall be maintained and
the Detention Unit’s regulations concerning the import and export of
mail shall be adhered to.
See how afraid this so-called "tribunal" is. Look at how keen they are
to control the information that the media gets. The prosecutor is
allowed to speak to the media, in fact the ICTY provides facilities
that the prosecutor can use to call press conferences. But, the person
who is being accused by the "tribunal" can't even use the telephone if
it is thought that a reporter could hear about the contents of the
telephone conversation.
The Hague "tribunal" regularly conducts closed-door hearings, in spite
of President Milosevic's vehement objections. They also conceal the
identity of many of their witnesses. According to an ICTY press
release dated December 2, 2003 only 60% of ICTY witnesses testify
openly, which means that 40% of the witnesses are heard behind closed
doors, or else their identity is kept a secret.
The witnesses don't even write their own witness statements. The
prosecutor writes them, and then turns around and submits their
version of what the witness said as "evidence" under their Rule 89(F).
As if that wasn't bad enough President Milosevic isn't even allowed to
cross-examine all of the witnesses who's testimony is being used
against him. Under Rule 92-bis testimony from other "trials" can be
used against him, and he has no right to cross-examine.
Now with Wesley Clark the so-called "tribunal" has decided that
President Milosevic must apply to the American Government in advance
about which topics and questions he will ask. The testimony will take
place behind closed doors, out of the public view. After Clark
testifies the U.S. Government will get 48 hours to redact the
transcripts and edit the video of the testimony, and only then will
the public be allowed to see what went on. Unfortunately, it will only
be the version of events that the U.S. Government censors allow you to
see.
It is beyond belief that anybody could take the verdicts of the Hague
Tribunal seriously. The Hague Tribunal is a kangaroo court. The sole
purpose of the Hague Tribunal is to retroactively legitimize Western
aggression against Yugoslavia, and to silence the voice of anybody who
is in a position to expose the nature of that aggression.
The ICTY is a propaganda tool that acts on the whims of bureaucrats in
Washington and Brussels. The "trials" are conducted in a secretive
manner because the verdicts are pre-fabricated to meet the propaganda
needs of NATO. The information coming out of the "tribunal" is strictly
controlled so that only the prosecutor's voice is heard by the public.
God forbid that some reporter, after speaking with someone who is on
"trial", would report something that was unfriendly to the propaganda
goals of NATO. That right there is why it is so important to the
"tribunal" that persons who are on "trial" not be allowed to speak to
the media.
This decision to restrict President Milosevic's ability to communicate
with the outside world has nothing to do with any concern for the
peace and security of the former Yugoslavia, and everything to do with
NATO's desire to manipulate the public and hide the truth about their
criminal aggression against Yugoslavia.
=== 4 ===
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/milosevic1218.php
Protest set to greet Gen. Clark at the Hague tribunal
By John Catalinotto
Organizations in the Netherlands and around the world plan to protest
the appearance of Gen. Wesley Clark before the tribunal in The Hague on
Dec. 15. He is scheduled to be a prosecution witness in the trial of
former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
Clark was commander of NATO when, beginning on March 24, 1999, it waged
a 78-day bombing campaign against Yugo slavia. The current U.S.
presidential candidate was himself tried and convicted in Belgrade of
war crimes. On June 10, 2000, right here in the United States, a
people's tribunal found General Clark, along with then-President Bill
Clinton and other U.S. and NATO leaders, guilty of war crimes.
A call for the protest distributed by the International Committee for
the Defense of Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) expressed outrage over how
the trial is being conducted:
"More clearly than ever before now the direct influence of the U.S.
regime comes to the surface. It is the U.S. that literally dictated to
the tribunal the terms under which Wesley Clark will testify. Following
the direct conditions from Washington, no public and no media will be
allowed inside. The only people who will observe the proceedings will
be two representatives of the U.S. government. And not only this: the
U.S. government has the authority to decide which parts of the
testimony will remain secret. The other parts will be presented to the
U.S. government, which will then have a time period of 48 hours to
censor also this part."
The New Communist Party of the Netherlands has organized a protest for
8 a.m. in front of the tribunal building. At 9 a.m. there will be a
press conference of the ICDSM in the Hotel Bel Air next to the
tribunal. Canadian attorney Tiphaine Dickson, lawyer for the ICDSM,
will speak to the media.
ICDSM chapters in other countries are also protesting General Clark's
secret testimony. For information on the activity of the U.S. section,
see www.icdsm-us.org.
Reprinted from the Dec. 18, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@.... Subscribe
wwnews-on@.... Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support
independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)
=== 5 ===
STOP WAR CRIMINAL WESLEY CLARK
FROM TESTIFYING IN SECRET
Statement of the International Action Center 12/15/03
The International Action Center (IAC) protests the appearance
before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) of U.S. General Wesley Clark, former NATO commander
and current presidential candidate.
The IAC especially protests the acquiescence of the ICTY to
Washington’s demands that General Clark’s testimony be given in
secret. We would ask, “What are they hiding?” but we already know the
answer. General Clark is a war criminal and both he and the U.S.
government fear being exposed as such.
General Clark commanded the 78-day NATO bombing campaign against
Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999. During that campaign, which was
directed mainly against civilian targets in Serbia, killed several
thousand Serbian civilians, destroyed or damaged schools and hospitals
as well as much of the industrial infrastructure of the country,
General Clark was responsible for ordering war crimes.
Indeed, General Clark admitted in his book, “Fighting Modern War,”
that the NATO powers opted for warfare as a political weapon. The
Kosovo war, he writes, "was coercive diplomacy, the use of armed
forces to impose the political will of the NATO nations on the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, or more specifically, on Serbia. The NATO
nations voluntarily undertook this war." This means General Clark
collaborated in a crime against peace, the most serious of all war
crimes.
According to the public record, General Clark argued for bombing
civilian targets in order to force the Yugoslav leadership to
retreat and allow NATO troops to occupy Kosovo. This is a war crime.
At least three initiatives recognized General Clark’s
responsibility for these crimes by naming him along with other
NATO political and military leaders in war crimes indictments.
In 1999 a group of lawyers and legal academics, including Toronto
Professors Michael Mandel and David Jacobs, drafted a Request that
the Prosecutor for the ICTY investigate and indict named persons
including General Clark for war crimes in connection with the attack on
Yugoslavia. They presented what they called “overwhelming evidence
that the attack was unlawful and that the conduct of the attack on
civilian objects,” breaching the Geneva Conventions. The
Prosecution has laid no charges to date and has refused to indict
any U.S. forces for crimes committed during the war on Yugoslavia.
On June 10, 2000, a People’s Tribunal organized by the
International Action Center and others held its final hearing in
New York and found the same NATO leaders, including General Clark,
guilty of war crimes. Individuals from about 20 countries
presented evidence to prove a thorough indictment prepared a year
before by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark accusing
Wesley Clark and others of crimes against peace, war crimes and
crimes against humanity.
In a major war-crimes case, a Belgrade court found him and the
other leaders guilty on Sept. 22, 2000.
Considering the skill Slobodan Milosevic has shown in
cross-examining witnesses during almost two years of defending
himself before the ICTY, the Yugoslav leader could easily expose
General Wesley Clark as a war criminal of the worst sort. That,
and not the phony “national interests” excuse from Washington, is
why the U.S. government has demanded secrecy.
According to a Nov. 19 ICTY announcement, the public gallery of
the ICTY will be closed during the course of Clark's testimony. In
addition, "the broadcast of the testimony [will] be delayed for a
period of 48 hours to enable the U.S. government to review the
transcript and make representations as to whether evidence given
in open session should be redacted in order to protect the
national interests of the U.S."
That the ICTY has acquiesced in this matter to U.S. demands is the
final proof, if any was needed, that this court is a U.S. tool
created as part of the overall U.S. and NATO campaign to destroy
Yugoslavia.
Protests were reported to have been carried out at The Hague on
the morning of Dec. 15 against General Clark1s secret testimony
and there were other protests in different capitals.
International Action Center
39 West 14th Street, Room 206
New York, NY 10011
email: iacenter@...
En Espanol: iac-cai@...
web: http://www.iacenter.org
CHECK OUT SITE http://www.mumia2000.org
phone: 212 633-6646
fax: 212 633-2889
To make a tax-deductible donation,
go to http://www.peoplesrightsfund.org
LE MENTEUR DE LA SEMAINE
http://www.ptb.be/solidaire.html
mardi, 16 décembre 2003, 16h17
Le menteur de la semaine
Bernard Kouchner, pas cher pour Total
«Rien ne me laisse penser que le groupe ait pu prêter la main à des
activités contraires aux droits de l'Homme», affirme le «french
doctor» Bernard Kouchner dans un rapport tout récent sur les
activités de la firme pétrolière Total en Birmanie. Il y a pourtant
un tout petit problème de crédibilité. Car ce rapport, qui blanchit
si complaisamment Total, a en fait été commandé par la firme Total
elle-même. Total cherche en effet à se dépêtrer de l'accusation
d'avoir pratiqué le travail forcé en Birmanie. Plusieurs plaintes
internationales dûment motivées ont d'ailleurs été déposées contre
la multinationale à ce sujet, notamment en France. Kouchner, en tant
qu'ancien administrateur civil du Kosovo, est un des responsables
d'un nettoyage ethnique qui a fait, selon la Croix Rouge, 226.000
personnes déplacées. Devenu sans emploi, il a accepté ce «job»
proposé par Total. Payé 12.500 euros, selon la presse. Pas cher du
tout, du tout pour un consultant de cette envergure!
---
From: Roger Romain
Kouchner total mercenaire ...
Tiré de " L' INVESTIGATEUR":
DOSSIER / Kouchner total mercenaire
Dec 11, 2003
L’ancien ministre de la Santé vient d’écrire un rapport pour Total qui
lui a été payé 25 000 euros. Ce rapport dédouane
totalement la multinationale Total de toute responsabilité
en Birmanie. Total a fait l’objet de plusieurs plaintes
pour violation des droits de l’homme dans ce pays soumis à
l’une des dictatures les plus sanglantes de la planète
contre laquelle la prix Nobel de la paix Augn San Susi Kyi
a demandé un boycott. Récit d’un naufrage intellectuel.
Le site Total l’a bien mis en avant. Il s’agit d’un rapport écrit par
Bernard Kouchner le french doctor, blanchissant les
pratiques de la firme Total en Birmanie . On ne sait plus
très bien d’ailleurs à la lecture de ce rapport que nous
produisons in extenso si Kouchner est un observateur ou un
conseiller en communication de la firme qui outre son
soutien à la junte birmane a eu des attitudes scandaleuses
au Nigeria quand ça n’était pas au cours de l’enquête relative à
l’Erika ou encore après la catastrophe d’AZF à
Toulouse .
Que Bernard Kouchner se vende pour 25 000 euros officiels
est son problème. Toute vieillesse est un naufrage et plus
encore celle des starlettes de la politique. Mais que
Kouchner utilise une image de french doctor qui n’est pas
la sienne, ne lui en déplaise, est une escroquerie morale.
Et quand il prétend se substituer à Augn San Susi Kyi qui,
elle a condamné les agissements de Total, nous frôlons la
mégalomanie assortie d’un total manque de pudeur . Nous ne
saurions hélas douter de la bonne foi de celui qui donna
des leçons de morale à tous et à tout le monde.
Mais qu’avec ce style onctueux qui prétend défendre les
droits de l’homme il devienne le tremplin d’une opération
de vulgaire marketing est tout simplement une honte. Car
Total voit son image affaiblie par les plaintes qui le
visent au niveau international pour son acceptation du
travail forcé et son aide conséquente à la junte birmane.
Or un mouvement s’amplifie aux États-Unis : celui du
travail propre. Des firmes comme Levis ou encore Nike ont
été obligés de revoir leurs relations avec des pays
dictatoriaux concernant notamment le travail des enfants. Salie dans
tous les sens du terme par les affaires Erika et AZF en
France, nigériane et birmane à l’extérieur, Total se paye
un lifting et fait appel au médecin qui est censé incarner
la justice dans le monde : Bernard Kouchner.
Des précédents ont eu lieu mais moins hurlants : Claude
Allègre défendant l’industrie de l’amiante, Georges
Charpack insultant les anti-nucléaires Mais au moins ces
deux hommes avaient l’excuse de défendre leur gamelle :
l’Institut de la physique du globe d’Allègre était en
grande partie financer par Eternit, le géant de l’amiante
et il occupait le poste prestigieux de président du conseil
d'administration du Bureau de Recherches géologiques et minières.
Que l’on se rappelle lors que le directeur de l'IPG, le futur
ministre avait fait paraître dans Le Point (le 19 octobre
1996) un article très virulent, écrivant entre autres :
"Quant au rapport demandé à l'Inserm, qu'il me soit permis
de dire qu'il ne brille ni par la rigueur scientifique, ni
par le courage, ni par l'esprit d'initiative
scientifique". Interrogé hier, lors d'une conférence de
presse, Claude Allègre a réitéré ses critiques : "C'est nul. Ce
rapport n'est pas bon scientifiquement" . Marcel Goldberg a repris
point par point les études épidémiologiques citées par
Claude Allègre et révélé plusieurs problèmes
d'argumentation, notamment lorsque celui-ci affirme qu'on
ne trouve rien de significatif chez les femmes vivant près
des mines d'amiante de Thedford ou d'Asbestos, au Canada.
"En fait, leur risque de mésothéliome est multiplié par
dix" , remarque Marcel Goldberg.
Quant à Georges Charpack il dépend en grande partie du
financement d’EDF mais est aussi persuadé, en bon
scientiste anciennement marxiste, de la prédominance de
l’intelligence humaine sur les logiques de catastrophe.
Mais Kouchner…On le savait celui-ci et à la recherche
d’une utilité . Mais à ce point-là, il s’agit d’un
alzheimer intellectuel. Ou peut-être une dérive à la Régis
Debray lorsque celui-ci se fit le chantre de la dictature
serbe.
Kouchner tourne ainsi le dos à ses propres conclusions
tirées dans un précédent rapport écrit avec le Dalaï-lama sur la
dictature birmane. Il foule aux pieds les terribles misères de ce
peuple qui a élu la prix Nobel de la paix mais a été
maintenu dans la dictature grâce à la complicité des états
dominés par les intérêts des firmes pétrolières comme
Total. Il passe sous silence le génocide du peuple karen,
oublié de tous et des dieux. Kouchner se vautre dans sa
propre fange. Et c’est triste. Quant à Total, elle restera
l’instrument d’une impitoyable loi du marché. Elle peut
toujours se farder : elle est l’égale de l’Exxon Valdes ou
des grandes compagnies texanes qui collaborèrent avec les
nazis pendant la guerre jouant ainsi contre les Alliés.
L’argent n’a pas d’odeur et encore moins de morale.
Lorsqu’il s’en vêt c’est qu’il y a été obligé. En se
faisant le complice d’une telle logique, Kouchner rejoint,
toutes proportions gardées, le camp de ces médecins de la
Croix Rouge qui, durant la seconde guerre mondiale,
visitèrent les camps de concentration ne voulant bien voir
que ce qu’ils voulaient voir . Croyant que les quelques
comprimés d’aspirine valaient tous les compromis du monde, ils se
firent les complices objectifs d’horreur. Car si l’horreur des
camps fut unique dans son expression technique, elle ne
l’est évidemment pas dans le vécu. La douleur d’un Birman
soumis à la torture est la même que celle de tout être
humain torturé. Et réduire le problème de Total à celui
d’une médicalisation de la population est une fumisterie.
Quant au style de Kouchner, il est hélas celui des
paragons staliniens. Remplacez Total par Staline et vous aurez
une idée du simplisme du petit propagandiste Kouchner. Il sait tout
mieux que les autres à commencer par les victimes. Il loue
Total grand coryphée de l’humanité quand tout accable
cette multinationale.
Parce que le Kouchner des droits de l’homme avait valeur
de symbole, nous nous sentons le droit de repousser
celui-ci dans les oubliettes de l’histoire au nom tout simplement
des quelques mois de survie que son sale écrit va offrir à une
junge birmane qui a besoin de l’argent de Total pour
continuer son terrible travail.
Afin que nos lecteurs se fassent une idée de cette
catastrophe humanitaire voici le dossier Total Birmanie.
L’ article du Canard enchaîné
Kouchner dénonce une injustice Total ....
Certains internautes ont dû en rester bouche bée: la
compagnie pétrolière Total vient de mettre en ligne sur
son site un rapport signé Bernard Kouchner. Évoque
brièvement par « Le Nouvel Observateur , et plus en détail par Radio
France internationale, ce document nous apprend que le «
French Doctor » s'est rendu en Birmanie sur le chantier
d'un gazoduc construit par le groupe pétrolier français.
L'ancien secrétaire d'État à l'Action humanitaire a passé
quatre jours, fin mars 2003, dans cette zone contrôlée par
les militaires birmans. Accompagné par les cadres de la
boîte, Kouchner a notamment visité des dispensaires
financés par Total pour améliorer le quotidien des
autochtones. Conclusion du rapport de BK Conseil (BK pour Bernard
Kouchner) « Des résultats médicaux très significatifs un vrai
succès. » Un « trop grand succès », même, qui mérite un
avertissement : « Prenez garde, ceux qui triomphent peuvent
devenir des cibles. »
Mais qu'est donc allé faire Kouchner dans cette galère?
Sollicité par les avocats de Total, il est venu enquêter sur
place. Officiellement, il fallait que ce ponte de l'aide humanitaire
donne son avis sur les activités de la compagnie pétrolière
en Birmanie. Laquelle s'est installée, voilà plus de dix
ans, dans ce doux pays où règnent sans partage les
généraux. Version moins reluisante : des accusations de
travail forcé ont été formulées contre Total par plusieurs
associations de défense des droits de l'homme qui
s'appuient sur les témoignages d'anciens travailleurs
birmans. Cela méritait bien une contre-enquête de BK
Conseil.
Les villageois rencontrés ont en effet démenti ces
allégations « farfelues ». Elles ont pourtant conduit une juge de
Nanterre à ouvrir, en octobre 2002, une information judiciaire
pour « crime de séquestration » (le crime de travail forcé
n'existant pas en droit français) à l'encontre de Total.
Et les avocats de la compagnie ignoraient sans doute que
la juge chargée de cette affaire n'est autre... qu'une
ancienne collaboratrice du cabinet de Kouchner dans le
gouvernement Jospin!
Joint par « Le Canard », l'ancien ministre maintient les
termes de son rapport, tout en reconnaissant qu'il avait
d'abord eu des doutes». Cela dit, si Total veut « changer
[son] image, Kouchner suggère, à la fin de son rapport,
que ses cadres « visitent plus souvent » Aung San Suu Kyi -
Prix Nobel de la paix et opposante au régime militaire - dans sa
prison. Et que, « par une démarche, d'abord discrète, et plus
tard éventuellement publique, le groupe exige sa remise en
liberté ».
Ce sont bien là les conclusions et conseils d'un rapport
objectif, rédigé par un homme de terrain payé environ 25 000 euros
par Total. Pas cher, cependant, pour un travail auquel personne
ne l'avait forcé…
Laurione Gaud
L’article de Libération
Auteur d'un rapport payé par Total, l'ancien ministre
blanchit le géant pétrolier.
Kouchner fait écran Total sur le travail forcé en Birmanie
Par Philippe GRANGEREAU
mercredi 10 décembre 2003
«Ce programme socio-économique est la meilleure publicité
pour Total. Une sorte de bureau en ville, un show-room...»
Bernard Kouchner
Total, qui depuis août 2002, fait l'objet en France d'une
plainte pour travail forcé en Birmanie, a appelé Bernard
Kouchner, l'ex-ministre de la Santé du gouvernement
socialiste et «French Doctor» fondateur de MSF, à la
rescousse. En mars, le géant pétrolier a commandé un rapport à sa
société, BK Conseil. «...Médecin humanitaire spécialiste des
problèmes de santé publique et des situations d'urgence»,
écrit Total sur son site internet
(http://birmanie.total.com/) où figure en bonne place ce
rapport de 19 pages, «homme politique engagé connaissant
personnellement Mme Aung San Suu Kyi (l'opposante birmane,
prix Nobel de la paix en résidence surveillée, ndlr),
Bernard Kouchner avait toute l'expérience requise pour être un
observateur critique et impartial de l'action de Total en
Birmanie».
Bernard Kouchner s'est donc rendu sur place pendant
quelques jours, afin de voir le site du gazoduc construit
par Total et achevé en 1998. Il a visité sept «villages modèles» du
projet Yadana installés par le pétrolier dans cette zone dotée
d'hôpitaux et d'orphelinats. Il n'en dit que du bien. «Ce
programme socio-économique, note-t-il, est la meilleure
publicité pour Total. Une sorte de bureau en ville, un
show-room...»
Sur l'essentiel, c'est-à-dire le travail forcé des
populations locales dont Total est accusé d'avoir profité
vers 1995, Kouchner reprend l'argumentaire bien rodé du
pétrolier : «Le chantier a employé 2 500 personnes (...).
Toutes bénéficièrent d'un contrat écrit, de salaires
réguliers, d'une protection sociale et de normes
reconnues.» Des travaux forcés ? Il ne s'agissait que d'une
confusion avec le chantier voisin d'une voie ferrée où «il est
probable que des travaux forcés aient malmené les populations».
«N'oublions pas, ajoute Kouchner pour ponctuer son
paragraphe, que pour détestable qu'il soit, le recours au
travail forcé est une coutume ancienne, qui fut même
légalisée par les Anglais en 1907.» «Plus tard, au début
du chantier, concède l'ancien ministre en se contredisant
quelque peu, des villageois avaient été raflés par l'armée
pour défricher la forêt et se livrer à d'autres besognes aux
services des militaires (...). Ayant été prévenue de cette violation
des droits de l'homme, la compagnie Total exigea que ces
exactions cessent. Elle s'en ouvrit à Rangoon, aux
dirigeants qui promirent d'intervenir et le firent. Deux
décrets abolissant le travail forcé furent publiés en mai
1999 et octobre 2000.» L'auteur du rapport explique donc
que Total, contrairement à ce que certains esprits «mal
informés» ont pu supputer, a en réalité lutté contre le travail
forcé. «Il oublie de dire, commente Farid Ghehioueche du collectif
Info Birmanie, que ces décrets n'ont jamais été
appliqués.» «En fait, ajoute le militant, Total a su que
du travail forcé avait lieu sur son chantier, et lorsque
l'entreprise s'est aperçu du danger que cela comportait en
terme d'image, elle a changé de politique.»
Nombreux sont les témoignages accréditant le recours au
travail forcé au profit de Total. Il y a le rapport
confidentiel «L'action de Total en Birmanie», commandité par Total
en juin 1996, dont Libération s'est procuré une copie. L'ancien
responsable des questions de sécurité du pipe-line relate
que «les unités affectées à la protection du projet Yadana
ont déjà utilisé les services des local helpers (recrues
locales) réquisitionnés pour le chemin de fer, pour
certaines tâches à leur profit direct ou pour du
défrichage au profit de Total, alors que la société ne cesse de
leur expliquer qu'elle dispose de ses propres moyens pour
effectuer des travaux».
La compagnie française a opéré un certain nombre de
glissements sémantiques. En novembre 2002, le PDG Thierry
Desmarest, affirmait que Total n'avait «jamais recouru, directement
ou indirectement, au travail forcé». Mais en novembre 2003,
Jean du Rusquec, chargé de mission de Total en Birmanie,
déclarait à l'AFP : «Il y a eu des problèmes au démarrage
du chantier. Strictement du travail forcé, vers décembre
1995, pour la construction de baraquements et pour du
portage (...). Nous avons indemnisé les villageois, 400
environ. Il a fallu se bagarrer.» Malgré ce demi-aveu, la
ligne de défense de Total demeure la même, précise
l'avocat des plaignants birmans, William Bourdon, à savoir qu'«il
n'y a jamais eu de travail forcé sur le chantier».
Total, s'il n'a pas profité sciemment de ce travail forcé,
pouvait-il penser qu'il échapperait à ces pratiques ? Une
étude confidentielle, commandée dès 1992 par Unocal, le
partenaire américain de Total, à Control Risks Information
Services, dont Libération s'est procuré une copie,
avertissait le pétrolier : «Dans toute la Birmanie, le
gouvernement utilise habituellement des travailleurs forcés pour
construire les routes (...). Dans de telles circonstances Unocal
et ses partenaires n'auront qu'une marge de manœuvre très
réduite.»
Dans son rapport, payé selon lui 25 000 euros par Total,
Kouchner se prononce pour l'engagement constructif avec la
dictature : «Fallait-il répondre aux appels d'offre et installer ce
gazoduc en Birmanie ? Je le crois.» Et de conclure : «L'époque
n'est plus à l'embargo et au boycott.» Position en totale
contradiction avec ses convictions d'antan. Dans la
préface de Dossier noir Birmanie (Ed. Dagorno, 1994), où
il qualifiait la junte de «narcodictature», il reprenait à
son compte l'idée selon laquelle «il faut imposer à la
junte birmane des sanctions économiques». Ajoutant que de
telles sanctions «heurtent bien souvent l'intérêt des
Etats, dont la France qui, comme beaucoup d'autres, commerce
avec les généraux via ses industries pétrolières». Pour justifier
son revirement, Kouchner explique qu'à l'époque : «Je n'avais
pas fait d'enquête. Mais un certain nombre de prix Nobel,
dont mon ami Elie Wiesel, prétendaient l'avoir menée pour
moi.»
L’article du Nouvel Obs
Payé par Total, Kouchner blanchit Total en Birmanie
Le fondateur de Médecins sans frontières a touché 25.000
euros pour rendre un rapport sur le travail forcé en
Birmanie, qui conclut que celui-ci n'a pas jamais été
utilisé par la compagnie. Le travail forcé est d'ailleurs,
selon l'ancien ministre, "une coutume ancienne, qui fut
même légalisée par les Anglais en 1907".
Le groupe pétrolier Total a payé 25.000 euros en mars
dernier Bernard Kouchner, ancien ministre socialiste et
fondateur de Médecins sans frontières, pour qu'il rende un
rapport sur le travail forcé en Birmanie. Un rapport qui
conclut… à l'absence de travail forcé sous l'égide de
Total.
Pour rédiger son rapport, publié sur le site internet de
Total, Bernard Kouchner s'est donc rendu pendant quelques jours en
Birmanie. Il y a visité le site du gazoduc de Total, ainsi que
les sept villages modèles installés par Total dans cette
zone. Pour n'en dire que du bien. "Ce programme
socio-économique, écrit Bernard Kouchner dans son rapport
de 19 pages, est la meilleure publicité pour Total. Une
sorte de bureau en ville, un show-room".
Travail forcé ?
Sur la délicate question du travail forcé, qui a valu à
Total une plainte déposée en août 2002 en France, le
ministre conclut qu'il y a eu erreur sur la personne. En
effet, il reprend l'argument du pétrolier : "Le chantier a
employé 2500 personnes". "Toutes bénéficièrent d'un
contrat écrit, de salaires réguliers, d'une protection sociale et de
normes reconnues".
Concernant l'accusation de travail forcé, il y a eu
méprise, affirme Bernard Kouchner, avec le chantier voisin
d'une voie ferrée, "où il est probable qu'il y ait eu des travaux
forcés". Et le ministre de rappeler que le travail forcé est de
toute façon "une coutume ancienne, qui fut même légalisée
par les Anglais en 1907".
Birmans "trop heureux"
Le "french doctor" note cependant qu'au début du chantier
du gazoduc, "des villageois avaient été raflés par l'armée
pour défricher la forêt et se livrer à d'autres besognes
au service des militaires". Mais Total une fois au courant
de ces dérapages, "exigea que ces exactions cessent".
"Deux décrets abolissant le travail forcé furent publiés
en 1999 et 2000", poursuit Bernard Kouchner.
Ce que ne dit pas cependant l'ancien ministre, c'est que
ces deux décrets n'ont jamais été appliqués, selon un
militant du collectif Info Birmanie interrogé par
Libération.
Interrogé, par le quotidien, Bernard Kouchner s'explique :
"Les Birmans que j'ai vu sont absolument heureux de la
présence de Total, trop à mon avis par rapport au reste de
la population. Personne ne connaît les 'victimes de Total'
à ma connaissance".
Liens utiles
http://web.amnesty.org/report2003/mmr-summary-eng
http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs/SRM2003.htm
http://www.birmanie.int.ch/Nouvelles/news262002.htm
http://www.ptb.be/solidaire.html
mardi, 16 décembre 2003, 16h17
Le menteur de la semaine
Bernard Kouchner, pas cher pour Total
«Rien ne me laisse penser que le groupe ait pu prêter la main à des
activités contraires aux droits de l'Homme», affirme le «french
doctor» Bernard Kouchner dans un rapport tout récent sur les
activités de la firme pétrolière Total en Birmanie. Il y a pourtant
un tout petit problème de crédibilité. Car ce rapport, qui blanchit
si complaisamment Total, a en fait été commandé par la firme Total
elle-même. Total cherche en effet à se dépêtrer de l'accusation
d'avoir pratiqué le travail forcé en Birmanie. Plusieurs plaintes
internationales dûment motivées ont d'ailleurs été déposées contre
la multinationale à ce sujet, notamment en France. Kouchner, en tant
qu'ancien administrateur civil du Kosovo, est un des responsables
d'un nettoyage ethnique qui a fait, selon la Croix Rouge, 226.000
personnes déplacées. Devenu sans emploi, il a accepté ce «job»
proposé par Total. Payé 12.500 euros, selon la presse. Pas cher du
tout, du tout pour un consultant de cette envergure!
---
From: Roger Romain
Kouchner total mercenaire ...
Tiré de " L' INVESTIGATEUR":
DOSSIER / Kouchner total mercenaire
Dec 11, 2003
L’ancien ministre de la Santé vient d’écrire un rapport pour Total qui
lui a été payé 25 000 euros. Ce rapport dédouane
totalement la multinationale Total de toute responsabilité
en Birmanie. Total a fait l’objet de plusieurs plaintes
pour violation des droits de l’homme dans ce pays soumis à
l’une des dictatures les plus sanglantes de la planète
contre laquelle la prix Nobel de la paix Augn San Susi Kyi
a demandé un boycott. Récit d’un naufrage intellectuel.
Le site Total l’a bien mis en avant. Il s’agit d’un rapport écrit par
Bernard Kouchner le french doctor, blanchissant les
pratiques de la firme Total en Birmanie . On ne sait plus
très bien d’ailleurs à la lecture de ce rapport que nous
produisons in extenso si Kouchner est un observateur ou un
conseiller en communication de la firme qui outre son
soutien à la junte birmane a eu des attitudes scandaleuses
au Nigeria quand ça n’était pas au cours de l’enquête relative à
l’Erika ou encore après la catastrophe d’AZF à
Toulouse .
Que Bernard Kouchner se vende pour 25 000 euros officiels
est son problème. Toute vieillesse est un naufrage et plus
encore celle des starlettes de la politique. Mais que
Kouchner utilise une image de french doctor qui n’est pas
la sienne, ne lui en déplaise, est une escroquerie morale.
Et quand il prétend se substituer à Augn San Susi Kyi qui,
elle a condamné les agissements de Total, nous frôlons la
mégalomanie assortie d’un total manque de pudeur . Nous ne
saurions hélas douter de la bonne foi de celui qui donna
des leçons de morale à tous et à tout le monde.
Mais qu’avec ce style onctueux qui prétend défendre les
droits de l’homme il devienne le tremplin d’une opération
de vulgaire marketing est tout simplement une honte. Car
Total voit son image affaiblie par les plaintes qui le
visent au niveau international pour son acceptation du
travail forcé et son aide conséquente à la junte birmane.
Or un mouvement s’amplifie aux États-Unis : celui du
travail propre. Des firmes comme Levis ou encore Nike ont
été obligés de revoir leurs relations avec des pays
dictatoriaux concernant notamment le travail des enfants. Salie dans
tous les sens du terme par les affaires Erika et AZF en
France, nigériane et birmane à l’extérieur, Total se paye
un lifting et fait appel au médecin qui est censé incarner
la justice dans le monde : Bernard Kouchner.
Des précédents ont eu lieu mais moins hurlants : Claude
Allègre défendant l’industrie de l’amiante, Georges
Charpack insultant les anti-nucléaires Mais au moins ces
deux hommes avaient l’excuse de défendre leur gamelle :
l’Institut de la physique du globe d’Allègre était en
grande partie financer par Eternit, le géant de l’amiante
et il occupait le poste prestigieux de président du conseil
d'administration du Bureau de Recherches géologiques et minières.
Que l’on se rappelle lors que le directeur de l'IPG, le futur
ministre avait fait paraître dans Le Point (le 19 octobre
1996) un article très virulent, écrivant entre autres :
"Quant au rapport demandé à l'Inserm, qu'il me soit permis
de dire qu'il ne brille ni par la rigueur scientifique, ni
par le courage, ni par l'esprit d'initiative
scientifique". Interrogé hier, lors d'une conférence de
presse, Claude Allègre a réitéré ses critiques : "C'est nul. Ce
rapport n'est pas bon scientifiquement" . Marcel Goldberg a repris
point par point les études épidémiologiques citées par
Claude Allègre et révélé plusieurs problèmes
d'argumentation, notamment lorsque celui-ci affirme qu'on
ne trouve rien de significatif chez les femmes vivant près
des mines d'amiante de Thedford ou d'Asbestos, au Canada.
"En fait, leur risque de mésothéliome est multiplié par
dix" , remarque Marcel Goldberg.
Quant à Georges Charpack il dépend en grande partie du
financement d’EDF mais est aussi persuadé, en bon
scientiste anciennement marxiste, de la prédominance de
l’intelligence humaine sur les logiques de catastrophe.
Mais Kouchner…On le savait celui-ci et à la recherche
d’une utilité . Mais à ce point-là, il s’agit d’un
alzheimer intellectuel. Ou peut-être une dérive à la Régis
Debray lorsque celui-ci se fit le chantre de la dictature
serbe.
Kouchner tourne ainsi le dos à ses propres conclusions
tirées dans un précédent rapport écrit avec le Dalaï-lama sur la
dictature birmane. Il foule aux pieds les terribles misères de ce
peuple qui a élu la prix Nobel de la paix mais a été
maintenu dans la dictature grâce à la complicité des états
dominés par les intérêts des firmes pétrolières comme
Total. Il passe sous silence le génocide du peuple karen,
oublié de tous et des dieux. Kouchner se vautre dans sa
propre fange. Et c’est triste. Quant à Total, elle restera
l’instrument d’une impitoyable loi du marché. Elle peut
toujours se farder : elle est l’égale de l’Exxon Valdes ou
des grandes compagnies texanes qui collaborèrent avec les
nazis pendant la guerre jouant ainsi contre les Alliés.
L’argent n’a pas d’odeur et encore moins de morale.
Lorsqu’il s’en vêt c’est qu’il y a été obligé. En se
faisant le complice d’une telle logique, Kouchner rejoint,
toutes proportions gardées, le camp de ces médecins de la
Croix Rouge qui, durant la seconde guerre mondiale,
visitèrent les camps de concentration ne voulant bien voir
que ce qu’ils voulaient voir . Croyant que les quelques
comprimés d’aspirine valaient tous les compromis du monde, ils se
firent les complices objectifs d’horreur. Car si l’horreur des
camps fut unique dans son expression technique, elle ne
l’est évidemment pas dans le vécu. La douleur d’un Birman
soumis à la torture est la même que celle de tout être
humain torturé. Et réduire le problème de Total à celui
d’une médicalisation de la population est une fumisterie.
Quant au style de Kouchner, il est hélas celui des
paragons staliniens. Remplacez Total par Staline et vous aurez
une idée du simplisme du petit propagandiste Kouchner. Il sait tout
mieux que les autres à commencer par les victimes. Il loue
Total grand coryphée de l’humanité quand tout accable
cette multinationale.
Parce que le Kouchner des droits de l’homme avait valeur
de symbole, nous nous sentons le droit de repousser
celui-ci dans les oubliettes de l’histoire au nom tout simplement
des quelques mois de survie que son sale écrit va offrir à une
junge birmane qui a besoin de l’argent de Total pour
continuer son terrible travail.
Afin que nos lecteurs se fassent une idée de cette
catastrophe humanitaire voici le dossier Total Birmanie.
L’ article du Canard enchaîné
Kouchner dénonce une injustice Total ....
Certains internautes ont dû en rester bouche bée: la
compagnie pétrolière Total vient de mettre en ligne sur
son site un rapport signé Bernard Kouchner. Évoque
brièvement par « Le Nouvel Observateur , et plus en détail par Radio
France internationale, ce document nous apprend que le «
French Doctor » s'est rendu en Birmanie sur le chantier
d'un gazoduc construit par le groupe pétrolier français.
L'ancien secrétaire d'État à l'Action humanitaire a passé
quatre jours, fin mars 2003, dans cette zone contrôlée par
les militaires birmans. Accompagné par les cadres de la
boîte, Kouchner a notamment visité des dispensaires
financés par Total pour améliorer le quotidien des
autochtones. Conclusion du rapport de BK Conseil (BK pour Bernard
Kouchner) « Des résultats médicaux très significatifs un vrai
succès. » Un « trop grand succès », même, qui mérite un
avertissement : « Prenez garde, ceux qui triomphent peuvent
devenir des cibles. »
Mais qu'est donc allé faire Kouchner dans cette galère?
Sollicité par les avocats de Total, il est venu enquêter sur
place. Officiellement, il fallait que ce ponte de l'aide humanitaire
donne son avis sur les activités de la compagnie pétrolière
en Birmanie. Laquelle s'est installée, voilà plus de dix
ans, dans ce doux pays où règnent sans partage les
généraux. Version moins reluisante : des accusations de
travail forcé ont été formulées contre Total par plusieurs
associations de défense des droits de l'homme qui
s'appuient sur les témoignages d'anciens travailleurs
birmans. Cela méritait bien une contre-enquête de BK
Conseil.
Les villageois rencontrés ont en effet démenti ces
allégations « farfelues ». Elles ont pourtant conduit une juge de
Nanterre à ouvrir, en octobre 2002, une information judiciaire
pour « crime de séquestration » (le crime de travail forcé
n'existant pas en droit français) à l'encontre de Total.
Et les avocats de la compagnie ignoraient sans doute que
la juge chargée de cette affaire n'est autre... qu'une
ancienne collaboratrice du cabinet de Kouchner dans le
gouvernement Jospin!
Joint par « Le Canard », l'ancien ministre maintient les
termes de son rapport, tout en reconnaissant qu'il avait
d'abord eu des doutes». Cela dit, si Total veut « changer
[son] image, Kouchner suggère, à la fin de son rapport,
que ses cadres « visitent plus souvent » Aung San Suu Kyi -
Prix Nobel de la paix et opposante au régime militaire - dans sa
prison. Et que, « par une démarche, d'abord discrète, et plus
tard éventuellement publique, le groupe exige sa remise en
liberté ».
Ce sont bien là les conclusions et conseils d'un rapport
objectif, rédigé par un homme de terrain payé environ 25 000 euros
par Total. Pas cher, cependant, pour un travail auquel personne
ne l'avait forcé…
Laurione Gaud
L’article de Libération
Auteur d'un rapport payé par Total, l'ancien ministre
blanchit le géant pétrolier.
Kouchner fait écran Total sur le travail forcé en Birmanie
Par Philippe GRANGEREAU
mercredi 10 décembre 2003
«Ce programme socio-économique est la meilleure publicité
pour Total. Une sorte de bureau en ville, un show-room...»
Bernard Kouchner
Total, qui depuis août 2002, fait l'objet en France d'une
plainte pour travail forcé en Birmanie, a appelé Bernard
Kouchner, l'ex-ministre de la Santé du gouvernement
socialiste et «French Doctor» fondateur de MSF, à la
rescousse. En mars, le géant pétrolier a commandé un rapport à sa
société, BK Conseil. «...Médecin humanitaire spécialiste des
problèmes de santé publique et des situations d'urgence»,
écrit Total sur son site internet
(http://birmanie.total.com/) où figure en bonne place ce
rapport de 19 pages, «homme politique engagé connaissant
personnellement Mme Aung San Suu Kyi (l'opposante birmane,
prix Nobel de la paix en résidence surveillée, ndlr),
Bernard Kouchner avait toute l'expérience requise pour être un
observateur critique et impartial de l'action de Total en
Birmanie».
Bernard Kouchner s'est donc rendu sur place pendant
quelques jours, afin de voir le site du gazoduc construit
par Total et achevé en 1998. Il a visité sept «villages modèles» du
projet Yadana installés par le pétrolier dans cette zone dotée
d'hôpitaux et d'orphelinats. Il n'en dit que du bien. «Ce
programme socio-économique, note-t-il, est la meilleure
publicité pour Total. Une sorte de bureau en ville, un
show-room...»
Sur l'essentiel, c'est-à-dire le travail forcé des
populations locales dont Total est accusé d'avoir profité
vers 1995, Kouchner reprend l'argumentaire bien rodé du
pétrolier : «Le chantier a employé 2 500 personnes (...).
Toutes bénéficièrent d'un contrat écrit, de salaires
réguliers, d'une protection sociale et de normes
reconnues.» Des travaux forcés ? Il ne s'agissait que d'une
confusion avec le chantier voisin d'une voie ferrée où «il est
probable que des travaux forcés aient malmené les populations».
«N'oublions pas, ajoute Kouchner pour ponctuer son
paragraphe, que pour détestable qu'il soit, le recours au
travail forcé est une coutume ancienne, qui fut même
légalisée par les Anglais en 1907.» «Plus tard, au début
du chantier, concède l'ancien ministre en se contredisant
quelque peu, des villageois avaient été raflés par l'armée
pour défricher la forêt et se livrer à d'autres besognes aux
services des militaires (...). Ayant été prévenue de cette violation
des droits de l'homme, la compagnie Total exigea que ces
exactions cessent. Elle s'en ouvrit à Rangoon, aux
dirigeants qui promirent d'intervenir et le firent. Deux
décrets abolissant le travail forcé furent publiés en mai
1999 et octobre 2000.» L'auteur du rapport explique donc
que Total, contrairement à ce que certains esprits «mal
informés» ont pu supputer, a en réalité lutté contre le travail
forcé. «Il oublie de dire, commente Farid Ghehioueche du collectif
Info Birmanie, que ces décrets n'ont jamais été
appliqués.» «En fait, ajoute le militant, Total a su que
du travail forcé avait lieu sur son chantier, et lorsque
l'entreprise s'est aperçu du danger que cela comportait en
terme d'image, elle a changé de politique.»
Nombreux sont les témoignages accréditant le recours au
travail forcé au profit de Total. Il y a le rapport
confidentiel «L'action de Total en Birmanie», commandité par Total
en juin 1996, dont Libération s'est procuré une copie. L'ancien
responsable des questions de sécurité du pipe-line relate
que «les unités affectées à la protection du projet Yadana
ont déjà utilisé les services des local helpers (recrues
locales) réquisitionnés pour le chemin de fer, pour
certaines tâches à leur profit direct ou pour du
défrichage au profit de Total, alors que la société ne cesse de
leur expliquer qu'elle dispose de ses propres moyens pour
effectuer des travaux».
La compagnie française a opéré un certain nombre de
glissements sémantiques. En novembre 2002, le PDG Thierry
Desmarest, affirmait que Total n'avait «jamais recouru, directement
ou indirectement, au travail forcé». Mais en novembre 2003,
Jean du Rusquec, chargé de mission de Total en Birmanie,
déclarait à l'AFP : «Il y a eu des problèmes au démarrage
du chantier. Strictement du travail forcé, vers décembre
1995, pour la construction de baraquements et pour du
portage (...). Nous avons indemnisé les villageois, 400
environ. Il a fallu se bagarrer.» Malgré ce demi-aveu, la
ligne de défense de Total demeure la même, précise
l'avocat des plaignants birmans, William Bourdon, à savoir qu'«il
n'y a jamais eu de travail forcé sur le chantier».
Total, s'il n'a pas profité sciemment de ce travail forcé,
pouvait-il penser qu'il échapperait à ces pratiques ? Une
étude confidentielle, commandée dès 1992 par Unocal, le
partenaire américain de Total, à Control Risks Information
Services, dont Libération s'est procuré une copie,
avertissait le pétrolier : «Dans toute la Birmanie, le
gouvernement utilise habituellement des travailleurs forcés pour
construire les routes (...). Dans de telles circonstances Unocal
et ses partenaires n'auront qu'une marge de manœuvre très
réduite.»
Dans son rapport, payé selon lui 25 000 euros par Total,
Kouchner se prononce pour l'engagement constructif avec la
dictature : «Fallait-il répondre aux appels d'offre et installer ce
gazoduc en Birmanie ? Je le crois.» Et de conclure : «L'époque
n'est plus à l'embargo et au boycott.» Position en totale
contradiction avec ses convictions d'antan. Dans la
préface de Dossier noir Birmanie (Ed. Dagorno, 1994), où
il qualifiait la junte de «narcodictature», il reprenait à
son compte l'idée selon laquelle «il faut imposer à la
junte birmane des sanctions économiques». Ajoutant que de
telles sanctions «heurtent bien souvent l'intérêt des
Etats, dont la France qui, comme beaucoup d'autres, commerce
avec les généraux via ses industries pétrolières». Pour justifier
son revirement, Kouchner explique qu'à l'époque : «Je n'avais
pas fait d'enquête. Mais un certain nombre de prix Nobel,
dont mon ami Elie Wiesel, prétendaient l'avoir menée pour
moi.»
L’article du Nouvel Obs
Payé par Total, Kouchner blanchit Total en Birmanie
Le fondateur de Médecins sans frontières a touché 25.000
euros pour rendre un rapport sur le travail forcé en
Birmanie, qui conclut que celui-ci n'a pas jamais été
utilisé par la compagnie. Le travail forcé est d'ailleurs,
selon l'ancien ministre, "une coutume ancienne, qui fut
même légalisée par les Anglais en 1907".
Le groupe pétrolier Total a payé 25.000 euros en mars
dernier Bernard Kouchner, ancien ministre socialiste et
fondateur de Médecins sans frontières, pour qu'il rende un
rapport sur le travail forcé en Birmanie. Un rapport qui
conclut… à l'absence de travail forcé sous l'égide de
Total.
Pour rédiger son rapport, publié sur le site internet de
Total, Bernard Kouchner s'est donc rendu pendant quelques jours en
Birmanie. Il y a visité le site du gazoduc de Total, ainsi que
les sept villages modèles installés par Total dans cette
zone. Pour n'en dire que du bien. "Ce programme
socio-économique, écrit Bernard Kouchner dans son rapport
de 19 pages, est la meilleure publicité pour Total. Une
sorte de bureau en ville, un show-room".
Travail forcé ?
Sur la délicate question du travail forcé, qui a valu à
Total une plainte déposée en août 2002 en France, le
ministre conclut qu'il y a eu erreur sur la personne. En
effet, il reprend l'argument du pétrolier : "Le chantier a
employé 2500 personnes". "Toutes bénéficièrent d'un
contrat écrit, de salaires réguliers, d'une protection sociale et de
normes reconnues".
Concernant l'accusation de travail forcé, il y a eu
méprise, affirme Bernard Kouchner, avec le chantier voisin
d'une voie ferrée, "où il est probable qu'il y ait eu des travaux
forcés". Et le ministre de rappeler que le travail forcé est de
toute façon "une coutume ancienne, qui fut même légalisée
par les Anglais en 1907".
Birmans "trop heureux"
Le "french doctor" note cependant qu'au début du chantier
du gazoduc, "des villageois avaient été raflés par l'armée
pour défricher la forêt et se livrer à d'autres besognes
au service des militaires". Mais Total une fois au courant
de ces dérapages, "exigea que ces exactions cessent".
"Deux décrets abolissant le travail forcé furent publiés
en 1999 et 2000", poursuit Bernard Kouchner.
Ce que ne dit pas cependant l'ancien ministre, c'est que
ces deux décrets n'ont jamais été appliqués, selon un
militant du collectif Info Birmanie interrogé par
Libération.
Interrogé, par le quotidien, Bernard Kouchner s'explique :
"Les Birmans que j'ai vu sont absolument heureux de la
présence de Total, trop à mon avis par rapport au reste de
la population. Personne ne connaît les 'victimes de Total'
à ma connaissance".
Liens utiles
http://web.amnesty.org/report2003/mmr-summary-eng
http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs/SRM2003.htm
http://www.birmanie.int.ch/Nouvelles/news262002.htm
Verso la Grande Albania: 1--15 Dicembre 2003
===========
AVVERTENZE
===========
Come al solito, questa nostra rassegna sul Kosmet non ha pretesa di
completezza: le notizie qui riportate sono da considerare solo come
esempi delle informazioni negate alla pubblica opinione.
I precedenti "bollettini di guerra" dal Kosmet (da maggio 2002 in poi)
si possono recuperare partendo dalla URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3005
che riporta anche gli avvenimenti di Novembre 2003.
In generale, un grande numero di articoli sui vari aspetti del regime
di terrore instaurato congiuntamente dalle "nostre" truppe occidentali
(KFOR) e dai neonazisti locali (UCK) si puo' trovare nel nostro
archivio:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
Per un inquadramento storico del terrore nazista in Kosovo-Metohija
si vedano in particolare:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1029
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1030
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2978
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2986
ed i collegamenti ivi contenuti.
Due SITI IN LINGUA ITALIANA dove trovare informazioni aggiornate
sulle violenze perpetrate giorno per giorno in Kosmet sono
http://www.ansa.it/balcani kosovo/kosovo.shtml (ANSA) e
http://www.osservatoriobalcani.it
Si tratta di due servizi professionali di informazione, di orientamento
istituzionale, con tutto quanto cio' comporta dal punto di vista della
interpretazione e presentazione degli avvenimenti.
Molti dei materiali che riportiamo nelle nostre rassegne provengono
dalle mailinglists:
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
antinato@...
anti-imperialiste@...
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
dal bollettino della chiesa ortodossa in Kosmet ERP KIM:
http://www.kosovo.com/erpkiminfo.html
e dalla rassegna curata da Babsi Jones per EXJU.ORG, che riporta
anche brevi testi riassuntivi in italiano - vedi ad esempio:
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
Ulteriori informazioni si trovano infine sul sito curato dalla
chiesa serbo-ortodossa: http://www.kosovo.com
(a cura di A.M.)
=======
NOTIZIE
=======
PERICOLO-BOMBE ANCHE PER LE FORZE DI OCCUPAZIONE OCCIDENTALI
---
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/12/4-SEE/see-011203.asp
[Note: The US government site Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty spells the name of the Serbian province of
Kosovo as KosovA.]
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
December 1, 2003
NATO RESPONDS TO 'SPECIFIC THREAT' IN KOSOVA
A NATO spokesman told reporters in Prishtina on 28
November that KFOR "knows that a specific threat has
been made towards international organizations" in the
province, which is governed primarily by the UN
civilian administration (UNMIK) as a protectorate,
Reuters reported. KFOR and UNMIK said in a joint
statement that NATO-led troops have stepped up
security measures and that the precautions will remain
in effect until "the threat is assessed to have been
reduced." Unnamed "diplomatic sources" told the news
agency that the "specific threat" was directed against
UNMIK. Among the precautions taken were checks of cars
with foreign license plates. The statement referred to
"terrible recent events, not just in southeastern
Europe but elsewhere in the world." Several top
Kosovar leaders recently told "RFE/RL Newsline" in
Prishtina that an early resolution of the status
question is essential for improving the security
situation in Kosova. PM
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25775&order=priority&style=headlines
SRNA - December 1, 2003
Security stepped up in Kosovo
PRISTINA -- Monday – A concrete wall has been erected
around the United Nations headquarters in Kosovo in
response to attacks on UN facilities in Iraq.
International peacekeepers have also set up
checkpoints in Pristina near UN facilities and the
diplomatic offices of western countries.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 1, 2003
KFOR, UNMIK specialists control-explode bomb in
Kosovska Mitrovica
17:00 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 1 (Tanjug) - Special
forces of UNMIK police and KFOR control-exploded on
Monday a bomb in the northern part of Kosovska
Mitrovica, and the explosion caused windows to crack
in a nearby business.
The bomb was planted in the vicinity of a power
sub-station, only about fifty meters away from a
student dormitory in that town in southern Kosovo, and
also nearby is a highschool playground.
===
KOSOVO: GOVERNATORE ONU SOSPENDE 12
DEL CORPO DI PROTEZIONE
(ANSA) - TIRANA, 3 DIC - Il governatore Onu del Kosovo, Harri
Holkeri, ha sospeso per sei mesi dal servizio dodici appartenenti al
Corpo di protezione del Kosovo (Tmk) per presunte ''attivita'
illegali''. La decisione e' stata fortemente criticata dal
comandante generale del Tmk Agim Ceku, che fu in passato capo
militare della guerriglia albanese (Uck) dalle cui ceneri e' nato il
corpo di protezione civile: ''E' un atto illegittimo che danneggia
fortemente la nostra immagine'' ha commentato. Holkeri non ha
fornito indicazioni sul tipo di attivita' illegale contestata ai 12
appartenenti al Tmk, ma ha assicurato che sul loro operato e' in
corso un'indagine della polizia. Il sospetto e' che siano stati
verificati legami fra i dodici indagati e l'Armata nazionale albanese
(Ana, o Aksh per gli albanesi), nuovo movimento di guerriglia
considerato dalla missione Onu in Kosovo come ''gruppo
terrorista''.(ANSA) BLL 03/12/2003 16:30
---
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/12/4-SEE/see-031203.asp
[The US federal government Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty operation, which coincidentally has just
announced it's ceasing broadcasting into seven nations
- Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania,
Latvia and Estonia - all seven of whom were nominated
for full NATO membership at last year's NATO Prague
Summit, prefers the spelling of the
internationally-recognized Serbian province of Kosovo
according to the orthographic requirements of Messrs
Thaci, Ceku, Haradinaj and Ahmeti, *surreptitious*
commanders of the very same Albanian National Army
that NATO and UNMIK insists doesn't exist.]
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
December 3, 2003
UN ADMINISTRATOR SUSPENDS 12 KOSOVA CIVILIAN CORPS MEMBERS
On 3 December, Harri Holkeri, who heads the UN's
civilian administration in Kosova (UNMIK), suspended
12 ethnic Albanian members of the civilian Kosova
Protection Corps (TMK) for six months while their
alleged links to the outlawed Albanian National Army
(AKSH) are investigated, RFE/RL's South Slavic and
Albanian Languages Service reported. Holkeri first
discussed the matter with TMK commander Agim Ceku, but
they reached no decision, Hina reported. Holkeri then
sought the support of Western diplomats in Prishtina.
PM
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25809&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 3, 2003
Holkeri suspends Protection Corps officers
PRISTINA -- Wednesday – The chief UN diplomat in
Kosovo has suspended 12 members of the Kosovo
Protection Corps pending an investigation into
suspected links with an outlawed terrorist group.
The investigation concerns the bombing of a railway
bridge in northern Kosovo in April this year. The
Albanian National Army claimed responsibility, and was
subsequently branded a terrorist organisation by the
then head of the UN mission, Michael Steiner.
Steiner’s successor, Harri Holkeri, today suspended 12
members of the Protection Corps, a civil protection
unit formed by the UN from the disbanded Kosovo
Liberation Army. Two of the terrorists were killed in
the explosion on the bridge. It later emerged that one
of them was a member of the Protection Corps.
Corps commander Agim Ceku today dismissed the move as
“unacceptable.”
----
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 3, 2003
Ceku does not accept suspension of 12 KPC members
17:08 PRISTINA , Dec 3 (Tanjug) - The suspension on
Wednesday of 12 members of the Kosovo Protection Corps
(KPC) came after an investigation into the attempt to
destroy a bridge in northern Kosovo, said UNMIK chief
Harri Holkeri.
Holkeri added that the findings of the investigation
were sufficiently serious to entail a suspension of
KPC officers, the UN statement said, without
specifying the details of the accusation, AP news
agency reported.
---
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/BUZ343261.htm
Reuters - December 3, 2003
UN suspension move angers Kosovo ex-guerrillas
By Shaban Buza
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Dec 3 (Reuters) -
Kosovo's U.N. governor on Wednesday suspended two
generals and 10 other officers of an ethnic
Albanian-dominated successor force to the guerrilla
Kosovo Liberation Army, angering ex-rebel chiefs.
Harri Holkeri, the Finnish head of the province's
U.N.-led administration, said he took the decision as
a result of its enquiry into a bomb attack in April on
a railway in a part of Kosovo populated mainly by
minority Serbs.
But the head of the civilian emergency Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), former guerrilla chief of
staff Agim Ceku, said there was no proof the suspended
officers were involved and made clear the move would
be ignored.
"This decision is unacceptable for us and as such will
not be taken into consideration," Ceku told reporters
after meeting Holkeri and other top Western officials
in Kosovo, which remains legally party of Serbia and
Montenegro.
It was the toughest action yet against members of the
3,000-strong KPC since it was set up four years ago,
replacing the rebel army that fought against Slobodan
Milosevic's forces in a conflict that ended with
NATO's 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia.
The corps was designed to provide a civilian role for
former rebels, tasked with humanitarian missions such
as reconstruction and disaster relief. Many
independence-seeking ethnic Albanians see it as a
nucleus of a future Kosovo army.
Holkeri did not give details of the enquiry into the
attack in northern Kosovo, in which two suspected
bombers were killed. A shadowy group called the
Albanian National Army (ANA) claimed responsibility.
But he said the findings "in respect of illegal
activities" were sufficiently serious to merit a
police investigation and a six-month suspension of the
officers pending its results.
"This is the approach taken by European institutions
when serious allegations are made against their
members," he said in a joint statement with the
commander of the NATO-led peacekeeping force in
Kosovo, German General Holger Kammerhoff.
The two suspended KPC generals, Nuredin Lushtaku and
Rrahman Rama, were top guerrilla commanders during the
war.
Holkeri said he counted on Ceku's full cooperation.
But Ceku said Holkeri had taken a wrong decision.
Five KPC officers were suspended in 2001 after they
appeared on a U.S. black list of people accused of
stoking Balkan instability.
---
Da: Rick Rozoff
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Albanian National Army Bombers Get 6 Months
Paid Vacation For Kosovo Terror Act
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=9057&Cr=kosovo&Cr1=
[All twelve culprits, including two so-called Kosovo
Protection Corps generals, will be paid out of the
budget of the United Nations Mission In Kosovo.]
UN News Centre
December 3, 2003
UN envoy to Kosovo orders suspension of 12 police
officers pending inquiry
3 December – The head of the United Nations Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has ordered
that *12 Kosovo police officers be suspended, with
pay, for six months* while a police investigation
takes place into their role in the demolition of a
railway bridge in the northern Kosovo town of Loziste
in April.
Harri Holkeri, the Special Representative for Kosovo,
was not prejudging the investigation’s result or
presuming guilt, according to a joint statement by
UNMIK and KFOR, the multinational force in Kosovo,
that was issued today in Pristina.
But Mr. Holkeri said the initial findings against the
12 officers, all serving members of the Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), after a joint UNMIK-KFOR
inquiry were “sufficiently serious” to warrant both a
police investigation and the suspensions.
The statement said Mr. Holkeri and KFOR Commander
Holger Kammerhoff met the Commander of the KPC, Lt.
Gen. Agim Ceku, today to inform him of the
suspensions.
The statement added that Mr. Holkeri “recognized that,
with a few exceptions, the KPC members act
professionally and in keeping with the standards
expected of them…It is important to ensure that the
inquiry findings are followed up to protect the good
name of the KPC.”
Meanwhile, Mr. Holkeri, who is also the chairman of
the Task Force on Returns in Kosovo, said next year
would be critical for the return of people still
displaced after war. The Task Force is calling for
more financial support from within and outside Kosovo
so that it can carry out its work of assisting people
to move.
In another development, UNMIK’s Missing Persons Unit,
together with Kosovo’s Office on Missing Persons and
Forensics (OMPF) and the Serbia and Montenegro
authorities, have arranged for a group of bodies to be
transferred from Serbia to Kosovo tomorrow.
The transfer of mortal remains, identified by DNA
after they were exhumed from a mass grave at
Batajnica, will be completed following verification
procedures at a transfer facility near the
Serbia-Kosovo border.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25839&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 5, 2003
Kosovo Protection Corps accepts suspensions
PRISTINA -- Friday – Senior officers of the Kosovo
Protection Corps last night agreed to accept a
decision by UN administrators in the province to
suspend twelve of the corps members.
UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri on Wednesday suspended
twelve corps members pending an investigation into
links with the outlawed Albanian National Army.
A statement issued by the senior officers notes that
corps commander Agim Ceku has said he will resign over
the suspensions, but that that the officers, the
suspended members and Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram
Rexhepi were opposed to this.
The statement also asserts however that the decision
is unjust and that there is no evidence to support it.
----
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/EYug.htm#Covic%20doubts%20UNMIK
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
Covic doubts UNMIK's good intentions
12:40 BELGRADE , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - Head of the
Kosovo-Metohija coordination centre Nebojsa Covic
voiced doubt about the good intentions of UNMIK to
carry out a true investigation against 12 suspended
officers of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KZS), who are
suspected of having ties with the illegal ethnic
Albanian National Army (ANA), the centre said in its
Tuesday statement.
"I am afraid that that will be just a farce and that
after an alleged investigation, the officers will be
acquitted of the charges," Covic said, proving such a
stand by the fact that Agim Ceku had been arrested,
and soon after that, set free.
===
HASHIM THACI: IL TRIBUNALE DELL'AIA NON MI PROCESSERA' MAI
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 4, 2003
KOSOVO-TACHI-INTERVIEW
I am innocent, Thaci
19:29 BONN , Dec 3 (Tanjug) - Democratic Party of
Kosovo leader and one of the leaders of the disbanded
Kosovo Liberation Army Hashim Thaci said he was not
afraid of the war crimes tribunal because he was
innocent, and that ethnic Albanians in the
investigation were reluctant to testify against war
crime suspects because of the inherited mentality, and
not because they were protecting their kinsmen.
In an interview to the Frankfurter Allgemaine Zeitung
Thaci said he was not afraid that the Tribunal would
issue an indictment against him, "because, I never
breached international law."
===
UNMIK: "TUTTO A GONFIE VELE"
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 4, 2003
UNMIK says its results are significant, Serbs disagree
17:42 GNJILANE , Dec 3 (Tanjug) - Representatives of
UNMIK in the region of Gnjilane told a news conference
on Wednesday that important results had been achieved
last year, but this was denied by local TV Silovo
journalist Jovan Simic, who described numerous data
from the report as "figments of imagination."
UN regional administrator Marcel Cintalan, regional
chief of UNMIK police Robert Richardson and KFOR
Brigadier General Jerry Beck pointed at the greater
freedom of movement of the population and stressed
that the number of peacekeepers in the region's seven
municipalities would not be reduced, despite the
withdrawal of fixed checkpoints from a number of
locations.
===
MEMBRI DEL "CORPO DI PROTEZIONE" (UCK) ACCUSATI ANCHE DI SFRUTTAMENTO
DELLA PROSTITUZIONE
"Kosovo Protection Corps" Members Accused Also of White Slavery and
Smuggling
Epoka e Re, Kosovo daily in Albanian
Pristina, December 04, 2003
UNMIK administration made it known that the suspension of the 12
TMK members came after an investigations of the events that happened on
April near Zvecan. But according to the UNMIK spokesman they are also
accused of involvement in trafficking people and illegal trade.
UNMIK_s information official, told "Kosova Live" on Wednesday
that 12 TMK officers except that they are involved in the attack of the
bridge in Lozice, they are suspended for other illegal actions as well.
She added that the police will start with the investigation of the
cases as soon as they receive the suspension letters from the
chief-administrator Holkeri.
In a joint communication released by UNMIK with KFOR and the
Quint state representatives in Kosovo, it pointed out that Harry
Holkeri has informed TMK Commander, lieutenant general Agim Ceku, that
as a result of the joint investigation between UNMIK and KFOR he
decided that the findings against the 12 TMK officers related to the
illegal activities justifies police investigations.
Without prejudging the results of these investigations or without
presupposing their guilt, he decided that the conclusions were very
serious and that deserves and justifies the suspension of 12 TMK
officers, with pay and for a period of six months, while awaiting the
results of the investigations. UNMIK makes known that the
investigations are still ongoing.
The spokesman said that the chief-administrator evaluated that
the TMK members with some "exceptions" act professionally and according
to standards, as it is expected from them. "It is important to make
sure that the results of the investigations followed to protect the
image of TMK", said Holkeri.
---
Kosovo youth under attack of human traffickers
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
13:36 LONDON , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - The young people of Kosovo-Metohija are
becoming more and more the target of human traffickers, and there are
also cases of kidnapping children, the London daily Independent said
in its Tuesday issue, reminding of the fact that Kosovo had been the
main transit centre for smuggling people to West Europe for some time
now.
Smugglers, however, are attacking local under-aged people more often
now, promising them employment somewhere in Europe, while they usually
end up in some kind of forced labour, in sexual slavery or
prostitution, and there are even cases of selling human organs.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[9 dicembre/pristina] migliaia di donne provenienti dalle ex repubbiche
sovietiche vengono comprate i vendute dai trafficanti del sesso: nella
sola pristina, in kosovo, si contano 130 bordelli…
l’articolo di daniel howden sull’independent.co.uk
===
CHI DEVE CHIEDERE SCUSA A CHI ?
COMMENTI SULLA "GIORNATA DEI DIRITTI UMANI"
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/552_0_1_0_C/
il capo dell’unmik holkeri “è tenuto ha chiedere scusa alla serbia
democratica”: così tanjug [http://www.tanjug.co.yu/%5d riporta le
opinioni di nebojsa covic, capo del centro di coordinamento per il
kosovo in merito alla dichiarazione di holkeri del 3 dicembre. a
belgrado, alla conferenza sulla tolleranza e sulle integrazioni
internazionali, holkeri aveva incautamente sostenuto “che la serbia è
tenuta a chiedere scusa al popolo kosovaro perché gli 800 mila albanesi
che fuggivano durante la pulizia etnica non possono dimenticare i
migliaia di assassinati”. “la dichiarazione di holkeri conferma che
presso la comunità internazionale esiste una volontà di accelerazione
del il piano di albanizzazione del kosovo”, ha concluso covic...
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[9 dicembre/gracanica] editoriale di padre janjic: “un’altra
performance teatrale dei diritti umani”:
il 10 dicembre è la giornata mondial dei diritti dell’uomo.
paradossalmente, anche in kosovo verrà festeggiata, sono in programma
eventi musicali e sportivi proprio nella provincia che negli ultimi
quattro anni si è distinta come “il buco nero” dei diritti umani e
della tolleranza, dove i non-albanesi sono sistematicamente
perseguitati… gli eventi organizzati (tutti in lingua albanese)
mostrano ancora una volta l’assenza di convivenza civile con le
minoranze; nessun serbo potrà parteciparvi se non scortato dai veicoli
delle forze onu/nato, e correndo rischi inimmaginabili…
decani ml
[10 dicembre/pristina] il discorso di covic in occasione della giornata
mondiale dei diritti umani:
...mr. president, prime minister, ladies and gentlemen, today is
international human rights day. i am glad of that because today is also
an important day for kosovo, the day when the prime minister and i are
launching “standards for kosovo”. the announcement of a review date
for a decision on final status has opened a new chapter. now it is time
for us to write that chapter. our task, together, is to prepare kosovo
for final status. there is now a date for a decision, but there is
nothing inevitable about that decision. that decision depends on what
is said and done here in kosovo, because there’s only one route to
final status. and that is through progress on standards...
il testo integrale su decani ml
...e la richiesta del governo serbo affinché cessino tutte le violenze
ai danni delle minoranze non-albanesi in kosovo:
serbia.sr.gov.yu
===
A MITROVICA LA BANDIERA E' ALBANESE: MINACCE AI FUNZIONARI ONU CHE
ANCORA NON SONO D'ACCORDO
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=57653
MakFax (Macedonia) - December 5, 2003
UNMIK to remove Albanian flag in Mitrovica
UNMIK has decided to remove the Albanian flag from the
city hall in Kosovo’s western city of Mitrovica. The
flag was raised on November 28.
Deputy Special Representative to the UN Civil
Administration, Francesco Bastagli, made it clear that
the UN flag is the only flag that could be raised
inside and outside the building of the city hall.
“The use of symbols that exclude non-Albanian
communities is doing disservice to a city like
Mitrovica,” said Bastagli in his letter to local
authorities in Mitrovica. He also voiced deep concerns
at the recent threats for physical liquidation of UN
staff in Mitrovica.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25840&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 5, 2003
UNMIK “concerned” over threats to staff
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA -- Friday – The United Nations
mission in Kosovo yesterday expressed concern over the
death threats to international staff in Kosovska
Mitrovica.
Deputy UN governor Francesco Bastagli, in a letter to
Albanian leaders in the segregated town, also took
exception to the Albanian flag being raised on the
local council building, saying that only a UN flag
should be flown either in or outside the building.
He added that the UN was also particularly concerned
that one of its employees in the Mitrovica council had
been declared persona non grata.
===
MORTO SOLDATO USA
il manifesto - 07 Dicembre 2003
Un soldato americano è stato trovato morto in un bunker a Camp
Monteith, base dei militari statunitensi della missione Nato nel Kosovo
orientale. Secondo fonti della Kfor, il sergente Daryl Brooks, 43 anni
sottufficiale di collegamento, è morto per una ferita da arma da fuoco.
Brooks era uno dei circa 2.500 soldati americani schierati nella forza
Nato. Aperte le indagini.
---
US soldier found dead in Kosovo
Agence France Presse - December 6, 2003
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro - A US soldier serving with the NATO
peacekeeping mission in Kosovo (KFOR) has been found dead, a statement
Saturday by the peacekeeping force said.
"Sergeant Daryl Brooks, 43, a personnel non-commissioned officer with
Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 1st Battalion 111th Infantry was
found dead of a gunshot wound" early Thursday, the statement said.
Brooks was found in a concrete bunker in the US military Camp Monteith
in eastern Kosovo by a soldier serving with his unit.
The statement did not say whether the death came under suspicious
circumstances.
Over 2,000 US soldiers are part of 20,000-strong KFOR and are in
control of Kosovo's eastern sector that borders Macedonia and Serbia.
Kosovo has been under UN and NATO control since June 1999.
===
INCIDENTI A MITROVICA
il 6 dicembre una folla di serbi a mitrovica ha accolto a sassate il
ministro albanese rexhepi che si recava alla cena con i rappresentanti
della world bank. non ci sono stati feriti, ma alcuni veicoli dell’onu
sono stati bruciati...
voice of america :
http://www.voanews.com/article.cfm?objectID=E4F8A549-58F6-4E2E-
94E5F99D140FFEED
politika : http://www.politika.co.yu/2003/1207/01_18.htm
la responsabilità degli incidenti a mitrovica è di rexhepi stesso: al
pranzo con i rappresentanti della banca mondiale non doveva
parteciparvi, lo ha fatto per farsi vedere buona luce prima della
conferenza a bruxelles, e lo ha fatto violando gli accordi territoriali
onu di mitrovica...”: questa l’opinione di milan ivanovic,
rappresentante del consiglio nazionale serbo per il kosovo
settentrionale...
KOSOVO: ATTACCO CONTRO DELEGAZIONE BANCA MONDIALE
(ANSA-REUTERS) - KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, 7 DIC - Una folla ha attaccato,
lanciando sassi, un ristorante di Kosovska Mitrovica dove pranzava
una delegazione della Banca Mondiale, fino a poco prima assieme al
primo ministro kosovaro, Bajram Rexhepi, di etnia albanese. Un
giornalista dell'agenzia Reuters sul posto ha riferito che la folla
ha scagliato sassi ma la polizia le ha impedito di fare irruzione nel
locale. Rexhepi aveva lasciato da poco il ristorante, ma i
rappresentanti della Banca mondiale sono stati costretti a fuggire.
La folla ha lanciato sassi contro i loro veicoli, ferendo lievemente
un membro della delegazione. Due ministri serbi del governo Rexhepi,
che si supponeva dovessero trovarsi nel locale, in realta' non si
sono presentati. Kosovska Mitrovica e' divisa in due: la parte
nord e' popolata in prevalenza da serbi (che sono maggioranza anche
in tutta la citta'), mentre gli albanesi vivono perlopiu' nella
zona sud, di la' da un ponte che e' stato spesso teatro di scontri
tra le due etnie. In un comunicato, la Missione Onu in Kosovo
(Unmik), che amministra la provincia dopo la guerra del 1999, ha
affermato che negli incidenti sono state coinvolte circa 150 persone,
alcune delle quali hanno danneggiato un autobus e incendiato tre
veicoli (due della polizia locale). Il comunicato non precisa
l'etnia degli aggressori ne' l' identita' della persona rimasta
ferita, ma condanna l'attacco, avvenuto - afferma - durante una
visita mirante a trovare mezzi ''per promuovere lo sviluppo economico
in Kosovo''. ''Le azioni delle persone che hanno turbato l'ordine
pubblico sono biasimevoli'', aggiunge il comunicato. L'addetto
stampa dell'Unmik Tracy Becker ha precisato che la delegazione della
Banca mondiale ha poi trovato rifugio presso il quartier generale
della polizia, dove e' al sicuro. (ANSA-REUTERS). DIG
07/12/2003 01:24
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[9 dicembre/mitrovica] commentando l’incidente della scorsa settimana a
mitrovica (un gruppo di serbi inferociti ha aggredito rexhepi ed i
delegati della banca mondiale di passaggio in città, non ci sono stati
feriti ma alcuni veicoli dell’unmik sono stati dati alle fiamme) il
portavoce dell’onu chappell ha confermato che l’unmik era completamente
all’oscuro della visita di rexhepi a mitrovica, che non era minimamente
prevista. in merito all’articolo apparso sul sunday mirror, è stato
confermato l’arresto di halil balaj, e sono in corso indagini per
identificare gli altri ex-membri dell’uck che avrebbero connessioni con
il terrorismo internazionale...
===
BOMBA ESPLODE A PRISTINA
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25894&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 9, 2003
Explosion in Pristina
PRISTINA -- Tuesday – A loud explosion was reported in
southern Pristina just after 10.00 last night.
Beta news agency said the blast outside the former
university campus could be heard across Kosovo’s
capital city.
Two UN vehicles parked nearby were also destroyed.
There are no details of casualties or who might have
been responsible.
===
KOSOVO: UE, SERBIA RESPINGE PIATTAFORMA UNMIK PER STANDARD
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 8 DIC - Il governo serbo giudica ''inaccettabile''
la piattaforma proposta dall'amministrazione dell'Onu per il Kosovo
(Unmik) sugli standard necessari per avviare una discussione sullo
status della provincia, che verra' presentata a Bruxelles al forum
Ue-Balcani del 10 dicembre. In una riunione convocata dal
vicepremier serbo incaricato della questione albanese, Nebojsa Covic,
il governo ha definito il documento ''non adeguato alla risoluzione
1244 dell'Onu'', che prevede fra l'altro la sovranita' di Belgrado sul
territorio kosovaro. I ministri hanno sottolineato che non sono
stati recepiti nella bozza dell'Unmik i suggerimenti espressi dalla
Serbia, fra cui il ritorno incondizionato dei profughi serbi nel
Kosovo, la restituzione dei beni serbi passati nelle mani degli
albanesi, una riorganizzazione basilare del Corpo di protezione
kosovaro, i diritti di Belgrado nei processi di privatizzazione.
La discussione sugli standard avviene in un momento delicato della
vita politica serba, in piena campagna per le elezioni legislative
del 28 dicembre. Il Kosovo e' uno dei temi piu' gettonati dalle forze
ultranazionaliste, ed e' parte integrante anche del programma di
quelle piu' moderate.(ANSA). OT 08/12/2003 17:14
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
EYug.htm#Draft%20standards%20do%20not%20prejudice%20final%20status%20of%
20Kosovo,%20UNMIK
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
Kosovo Serbs reject standards
09:47 BELGRADE , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - The Kosovo-Metohija
coordination centre said late on Monday that the Serb
representatives at Kosovo institutions, members of the
province's local management, and the coordination
centre leading team had supported the decision of the
Serbian government that the standards representatives
of the international community had proposed for
Kosovo-Metohija be rejected.
It was said that the draft of the document represented
an attempt of revision of Security Council Resolution
1244, as well as of the Kosovo Constitutional
Framework. The document was qualified as unacceptable
also becuase it did not respect the crucial issues as
regards the return of IDPs, privatisation, return of
property, resolution of property relations in Kosovo
and the Kosovo Protection Corps, the statement said.
---
KOSOVO: ONU FISSA 'ROAD MAP' PER DEFINIZIONE DELLO STATUS
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 10 DIC - Le Nazioni Unite hanno fissato e reso
noto oggi i criteri ai quali il Kosovo dovra' attenersi come
condizione per la definizione del suo status, non esclusa
l'indipendenza. Il documento, che rappresenta una sorta di ''road
map'', e' stato presentato oggi nel corso di una cerimonia ufficiale
da parte dell'amministratore Onu della provincia, Harri Holkeri. I
criteri posti dall'Onu per giungere a una definizione dello status
entro il 2005, riguardano riforme democratiche nel campo
dell'economia, delle minoranze (incluso il ritorno dei profughi
serbi) e per la costituzione dello stato di diritto. ''Per
giungere allo status definitivo c'e' una sola strada - ha dichiarato
Holkeri - e' questa strada e' il rispetto degli standard che abbiamo
fissato. Questa strada - ha aggiunto - e' anche la scelta fra le
democrazia e la criminalita' e l'anarchia''. Alla cerimonia erano
assenti in segno di dissenso tutti i rappresentanti della minoranza
serba. Il presidente Ibrahim Rugova e il primo ministro Bajram
Rexhepi hanno accolto con soddisfazione il documento, rivolgendo un
appello pubblico affinche' da oggi in poi ''ogni kosovaro si impegni
per il rispetto di questi standard, che costituiscono la via di
accesso alla nostra indipendenza''. (ANSA). BLL
10/12/2003 19:20
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 11, 2003
Holkeri's offer "conditional independence of Kosovo,"
Trajkovic
13:10 GRACANICA , Dec 10 (Tanjug) - Member of the
Return coalition and Serbian national council for
central Kosov, Rada Trjkovic, said on Wednesday that
the standards UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri had offered,
practically represented "a conditional independence of
Kosovo."
"Since the paper (standards) does not imply any
institutional ties between Kosovo-Metohija and
Belgrade, it practically means a conditional
independence of the province," Trajkovic told Tanjug.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Elect.htm#If%20Kosovo%20became%20independent,%20Macedonia%20would%20disa
ppear%20-%20Covic
Tanjug (Serbia-Montenegro) - December 11, 2003
If Kosovo became independent, Macedonia would
disappear - Covic
10:49 CACAK , Dec 11 (Tanjug) - Serbian Deputy Premier
and leader of the Democratic Alternative (DA), Nebojsa
Covic, said in Cacak late on Wednesday that in case
Kosovo-Metohija became independent, Macedonia, as a
state, would disappear.
"I can sign right now that if Kosovo-Metohija is
granted independence, there will be no Macedonia in a
month and a half, at the most. Our intention is not,
in spite of all, to give up a part of our territory,"
Covic said.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 10, 2003
Time for Serbia to take more aggressive steps, Jaksic
14:26 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 10 (Tanjug) - Community
of Serbian municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija
president Marko Jaksic told Tanjug on Wednesday,
following the unilateral decision of UNMIK chief Harri
Holkeri to determine standards in Kosovo, that it was
time for the state of Serbia to take more aggressive
steps.
"It is time for Serbia to take the initiative, and
that means taking more aggressive steps for the
integration of Kosovo and Metohija into the Serbian
state," Jaksic assessed.
---
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=46556&LangID=1
Seeurope.net - December 11, 2003
Belgrade Warns of Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo
An alternative reality is being established in Kosovo
based on the results of ethnic cleansing, Belgrade’s
Kosovo Coordination Centre said today.
“Human rights are the inalienable right of every man.
But a different reality is being built in Kosovo today
on the results of ethnic cleansing, criminalisation of
the society and violation of human rights,” said the
centre in a statement, quoted by radio B92.
Before any debate on the final status of Kosovo, the
international community must provide Serbs living
there with fundamental human rights, the centre said.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[11 dicembre] kosovo/status, standard, road map
il governo serbo ha rigettato ieri la bozza presentata il giorno
precedente da harri holkeri a pristina. la bozza, che dovrebbe condurre
allo “status giuridico finale per il kosmet” verrà presentata a
bruxelles ed è stata infelicemente ribattezzata ‘road map’. alla
presentazione del documento i serbi del kosovo non erano presenti: in
breve, si rifiutano di partecipare perchè ritengono che nei documenti
a) sia data sovranità alle istituzioni albanesi senza che sia garantito
il rientro degli sfollati serbi; b) la risoluzione 1244 non sia stata
rispettata, c) non sia prevista la restituzione dei beni usurpati ai
serbi fuggitivi dagli albanesi, né che sia prevista la revisione del
kosovo protection force che - al momento - non è che un riciclaggio
delle forze uck. nebojsa covic, responsabile del kosovo per belgrado,
ha dichiarato che il documento elaborato da holkeri è “un’autostrada
che porta diritta all’indipendenza del kosovo”. neppure gli albanesi
sembrano soddisfatti: accusano holkeri di aver ‘sentito eccessivamente’
le pressioni di belgrado. articoli in merito:
balkantimes
danas
glas-javnosti/1
glas-javnosti/2
novosti
politika/1
politika/2
guardian.co.uk
oss.balcani
===
ATTACCO CONTRO CHECKPOINT SERBO
B92 - December 8, 2003
South Serbian checkpoint under attack
KONCULJ -- Monday - Unidentified gunmen last night opened fire on a
police checkpoint Konculj, near the Kosovo border, police in the
southern Serbian city of Vranje said today.
Police in the checkpoint returned the fire. No casualties were
reported in the incident.
An investigation this morning indicated that the shots were fired from
an improvised stone shelter near the local school.
Police are investigating.
===
ANCHE IN UNGHERIA L'EROINA ARRIVA DAL KOSOVO
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
EBalkans.htm#Heroine%20comes%20from%20Kosovo,%20Hungarian%20police
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
Heroin comes from Kosovo, Hungarian police
13:16 BUDAPEST , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - According to the
knowledge of the Hungarian police, each day, about 100
kilogrammes of heroine are sent from Kosovo to
European countries.
Besides the ethnic Albanian mafia, Turks are also very
active in this job, who are are specialised for
transporting the drugs from Asia to Europe, it was
pointed out in the latest report of the coordination
centre for the fight against organised crime, which is
seated in Budapest.
===
RUSSI E MACEDONI A COLLOQUIO SUL PROBLEMA GRANDEALBANESE
http://en.rian.ru/rian/
index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3682948&startrow=1&date=2003-12-
09&do_alert=0
Russian Information Agency (Novosti) - December 9, 2003
MACEDONIAN OFFICIAL DISCUSSES KOSOVO PROBLEM IN MOSCOW
MOSCOW, December 9th, 2003 (ITAR TASS correspondent
Yulia Troitskaya) - Russian Deputy Foreign Minister
Vladimir Chizhov has discussed the Kosovo settlement
with Undersecretary of the Macedonian Foreign Ministry
Victor Gaber, the Russian ministry's information and
press department reported.
At the meeting the parties exchanged opinions on
regional problems. Thus, the Russian party confirmed
that it supported the efforts of the Macedonian
leaders to strengthen the security, sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the state.
The parties also expressed satisfaction with the
dynamics of the two countries' political dialogue.
They signalled mutual interest in further development
of comprehensive Russian-Macedonian co-operation,
above all, in the trade and economic sphere, the
ministry pointed out.
Gaber arrived in Moscow to take part in the
Russian-Macedonian foreign-ministry consultations.
===
PROFUGHI SERBI PROVANO A RIENTRARE:
SUBITO CIRCONDATI DA FOLLA OSTILE
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[10 dicembre/klina] un gruppo di 26 serbi stazionava da settimane a
bica in attesa di rientrare nelle proprie case a klina. scortati
dall’unmik, si sono mossi verso klina (a sette chilometri di distanza)
e hanno trovato un centinaio di civili albanesi infericiti che hanno
impedito loro di riprendere possesso delle proprie abitazioni,
accogliendoli a sassate.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25925&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 11, 2003
Serb repatriates narrowly escape angry mob
GRACANICA -- Wednesday – A group of Serb repatriates
in Kosovo were evacuated today from the town of Klina
after an angry mob of Albanian residents besieged the
building they were in.
Local Serb Petko Pesic told media that about ten
Serbs, part of a group of 26, arrived in the town
today and moved into a house in order to prepare for
the return of the others over the next few days.
However they were eventually evacuated by KFOR troops
after several hundred local Albanians, described by
Pesic as extremely aggressive, surrounded the
building.
Witnesses said that about a hundred UNMIK police
officers arrived at the scene to secure the
evacuation.
As the left the house, the mob stoned the Serbs and
vehicles driven by the international police, said
Pesic.
Serb sources in the nearby village of Bica, where the
26 would-be-repatriates are staying, say that the
group is determined to return to their home town.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 12, 2003
Trajkovic says return of Serbs to Metohija obstructed
18:34 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 11 (Tanjug) - Serb
National Council for Central Kosovo Executive
Committee member Rada Trajkovic, a Kosovo parliament
MP of the coalition Povratak, on Thursday accused
UNMIK return department chief Peggy Higgs of
obstructing the return of Serbs to Metohija region of
this province.
Higgs influenced KFOR officials, who stopped providing
protection for Serbs who returned to Klina, and the
Serbs then fled to the nearby village Bica after a
protest by ethnic Albanians, Trajkovic said.
===
KOSOVO: PARLAMENTO DICHIARA DECADUTE LEGGI SERBE
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 11 DIC - Il parlamento del Kosovo ha votato oggi a
larghissima maggioranza una dichiarazione che definisce decadute le
leggi serbe a partire dal 1989, quando la provincia a maggioranza
albanese fu privata dell'autonomia. L'amministratore dell'Unmik
Harry Holkeri ha annullato la decisione, che la portavoce Isabelle
Carlovic ha qualificato come ''inaccettabile e non riconosciuta dalla
comunita' internazionale''. '' Applicare la legge e' compito
dell'amministrazione dell'Onu, in base alla risoluzione 1244 del
consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni unite. Il parlamento puo' solo
manifestare la sua opinione'', ha detto Holkeri. Asim Bajrami,
autore della mozione approvata dal parlamento, ha motivato il voto -
al quale i media di Belgrado danno stasera ampio risalto - con il
fatto che le leggi serbe adottate dopo il 1989 ''sono state varate
contro la volonta' della maggioranza della popolazione kosovara e
pregiudicano l'avvenire del Kosovo''. Hanno votato a favore
della mozione 71 deputati, 17 hanno votato contro. (ANSA).
OT
11/12/2003 19:50
---
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=58240
Makfax (Macedonia) - December 11, 2003
Kosovo Assembly moves to repeal Serbian laws
Kosovo’s Assembly will convene for a session to debate
the proposed repealing of dozens of Serbia’s laws that
have been enforced in the past, including the laws
related to privatization in the province.
The motion was tabled by the Kosovo’s government and
the Legislation Board of the Kosovo Assembly. The
motion includes revoking of 53 laws that have been
enforced by Serbia after March 22, 1989. Kosovo’s
government is insisting that these laws be designated
‘inapplicable’.
The Representatives of Kosovo Serbs strongly opposed
government’s move, noting that the eventual passage
will be ‘invalid’ given the fact that this issue is
under the jurisdiction of the UN mission in Kosovo
(UNMIK).
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 10, 2003
Kosovo government instructed to nullify Serbia's
legislation
20:49 PRISTINA , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - The Kosovo
parliament commission for legislation, judiciary and
Constitutional Framework instructed Tuesday the Kosovo
government to nullify all laws and regulations
regarding Kosovo-Metohija adopted by the Republic of
Serbia from 1989 and 2001.
If the Kosovo government does this, it should then
also nullify many legal acts adopted by the Kosovo
parliament since 2001, such as the law on superior
education which discriminates against the Serb
community, Kosovo parliament presidency member Gojko
Savic said.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[11 dicembre] ...nebojsa covic chiede ufficialmente a holkeri di
invalidare la decisione del parlamento kosovaro albanese, che ha
abrogato tutte le leggi serbe introdotte fra il 1998 ed il 2001. il
governo serbo minaccia di cancellare i decreti approvati in merito al
kosovo dopo il 12 giugno del ‘99. per l’ennesima volta il governo di
belgrado chiede che sia rispettata la risoluzione 1244 delle nazioni
unite...
serbia.sr.gov.yu
decani ml
===
ANCHE I TURCHI - NOTORIAMENTE - SONO IN KOSOVO PER PORTARE PACE,
DEMOCRAZIA, E RISPETTO DELLE MINORANZE
---
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=46465&LangID=1
Seeurope.net - December 11, 2003
Chief of Turkish General Staff Holds Talks in Kosovo
Chief of Turkish General Staff Gen. Hilmi Ozkok on
Monday met NATO and Turkish military officials in
Kosovo.
Ozkok held his first meeting in NATO's Kosovo Force
(KFOR) headquarters with KFOR Commander Gen. Holger
Kammerhoff.
Ozkok also met with commanders of a Turkish battalion
deployed in Kosovo. In addition to the commanders, he
also spoke with local civilian officials.
He was scheduled to head for Bosnia and Herzegovina
upon completion of his meetings in Kosovo, Turkish
Daily News.
---
http://www.turkishpress.com/turkishpress/news.asp?ID=15929
Turkish Press - Anadolu Agency - December 11, 2003
Albanian President Moisiu Receives Gen. Ozkok
TIRANA - Albanian President Alfred Moisiu said on
Wednesday that Turkey was the country which extended
the biggest technical support and aid in modernization
process of Albanian armed forces.
Moisiu received the same day Chief of General Staff
Gen. Hilmi Ozkok who visited Albania. Speaking during
the meeting, Moisiu said that the military cooperation
between the two countries had to be further
intensified.
The contributions which Turkey would make to training
and preparation of Albanian commando forces were taken
up and Turkey's increasing cooperation with Tirana
administration in military field also came onto
agenda.
Ozkok said in the meeting that the aid of Turkey to
Albania in latter's reaching NATO standards would
continue.
Noting that Albania was a factor of peace and
stability in the region, Ozkok said that Turkey was
ready to help to make Albania become a member of NATO
as soon as possible.
After the meeting, Ozkok visited centre of commando
forces in Zall Heri region near Tirana. An operation
was also exercised in the centre where Turkey
contributed to reconstruction studies.
Gen. Ozkok will also visit today Kucova military
airbase which was reconstructed by Turkish soldiers.
The military base is expected to be ready in 2005.
===
IL CRIMINALE UCK AGIM CEKU PROMETTE: TRASFORMERO' IL "CORPO DI
PROTEZIONE" (UCK) NELL'ESERCITO DELLA KOSSOVA
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25950&style=headlines
SRNA - December 12, 2003
Agim Ceku’s army ambitions
PRISTINA -- Friday – The commander of the Kosovo
Protection Corps has confirmed he intends to transform
the UN-created body into an army.
“We’re not questioning UNMIK’s authority, which
defines the KPC as a civil organisation, but the KPC
will become an army”, Agim Ceku told BBC Radio. “We’re
capable of it, we have a right to do it, and no one
should fear this”.
The KPC was set up by the United Nations
administration four years ago from the ranks of the
disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army. It is defined as a
“civilian emergency organisation” designed to secure
public safety in times of emergency and humanitarian
assistance.
The UN governor in the province last week suspended 12
members of the Corps for suspected links with an
outlawed terrorist organisation going by the name of
the Albanian National Army. Ceku said the move was
“unacceptable” since the investigation was still
underway.
Under the UN’s plan to implement standards in the
province ahead of final-status talks, the KPC is
expected to recruit more members from ethnic minority
communities, and to cut its overall size to just 3,052
active members and 2,000 reservists.
Ceku told the BBC he was confident of meeting the
standards, and pledged to “invest maximum effort to
convince members of the Serb community that the KPC is
their institution as well”.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[12 dicembre] le ambizioni militari di agim ceku: “non intendiamo
mettere in dubbio l’autorità dell’unmik, ma il KPC (kosovo protection
force) non può che diventare un vero e proprio esercito”, ha
dichiartato agim ceku alla bbc. “abbiano il diritto di farlo e nessuno
dovrebbe temerci”. solo la scorsa settimana dodici membri del kosovo
protection force erano stati sospesi dal servizio per sospetta attività
terroristica di matrice grand’albanese.
===
ATTACCATO POLIZIOTTO
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25973&style=headlines
SRNA - December 15, 2003
Policeman attacked in western Kosovo
PEC -- Sunday – A Kosovo Police officer was seriously
injured in an armed attack on a police patrol near Pec
on Saturday evening.
The policeman was admitted to hospital in Pec with
several gunshot wounds.
The incident came only fifteen days after an attack in
which two police were killed on the Pec-Decani road.
Both attacks are being linked to the Kosovo Police
investigation into drug smuggling and prostitution in
the west of the province.
===
AGGREDITA UNA DONNA A MITROVICA
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25974&style=headlines
SRNA - December 15, 2003
Serb woman attacked in segregated Kosovo town
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA -- Sunday – A Serb women was beaten in the northern
part of the divided town of Kosovska
Mitrovica late on Saturday evening.
Zlata Djurovic suffered serious head injuries in the
attack and was admitted to hospital where she is
reported to be in a satisfactory condition.
Hospital spokesman Marko Jaksic told media that the
attack followed the beating of two Serb teenagers in
the same area less than a month ago.
He said the Kosovo police were obviously unable to
protect Serbs in the area and that UN police and KFOR
troops no longer patrolled the border between the Serb
and Albanian occupied parts of the town.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 14, 2003
Mixed settlement in northern part of Kosovska
Mitrovica permanent hotbed, ZSOK president
18:32 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 14 (Tanjug) - President
of the Union of Kosovo-Metohija Serb Municipalities
(ZSOK) Marko Jaksic has said, in view of the incident
in which Kosovo Serb woman Zlata Djurovic was injured
late on Saturday, that the ethnically-mixed
Micro-settlement (Mikro naselje) in the northern part
of the town represents a permanent hotbed and that
UNMIK and Kosovo police are not capable of protecting
Kosovo Serbs.
"UNMIK police have never showed readiness to undertake
something, and ever since the mixed Kosovo police
service began patrolling the streets some two or three
months ago, the situation is even worse for the
Serbs," Jaksic said.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[14 dicembre/mitrovica] durante la notte, assalitori sconosciuti hanno
picchiato zlata djurovic, una donna serba di 52 anni. i medici del
reparto di terapia intensiva dell’ospedale di kosovska mitrovica hanno
comunicato che la donna è stata ricoverata con gravi lesioni al cranio
e che la sua situazione sanitaria è ancora incerta. questo è il secondo
attacco nell’ultimo mese a cittadini serbi che vivono nella zona di
mitrovica, abitata da popolazione mista e divisa da un check point
militare. l’incidente ha provocato nuove paure tra la popolazione, ed i
rappresentanti serbi accusano l’onu di non fare abbastanza per
proteggere la popolazione serba in kosovo. >>>
===
NUOVA BEFFA: UNA "ROAD MAP" PER IL KOSOVO ?
----- Original Message -----
From: ERPKIM Info Service
Sent: Monday, December 15, 2003 10:18 AM
Subject: [ERPKIM] Kosovo Serbs insist on full implementation
of UNSCR 1244, Dec 15
Decembar 15, 2003
ERP KiM Newsletter 15-12-03
Kosovo Serbs insist on full implementation of UN SC Resolution 1244
(...)
Serbian Coalition within Kosovo Parliament wrote a letter
to the UN Sec. Gen. Kofi Annan expressing their concerns because the
most fundamental elements of UN SCR 1244 are missing in the "Standards
for Kosovo" plan. Belgrade Government and Kosovo Serbs see the "the
Standards for Kosovo" as a roadmap to Kosovo's secession from Serbia and
an attempt to make a revision of the Resolution 1244. Serbian Patriarch
Pavle and the Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church supported the
position of Dr. Covic and the Povratak Coalition on this document which
in return for short term "minority rights" leaves only independence of
Serbia's southern province as an option for negotiations. Bishop
Artemije appealed on Belgrade and Serb MP's in Kosovo Parliament not to
support a plan with such serious deficiencies, but to request
fundamental elements of 1244 Resolution to be implemented prior to any
further discussion on Kosovo's final status - specifically: substantial
autonomy of Kosovo within Serbia-Montenegro and the return of "Serb
personnel" to Kosovo.
Extract from the letter to Kofi Annan
Serb MP's indicate that they will not participate
in institutions which are in opposition with UN Mandate
The Return Coalition reminded that, according to
Resolution 1244, the status of Kosovo is defined as substantial autonomy
within Serbia and Montenegro, with respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, now the
state union of Serbia and Montenegro.
"The question that must be asked is if substantial
autonomy of Kosovo and Metohija is not achieved within Serbia and
Montenegro, with respect for her sovereignty and territorial integrity
in this phase of implementation of Resolution 1244, what can then be
expected in the phase of determining the future status of Kosovo and
Metohija?" the Return Coalition emphasizes in its letter to the UN
secretary general.
"Otherwise, political representatives of the Serbian
people in Kosovo and Metohija within the provisional institutions of
self-government are not prepared to offer by their presence the illusion
of acquiescence with what is in grave contradiction with the UN mandate,
as well as with the political and national interests of the Serbian
people and state in the region of Kosovo and Metohija," the Coalition
underlines in the letter to Kofi Annan. More
(...)
News from Kosovo and Metohija, 13-14 December 2003
More News Available on our:
Kosovo Daily News list (KDN)
KDN Archive
This newsletter is available on our ERP KIM Web-site:
http://www.kosovo.com/erpkiminfo.html
------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
"Povratak" Coalition sends (protest) letter to Kofi Anan
The Serb political representatives in Kosovo sent the letter to
Annan yesterday in which they stated that they are concerned by the
practice of "the imposition of the content of the document on 'Standards
for Kosovo' as the culmination of the misuse of provisional institutions
of self-government by Albanian political representatives in the
parliament and government of Kosovo and Metohija".
TOP
Beta News Agency, Belgrade
December 14, 2003
Return Coalition sends letter to Kofi Annan
PRISTNA - In a letter addressed to UN secretary general Kofi
Annan, the Return Coalition (Povratak) stressed that adopting the
"Standards for Kosovo" without participation by the Serbian side, as
well as the content of the document itself, is "a serious violation of
Resolution 1244 and blazing a path to an independent Kosovo".
The Serb political representatives in Kosovo sent the letter to
Annan yesterday in which they stated that they are concerned by the
practice of "the imposition of the content of the document on 'Standards
for Kosovo' as the culmination of the misuse of provisional institutions
of self-government by Albanian political representatives in the
parliament and government of Kosovo and Metohija".
Informing Annan that they did not attend the promotion of
"Standards for Kosovo" this week in Pristina, the representatives of the
Return Coalition explained that they thus wished "to once again stress
their disagreement with the content and manner of enactment of the
document whose passage is of critical importance for the future of
Kosovo and Metohija".
"Unfortunately, this is also a consequence of the irrational
insistence of UNMIK that the participation of legitimate representatives
of the Serbian people in Kosovo and Metohija, as well as of the Serbian
Government, be formal instead of substantive, that it is, that it be
reduced to being informed of the content of the document," the Return
Coalition said in the letter, a copy of which has also been sent to EU
high representative Javier Solana and officials of the Council of Europe
and the European Parliament.
The Serb political representatives point out that the majority of
their suggestions in the drafting of the document were rejected while,
on the other hand, "the key conclusions are obviously those of Albanian
political representatives".
The Return Coalition reminded that, according to Resolution 1244,
the status of Kosovo is defined as substantial autonomy within Serbia
and Montenegro, with respect for the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, now the state union of
Serbia and Montenegro.
"The question that must be asked is if substantial autonomy of
Kosovo and Metohija is not achieved within Serbia and Montenegro, with
respect for her sovereignty and territorial integrity in this phase of
implementation of Resolution 1244, what can then be expected in the
phase of determining the future status of Kosovo and Metohija?" the
Return Coalition emphasizes in its letter to the UN secretary general.
The Return Coalition therefore energetically demands that the
process of implementation of standards be returned within the scope of
the mandate of the United Nations in Kosovo and Metohija.
"Otherwise, political representatives of the Serbian people in
Kosovo and Metohija within the provisional institutions of
self-government are not prepared to offer by their presence the illusion
of acquiescence with what is in grave contradiction with the UN mandate,
as well as with the political and national interests of the Serbian
people and state in the region of Kosovo and Metohija," the Coalition
underlines in the letter to Annan.
The Serbian deputies in the Kosovo parliament informed Annan that
it is "the last opportunity for the UN Security Council, as well as for
you personally, to become concretely engaged in the resolution of
current problems in Kosovo and Metohija, so that the entire process does
not get out of control and open a new cycle of territorial and other
disputes with unforeseeable consequences for the entire region".
The Return Coalition proposes that Annan receive a delegation of
legitimate representatives of the Serbian people in provisional
institutions in Kosovo at the upcoming UN Security Council session on
Kosovo in New York where standards of Kosovo are to be discussed in
order to present problems and proposals for a way out of the existing
crisis.
(...)
===
NATALE SI AVVICINA: CHIESE SOTTO ATTACCO IN KOSOVO
Explosion in Serb churchyard in Urosevac
Tanjug - December 15, 2003
18:39 BELGRADE , Dec 15 (Tanjug) - The Ras and Prizren Eparchy of the
Serbian Orthodox Church on Monday strongly condemned the Sunday attack
on the Church of St. Uros in Urosevac, in the south-eastern part of
Kosovo.
According to the statement made by the official representative of the
Greek KFOR contingent, an unidentified person threw an explosive
device, most likely a hand grenade, into the churchyard on Sunday
evening, at about 8 p.m.
=====
LINKS
=====
'Unfounded' Al Qaeda rumors aim at destabilizing Kosovo, says Rugova
(by Stavros Tzimas)
http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_ell_1405668_01/12/
2003_36911
Why the UN Mission is Hiding the Real Situation in Kosovo and Metohija
From the Public (by Fr. Sava Janjic)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78382#5
Danas: Interview: Fr. Sava: An Introduction to the Revision of Security
Council Resolution 1244 (by J. Tasic)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78438#3
Latest draft version of plan for implementation of standards ultimately
leads to secession of Kosovo and Metohija
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78438#1
Serbian Government: Kosovo Standards Implementation Plan Unacceptable
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78478
Dija Gidzic: Kosovo's Romany envoy. A village teenager's quest to
better herself abroad
http://www.praguepost.com/P03/2003/Art/1204/pprofile.php
Brit Reporters buy Deadly Explosives from KLA Terrorists... ...But it
was NATO that groomed those same Terrorists for Power!
(by Jared Israel)
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/discovery.htm
UNMIK/PR/1079: SRSG and PM launch the "Standards for Kosovo"
http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/6686f45896f15dbc852567ae00530132/
0aae03912920efae85256df80079046f?OpenDocument
Serb returnees barely escape lynching in attempt to return to their
homes in Kosovo
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78517#1
Human Rights Day - Annual Theatrical Performance in Pristina (by Fr.
Sava Janjic)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78498#1
Road from Bujanovac to Kosovo-Metohija opened
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/16/332458.html
Serb National Council: Kosovo is not for sale
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78635
Altri articoli interessanti, linkati su
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre :
il crudele limbo dei rifugiati rom del kosovo in macedonia
hrw.org
gli orfani del kosovo e la nato
guardian.co.uk
intervista con nebojsa covic
danas
il kosovo di ahmeti, indipendente nel 2005
vesti.mk
l’articolo del sunday mirror (come comprare esplosivo in kosovo) è
anche qui
balkanpeace
politika
serbian-business.com
perché gli ebrei hanno lasciato pristina?
emperors-clothes
il kosovo come un modello (sic)
aljazeerah
---
Sulle teste mozzate dai miliziani filo-occidentali dell'UCK vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2997
http://resistance.chiffonrouge.org/article.php3?id_article=291
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/77934
e le foto su:
http://www.novosti.co.yu/zlocin.htm
http://www.antic.org/KLA
http://www.kosovo.com/kla_decapit.jpg
http://www.kosovo.com/kla_decapit.pdf
---
Crime, Terror Flourish In 'Liberated' Kosovo
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3004
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[10 dicembre] quattro anni dopo essere stato ‘liberato’ dalla nato con
le bombe, il kosovo è degenerato in una palude di crimine organizzato,
violenze antiserbe, simpatizzanti di al qa’eda: così dicono gli
esperti. sebbene sotto il controllo nominale delle nazioni unite, la
provincia meridionale della serbia oggi è dominata da un triumvirato di
paramilitari albanesi, mafiosi e guerriglieri-terroristi. insieme
controllano il redditizio contrabbando e perfezionano la pulizia etnica
brutale nei confronti delle minoranze: serbi, ma anche rom ed ebrei.
isabel vincent dalle pagine del national post
http://canada.com/national/story.asp?id=E1A583C8-5192-41AB-9E14-
C8B472EDC4EB
===========
WHITE BOOK
===========
Quattro anni di crimini ignorati
Di Babsi Jones
http://www.clorofilla.it/articolo.asp?articolo=3452
Migliaia di vittime e di desaparecidos per lo più civili e di etnia
serba. Trecentomila cittadini non albanesi espulsi. I nomi degli
appartenenti alle bande terroristiche che operano nell’area. A piede
libero e sotto il vessillo delle Nazioni Unite. Duecento pagine
ripercorrono, con l'ausilio di mappe, testimonianze fotografiche e dati
statistici, la tragica storia delle regioni serbe del Kosovo e della
Metohija degli ultimi quattro anni. E' un libro bianco presentato dal
premier serbo Zoran Zivkovic che raccoglie le testimonianze della
popolazione che, dal 6 giugno 1999 al 23 agosto 2003, ha subito circa
seimila attacchi
SUL "LIBRO BIANCO" DEL GOVERNO DI BELGRADO
VEDI ANCHE:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/g<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
===========
AVVERTENZE
===========
Come al solito, questa nostra rassegna sul Kosmet non ha pretesa di
completezza: le notizie qui riportate sono da considerare solo come
esempi delle informazioni negate alla pubblica opinione.
I precedenti "bollettini di guerra" dal Kosmet (da maggio 2002 in poi)
si possono recuperare partendo dalla URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3005
che riporta anche gli avvenimenti di Novembre 2003.
In generale, un grande numero di articoli sui vari aspetti del regime
di terrore instaurato congiuntamente dalle "nostre" truppe occidentali
(KFOR) e dai neonazisti locali (UCK) si puo' trovare nel nostro
archivio:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
Per un inquadramento storico del terrore nazista in Kosovo-Metohija
si vedano in particolare:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1029
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1030
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2978
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2986
ed i collegamenti ivi contenuti.
Due SITI IN LINGUA ITALIANA dove trovare informazioni aggiornate
sulle violenze perpetrate giorno per giorno in Kosmet sono
http://www.ansa.it/balcani kosovo/kosovo.shtml (ANSA) e
http://www.osservatoriobalcani.it
Si tratta di due servizi professionali di informazione, di orientamento
istituzionale, con tutto quanto cio' comporta dal punto di vista della
interpretazione e presentazione degli avvenimenti.
Molti dei materiali che riportiamo nelle nostre rassegne provengono
dalle mailinglists:
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
antinato@...
anti-imperialiste@...
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
dal bollettino della chiesa ortodossa in Kosmet ERP KIM:
http://www.kosovo.com/erpkiminfo.html
e dalla rassegna curata da Babsi Jones per EXJU.ORG, che riporta
anche brevi testi riassuntivi in italiano - vedi ad esempio:
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
Ulteriori informazioni si trovano infine sul sito curato dalla
chiesa serbo-ortodossa: http://www.kosovo.com
(a cura di A.M.)
=======
NOTIZIE
=======
PERICOLO-BOMBE ANCHE PER LE FORZE DI OCCUPAZIONE OCCIDENTALI
---
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/12/4-SEE/see-011203.asp
[Note: The US government site Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty spells the name of the Serbian province of
Kosovo as KosovA.]
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
December 1, 2003
NATO RESPONDS TO 'SPECIFIC THREAT' IN KOSOVA
A NATO spokesman told reporters in Prishtina on 28
November that KFOR "knows that a specific threat has
been made towards international organizations" in the
province, which is governed primarily by the UN
civilian administration (UNMIK) as a protectorate,
Reuters reported. KFOR and UNMIK said in a joint
statement that NATO-led troops have stepped up
security measures and that the precautions will remain
in effect until "the threat is assessed to have been
reduced." Unnamed "diplomatic sources" told the news
agency that the "specific threat" was directed against
UNMIK. Among the precautions taken were checks of cars
with foreign license plates. The statement referred to
"terrible recent events, not just in southeastern
Europe but elsewhere in the world." Several top
Kosovar leaders recently told "RFE/RL Newsline" in
Prishtina that an early resolution of the status
question is essential for improving the security
situation in Kosova. PM
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25775&order=priority&style=headlines
SRNA - December 1, 2003
Security stepped up in Kosovo
PRISTINA -- Monday – A concrete wall has been erected
around the United Nations headquarters in Kosovo in
response to attacks on UN facilities in Iraq.
International peacekeepers have also set up
checkpoints in Pristina near UN facilities and the
diplomatic offices of western countries.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 1, 2003
KFOR, UNMIK specialists control-explode bomb in
Kosovska Mitrovica
17:00 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 1 (Tanjug) - Special
forces of UNMIK police and KFOR control-exploded on
Monday a bomb in the northern part of Kosovska
Mitrovica, and the explosion caused windows to crack
in a nearby business.
The bomb was planted in the vicinity of a power
sub-station, only about fifty meters away from a
student dormitory in that town in southern Kosovo, and
also nearby is a highschool playground.
===
KOSOVO: GOVERNATORE ONU SOSPENDE 12
DEL CORPO DI PROTEZIONE
(ANSA) - TIRANA, 3 DIC - Il governatore Onu del Kosovo, Harri
Holkeri, ha sospeso per sei mesi dal servizio dodici appartenenti al
Corpo di protezione del Kosovo (Tmk) per presunte ''attivita'
illegali''. La decisione e' stata fortemente criticata dal
comandante generale del Tmk Agim Ceku, che fu in passato capo
militare della guerriglia albanese (Uck) dalle cui ceneri e' nato il
corpo di protezione civile: ''E' un atto illegittimo che danneggia
fortemente la nostra immagine'' ha commentato. Holkeri non ha
fornito indicazioni sul tipo di attivita' illegale contestata ai 12
appartenenti al Tmk, ma ha assicurato che sul loro operato e' in
corso un'indagine della polizia. Il sospetto e' che siano stati
verificati legami fra i dodici indagati e l'Armata nazionale albanese
(Ana, o Aksh per gli albanesi), nuovo movimento di guerriglia
considerato dalla missione Onu in Kosovo come ''gruppo
terrorista''.(ANSA) BLL 03/12/2003 16:30
---
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/12/4-SEE/see-031203.asp
[The US federal government Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty operation, which coincidentally has just
announced it's ceasing broadcasting into seven nations
- Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania,
Latvia and Estonia - all seven of whom were nominated
for full NATO membership at last year's NATO Prague
Summit, prefers the spelling of the
internationally-recognized Serbian province of Kosovo
according to the orthographic requirements of Messrs
Thaci, Ceku, Haradinaj and Ahmeti, *surreptitious*
commanders of the very same Albanian National Army
that NATO and UNMIK insists doesn't exist.]
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
December 3, 2003
UN ADMINISTRATOR SUSPENDS 12 KOSOVA CIVILIAN CORPS MEMBERS
On 3 December, Harri Holkeri, who heads the UN's
civilian administration in Kosova (UNMIK), suspended
12 ethnic Albanian members of the civilian Kosova
Protection Corps (TMK) for six months while their
alleged links to the outlawed Albanian National Army
(AKSH) are investigated, RFE/RL's South Slavic and
Albanian Languages Service reported. Holkeri first
discussed the matter with TMK commander Agim Ceku, but
they reached no decision, Hina reported. Holkeri then
sought the support of Western diplomats in Prishtina.
PM
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25809&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 3, 2003
Holkeri suspends Protection Corps officers
PRISTINA -- Wednesday – The chief UN diplomat in
Kosovo has suspended 12 members of the Kosovo
Protection Corps pending an investigation into
suspected links with an outlawed terrorist group.
The investigation concerns the bombing of a railway
bridge in northern Kosovo in April this year. The
Albanian National Army claimed responsibility, and was
subsequently branded a terrorist organisation by the
then head of the UN mission, Michael Steiner.
Steiner’s successor, Harri Holkeri, today suspended 12
members of the Protection Corps, a civil protection
unit formed by the UN from the disbanded Kosovo
Liberation Army. Two of the terrorists were killed in
the explosion on the bridge. It later emerged that one
of them was a member of the Protection Corps.
Corps commander Agim Ceku today dismissed the move as
“unacceptable.”
----
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 3, 2003
Ceku does not accept suspension of 12 KPC members
17:08 PRISTINA , Dec 3 (Tanjug) - The suspension on
Wednesday of 12 members of the Kosovo Protection Corps
(KPC) came after an investigation into the attempt to
destroy a bridge in northern Kosovo, said UNMIK chief
Harri Holkeri.
Holkeri added that the findings of the investigation
were sufficiently serious to entail a suspension of
KPC officers, the UN statement said, without
specifying the details of the accusation, AP news
agency reported.
---
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/BUZ343261.htm
Reuters - December 3, 2003
UN suspension move angers Kosovo ex-guerrillas
By Shaban Buza
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Dec 3 (Reuters) -
Kosovo's U.N. governor on Wednesday suspended two
generals and 10 other officers of an ethnic
Albanian-dominated successor force to the guerrilla
Kosovo Liberation Army, angering ex-rebel chiefs.
Harri Holkeri, the Finnish head of the province's
U.N.-led administration, said he took the decision as
a result of its enquiry into a bomb attack in April on
a railway in a part of Kosovo populated mainly by
minority Serbs.
But the head of the civilian emergency Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), former guerrilla chief of
staff Agim Ceku, said there was no proof the suspended
officers were involved and made clear the move would
be ignored.
"This decision is unacceptable for us and as such will
not be taken into consideration," Ceku told reporters
after meeting Holkeri and other top Western officials
in Kosovo, which remains legally party of Serbia and
Montenegro.
It was the toughest action yet against members of the
3,000-strong KPC since it was set up four years ago,
replacing the rebel army that fought against Slobodan
Milosevic's forces in a conflict that ended with
NATO's 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia.
The corps was designed to provide a civilian role for
former rebels, tasked with humanitarian missions such
as reconstruction and disaster relief. Many
independence-seeking ethnic Albanians see it as a
nucleus of a future Kosovo army.
Holkeri did not give details of the enquiry into the
attack in northern Kosovo, in which two suspected
bombers were killed. A shadowy group called the
Albanian National Army (ANA) claimed responsibility.
But he said the findings "in respect of illegal
activities" were sufficiently serious to merit a
police investigation and a six-month suspension of the
officers pending its results.
"This is the approach taken by European institutions
when serious allegations are made against their
members," he said in a joint statement with the
commander of the NATO-led peacekeeping force in
Kosovo, German General Holger Kammerhoff.
The two suspended KPC generals, Nuredin Lushtaku and
Rrahman Rama, were top guerrilla commanders during the
war.
Holkeri said he counted on Ceku's full cooperation.
But Ceku said Holkeri had taken a wrong decision.
Five KPC officers were suspended in 2001 after they
appeared on a U.S. black list of people accused of
stoking Balkan instability.
---
Da: Rick Rozoff
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Albanian National Army Bombers Get 6 Months
Paid Vacation For Kosovo Terror Act
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=9057&Cr=kosovo&Cr1=
[All twelve culprits, including two so-called Kosovo
Protection Corps generals, will be paid out of the
budget of the United Nations Mission In Kosovo.]
UN News Centre
December 3, 2003
UN envoy to Kosovo orders suspension of 12 police
officers pending inquiry
3 December – The head of the United Nations Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has ordered
that *12 Kosovo police officers be suspended, with
pay, for six months* while a police investigation
takes place into their role in the demolition of a
railway bridge in the northern Kosovo town of Loziste
in April.
Harri Holkeri, the Special Representative for Kosovo,
was not prejudging the investigation’s result or
presuming guilt, according to a joint statement by
UNMIK and KFOR, the multinational force in Kosovo,
that was issued today in Pristina.
But Mr. Holkeri said the initial findings against the
12 officers, all serving members of the Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), after a joint UNMIK-KFOR
inquiry were “sufficiently serious” to warrant both a
police investigation and the suspensions.
The statement said Mr. Holkeri and KFOR Commander
Holger Kammerhoff met the Commander of the KPC, Lt.
Gen. Agim Ceku, today to inform him of the
suspensions.
The statement added that Mr. Holkeri “recognized that,
with a few exceptions, the KPC members act
professionally and in keeping with the standards
expected of them…It is important to ensure that the
inquiry findings are followed up to protect the good
name of the KPC.”
Meanwhile, Mr. Holkeri, who is also the chairman of
the Task Force on Returns in Kosovo, said next year
would be critical for the return of people still
displaced after war. The Task Force is calling for
more financial support from within and outside Kosovo
so that it can carry out its work of assisting people
to move.
In another development, UNMIK’s Missing Persons Unit,
together with Kosovo’s Office on Missing Persons and
Forensics (OMPF) and the Serbia and Montenegro
authorities, have arranged for a group of bodies to be
transferred from Serbia to Kosovo tomorrow.
The transfer of mortal remains, identified by DNA
after they were exhumed from a mass grave at
Batajnica, will be completed following verification
procedures at a transfer facility near the
Serbia-Kosovo border.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25839&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 5, 2003
Kosovo Protection Corps accepts suspensions
PRISTINA -- Friday – Senior officers of the Kosovo
Protection Corps last night agreed to accept a
decision by UN administrators in the province to
suspend twelve of the corps members.
UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri on Wednesday suspended
twelve corps members pending an investigation into
links with the outlawed Albanian National Army.
A statement issued by the senior officers notes that
corps commander Agim Ceku has said he will resign over
the suspensions, but that that the officers, the
suspended members and Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram
Rexhepi were opposed to this.
The statement also asserts however that the decision
is unjust and that there is no evidence to support it.
----
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/EYug.htm#Covic%20doubts%20UNMIK
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
Covic doubts UNMIK's good intentions
12:40 BELGRADE , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - Head of the
Kosovo-Metohija coordination centre Nebojsa Covic
voiced doubt about the good intentions of UNMIK to
carry out a true investigation against 12 suspended
officers of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KZS), who are
suspected of having ties with the illegal ethnic
Albanian National Army (ANA), the centre said in its
Tuesday statement.
"I am afraid that that will be just a farce and that
after an alleged investigation, the officers will be
acquitted of the charges," Covic said, proving such a
stand by the fact that Agim Ceku had been arrested,
and soon after that, set free.
===
HASHIM THACI: IL TRIBUNALE DELL'AIA NON MI PROCESSERA' MAI
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 4, 2003
KOSOVO-TACHI-INTERVIEW
I am innocent, Thaci
19:29 BONN , Dec 3 (Tanjug) - Democratic Party of
Kosovo leader and one of the leaders of the disbanded
Kosovo Liberation Army Hashim Thaci said he was not
afraid of the war crimes tribunal because he was
innocent, and that ethnic Albanians in the
investigation were reluctant to testify against war
crime suspects because of the inherited mentality, and
not because they were protecting their kinsmen.
In an interview to the Frankfurter Allgemaine Zeitung
Thaci said he was not afraid that the Tribunal would
issue an indictment against him, "because, I never
breached international law."
===
UNMIK: "TUTTO A GONFIE VELE"
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 4, 2003
UNMIK says its results are significant, Serbs disagree
17:42 GNJILANE , Dec 3 (Tanjug) - Representatives of
UNMIK in the region of Gnjilane told a news conference
on Wednesday that important results had been achieved
last year, but this was denied by local TV Silovo
journalist Jovan Simic, who described numerous data
from the report as "figments of imagination."
UN regional administrator Marcel Cintalan, regional
chief of UNMIK police Robert Richardson and KFOR
Brigadier General Jerry Beck pointed at the greater
freedom of movement of the population and stressed
that the number of peacekeepers in the region's seven
municipalities would not be reduced, despite the
withdrawal of fixed checkpoints from a number of
locations.
===
MEMBRI DEL "CORPO DI PROTEZIONE" (UCK) ACCUSATI ANCHE DI SFRUTTAMENTO
DELLA PROSTITUZIONE
"Kosovo Protection Corps" Members Accused Also of White Slavery and
Smuggling
Epoka e Re, Kosovo daily in Albanian
Pristina, December 04, 2003
UNMIK administration made it known that the suspension of the 12
TMK members came after an investigations of the events that happened on
April near Zvecan. But according to the UNMIK spokesman they are also
accused of involvement in trafficking people and illegal trade.
UNMIK_s information official, told "Kosova Live" on Wednesday
that 12 TMK officers except that they are involved in the attack of the
bridge in Lozice, they are suspended for other illegal actions as well.
She added that the police will start with the investigation of the
cases as soon as they receive the suspension letters from the
chief-administrator Holkeri.
In a joint communication released by UNMIK with KFOR and the
Quint state representatives in Kosovo, it pointed out that Harry
Holkeri has informed TMK Commander, lieutenant general Agim Ceku, that
as a result of the joint investigation between UNMIK and KFOR he
decided that the findings against the 12 TMK officers related to the
illegal activities justifies police investigations.
Without prejudging the results of these investigations or without
presupposing their guilt, he decided that the conclusions were very
serious and that deserves and justifies the suspension of 12 TMK
officers, with pay and for a period of six months, while awaiting the
results of the investigations. UNMIK makes known that the
investigations are still ongoing.
The spokesman said that the chief-administrator evaluated that
the TMK members with some "exceptions" act professionally and according
to standards, as it is expected from them. "It is important to make
sure that the results of the investigations followed to protect the
image of TMK", said Holkeri.
---
Kosovo youth under attack of human traffickers
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
13:36 LONDON , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - The young people of Kosovo-Metohija are
becoming more and more the target of human traffickers, and there are
also cases of kidnapping children, the London daily Independent said
in its Tuesday issue, reminding of the fact that Kosovo had been the
main transit centre for smuggling people to West Europe for some time
now.
Smugglers, however, are attacking local under-aged people more often
now, promising them employment somewhere in Europe, while they usually
end up in some kind of forced labour, in sexual slavery or
prostitution, and there are even cases of selling human organs.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[9 dicembre/pristina] migliaia di donne provenienti dalle ex repubbiche
sovietiche vengono comprate i vendute dai trafficanti del sesso: nella
sola pristina, in kosovo, si contano 130 bordelli…
l’articolo di daniel howden sull’independent.co.uk
===
CHI DEVE CHIEDERE SCUSA A CHI ?
COMMENTI SULLA "GIORNATA DEI DIRITTI UMANI"
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/552_0_1_0_C/
il capo dell’unmik holkeri “è tenuto ha chiedere scusa alla serbia
democratica”: così tanjug [http://www.tanjug.co.yu/%5d riporta le
opinioni di nebojsa covic, capo del centro di coordinamento per il
kosovo in merito alla dichiarazione di holkeri del 3 dicembre. a
belgrado, alla conferenza sulla tolleranza e sulle integrazioni
internazionali, holkeri aveva incautamente sostenuto “che la serbia è
tenuta a chiedere scusa al popolo kosovaro perché gli 800 mila albanesi
che fuggivano durante la pulizia etnica non possono dimenticare i
migliaia di assassinati”. “la dichiarazione di holkeri conferma che
presso la comunità internazionale esiste una volontà di accelerazione
del il piano di albanizzazione del kosovo”, ha concluso covic...
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[9 dicembre/gracanica] editoriale di padre janjic: “un’altra
performance teatrale dei diritti umani”:
il 10 dicembre è la giornata mondial dei diritti dell’uomo.
paradossalmente, anche in kosovo verrà festeggiata, sono in programma
eventi musicali e sportivi proprio nella provincia che negli ultimi
quattro anni si è distinta come “il buco nero” dei diritti umani e
della tolleranza, dove i non-albanesi sono sistematicamente
perseguitati… gli eventi organizzati (tutti in lingua albanese)
mostrano ancora una volta l’assenza di convivenza civile con le
minoranze; nessun serbo potrà parteciparvi se non scortato dai veicoli
delle forze onu/nato, e correndo rischi inimmaginabili…
decani ml
[10 dicembre/pristina] il discorso di covic in occasione della giornata
mondiale dei diritti umani:
...mr. president, prime minister, ladies and gentlemen, today is
international human rights day. i am glad of that because today is also
an important day for kosovo, the day when the prime minister and i are
launching “standards for kosovo”. the announcement of a review date
for a decision on final status has opened a new chapter. now it is time
for us to write that chapter. our task, together, is to prepare kosovo
for final status. there is now a date for a decision, but there is
nothing inevitable about that decision. that decision depends on what
is said and done here in kosovo, because there’s only one route to
final status. and that is through progress on standards...
il testo integrale su decani ml
...e la richiesta del governo serbo affinché cessino tutte le violenze
ai danni delle minoranze non-albanesi in kosovo:
serbia.sr.gov.yu
===
A MITROVICA LA BANDIERA E' ALBANESE: MINACCE AI FUNZIONARI ONU CHE
ANCORA NON SONO D'ACCORDO
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=57653
MakFax (Macedonia) - December 5, 2003
UNMIK to remove Albanian flag in Mitrovica
UNMIK has decided to remove the Albanian flag from the
city hall in Kosovo’s western city of Mitrovica. The
flag was raised on November 28.
Deputy Special Representative to the UN Civil
Administration, Francesco Bastagli, made it clear that
the UN flag is the only flag that could be raised
inside and outside the building of the city hall.
“The use of symbols that exclude non-Albanian
communities is doing disservice to a city like
Mitrovica,” said Bastagli in his letter to local
authorities in Mitrovica. He also voiced deep concerns
at the recent threats for physical liquidation of UN
staff in Mitrovica.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25840&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 5, 2003
UNMIK “concerned” over threats to staff
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA -- Friday – The United Nations
mission in Kosovo yesterday expressed concern over the
death threats to international staff in Kosovska
Mitrovica.
Deputy UN governor Francesco Bastagli, in a letter to
Albanian leaders in the segregated town, also took
exception to the Albanian flag being raised on the
local council building, saying that only a UN flag
should be flown either in or outside the building.
He added that the UN was also particularly concerned
that one of its employees in the Mitrovica council had
been declared persona non grata.
===
MORTO SOLDATO USA
il manifesto - 07 Dicembre 2003
Un soldato americano è stato trovato morto in un bunker a Camp
Monteith, base dei militari statunitensi della missione Nato nel Kosovo
orientale. Secondo fonti della Kfor, il sergente Daryl Brooks, 43 anni
sottufficiale di collegamento, è morto per una ferita da arma da fuoco.
Brooks era uno dei circa 2.500 soldati americani schierati nella forza
Nato. Aperte le indagini.
---
US soldier found dead in Kosovo
Agence France Presse - December 6, 2003
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro - A US soldier serving with the NATO
peacekeeping mission in Kosovo (KFOR) has been found dead, a statement
Saturday by the peacekeeping force said.
"Sergeant Daryl Brooks, 43, a personnel non-commissioned officer with
Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 1st Battalion 111th Infantry was
found dead of a gunshot wound" early Thursday, the statement said.
Brooks was found in a concrete bunker in the US military Camp Monteith
in eastern Kosovo by a soldier serving with his unit.
The statement did not say whether the death came under suspicious
circumstances.
Over 2,000 US soldiers are part of 20,000-strong KFOR and are in
control of Kosovo's eastern sector that borders Macedonia and Serbia.
Kosovo has been under UN and NATO control since June 1999.
===
INCIDENTI A MITROVICA
il 6 dicembre una folla di serbi a mitrovica ha accolto a sassate il
ministro albanese rexhepi che si recava alla cena con i rappresentanti
della world bank. non ci sono stati feriti, ma alcuni veicoli dell’onu
sono stati bruciati...
voice of america :
http://www.voanews.com/article.cfm?objectID=E4F8A549-58F6-4E2E-
94E5F99D140FFEED
politika : http://www.politika.co.yu/2003/1207/01_18.htm
la responsabilità degli incidenti a mitrovica è di rexhepi stesso: al
pranzo con i rappresentanti della banca mondiale non doveva
parteciparvi, lo ha fatto per farsi vedere buona luce prima della
conferenza a bruxelles, e lo ha fatto violando gli accordi territoriali
onu di mitrovica...”: questa l’opinione di milan ivanovic,
rappresentante del consiglio nazionale serbo per il kosovo
settentrionale...
KOSOVO: ATTACCO CONTRO DELEGAZIONE BANCA MONDIALE
(ANSA-REUTERS) - KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, 7 DIC - Una folla ha attaccato,
lanciando sassi, un ristorante di Kosovska Mitrovica dove pranzava
una delegazione della Banca Mondiale, fino a poco prima assieme al
primo ministro kosovaro, Bajram Rexhepi, di etnia albanese. Un
giornalista dell'agenzia Reuters sul posto ha riferito che la folla
ha scagliato sassi ma la polizia le ha impedito di fare irruzione nel
locale. Rexhepi aveva lasciato da poco il ristorante, ma i
rappresentanti della Banca mondiale sono stati costretti a fuggire.
La folla ha lanciato sassi contro i loro veicoli, ferendo lievemente
un membro della delegazione. Due ministri serbi del governo Rexhepi,
che si supponeva dovessero trovarsi nel locale, in realta' non si
sono presentati. Kosovska Mitrovica e' divisa in due: la parte
nord e' popolata in prevalenza da serbi (che sono maggioranza anche
in tutta la citta'), mentre gli albanesi vivono perlopiu' nella
zona sud, di la' da un ponte che e' stato spesso teatro di scontri
tra le due etnie. In un comunicato, la Missione Onu in Kosovo
(Unmik), che amministra la provincia dopo la guerra del 1999, ha
affermato che negli incidenti sono state coinvolte circa 150 persone,
alcune delle quali hanno danneggiato un autobus e incendiato tre
veicoli (due della polizia locale). Il comunicato non precisa
l'etnia degli aggressori ne' l' identita' della persona rimasta
ferita, ma condanna l'attacco, avvenuto - afferma - durante una
visita mirante a trovare mezzi ''per promuovere lo sviluppo economico
in Kosovo''. ''Le azioni delle persone che hanno turbato l'ordine
pubblico sono biasimevoli'', aggiunge il comunicato. L'addetto
stampa dell'Unmik Tracy Becker ha precisato che la delegazione della
Banca mondiale ha poi trovato rifugio presso il quartier generale
della polizia, dove e' al sicuro. (ANSA-REUTERS). DIG
07/12/2003 01:24
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[9 dicembre/mitrovica] commentando l’incidente della scorsa settimana a
mitrovica (un gruppo di serbi inferociti ha aggredito rexhepi ed i
delegati della banca mondiale di passaggio in città, non ci sono stati
feriti ma alcuni veicoli dell’unmik sono stati dati alle fiamme) il
portavoce dell’onu chappell ha confermato che l’unmik era completamente
all’oscuro della visita di rexhepi a mitrovica, che non era minimamente
prevista. in merito all’articolo apparso sul sunday mirror, è stato
confermato l’arresto di halil balaj, e sono in corso indagini per
identificare gli altri ex-membri dell’uck che avrebbero connessioni con
il terrorismo internazionale...
===
BOMBA ESPLODE A PRISTINA
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25894&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 9, 2003
Explosion in Pristina
PRISTINA -- Tuesday – A loud explosion was reported in
southern Pristina just after 10.00 last night.
Beta news agency said the blast outside the former
university campus could be heard across Kosovo’s
capital city.
Two UN vehicles parked nearby were also destroyed.
There are no details of casualties or who might have
been responsible.
===
KOSOVO: UE, SERBIA RESPINGE PIATTAFORMA UNMIK PER STANDARD
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 8 DIC - Il governo serbo giudica ''inaccettabile''
la piattaforma proposta dall'amministrazione dell'Onu per il Kosovo
(Unmik) sugli standard necessari per avviare una discussione sullo
status della provincia, che verra' presentata a Bruxelles al forum
Ue-Balcani del 10 dicembre. In una riunione convocata dal
vicepremier serbo incaricato della questione albanese, Nebojsa Covic,
il governo ha definito il documento ''non adeguato alla risoluzione
1244 dell'Onu'', che prevede fra l'altro la sovranita' di Belgrado sul
territorio kosovaro. I ministri hanno sottolineato che non sono
stati recepiti nella bozza dell'Unmik i suggerimenti espressi dalla
Serbia, fra cui il ritorno incondizionato dei profughi serbi nel
Kosovo, la restituzione dei beni serbi passati nelle mani degli
albanesi, una riorganizzazione basilare del Corpo di protezione
kosovaro, i diritti di Belgrado nei processi di privatizzazione.
La discussione sugli standard avviene in un momento delicato della
vita politica serba, in piena campagna per le elezioni legislative
del 28 dicembre. Il Kosovo e' uno dei temi piu' gettonati dalle forze
ultranazionaliste, ed e' parte integrante anche del programma di
quelle piu' moderate.(ANSA). OT 08/12/2003 17:14
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
EYug.htm#Draft%20standards%20do%20not%20prejudice%20final%20status%20of%
20Kosovo,%20UNMIK
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
Kosovo Serbs reject standards
09:47 BELGRADE , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - The Kosovo-Metohija
coordination centre said late on Monday that the Serb
representatives at Kosovo institutions, members of the
province's local management, and the coordination
centre leading team had supported the decision of the
Serbian government that the standards representatives
of the international community had proposed for
Kosovo-Metohija be rejected.
It was said that the draft of the document represented
an attempt of revision of Security Council Resolution
1244, as well as of the Kosovo Constitutional
Framework. The document was qualified as unacceptable
also becuase it did not respect the crucial issues as
regards the return of IDPs, privatisation, return of
property, resolution of property relations in Kosovo
and the Kosovo Protection Corps, the statement said.
---
KOSOVO: ONU FISSA 'ROAD MAP' PER DEFINIZIONE DELLO STATUS
(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 10 DIC - Le Nazioni Unite hanno fissato e reso
noto oggi i criteri ai quali il Kosovo dovra' attenersi come
condizione per la definizione del suo status, non esclusa
l'indipendenza. Il documento, che rappresenta una sorta di ''road
map'', e' stato presentato oggi nel corso di una cerimonia ufficiale
da parte dell'amministratore Onu della provincia, Harri Holkeri. I
criteri posti dall'Onu per giungere a una definizione dello status
entro il 2005, riguardano riforme democratiche nel campo
dell'economia, delle minoranze (incluso il ritorno dei profughi
serbi) e per la costituzione dello stato di diritto. ''Per
giungere allo status definitivo c'e' una sola strada - ha dichiarato
Holkeri - e' questa strada e' il rispetto degli standard che abbiamo
fissato. Questa strada - ha aggiunto - e' anche la scelta fra le
democrazia e la criminalita' e l'anarchia''. Alla cerimonia erano
assenti in segno di dissenso tutti i rappresentanti della minoranza
serba. Il presidente Ibrahim Rugova e il primo ministro Bajram
Rexhepi hanno accolto con soddisfazione il documento, rivolgendo un
appello pubblico affinche' da oggi in poi ''ogni kosovaro si impegni
per il rispetto di questi standard, che costituiscono la via di
accesso alla nostra indipendenza''. (ANSA). BLL
10/12/2003 19:20
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 11, 2003
Holkeri's offer "conditional independence of Kosovo,"
Trajkovic
13:10 GRACANICA , Dec 10 (Tanjug) - Member of the
Return coalition and Serbian national council for
central Kosov, Rada Trjkovic, said on Wednesday that
the standards UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri had offered,
practically represented "a conditional independence of
Kosovo."
"Since the paper (standards) does not imply any
institutional ties between Kosovo-Metohija and
Belgrade, it practically means a conditional
independence of the province," Trajkovic told Tanjug.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Elect.htm#If%20Kosovo%20became%20independent,%20Macedonia%20would%20disa
ppear%20-%20Covic
Tanjug (Serbia-Montenegro) - December 11, 2003
If Kosovo became independent, Macedonia would
disappear - Covic
10:49 CACAK , Dec 11 (Tanjug) - Serbian Deputy Premier
and leader of the Democratic Alternative (DA), Nebojsa
Covic, said in Cacak late on Wednesday that in case
Kosovo-Metohija became independent, Macedonia, as a
state, would disappear.
"I can sign right now that if Kosovo-Metohija is
granted independence, there will be no Macedonia in a
month and a half, at the most. Our intention is not,
in spite of all, to give up a part of our territory,"
Covic said.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 10, 2003
Time for Serbia to take more aggressive steps, Jaksic
14:26 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 10 (Tanjug) - Community
of Serbian municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija
president Marko Jaksic told Tanjug on Wednesday,
following the unilateral decision of UNMIK chief Harri
Holkeri to determine standards in Kosovo, that it was
time for the state of Serbia to take more aggressive
steps.
"It is time for Serbia to take the initiative, and
that means taking more aggressive steps for the
integration of Kosovo and Metohija into the Serbian
state," Jaksic assessed.
---
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=46556&LangID=1
Seeurope.net - December 11, 2003
Belgrade Warns of Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo
An alternative reality is being established in Kosovo
based on the results of ethnic cleansing, Belgrade’s
Kosovo Coordination Centre said today.
“Human rights are the inalienable right of every man.
But a different reality is being built in Kosovo today
on the results of ethnic cleansing, criminalisation of
the society and violation of human rights,” said the
centre in a statement, quoted by radio B92.
Before any debate on the final status of Kosovo, the
international community must provide Serbs living
there with fundamental human rights, the centre said.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[11 dicembre] kosovo/status, standard, road map
il governo serbo ha rigettato ieri la bozza presentata il giorno
precedente da harri holkeri a pristina. la bozza, che dovrebbe condurre
allo “status giuridico finale per il kosmet” verrà presentata a
bruxelles ed è stata infelicemente ribattezzata ‘road map’. alla
presentazione del documento i serbi del kosovo non erano presenti: in
breve, si rifiutano di partecipare perchè ritengono che nei documenti
a) sia data sovranità alle istituzioni albanesi senza che sia garantito
il rientro degli sfollati serbi; b) la risoluzione 1244 non sia stata
rispettata, c) non sia prevista la restituzione dei beni usurpati ai
serbi fuggitivi dagli albanesi, né che sia prevista la revisione del
kosovo protection force che - al momento - non è che un riciclaggio
delle forze uck. nebojsa covic, responsabile del kosovo per belgrado,
ha dichiarato che il documento elaborato da holkeri è “un’autostrada
che porta diritta all’indipendenza del kosovo”. neppure gli albanesi
sembrano soddisfatti: accusano holkeri di aver ‘sentito eccessivamente’
le pressioni di belgrado. articoli in merito:
balkantimes
danas
glas-javnosti/1
glas-javnosti/2
novosti
politika/1
politika/2
guardian.co.uk
oss.balcani
===
ATTACCO CONTRO CHECKPOINT SERBO
B92 - December 8, 2003
South Serbian checkpoint under attack
KONCULJ -- Monday - Unidentified gunmen last night opened fire on a
police checkpoint Konculj, near the Kosovo border, police in the
southern Serbian city of Vranje said today.
Police in the checkpoint returned the fire. No casualties were
reported in the incident.
An investigation this morning indicated that the shots were fired from
an improvised stone shelter near the local school.
Police are investigating.
===
ANCHE IN UNGHERIA L'EROINA ARRIVA DAL KOSOVO
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
EBalkans.htm#Heroine%20comes%20from%20Kosovo,%20Hungarian%20police
Tanjug - December 9, 2003
Heroin comes from Kosovo, Hungarian police
13:16 BUDAPEST , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - According to the
knowledge of the Hungarian police, each day, about 100
kilogrammes of heroine are sent from Kosovo to
European countries.
Besides the ethnic Albanian mafia, Turks are also very
active in this job, who are are specialised for
transporting the drugs from Asia to Europe, it was
pointed out in the latest report of the coordination
centre for the fight against organised crime, which is
seated in Budapest.
===
RUSSI E MACEDONI A COLLOQUIO SUL PROBLEMA GRANDEALBANESE
http://en.rian.ru/rian/
index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3682948&startrow=1&date=2003-12-
09&do_alert=0
Russian Information Agency (Novosti) - December 9, 2003
MACEDONIAN OFFICIAL DISCUSSES KOSOVO PROBLEM IN MOSCOW
MOSCOW, December 9th, 2003 (ITAR TASS correspondent
Yulia Troitskaya) - Russian Deputy Foreign Minister
Vladimir Chizhov has discussed the Kosovo settlement
with Undersecretary of the Macedonian Foreign Ministry
Victor Gaber, the Russian ministry's information and
press department reported.
At the meeting the parties exchanged opinions on
regional problems. Thus, the Russian party confirmed
that it supported the efforts of the Macedonian
leaders to strengthen the security, sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the state.
The parties also expressed satisfaction with the
dynamics of the two countries' political dialogue.
They signalled mutual interest in further development
of comprehensive Russian-Macedonian co-operation,
above all, in the trade and economic sphere, the
ministry pointed out.
Gaber arrived in Moscow to take part in the
Russian-Macedonian foreign-ministry consultations.
===
PROFUGHI SERBI PROVANO A RIENTRARE:
SUBITO CIRCONDATI DA FOLLA OSTILE
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[10 dicembre/klina] un gruppo di 26 serbi stazionava da settimane a
bica in attesa di rientrare nelle proprie case a klina. scortati
dall’unmik, si sono mossi verso klina (a sette chilometri di distanza)
e hanno trovato un centinaio di civili albanesi infericiti che hanno
impedito loro di riprendere possesso delle proprie abitazioni,
accogliendoli a sassate.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25925&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - December 11, 2003
Serb repatriates narrowly escape angry mob
GRACANICA -- Wednesday – A group of Serb repatriates
in Kosovo were evacuated today from the town of Klina
after an angry mob of Albanian residents besieged the
building they were in.
Local Serb Petko Pesic told media that about ten
Serbs, part of a group of 26, arrived in the town
today and moved into a house in order to prepare for
the return of the others over the next few days.
However they were eventually evacuated by KFOR troops
after several hundred local Albanians, described by
Pesic as extremely aggressive, surrounded the
building.
Witnesses said that about a hundred UNMIK police
officers arrived at the scene to secure the
evacuation.
As the left the house, the mob stoned the Serbs and
vehicles driven by the international police, said
Pesic.
Serb sources in the nearby village of Bica, where the
26 would-be-repatriates are staying, say that the
group is determined to return to their home town.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 12, 2003
Trajkovic says return of Serbs to Metohija obstructed
18:34 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 11 (Tanjug) - Serb
National Council for Central Kosovo Executive
Committee member Rada Trajkovic, a Kosovo parliament
MP of the coalition Povratak, on Thursday accused
UNMIK return department chief Peggy Higgs of
obstructing the return of Serbs to Metohija region of
this province.
Higgs influenced KFOR officials, who stopped providing
protection for Serbs who returned to Klina, and the
Serbs then fled to the nearby village Bica after a
protest by ethnic Albanians, Trajkovic said.
===
KOSOVO: PARLAMENTO DICHIARA DECADUTE LEGGI SERBE
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 11 DIC - Il parlamento del Kosovo ha votato oggi a
larghissima maggioranza una dichiarazione che definisce decadute le
leggi serbe a partire dal 1989, quando la provincia a maggioranza
albanese fu privata dell'autonomia. L'amministratore dell'Unmik
Harry Holkeri ha annullato la decisione, che la portavoce Isabelle
Carlovic ha qualificato come ''inaccettabile e non riconosciuta dalla
comunita' internazionale''. '' Applicare la legge e' compito
dell'amministrazione dell'Onu, in base alla risoluzione 1244 del
consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni unite. Il parlamento puo' solo
manifestare la sua opinione'', ha detto Holkeri. Asim Bajrami,
autore della mozione approvata dal parlamento, ha motivato il voto -
al quale i media di Belgrado danno stasera ampio risalto - con il
fatto che le leggi serbe adottate dopo il 1989 ''sono state varate
contro la volonta' della maggioranza della popolazione kosovara e
pregiudicano l'avvenire del Kosovo''. Hanno votato a favore
della mozione 71 deputati, 17 hanno votato contro. (ANSA).
OT
11/12/2003 19:50
---
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=58240
Makfax (Macedonia) - December 11, 2003
Kosovo Assembly moves to repeal Serbian laws
Kosovo’s Assembly will convene for a session to debate
the proposed repealing of dozens of Serbia’s laws that
have been enforced in the past, including the laws
related to privatization in the province.
The motion was tabled by the Kosovo’s government and
the Legislation Board of the Kosovo Assembly. The
motion includes revoking of 53 laws that have been
enforced by Serbia after March 22, 1989. Kosovo’s
government is insisting that these laws be designated
‘inapplicable’.
The Representatives of Kosovo Serbs strongly opposed
government’s move, noting that the eventual passage
will be ‘invalid’ given the fact that this issue is
under the jurisdiction of the UN mission in Kosovo
(UNMIK).
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 10, 2003
Kosovo government instructed to nullify Serbia's
legislation
20:49 PRISTINA , Dec 9 (Tanjug) - The Kosovo
parliament commission for legislation, judiciary and
Constitutional Framework instructed Tuesday the Kosovo
government to nullify all laws and regulations
regarding Kosovo-Metohija adopted by the Republic of
Serbia from 1989 and 2001.
If the Kosovo government does this, it should then
also nullify many legal acts adopted by the Kosovo
parliament since 2001, such as the law on superior
education which discriminates against the Serb
community, Kosovo parliament presidency member Gojko
Savic said.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[11 dicembre] ...nebojsa covic chiede ufficialmente a holkeri di
invalidare la decisione del parlamento kosovaro albanese, che ha
abrogato tutte le leggi serbe introdotte fra il 1998 ed il 2001. il
governo serbo minaccia di cancellare i decreti approvati in merito al
kosovo dopo il 12 giugno del ‘99. per l’ennesima volta il governo di
belgrado chiede che sia rispettata la risoluzione 1244 delle nazioni
unite...
serbia.sr.gov.yu
decani ml
===
ANCHE I TURCHI - NOTORIAMENTE - SONO IN KOSOVO PER PORTARE PACE,
DEMOCRAZIA, E RISPETTO DELLE MINORANZE
---
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=46465&LangID=1
Seeurope.net - December 11, 2003
Chief of Turkish General Staff Holds Talks in Kosovo
Chief of Turkish General Staff Gen. Hilmi Ozkok on
Monday met NATO and Turkish military officials in
Kosovo.
Ozkok held his first meeting in NATO's Kosovo Force
(KFOR) headquarters with KFOR Commander Gen. Holger
Kammerhoff.
Ozkok also met with commanders of a Turkish battalion
deployed in Kosovo. In addition to the commanders, he
also spoke with local civilian officials.
He was scheduled to head for Bosnia and Herzegovina
upon completion of his meetings in Kosovo, Turkish
Daily News.
---
http://www.turkishpress.com/turkishpress/news.asp?ID=15929
Turkish Press - Anadolu Agency - December 11, 2003
Albanian President Moisiu Receives Gen. Ozkok
TIRANA - Albanian President Alfred Moisiu said on
Wednesday that Turkey was the country which extended
the biggest technical support and aid in modernization
process of Albanian armed forces.
Moisiu received the same day Chief of General Staff
Gen. Hilmi Ozkok who visited Albania. Speaking during
the meeting, Moisiu said that the military cooperation
between the two countries had to be further
intensified.
The contributions which Turkey would make to training
and preparation of Albanian commando forces were taken
up and Turkey's increasing cooperation with Tirana
administration in military field also came onto
agenda.
Ozkok said in the meeting that the aid of Turkey to
Albania in latter's reaching NATO standards would
continue.
Noting that Albania was a factor of peace and
stability in the region, Ozkok said that Turkey was
ready to help to make Albania become a member of NATO
as soon as possible.
After the meeting, Ozkok visited centre of commando
forces in Zall Heri region near Tirana. An operation
was also exercised in the centre where Turkey
contributed to reconstruction studies.
Gen. Ozkok will also visit today Kucova military
airbase which was reconstructed by Turkish soldiers.
The military base is expected to be ready in 2005.
===
IL CRIMINALE UCK AGIM CEKU PROMETTE: TRASFORMERO' IL "CORPO DI
PROTEZIONE" (UCK) NELL'ESERCITO DELLA KOSSOVA
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25950&style=headlines
SRNA - December 12, 2003
Agim Ceku’s army ambitions
PRISTINA -- Friday – The commander of the Kosovo
Protection Corps has confirmed he intends to transform
the UN-created body into an army.
“We’re not questioning UNMIK’s authority, which
defines the KPC as a civil organisation, but the KPC
will become an army”, Agim Ceku told BBC Radio. “We’re
capable of it, we have a right to do it, and no one
should fear this”.
The KPC was set up by the United Nations
administration four years ago from the ranks of the
disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army. It is defined as a
“civilian emergency organisation” designed to secure
public safety in times of emergency and humanitarian
assistance.
The UN governor in the province last week suspended 12
members of the Corps for suspected links with an
outlawed terrorist organisation going by the name of
the Albanian National Army. Ceku said the move was
“unacceptable” since the investigation was still
underway.
Under the UN’s plan to implement standards in the
province ahead of final-status talks, the KPC is
expected to recruit more members from ethnic minority
communities, and to cut its overall size to just 3,052
active members and 2,000 reservists.
Ceku told the BBC he was confident of meeting the
standards, and pledged to “invest maximum effort to
convince members of the Serb community that the KPC is
their institution as well”.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[12 dicembre] le ambizioni militari di agim ceku: “non intendiamo
mettere in dubbio l’autorità dell’unmik, ma il KPC (kosovo protection
force) non può che diventare un vero e proprio esercito”, ha
dichiartato agim ceku alla bbc. “abbiano il diritto di farlo e nessuno
dovrebbe temerci”. solo la scorsa settimana dodici membri del kosovo
protection force erano stati sospesi dal servizio per sospetta attività
terroristica di matrice grand’albanese.
===
ATTACCATO POLIZIOTTO
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25973&style=headlines
SRNA - December 15, 2003
Policeman attacked in western Kosovo
PEC -- Sunday – A Kosovo Police officer was seriously
injured in an armed attack on a police patrol near Pec
on Saturday evening.
The policeman was admitted to hospital in Pec with
several gunshot wounds.
The incident came only fifteen days after an attack in
which two police were killed on the Pec-Decani road.
Both attacks are being linked to the Kosovo Police
investigation into drug smuggling and prostitution in
the west of the province.
===
AGGREDITA UNA DONNA A MITROVICA
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25974&style=headlines
SRNA - December 15, 2003
Serb woman attacked in segregated Kosovo town
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA -- Sunday – A Serb women was beaten in the northern
part of the divided town of Kosovska
Mitrovica late on Saturday evening.
Zlata Djurovic suffered serious head injuries in the
attack and was admitted to hospital where she is
reported to be in a satisfactory condition.
Hospital spokesman Marko Jaksic told media that the
attack followed the beating of two Serb teenagers in
the same area less than a month ago.
He said the Kosovo police were obviously unable to
protect Serbs in the area and that UN police and KFOR
troops no longer patrolled the border between the Serb
and Albanian occupied parts of the town.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 14, 2003
Mixed settlement in northern part of Kosovska
Mitrovica permanent hotbed, ZSOK president
18:32 KOSOVSKA MITROVICA , Dec 14 (Tanjug) - President
of the Union of Kosovo-Metohija Serb Municipalities
(ZSOK) Marko Jaksic has said, in view of the incident
in which Kosovo Serb woman Zlata Djurovic was injured
late on Saturday, that the ethnically-mixed
Micro-settlement (Mikro naselje) in the northern part
of the town represents a permanent hotbed and that
UNMIK and Kosovo police are not capable of protecting
Kosovo Serbs.
"UNMIK police have never showed readiness to undertake
something, and ever since the mixed Kosovo police
service began patrolling the streets some two or three
months ago, the situation is even worse for the
Serbs," Jaksic said.
---
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[14 dicembre/mitrovica] durante la notte, assalitori sconosciuti hanno
picchiato zlata djurovic, una donna serba di 52 anni. i medici del
reparto di terapia intensiva dell’ospedale di kosovska mitrovica hanno
comunicato che la donna è stata ricoverata con gravi lesioni al cranio
e che la sua situazione sanitaria è ancora incerta. questo è il secondo
attacco nell’ultimo mese a cittadini serbi che vivono nella zona di
mitrovica, abitata da popolazione mista e divisa da un check point
militare. l’incidente ha provocato nuove paure tra la popolazione, ed i
rappresentanti serbi accusano l’onu di non fare abbastanza per
proteggere la popolazione serba in kosovo. >>>
===
NUOVA BEFFA: UNA "ROAD MAP" PER IL KOSOVO ?
----- Original Message -----
From: ERPKIM Info Service
Sent: Monday, December 15, 2003 10:18 AM
Subject: [ERPKIM] Kosovo Serbs insist on full implementation
of UNSCR 1244, Dec 15
Decembar 15, 2003
ERP KiM Newsletter 15-12-03
Kosovo Serbs insist on full implementation of UN SC Resolution 1244
(...)
Serbian Coalition within Kosovo Parliament wrote a letter
to the UN Sec. Gen. Kofi Annan expressing their concerns because the
most fundamental elements of UN SCR 1244 are missing in the "Standards
for Kosovo" plan. Belgrade Government and Kosovo Serbs see the "the
Standards for Kosovo" as a roadmap to Kosovo's secession from Serbia and
an attempt to make a revision of the Resolution 1244. Serbian Patriarch
Pavle and the Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church supported the
position of Dr. Covic and the Povratak Coalition on this document which
in return for short term "minority rights" leaves only independence of
Serbia's southern province as an option for negotiations. Bishop
Artemije appealed on Belgrade and Serb MP's in Kosovo Parliament not to
support a plan with such serious deficiencies, but to request
fundamental elements of 1244 Resolution to be implemented prior to any
further discussion on Kosovo's final status - specifically: substantial
autonomy of Kosovo within Serbia-Montenegro and the return of "Serb
personnel" to Kosovo.
Extract from the letter to Kofi Annan
Serb MP's indicate that they will not participate
in institutions which are in opposition with UN Mandate
The Return Coalition reminded that, according to
Resolution 1244, the status of Kosovo is defined as substantial autonomy
within Serbia and Montenegro, with respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, now the
state union of Serbia and Montenegro.
"The question that must be asked is if substantial
autonomy of Kosovo and Metohija is not achieved within Serbia and
Montenegro, with respect for her sovereignty and territorial integrity
in this phase of implementation of Resolution 1244, what can then be
expected in the phase of determining the future status of Kosovo and
Metohija?" the Return Coalition emphasizes in its letter to the UN
secretary general.
"Otherwise, political representatives of the Serbian
people in Kosovo and Metohija within the provisional institutions of
self-government are not prepared to offer by their presence the illusion
of acquiescence with what is in grave contradiction with the UN mandate,
as well as with the political and national interests of the Serbian
people and state in the region of Kosovo and Metohija," the Coalition
underlines in the letter to Kofi Annan. More
(...)
News from Kosovo and Metohija, 13-14 December 2003
More News Available on our:
Kosovo Daily News list (KDN)
KDN Archive
This newsletter is available on our ERP KIM Web-site:
http://www.kosovo.com/erpkiminfo.html
------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
"Povratak" Coalition sends (protest) letter to Kofi Anan
The Serb political representatives in Kosovo sent the letter to
Annan yesterday in which they stated that they are concerned by the
practice of "the imposition of the content of the document on 'Standards
for Kosovo' as the culmination of the misuse of provisional institutions
of self-government by Albanian political representatives in the
parliament and government of Kosovo and Metohija".
TOP
Beta News Agency, Belgrade
December 14, 2003
Return Coalition sends letter to Kofi Annan
PRISTNA - In a letter addressed to UN secretary general Kofi
Annan, the Return Coalition (Povratak) stressed that adopting the
"Standards for Kosovo" without participation by the Serbian side, as
well as the content of the document itself, is "a serious violation of
Resolution 1244 and blazing a path to an independent Kosovo".
The Serb political representatives in Kosovo sent the letter to
Annan yesterday in which they stated that they are concerned by the
practice of "the imposition of the content of the document on 'Standards
for Kosovo' as the culmination of the misuse of provisional institutions
of self-government by Albanian political representatives in the
parliament and government of Kosovo and Metohija".
Informing Annan that they did not attend the promotion of
"Standards for Kosovo" this week in Pristina, the representatives of the
Return Coalition explained that they thus wished "to once again stress
their disagreement with the content and manner of enactment of the
document whose passage is of critical importance for the future of
Kosovo and Metohija".
"Unfortunately, this is also a consequence of the irrational
insistence of UNMIK that the participation of legitimate representatives
of the Serbian people in Kosovo and Metohija, as well as of the Serbian
Government, be formal instead of substantive, that it is, that it be
reduced to being informed of the content of the document," the Return
Coalition said in the letter, a copy of which has also been sent to EU
high representative Javier Solana and officials of the Council of Europe
and the European Parliament.
The Serb political representatives point out that the majority of
their suggestions in the drafting of the document were rejected while,
on the other hand, "the key conclusions are obviously those of Albanian
political representatives".
The Return Coalition reminded that, according to Resolution 1244,
the status of Kosovo is defined as substantial autonomy within Serbia
and Montenegro, with respect for the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, now the state union of
Serbia and Montenegro.
"The question that must be asked is if substantial autonomy of
Kosovo and Metohija is not achieved within Serbia and Montenegro, with
respect for her sovereignty and territorial integrity in this phase of
implementation of Resolution 1244, what can then be expected in the
phase of determining the future status of Kosovo and Metohija?" the
Return Coalition emphasizes in its letter to the UN secretary general.
The Return Coalition therefore energetically demands that the
process of implementation of standards be returned within the scope of
the mandate of the United Nations in Kosovo and Metohija.
"Otherwise, political representatives of the Serbian people in
Kosovo and Metohija within the provisional institutions of
self-government are not prepared to offer by their presence the illusion
of acquiescence with what is in grave contradiction with the UN mandate,
as well as with the political and national interests of the Serbian
people and state in the region of Kosovo and Metohija," the Coalition
underlines in the letter to Annan.
The Serbian deputies in the Kosovo parliament informed Annan that
it is "the last opportunity for the UN Security Council, as well as for
you personally, to become concretely engaged in the resolution of
current problems in Kosovo and Metohija, so that the entire process does
not get out of control and open a new cycle of territorial and other
disputes with unforeseeable consequences for the entire region".
The Return Coalition proposes that Annan receive a delegation of
legitimate representatives of the Serbian people in provisional
institutions in Kosovo at the upcoming UN Security Council session on
Kosovo in New York where standards of Kosovo are to be discussed in
order to present problems and proposals for a way out of the existing
crisis.
(...)
===
NATALE SI AVVICINA: CHIESE SOTTO ATTACCO IN KOSOVO
Explosion in Serb churchyard in Urosevac
Tanjug - December 15, 2003
18:39 BELGRADE , Dec 15 (Tanjug) - The Ras and Prizren Eparchy of the
Serbian Orthodox Church on Monday strongly condemned the Sunday attack
on the Church of St. Uros in Urosevac, in the south-eastern part of
Kosovo.
According to the statement made by the official representative of the
Greek KFOR contingent, an unidentified person threw an explosive
device, most likely a hand grenade, into the churchyard on Sunday
evening, at about 8 p.m.
=====
LINKS
=====
'Unfounded' Al Qaeda rumors aim at destabilizing Kosovo, says Rugova
(by Stavros Tzimas)
http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_ell_1405668_01/12/
2003_36911
Why the UN Mission is Hiding the Real Situation in Kosovo and Metohija
From the Public (by Fr. Sava Janjic)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78382#5
Danas: Interview: Fr. Sava: An Introduction to the Revision of Security
Council Resolution 1244 (by J. Tasic)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78438#3
Latest draft version of plan for implementation of standards ultimately
leads to secession of Kosovo and Metohija
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78438#1
Serbian Government: Kosovo Standards Implementation Plan Unacceptable
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78478
Dija Gidzic: Kosovo's Romany envoy. A village teenager's quest to
better herself abroad
http://www.praguepost.com/P03/2003/Art/1204/pprofile.php
Brit Reporters buy Deadly Explosives from KLA Terrorists... ...But it
was NATO that groomed those same Terrorists for Power!
(by Jared Israel)
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/discovery.htm
UNMIK/PR/1079: SRSG and PM launch the "Standards for Kosovo"
http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/6686f45896f15dbc852567ae00530132/
0aae03912920efae85256df80079046f?OpenDocument
Serb returnees barely escape lynching in attempt to return to their
homes in Kosovo
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78517#1
Human Rights Day - Annual Theatrical Performance in Pristina (by Fr.
Sava Janjic)
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78498#1
Road from Bujanovac to Kosovo-Metohija opened
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/16/332458.html
Serb National Council: Kosovo is not for sale
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/78635
Altri articoli interessanti, linkati su
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre :
il crudele limbo dei rifugiati rom del kosovo in macedonia
hrw.org
gli orfani del kosovo e la nato
guardian.co.uk
intervista con nebojsa covic
danas
il kosovo di ahmeti, indipendente nel 2005
vesti.mk
l’articolo del sunday mirror (come comprare esplosivo in kosovo) è
anche qui
balkanpeace
politika
serbian-business.com
perché gli ebrei hanno lasciato pristina?
emperors-clothes
il kosovo come un modello (sic)
aljazeerah
---
Sulle teste mozzate dai miliziani filo-occidentali dell'UCK vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2997
http://resistance.chiffonrouge.org/article.php3?id_article=291
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/77934
e le foto su:
http://www.novosti.co.yu/zlocin.htm
http://www.antic.org/KLA
http://www.kosovo.com/kla_decapit.jpg
http://www.kosovo.com/kla_decapit.pdf
---
Crime, Terror Flourish In 'Liberated' Kosovo
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3004
http://www.exju.org/comments/576_0_1_0_C/
[ex-nju/kosovo e metohija] 8-15 dicembre
[10 dicembre] quattro anni dopo essere stato ‘liberato’ dalla nato con
le bombe, il kosovo è degenerato in una palude di crimine organizzato,
violenze antiserbe, simpatizzanti di al qa’eda: così dicono gli
esperti. sebbene sotto il controllo nominale delle nazioni unite, la
provincia meridionale della serbia oggi è dominata da un triumvirato di
paramilitari albanesi, mafiosi e guerriglieri-terroristi. insieme
controllano il redditizio contrabbando e perfezionano la pulizia etnica
brutale nei confronti delle minoranze: serbi, ma anche rom ed ebrei.
isabel vincent dalle pagine del national post
http://canada.com/national/story.asp?id=E1A583C8-5192-41AB-9E14-
C8B472EDC4EB
===========
WHITE BOOK
===========
Quattro anni di crimini ignorati
Di Babsi Jones
http://www.clorofilla.it/articolo.asp?articolo=3452
Migliaia di vittime e di desaparecidos per lo più civili e di etnia
serba. Trecentomila cittadini non albanesi espulsi. I nomi degli
appartenenti alle bande terroristiche che operano nell’area. A piede
libero e sotto il vessillo delle Nazioni Unite. Duecento pagine
ripercorrono, con l'ausilio di mappe, testimonianze fotografiche e dati
statistici, la tragica storia delle regioni serbe del Kosovo e della
Metohija degli ultimi quattro anni. E' un libro bianco presentato dal
premier serbo Zoran Zivkovic che raccoglie le testimonianze della
popolazione che, dal 6 giugno 1999 al 23 agosto 2003, ha subito circa
seimila attacchi
SUL "LIBRO BIANCO" DEL GOVERNO DI BELGRADO
VEDI ANCHE:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/g<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
George Soros : Magicien impérial et agent double
Covert Action Quarterly
e-mail: info@...
par Heather Cottin
9 déc. 2003
« OUI, J’AI UNE POLITIQUE ETRANGERE : MON OBJECTIF EST DE DEVENIR LA
CONSCIENCE DU MONDE. »(1)
Il ne s’agit nullement d’un cas de trouble narcissique de la
personnalité; voici, en fait, comment George Soros applique
aujourd’hui le pouvoir de l’hégémonie des Etats-Unis dans le monde. Les
institutions de Soros et ses machinations financières sont en partie
responsables de la destruction du socialisme en Europe de l’Est et dans
l’ancienne URSS. Il a également jeté son dévolu sur la Chine. Il a
également fait partie de toute cette entreprise d’opérations en tous
genres qui ont abouti au démantèlement de la Yougoslavie. Alors qu’il
se donne du philanthrope, le rôle du milliardaire George Soros
consiste à resserrer la mainmise idéologique de la globalisation et du
nouvel ordre mondial tout en assurant la promotion de son propre
profit financier. Les opérations commerciales et « philanthropiques »
de Soros sont clandestines, contradictoires et coactives. Et, pour ce
qui est de ses activités économiques, lui-même admet qu’il n’a pas de
conscience, en capitaliste fonctionnant avec une amoralité absolue.
En maître d’œuvre du nouveau secteur de la corruption qui trompe
systématiquement le monde, il se fraie un chemin jusqu’aux hommes
d’Etat planétaires et ils lui répondent. Il a été proche de Henry
Kissinger, de Vaclav Havel et du général polonais Wojciech
Jaruzelski.(2) Il soutient le dalaï-lama, dont l’institut est installé
au Presidio, à San Francisco, lequel Presidio héberge également, entre
autres, la fondation dirigée par l’ami de Soros, l’ancien dirigeant
soviétique Mikhaïl Gorbatchev.(3) Soros est une figure de pointe du
Conseil des Relations extérieures, du Forum économique mondial et de
Human Rights Watch (HRW). En 1994, après une rencontre avec son gourou
philosophique, Sir Karl Popper, Soros ordonnait à ses sociétés de se
mettre à investir dans les communications en Europe centrale et de
l’Est.
L’administration fédérale de la radio et télévision de la République
tchèque a accepté son offre de reprendre et de financer les archives
de Radio Free Europe. Soros a transféré ces archives à Prague et a
dépensé plus de 15 millions de dollars pour leur entretien.(4)
Conjointement avec les Etats-Unis, une fondation Soros dirige
aujourd’hui Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, laquelle a étendu ses
ramifications au Caucase et en Asie.(5) Soros est le fondateur et le
financier de l’Open Society Institute. Il a créé et entretient le.
Groupe international de Crise (GIC) qui, entre autres choses, est
actif dans les Balkans depuis le démantèlement de la Yougoslavie. Soros
travaille ouvertement avec l’Institut américain pour la Paix – un
organe officiellement reconnu de la CIA.
Lorsque les forces hostiles à la globalisation battaient de la semelle
dans les rues entourant le Waldorf-Astoria, à New York, en février
2002, George Soros était à l’intérieur et tenait un discours devant le
Forum économique mondial. Quand la police entassa les manifestants
dans des cages métalliques à Park Avenue, Soros vantait les vertus
d’une « société ouverte » et rejoignait ainsi Zbigniew Brzezinski,
Samuel Huntington, Francis Fukuyama et d’autres.
QUI EST CE TYPE ?
George Soros est né en Hongrie en 1930 de parents juifs si éloignés de
leurs racines qu’ils passèrent même une fois leurs vacances en
Allemagne nazie.(6) Soros vécut sous le régime nazi mais, au moment du
triomphe des communistes, il alla s’installer en Angleterre en 1947.
Là, à la London School of Economics, il subit l’influence du
philosophe Karl Popper, un idéologue anticommuniste adulé dont
l’enseignement constitua la base des tendances politiques de Soros. Il
est malaisé de trouver un discours, un ouvrage ou un article de la
plume de Soros qui n’obéisse à l’influence de Popper.
Anobli en 1965, Popper inventa le slogan de « Société ouverte », qu’on
allait retrouver plus tard dans l’Open Society Fund and Institute de
Soros. Les disciples de Popper répètent ses mots comme de véritables
fidèles. La philosophie de Popper incarne parfaitement
l’individualisme occidental. Soros quitta l’Angleterre en 1956 et
trouva du travail à Wall Street où, dans les années 60, il inventa le
« fonds de couverture » : « (…) les fonds de couverture satisfaisaient
les individus très riches (…) Les fonds en grande partie secrets,
servant habituellement à faire des affaires en des lieux lointains (…)
produisaient des retours astronomiquement supérieurs. Le montant des
‘enjeux’ se muaient souvent en prophéties qui se réalisaient
d’elles-mêmes : ‘les rumeurs circulant à propos d’une situation acquise
grâce aux énormes fonds de couverture incitaient d’autres
investisseurs à se hâter de faire pareil’, ce qui, à son tour,
augmentait les mises de départ des opérateurs en couverture. »(7)
Soros met sur pied le Quantum Fund en 1969 et se met à boursicoter
dans la manipulation des devises. Dans les années 70, ses activités
financières glissent vers « l’alternance entre les situations à long
et à court terme (…) Soros se mit à gagner gros à la fois sur la
montée des trusts d’investissement dans l’immobilier et sur leur
effondrement ultérieur. Durant ses vingt années de gestion, Quantum
offrit des returns étonnants de 34,5% en moyenne par an. Soros est
particulièrement connu (et craint) pour sa spéculation sur les devises.
(…) En 1997, il se vit décerner une distinction rare en se faisant
traiter de scélérat par un chef d’Etat, Mahathir Mohamad, de Malaisie,
pour avoir participé à un raid particulièrement rentable sur la
monnaie de ce pays. »(8)
C’est via de telles martingales financières clandestines que Soros va
devenir multimilliardaire. Ses sociétés contrôlent l’immobilier en
Argentine, au Brésil et au Mexique, la banque au Venezuela et elles
figurent au nombre des commerces de devises les plus rentables au
monde, donnant naissance à la croyance générale que ses amis très haut
placés l’ont aidé dans ses aventures financières, et ce pour des
raisons tant politiques que liées à l’appât du gain.(9)
George Soros a été blâmé pour avoir fait sombrer l’économie
thaïlandaise en 1997.(10) Un activiste thaï a même déclaré : « Nous
considérons George Soros comme une sorte de Dracula. Il suce le sang
du peuple. »(11) Les Chinois l’appellent « le crocodile » du fait que
ses efforts économiques et idéologiques en Chine n’étaient jamais
satisfaits et parce que ses spéculations financières ont engendré des
millions de dollars de profit lorsqu’il a mis le grappin sur
l’économie thaï et sur celle de la Malaisie.(12)
Un jour, Soros s’est fait un milliard de dollars en un jour en
spéculant (un mot qu’il déteste) sur la livre britannique. Accusé de
prendre « de l’argent à chaque contribuable britannique lorsqu’il
spéculait contre le sterling », il avait répondu : « Lorsque vous
spéculez sur les marchés financiers, vous ne vous embarrassez pas de
la plupart des préoccupations morales auxquelles est confronté un
homme d’affaires ordinaire. (…) Je n’avais pas non plus à
m’embarrasser de questions de morale sur les marchés financiers. »(13)
Soros est schizophréniquement insatiable quand il s’agit de s’enrichir
personnellement de façon illimitée et il éprouve un perpétuel désir
d’être bien considéré par autrui : « Les commerçants en devises assis
à leurs bureaux achètent et vendent des devises de pays de tiers monde
en grande quantités. L’effet des fluctuations des cours sur les
personnes qui vivent dans ces pays n’effleure même pas leurs esprits.
Il ne devrait pas le faire non plus : ils ont un travail à faire. Si
nous nous arrêtons pour réfléchir, nous devons nous poser la question
de savoir si les commerçants en devises (…) devraient contrôler la vie
de millions de personnes. »(14)
C’est George Soros qui a sauvé la peau de George W. Bush lorsque la
gestion par celui-ci d’une société de prospection pétrolière était sur
le point de se solder par un échec. Soros était le propriétaire de la
Harken Energy Corporation et c’est lui qui avait racheté le stock des
actions en baisse rapide juste avant que la société ne s’effondre. Le
futur président liquida a presque un million de dollars. Soros déclara
qu’il avait agi de la sorte pour acheter de « l’influence
politique ».(15) Soros est également un partenaire du tristement
célèbre Carlyle Group. Officiellement fondée en 1987, la « plus
importante société privée par actions du monde », qui gère plus de 12
milliards de dollars, est dirigée par « un véritable bottin mondain
d’anciens dirigeants républicains », depuis l’ancien membre de la CIA,
Frank Carlucci, jusqu’à l’ancien chef de la CIA et ancien président
George Bush père. Le Carlyle Group tire la majeure partie de ses
rentrées des exportations d’armes.
L’ESPION PHILANTHROPE
En 1980, Soros commence à utiliser ses millions pour s’en prendre au
socialisme en Europe de l’Est. Il finance des individus susceptibles
de coopérer avec lui. Son premier succès, c’est en Hongrie qu’il
l’obtient. Il reprend le système éducatif et culturel hongrois,
mettant hors d’état de fonctionnement les institutions socialistes
partout dans le pays. Il se fraie directement un chemin à l’intérieur
du gouvernement hongrois. Ensuite, Soros se tourne vers la Pologne,
contribuant à l’opération Solidarité, financée par la CIA, et, la même
année, il étend également ses activités à la Chine. L’URSS vient
ensuite.
Ce n’est nullement une coïncidence si la CIA a mené des opérations
dans tous ces pays. Son objectif était également le même que celui de
l’Open Society Fund : démanteler le socialisme. En Afrique du Sud, la
CIA dénichait des dissidents anticommunistes. En Hongrie, en Pologne
et en URSS, via une intervention non dissimulée menée à partir de la
Fondation nationale pour la Démocratie, l’AFL-CIO, l’USAID et d’autres
institutions, la CIA soutenait et organisait les anticommunistes, le
type même d’individus recrutés par l’Open Society Fund de Soros. La
CIA allait les appeler ses « atouts ». Comme le dit Soros : « Dans
chaque pays, j’ai identifié un groupe de personnes – certaines sont des
personnalités de premier plan, d’autres sont moins connues – qui
partageaient ma foi… »(16)
L’Open Society de Soros organisait des conférences avec des
anticommunistes tchèques, serbes, roumains, hongrois, croates,
bosniaques, kosovares.(17) Son influence sans cesse croissante le fit
soupçonner d’opérer en tant que partie du complexe des renseignements
américains. En 1989, le Washington Post se faisait l’écho
d’accusations d’abord émises en 1987 par des officiels du gouvernement
chinois et prétendant que le Fonds de Soros pour la Réforme et
l’Ouverture de la Chine avait des connexions avec la CIA.(18)
AU TOUR DE LA RUSSIE
Après 1990, les fonds de Soros visent le système éducatif russe et
fournissent des manuels à toute la nation.(19) En effet, Soros se sert
de la propagande de l’OSI pour endoctriner toute une génération de la
jeunesse russe. Les fondations de Soros ont été accusées d’avoir
orchestré une stratégie visant à s’assurer le contrôle du système
financier russe, des plans de privatisation et du processus des
investissements étrangers dans ce pays. Les Russes réagissent avec
colère aux ingérences de Soros dans les législations. Les critiques de
Soros et d’autres fondations américaines ont affirmé que l’objectif de
ces manœuvres était de « faire échouer la Russie en tant qu’Etat ayant
le potentiel de rivaliser avec la seule superpuissance mondiale ».(20)
Les Russes se mettent à soupçonner que Soros et la CIA sont
interconnectés. Le magnat des affaires, Boris Berezovsky, allait même
déclarer : « J’ai presque tourné de l’œil en apprenant, il y a
quelques années, que George Soros était un agent de la CIA. »(21)
L’opinion de Berezovsky était que Soros, de même que l’Occident,
« craignaient que le capitalisme russe ne devînt trop puissant ».
Si l’establishment économique et politique des Etats-Unis craint la
concurrence économique de la Russie, quelle meilleure façon y a-t-il
de la contrôler que de dominer les médias, l’éducation, les centres de
recherche et le secteur scientifique de la Russie ? Après avoir
dépensé 250 millions de dollars pour « la transformation de
l’éducation des sciences humaines et de l’économie au niveau des
écoles supérieures et des universités », Soros injecte 100 millions de
dollars de plus dans la création de la Fondation scientifique
internationale.(22) Les Services fédéraux russes de contre-espionnage
(FSK) accusent les fondations de Soros en Russie d’« espionnage ». Ils
font remarquer que Soros n’opère pas seul ; il fait partie de tout un
rouleau compresseur recourant, entre autres, à des financements de la
part de Ford et des Heritage Foundations, des universités de Harvard,
Duke et Columbia, et à l’assistance du Pentagone et ses services de
renseignements américains.(23) Le FSK s’indigne de ce que Soros a
graissé la patte à quelque 50.000 scientifiques russes et prétend que
Soros a cultivé avant tout ses propres intérêts en s’assurant le
contrôle de milliers de découvertes scientifiques et nouvelles
technologies russes et en s’appropriant ainsi des secrets d’Etats et
des secrets commerciaux.(24)
En 1995, les Russes avaient été très en colère suite aux ingérences de
l’agent du Département d’Etat, Fred Cuny, dans le conflit tchétchène.
Cuny se servait du secours aux sinistrés comme de couverture, mais
l’histoire de ses activités dans les zones de conflit internationales
intéressant les Etats-Unis, auxquelles venaient s’ajouter les
opérations d’investigations du FBI et de la CIA, rendaient manifestes
ses connexions avec le gouvernement américain. A l’époque de sa
disparition, Cuny travaillait sous contrat pour une fondation de
Soros.(25) On se sait pas assez aux Etats-Unis que la violence en
Tchétchénie, une province située au cœur de la Russie, est
généralement perçue comme étant le résultat d’une campagne de
déstabilisation politique que Washington voit d’un très bon œil et, en
fait, orchestre probablement. Cette façon de présenter la situation
est suffisamment claire aux yeux de l’écrivain Tom Clancy, au point
qu’il s’est senti libre d’en faire une affirmation de fait dans son
best-seller, La somme de toutes les peurs. Les Russes ont accusé Cuny
d’être un agent de la CIA et d’être l’un des rouages d’une opération
de renseignements destinée à soutenir l’insurrection tchétchène.(26)
L’Open Society Institute de Soros est toujours actif en Tchétchénie,
comme le sont également d’autres organisations sponsorisées par le
même Soros.
La Russie a été le théâtre d’au moins une tentative commune de faire
grimper le bilan de Soros, tentative orchestrée avec l’aide
diplomatique de l’administration Clinton. En 1999, la secrétaire
d’Etat Madeleine Albright avait bloqué une garantie de prêt de 500
millions de dollars par l’U.S. Export-Import Bank à la société russe,
Tyumen Oil, en prétendant que cela s’opposait aux intérêts nationaux
américains. La Tyumen voulait acheter des équipements pétroliers de
fabrication américaine, ainsi que des services, auprès de la société
Halliburton de Dick Cheney et de l’ABB Lummus Global de Bloomfield, New
Jersey.(27) George Soros était investisseur dans une société que la
Tyumen avait essayé d’acquérir. Tant Soros que BP Amoco avaient exercé
des pressions afin d’empêcher cette transaction, et Albright leur
rendit ce service.(28)
L’ENTRETIEN D’UN ANTISOCIALISME DE GAUCHE
L’Open Society Institute de Soros trempe les doigts dans toutes les
casseroles. Son comité de directeurs est un véritable « Who's Who » de
la guerre froide et des pontifes du nouvel ordre mondial. Paul Goble
est directeur des communications : « Il a été le principal
commentateur politique de Radio Free Europ ». Herbert Okun a servi
dans le département d’Etat de Nixon en tant que conseiller en
renseignements auprès de Henry Kissinger. Kati Marton est l’épouse de
Richard Holbrooke, l’ancien ambassadeur aux Nations unies et envoyé en
Yougoslavie de l’administration Clinton. Marton a exercé des pressions
en faveur de la station de radio B-92, financée par Soror, et elle a
également beaucoup œuvré en faveur d’un projet de la Fondation
nationale pour la démocratie (une autre antenne officielle de la CIA)
qui a collaboré au renversement du gouvernement yougoslave.
Lorsque Soros fonde l’Open Society Fund, il va chercher le grand
pontife libéral Aryeh Neier pour la diriger. A l’époque, Neier dirige
Helsinki Watch, une prétendue organisation des droits de l’homme de
tendance nettement anticommuniste. En 1993, l’Open Society Fund
devient l’Open Society Institute.
Helsinki Watch s’est mué en Human Rights Watch en 1975. A l’époque,
Soros fait partie de sa Commission consultative, à la fois pour le
comité des Amériques et pour ceux de l’Europe de l’Est et de l’Asie
centrale, et sa nébuleuse Open Society Fund/Soros/OSI est renseignée
comme bailleuse de fonds.(29) Soros a des relations étroites avec
Human Rights Watch (HRW) et Neier écrits des articles pour le magazine
The Nation sans mentionné le moins du monde qu’il figure sur les
fiches de paie de Soros.(30)
Soros est donc étroitement lié à HRW, bien qu’il fasse de son mieux
pour le dissimuler.(31) Il déclare qu’il se contente de bailler des
fonds, de mettre les programmes au point et de laisser les choses
aller d’elles-mêmes. Mais les actions de HRW ne s’écartent en aucune
façon de la philosophie de son bailleur de fonds. HRW et OSI sont très
proches l’un de l’autre. Leurs vues ne divergent pas. Naturellement,
d’autres fondations financent également ces deux institutions, mais il
n’empêche que l’influence de Soros domine leur idéologie.
Les activités de George Soros s’inscrivent dans le schéma de
construction développé en 1983 et tel qu’il est énoncé par Allen
Weinstein, fondateur de la Fondation nationale pour la démocratie.
Wainstein déclare ceci : « Une grande partie de ce que nous faisons
aujourd’hui était réalisée en secret par la CIA voici 25 ans. »(32)
Soros opère exactement dans les limites du complexe de renseignements.
Il diffère peu des trafiquants de drogue de la CIA au Laos, dans les
années 60, ou des moudjahidine qui tiraient profit du trafic de l’opium
tout en menant des opérations pour le compte de la CIA contre
l’Afghanistan socialiste des années 80. Il canalise tout simplement
(et ramasse) beaucoup plus d’argent que ces marionnettes et une partie
bien plus importante de ses affaires se font au grand jour. Sa
franchise, dans la mesure où il en fait preuve, réside dans un
contrôle factice des dégâts, lequel sert à légitimer les stratégies de
la politique étrangère américaine.
La majorité des Américains qui, aujourd’hui, se considèrent
politiquement au centre-gauche, sont sans aucun doute pessimistes à
propos des chances d’assister un jour à une transformation socialiste
de la société. Par conséquent, le modèle de « décentralisation » à la
Soros, ou l’approche « fragmentée » de « l’utilitarisme négatif, la
tentative de réduire au minimum la quantité de misère », qui
constituait la philosophie de Popper, tout cela leur plaît, en
gros.(33) Soros a financé une étude de HRW qui a été utilisée pour
soutenir l’assouplissement de la législation en matière de drogue dans
les Etats de Californie et d’Arizona.(34) Soros est favorable à une
législation sur les drogues – une manière de réduire provisoirement la
conscience de sa propre misère. Soros est un corrupteur qui tutoie le
concept de l’égalité des chances. A un échelon plus élevé de l’échelle
socio-économique, on trouve les social-démocrates qui acceptent d’être
financés par Soros et qui croient aux libertés civiques dans le
contexte même du capitalisme.(35) Pour ces personnes, les conséquences
néfastes des activités commerciales de Soros (lesquelles appauvrissent
des gens partout dans le monde) sont édulcorées par ses activités
philanthropiques. De la même manière, les intellectuels libéraux de
gauche, tant à l’étranger qu’aux Etats-Unis, ont été séduits par la
philosophie de l’« Open Society », sans parler de l’attrait que
représentait ses donations.
La Nouvelle Gauche américaine était un mouvement social-démocratique.
Elle était résolument antisoviétique et, lorsque l’Europe de l’Est et
l’Union soviétique se sont effondrées, peu de gens au sein de cette
Nouvelle Gauche se sont opposés à la destruction des systèmes
socialistes. La Nouvelle Gauche n’a ni gémi ni protesté lorsque les
centaines de millions d’habitants de l’Europe de l’Est et de l’Europe
centrale ont perdu leur droit au travail, au logement à loyer décent
et protégé par la loi, à l’éducation gratuite dans des écoles
supérieures, à la gratuité des soins de santé et de l’épanouissement
culturel. La plupart ont minimisé les suggestions prétendant que la
CIA et certaines ONG – telles la Fondation nationale pour la
Démocratie ou l’Open Society Fund – avaient activement participé à la
destruction du socialisme. Ces personnes avaient l’impression que la
détermination occidentale à vouloir détruire l’URSS depuis 1917 avait
vraiment peu de chose à voir avec la chute de l’URSS. Pour ces
personnes, le socialisme a disparu de son plein gré, du fait de ses
défauts et lacunes.
Quant aux révolutions, comme celles d’un Mozambique, de l’Angola, du
Nicaragua ou du Salvador, annihilées par des forces agissant sous
procuration ou retardées par des « élections » très démonstratives,
les pragmatistes de la Nouvelle Gauche n’en ont eu que faire et ont
tourné les talons. Parfois même, la Nouvelle Gauche a semblé ignorer
délibérément les machinations post-soviétiques de la politique
étrangère américaine.
Bogdan Denitch, qui nourrissait des aspirations politiques en Croatie,
a été actif au sein de l’Open Society Institute et a reçu des fonds de
ce même OSI.(36) Denitch était favorable à l’épuration ethnique des
Serbes en Croatie, aux bombardements par l’Otan de la Bosnie et de la
Yougoslavie et même à une invasion terrestre de la Yougoslavie.(37)
Denitch a été l’un des fondateurs et le président des Socialistes
démocratiques des Etats-Unis, un groupe prépondérant de la gauche
libérale aux Etats-Unis. Il a également présidé longtemps la
prestigieuse Conférence des Universitaires socialistes, par le biais
de laquelle il pouvait aisément manipuler les sympathies de beaucoup
et les faire pencher du côté du soutien à l’expansion de l’Otan.(38)
D’autres cibles du soutien de Soros comprennent Refuse and Resist the
American Civil Liberties Union (refus et résistance à l’Union
américaine de défense des libertés civiques), et toute une panoplie
d’autres causes libérales.(39) Soros allait acquérir un autre trophée
invraisemblable en s’engageant dans la Nouvelle Ecole de Recherches
Sociales de New York, qui avait été longtemps une académie de choix
pour les intellectuels de gauche. Aujourd’hui, il y sponsorise le
Programme pour l’Europe de l’est et l’Europe centrale.(40)
Bien des gens de gauche inspirés par la révolution nicaraguayenne ont
accepté avec tristesse l’élection de Violetta Chamorro et la défaite
des sandinistes en 1990. La quasi-totalité du réseau de soutien au
Nicaragua a cessé ses activités par la suite. Peut-être la Nouvelle
Gauche aurait-elle pu tirer quelque enseignement de l’étoile montante
qu’était Michel Kozak. L’homme était un vétéran des campagnes de
Washington visant à installer des dirigeants sympathiques au Nicaragua,
à Panama et à Haïti, et de saper Cuba – il dirigeait la Section des
Intérêts américains à La Havane.
Après avoir organisé la victoire de Chamorro au Nicaragua, Kozak a
poursuivi son chemin pour devenir ambassadeur des Etats-Unis en
Biélorussie, tout en collaborant à l’Internet Access and Training
Program (IATP – Progr. d’accès et d’initiation au net), sponsorisé par
Soros et qui œuvrait à la « fabrication de futurs dirigeants » en
Biélorussie.(41) Dans le même temps, ce programme était imposé à
l’Arménie, l’Azerbaïdjan, la Géorgie, le Kazakhstan, le Kirghizistan,
le Turkménistan et l’Ouzbékistan. L’IATP opère à visière relevée avec
le soutien du département d’Etat américain. Au crédit de la
Biélorussie, il faut ajouter qu’elle a fini par expulser Kozak et toute
la clique de l’Open Society de Soros et du département d’Etat
américain. Le gouvernement d’Aleksandr Lukachenko a en effet découvert
que, quatre ans avant de s’installer à Minsk, Kozak organisait la
ventilation des dizaines de millions de dollars destinés à alimenter
l’opposition biélorusse. Kozak travaillait à l’unification du
coalition d’opposition, il créait des sites web, des journaux et des
pôles d’opinion, et il supervisait un mouvement de résistance
estudiantine semblable à l’Otpor en Yougoslavie. Kozak fit même venir
des dirigeants de l’Otpor pour former des dissidents en
Biélorussie.(42) Juste à la veille du 11 septembre 2001, les
Etats-Unis relançaient une campagne de diabolisation contre le
président Aleksandr Lukachenko. Cette campagne allait toutefois être
remise sur feu doux pour donner la priorité à la « guerre contre le
terrorisme ».
Par l’entremise de l’OSI et du HRW, Soros était l’un des principaux
sponsors de la station de radio B-92 à Belgrade. Il fonda l’Otpor,
l’organisation qui recevait ces « valises d’argent » afin de soutenir
le coup d’Etat du 5 octobre 2000 qui allait renverser le gouvernement
yougoslave.(43) Un peu plus tard, Human Rights Watch aidait à
légitimer l’enlèvement et la médiatisation du procès de Slobodan
Milosevic à La Haye sans aucunement faire état de ses droits.(44)
Louise Arbour, qui a œuvré comme juge au sein de ce tribunal illégal,
siège actuellement au conseil du Groupe international de crise de
Soros.(45) Le gang de l’Open Society et de Human Rights Watch a
travaillé en Macédoine, disant que cela faisait partie de sa « mission
civilisatrice ».(46) Il faut donc s’attendre à ce qu’on « sauve » un
jour cette république et que s’achève ainsi la désintégration de
l’ancienne Yougoslavie.
DES MANDATAIRES DU POUVOIR
En fait, Soros a déclaré qu’il considérait sa philanthropie comme
morale et ses affaires de gestion d’argent comme amorales.(47)
Pourtant, les responsables des ONG financées par Soros ont un agenda
clair et permanent. L’une des institutions les plus influentes de
Soros n’est autre que le Groupe international de Crise, fondé en 1986.
Le GIC est dirigé par des individus issus du centre même du pouvoir
politique et du monde des entreprises. Son conseil d’administration
compte entre autres en ses rangs Zbigniew Brzezinski, Morton
Abramowitz, ancien secrétaire d’Etat adjoint aux Etats-Unis; Wesley
Clark, ancien chef suprême des alliés de l’Otan pour l’Europe; Richard
Allen, ancien conseiller national à la sécurité des Etats-Unis. Il
vaut la peine de citer Allen : l’homme a quitté le Conseil national de
la sécurité sous Nixon parce qu’il était dégoûté des tendances
libérales de Henry Kissinger; c’est encore lui qui a recruté Oliver
North pour le Conseil national de la sécurité sous Reagan, et qui a
négocié l’échange missiles-otages dans le scandale des contras
iraniens. Pour ces quelques individus, « contenir des conflits »
équivaut à assurer le contrôle américain sur les peuples et ressources
du monde entier.
Dans les années 1980 et 1990, sous l’égide de la doctrine reaganienne,
les opérations secrètes ou à ciel ouvert des Etats-Unis battaient leur
plein en Afrique, en Amérique latine, dans les Caraïbes et en Asie.
Soros était ouvertement actif dans la plupart de ces endroits,
oeuvrant à corrompre d’éventuels révolutionnaires en devenir, à
sponsoriser des hommes politiques, des intellectuels et toute autre
personne susceptible d’arriver au pouvoir lorsque l’agitation
révolutionnaire serait retombée. Selon James Petras : « A la fin des
années 1980, les secteurs les plus perspicaces des classes
néo-libérales au pouvoir comprirent que leurs menées politiques
polarisaient la société et suscitaient un ample mécontentement social.
Les politiciens néo-libéraux se sont mis à financer et à promouvoir
une stratégie parallèle ‘à partir de la base ‘, la promotion
d’organisations en quelque sorte ‘tirées du sol’, à l’idéologie
‘anti-étatique’ et censées intervenir parmi les classes
potentiellement conflictuelles, afin de créer un ‘tampon social’. Ces
organisations dépendaient financièrement de ressources néo-libérales et
étaient directement engagées dans la concurrence avec des mouvements
socio-politiques pour la fidélité des dirigeants locaux et des
communautés militantes. Dans les années 1990, ces organisations,
décrites comme ‘non gouvernementales’, se comptaient par milliers et
recevaient quelque 4 milliards de dollars pour l’ensemble de la
planète. »(48)
Dans Underwriting Democracy (Garantir la démocratie), Soros se vante
de « l’américanisation de l’Europe de l’Est ». Selon ses propres
dires, grâce à ses programmes d’éducation, il a commencé à mettre en
place tout un encadrement de jeunes dirigeants « sorosiens ». Ces
jeunes hommes et femmes issus du moule éducatif de la Fondation Soros
sont préparés à remplir des fonctions de ce qu’on appelle communément
des « personnes d’influence ». Grâce à leur connaissance pratique des
langues et à leur insertion dans les bureaucraties naissantes des pays
ciblés, ces recrues sont censées faciliter, sur le plan philosophique,
l’accès à ces pays des sociétés multinationales occidentales.
Le diplomate de carrière Herbert Okun, qui siège en compagnie de
George Soros au Comité européen de Human Rights Watch, entretient
d’étroites relations avec toute une série d’institutions liées au
département d’Etat, allant de l’USAID à la Commission trilatérale
financée par Rockefeller. De 1990 à 1997, Okun a été directeur
exécutif d’une organisation appelée le Corps des bénévoles des
Sercvices financiers, qui faisait partie de l’USAID, « afin d’aider à
établir des systèmes financiers de marché libre dans les anciens pays
communistes ».(49) George Soros est en complet accord avec les
capitalistes occupés à prendre le contrôle de l’économie mondiale.
LA RENTABILITE DU NON-MARCHAND
Soros prétend qu’il ne fait pas de philanthropie dans les pays où il
pratique le commerce des devises.(50) Mais Soros a souvent tiré
avantage de ses relations pour réaliser des investissements clés. Armé
d’une étude de l’ICC et bénéficiant du soutien de Bernard Kouchner,
chef de l’UNMIK (Administration intérimaire des Nations unies au
Kosovo) , Soros a tenté de s’approprier le complexe minier le plus
rentable des Balkans.
En septembre 2000, dans sa hâte de s’emparer des mines de Trepca avant
les élections en Yougoslavie, Kouchner déclarait que la pollution
dégagée par le complexe minier faisait grimper les taux de plomb dans
l’environnement.(51) C’est incroyable, d’entendre une chose pareille,
quand on sait que l’homme a applaudi lorsque les bombardements de
l’Otan, en 1999, ont déversé de l’uranium appauvri sur le pays et ont
libéré plus de 100.000 tonnes de produits cancérigènes dans l’air,
l’eau et le sol.(52) Mais Kouchner a fini par obtenir gain de cause et
les mines ont été fermées pour des « raisons de santé ». Soros a
investi 150 millions de dollars dans un effort pour obtenir le
contrôle de l’or, l’argent, le plomb, le zinc et le cadmium de Trepca,
lesquels confèrent à cette propriété une valeur de 5 milliards de
dollars.(53)
Au moment où la Bulgarie implosait dans le chaos du « libre marché »,
Soros s’acharnait à récupérer ce qu’il pouvait dans les décombres,
comme Reuters l’a rapporté au début 2001 :
« La Banque européenne de Reconstruction et de Développement (BERD) a
investi 3 millions de dollars chez RILA [une société bulgare
spécialisée dans les technologies de pointe], la première société à
bénéficier d’un nouveau crédit de 30 millions de dollars fixé par la
BERD pour soutenir les firmes de high-tech en Europe centrale et de
l’Est. (…) Trois autres millions de dollars venaient du fonds
américain d’investissements privés Argus Capital Partners, sponsorisé
par la Prudential Insurance Company of America et opérant en Europe
centrale et de l’Est. (…) Soros, qui avait investi quelque 3 millions
de dollars chez RILA et un autre million de 2001 (…) demeurait le
détenteur majoritaire. »(54)
CERNER LES PROBLEMES
Ses prétentions à la philanthropie confèrent à Soros le pouvoir de
modeler l’opinion publique internationale lorsqu’un conflit social
soulève la question de savoir qui sont les victimes et qui sont les
coupables. A l’instar d’autres ONG, Human Rights Watch, le porte-voix
de Soros sur le plan des droits de l’homme, évite ou ignore la plupart
des luttes de classes ouvrières organisées et indépendantes.
En Colombia, des dirigeants ouvriers sont très fréquemment assassinés
par des paramilitaires opérant de concert avec le gouvernement
sponsorisé par les Etats-Unis. Du fait que ces syndicats s’opposent à
l’économie néo-libérale, HRW garde à propos de ces assassinats un
relatif silence. En avril dernier, José Vivanco, de HRW, a témoigné en
faveur du Plan Colombia devant le Sénat américain (55) : « Les
Colombiens restent dévoués aux droits de l’homme et à la démocratie.
Ils ont besoin d’aide. Human Rights Watch ne voit pas d’inconvénient
fondamental à ce que ce soient les Etats-Unis qui fournissent cette
aide. »(56)
HRW met les actions des combattants de la guérilla colombienne, qui
luttent pour se libérer de l’oppression de la terreur d’Etat, de la
pauvreté et de l’exploitation, sur le même pied que la répression des
forces armées financées par les Etats-Unis et celle des escadrons
paramilitaires de la mort, les AUC (Forces colombiennes unies
d’autodéfense). HRW a reconnu le gouvernement de Pastrana et de ses
militaires, dont le rôle était de protéger les droits à la propriété
et de maintenir le statu quo économique et politique. Selon HRW, 50%
des morts de civils sont l’œuvre des escadrons de la mort tolérés par
le gouvernement.(57). Le pourcentage exact, en fait, est de 80%.(58)
HRW a validé les élections dans leur ensemble et l’accession au
pouvoir du gouvernement Uribe, en 2002. Uribe est un parfait
héritier des dictateurs latino-américains que les Etats-Unis ont
soutenu dans le passé, bien qu’il ait été « élu ». HRW n’a pas eu de
commentaire à propos du fait que la majorité des habitants ont boycotté
les élections.(59)
Dans le bassin caraïbe, Cuba est un autre opposant au néo-libéralisme
à avoir été diabolisé par Human Rights Watch. Dans l’Etat voisin de
Haïti, les activités financées par Soros ont opéré de façon à venir à
bout des aspirations populaires qui ont suivi la fin de la dictature
des Duvalier, et ce, en torpillant le premier dirigeant haïtien,
démocratiquement élu, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Ken Roth, de HRW, a
abondé utilement dans le sens des accusations américaines reprochant à
Aristide d’être « antidémocratique ». Pour étayer son idée de la
« démocratie », les fondations de Soros ont entamé à Haïti des
opérations complémentaires de celles si inconvenantes des Etats-Unis,
telles la promotion par USAID de personnes associées aux FRAPH, les
fameux escadrons de la mort sponsorisés par la CIA et qui ont
terrorisé le pays depuis la chute de « Baby Doc » Duvalier.(60)
Sur le site de HRW, le directeur Roth a critiqué les Etats-Unis de ne
pas s’être opposés à la Chine avec plus de véhémence. Les activités de
Roth comprennent la création du Tibetan Freedom Concert (Concert pour
la liberté du Tibet), un projet itinérant de propagande qui a effectué
une tournée aux Etats-Unis avec d’importants musiciens de rock
pressant les jeunes à soutenir le Tibet contre la Chine.(61) Le Tibet
est un projet de prédilection de la CIA depuis de nombreuses
années.(62)
Récemment, Roth a réclamé avec insistance que l’on s’oppose au
contrôle de la Chine sur sa province riche en pétrole du Xinjiang.
Avec l’approche colonialiste du « diviser pour conquérir », Roth a
essayé de convaincre certaines membres de la minorité religieuse des
Ouïgours au Xinjiang que l’intervention des Américains et de l’Otan au
Kosovo contenait une promesse en tant que modèle pour eux-mêmes. Déjà
en août 2002, le gouvernement américain avait soutenu quelque peu
cette tentative également.
Les intentions américaines à propos de cette région sont apparues
clairement lorsqu’un article du New York Times sur la province de
Xinjiang, en Chine occidentale, décrivait les Ouïgours comme une
« majorité musulmane vivant nerveusement sous domination chinoise .
Ils « sont bien au courant des bombardements de la Yougoslavie par
l’Otan, l’an dernier, et certains les encensent pour avoir libéré les
musulmans du Kosovo; ils s’imaginent pouvoir être libérés de la même
manière ici ».(63) Le New York Times Magazine, de son côté, notait que
« de récentes découvertes de pétrole ont rendu le Xinjiang
particulièrement attrayant au yeux du commerce international » et, en
même temps, comparaît les conditions de la population indigène à
celles du Tibet.(64)
DES DEFICIENCES EN CALCUL
Lorsque les organisations sorosiennes comptent, elles semblent perdre
toute notion de vérité. Human Rights Watch affirmait que 500
personnes, et non pas plus de 2.000, avaient été tuées par les
bombardiers de l’Otan au cours de la guerre de Yougoslavie, en
1999.(65) Elles prétendent que 350 personnes seulement, et non pas
plus de 4.000, étaient mortes suite aux attaques américaines en
Afghanistan.(66) Lorsque les Américains ont bombardé Panama en 1989,
HRW a préfacé son rapport en disant que « l’éviction de Manuel Noriega
(…) et l’installation du gouvernement démocratiquement élu du
président Guillermo Endara amenait de grands espoirs au Panama (…) ».
Le rapport omettait de mentionner le nombre de victimes.
Human Rights Watch a préparé le travail de terrain pour l’attaque de
l’Otan contre la Bosnie, en 1993, avec de fausses allégations de
« génocide » et de viols par milliers.(67) Cette tactique consistant à
susciter une hystérie politique était nécessaire pour que les
Etats)Unis puissent mener à bien leur politique dans les Balkans. Elle
a été réutilisée en 1999 lorsque HRW a fonctionné en qualité de
troupes de choc de l’endoctrinement pour l’attaque de la Yougoslavie
par l’Otan. Tout le bla-bla de Soros à propos du règne de la loi a été
oublié d’un seul coup. Les Etats-Unis et l’Otan ont imposé leurs
propres lois et les institutions de Soros étaient derrière pour les
soutenir.
Le fait de trafiquer des chiffres afin d’engendrer une réaction a été
une composante importante de la campagne du Conseil des relations
étrangères après le 11 septembre 2001. Cette fois, il s’agissait des
2.801 personnes tuées au World Trade Center. Le Conseil des relations
étrangères (CRE) se réunit le 6 novembre 2001 afin de planifier une
« grande campagne diplomatique publique ». Le CRE créa une « Cellule
de crise indépendante sur la réponse de l’Amérique au terrorisme ».
Soros rejoignit Richard C. Holbrooke, Newton L. Gingrich, John M.
Shalikashvili (ancien président des chefs d’état-major réunis) et
d’autres individus influents dans une campagne visant à faire des mots
du WTC des outils de la politique étrangère américaine. Le rapport du
CRE mit tout en œuvre pour faciliter une guerre contre le terrorisme.
On peut retrouver les empreintes de George Soros un peu partout, dans
cette campagne : « Il faut que les hauts fonctionnaires américains
pressent amicalement les Arabes amis et autres gouvernements musulmans
non seulement de condamner publiquement les attentats du 11 septembre,
mais également de soutenir les raisons et les objectifs de la campagne
antiterroriste américaine. Nous n’allons jamais convaincre les peuples
du Moyen-Orient et de l’Asie du Sud de la légitimité de notre cause si
leurs gouvernements restent silencieux. Il nous faut les aider à
éviter tout retour de flamme pouvant émaner de telles déclarations,
mais il faut que nous les convainquions de s’exprimer de vive voix.
(…) Encouragez les musulmans bosniaques, albanais et turcs à apprendre
à des auditoires étrangers à considérer le rôle des Américains dans le
sauvetage des musulmans de Bosnie et du Kosovo en 1995-1999 ainsi que
nos liens étroits et de longue durée avec les musulmans dans le monde
entier. Engagez les intellectuels et les journalistes du pays à
prendre la parole également, quels que soient leurs points de vue.
Informez régulièrement la presse régionale en temps réel pour
encourager des réponses rapides. (…) Insistez sur la nécessité de
faire référence aux victimes (et citez ces dernières nommément afin de
mieux les personnaliser) chaque fois que nous discutons de nos motifs
et de nos objectifs. »(68)
Bref, les déficiences sorosiennes en calcul servent à vanter et à
défendre la politique étrangère américaine.
Soros est très ennuyé par le déclin du système capitaliste mondial et
il veut faire quelque chose à ce propos, et maintenant, encore.
Récemment, il déclarait : « Je puis déjà discerner les préparatifs de
la crise finale. (…) Des mouvements politiques indigènes sont
susceptibles d’apparaître qui chercheront à exproprier les sociétés
multinationales et à reprendre possession des richesses
‘nationales’. »(69)
Soros suggère le plus sérieusement du monde un plan pour contourner
les Nations unies. Il propose que les « démocraties du monde devraient
prendre les rênes et constituer un réseau mondial d’alliances qui
pourraient travailler avec ou sans les Nations unies ». Si l’homme
était psychotique, on pourrait penser qu’il était en crise, à ce
moment précis. Mais le fait est que l’affirmation de Soros : « les
Nations unies sont constitutionnellement incapables de remplir les
promesses contenues dans le préambule de leur Charte » reflète la
pensée des institutions réactionnaires du genre de l’American
Enterprise Institute.(70) Bien que maints conservateurs font référence
au réseau de Soros comme étant de gauche, si l’on aborde la question
de l’affiliation des Etats-Unis aux Nations unies, Soros est
exactement sur la même longueur d’onde que les semblables de John R.
Bolton, sous-secrétaire d’Etat pour le Contrôle des Armes et les
Affaires de Sécurité internationale qui, en même temps que « de
nombreux républicains du Congrès, croient qu’il ne faut pas accorder
davantage de crédit au système des Nations unies ».(71) La droite a
mené une campagne de plusieurs décennies contre l’ONU. Aujourd’hui,
c’est Soros qui l’orchestre. Sur divers sites web de Soros, on peut
lire des critiques des Nations unies disant qu’elles sont trop riches,
qu’elles ne sont guère désireuses de partager leurs informations, ou
qu’elles se sont affaiblies dans des proportions qui les rendent
impropres à la manière dont le monde devrait tourner, selon George
Soros, du moins.
Même les auteurs écrivant dans The Nation, des auteurs censés en
savoir beaucoup plus, ont été influencés par les idées de Soros.
William Greider, par exemple, a récemment découvert quelque pertinence
dans la critique de Soros disant que les Nations unies ne devrait pas
« accueillir les dictateurs de pacotille et les totalitaristes ni les
traiter en partenaires égaux ».(72) Ce genre de racisme
eurocentrique constitue le noyau de l’orgueil démesuré de Soros. Quand
il affirme que les Etats-Unis peuvent et devraient diriger le
monde, c’est un plaidoyer pour le fascisme à l’échelle mondiale.
Pendant bien trop longtemps, les « progressistes » occidentaux ont
donné un blanc-seing à Soros. Il est probable que Greider et les
autres trouvent que l’allusion au fascisme est excessive, injustifiée
et même insultante.
Mais écoutez plutôt, et d’une oreille attentive, ce que Soros lui-même
a à dire : « Dans la Rome ancienne, seuls les Romains votaient. Sous
le capitalisme mondial moderne, seuls les Américains votent. Les
Brésiliens, eux, ne votent pas. »(73)
NOTES
1. Dan Seligman, « Life and Times of a Messianic Billionaire »,
commentaires, avril 2002.
2. Lee Penn, « 1999, A Year of Growth for the United Religions
Initiative. »
http://ad.doubleclick.net/adi/N1684.TMP3/
B103O723.3;sz=720x300;ord=6249?.
3. Seligman.
4. « Sir Karl Popper in Prague, Summary of Relevant Facts
Without Comment »,
http://www.lf3.cuni.cz/aff/p1_e.html.
5. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Transcaucasia/Central Asia,
http://www.rferl.org
6. George Soros, Soros on Soros, Staying Ahead of the Curve (New
York: John Wiley, 1995), p.26.
7. « Hedge Funds Get Trimmed », Wall Street Journal, 1er mai
2000.
8. Theodore Spencer, « Investors of the Century », Fortune,
décembre 1999.
9. Jim Freer, « Most International Trader George Soros », Latin
Tradecom, octobre 1998,
http://www.latintrade.com/newsite/content/archives.cfm?StoryID=473.
10. Busaba Sivasomboon, « Soros Speech in Thailand Canceled »,
information AP, 28 janvier 2001.
11. Sivasomboon.
12. George Soros, The Asia Society Hong Kong Center Speech,
http://www.asiasociety.org/speeches/soros.
13. Soros on Soros, op.cit..
14. George Soros, Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (New
York: Public Affairs, 2000).
15. David Corn, « Bush and the Billionaire, How Insider Capitalism
Benefited W », The Nation, 17 juillet 2002.
16. Soros on Soros, pp.122-25.
17. Agence France-Presse, 8 octobre 1993.
18. Marianne Yen, « Fund's Representatives Arrested in China »,
Washington Post, 8 août 1989, p.A4.
19. Los Angeles Times, 24 novembre 1994, p.ASS.
20. Chrystia Freeland, « Moscow Suspicion Grows: Kremlin Factions Are
at Odds Over Policy », Financial Times (Londres), 10 janvier 1995.
21. Interfax Russian News, 6 novembre 1999.
22. Irma Dezhina, « U.S. Non-profit Foundations in Russia, Impact on
Research and Education » :
http://www.jhu.edu/~istr/conferences/dublin/workingpapers/dezhina.pdf.
23. « FSK Suspects Financing of Espionage on Russia's Territory »,
information AP, 18 janvier 1995.
24. David Hoffman, « Proliferation of Parties Gives Russia a
Fractured Democratic System », Washington Post, 1er octobre 1995,
p.A27; Margaret Shapiro, « Russian Agency Said to Accuse Americans of
Spying », Washington Post, 14 janvier 1995, p.A17.
25. Allan Turner, « Looking For Trouble », Houston Chronicle, 28 mai
1995, p.E1; Kim Masters, « Where Is Fred Cuny », Washington Post, 19
juin 1995, p.D1; Patrick Anderson, « The Disaster Expert Who Met His
Match », Washington Post, 6 septembre 1999, p.C9; Scott Anderson,
« What Happened to Fred Cuny? » New York Times Magazine, 25 février
1996, p.44.
26. Scott Anderson, « The Man Who Tried to Save the World: the
Dangerous Life and Disappearance of Fred Cuny », Philanthropy
Roundtable, mars/avril 2002,
http://www.philanthropyroundtable.org/magazines/2000-01/hedges.
27. « U.S.Blocks $500M Aid Deal for Russians », Wall Street Journal,
22 décembre 1999.
28. Bob Djurdjevic, « Letters to the Editor », Wall Street Journal,
22 décembre 1999.
29. « Open Society Institute », http://www.soros.org/osi/newyork.
30. Connie Bruck, « The World According to Soros », New Yorker, 23
janvier 1995.
31. Olga M. Lazin, « The Rise of the U.S. Decentralized Model for
Philanthropy, George Soros' Open Society and National Foundations in
Europe »,
http://www.isop.ucla.edu/profmex/volume6/1winter01/01lazin1.htm.
32. David Ignatius, « Innocence Abroad: The New World of Spyless
Coups », Washington Post, 22 septembre 1991, p.C1.
33. Patrick McCartney, « Study Suggests Drug Laws Resemble Notorious
Passbook Laws »,http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v00/n861/a06.
34. McCartney.
35. Voir Sean Gervasi, « Western Intervention in the USSR »,
CovertAction Information Bulletin, n° 39, hiver 1991-92.
36. « The Cenasia Discussion List »,
http://www.eurasianet.org/resource/cenasia/hypermail/200102/0052.html.
37. Bogdan Denitch, « The Case Against Inaction », The Nation, 26
avril 1999.
38. « Biographies, 2002 Socialist Scholars Conference »,
http://www.socialistscholar.org/biographies.
39. « Grants », http://www.soros.org/repro/grants.
40. « East and Central Europe Program »,
http://www.newschool.edu/centers/ecep.
41. Oxana Popovitch, « IREX Belarus Opens a New IATP Site in
Molodechno ».
http://www.iatp.net/archive/belarus.
42. lan Traynor, « Belarussian Foils Dictator-buster... For Now »,
Guardian, 14 septembre 2001,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,551533,00.html
43. Steven Erlanger, « Kostunica Says Some Backers 'Unconsciously
Work for American Imperial Goals’ », New York Times, 20 septembre
2000; et « Bringing Down a Dictator, Serbia Calling », PBS,
http://www.pbs.org/weta/dictator/rock/serbiacalling.html
44. Milosevic in the Hague, Focus on Human Rights, « In-Depth Report
Documents Milosevic Crimes », avril 2001,
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/10/milocroat1029.htm.
45. « About ICG », mai 2002,
http://www.intl-crisis-group.org/annual/2002/ICG2002.pdf.
46. Macedonia Crimes Against Civilians: Abuses by Macedonian Forces
in Lluboten, 10-12 août 2001.
47. Andrew Leonard. « The Man Who Bought the World », 28 février
2002, Salon.com.
http://archive.salon.com/tech/books/2002/02/28/soros/
48. James Petras, « Imperialism and NGOs in Latin America », Monthly
Review, vol. 49, n° 7, décembre 1997.
49. International Security Studies, « Herbert Okun »,
http://www.yale.edu/iss/peopleadvisoryboard1.
50. Leonard.
51. Edward W. Miller, « Brigandage », Coastal Post Monthly, Mann
County, CA, septembre 2000.
52. Mirjan Nadrljanski, « Eco-Disaster in Pancevo: Consequences on
the Health of the Population », 19 juillet 1999,
http://www.gci.ch/GreenCrossPrograms/legacy/yugoslavia/Nadrljanski.html
53. « Soros Fund Launches $150 MIn U.S.Backed Balkans Investment »,
Bloomberg Business News, 26 juillet 2000; Chris Hedges, « Below It All
in Kosovo », New York Times, 8 juillet 1998, p.A4.
54. Galina Sabeva, « Soros' Sofia IT Firm Gets $9 Million Equity
Investment », Reuters, 23 janvier 2001.
55. On Plan Colombia see: Manuel Salgado Tamayo, « The Geostrategy of
Plan Colombia », Covert Action Quarterly, n° 71, hiver 2001.
56. « Colombia: Human Rights Watch Testifies Before the Senate »,
Human Rights Watch Backgrounder, 24 avril 2002,
http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/americas/colombia-testimony0424.htm.
57. « Colombia: Bush/Pastrana Meeting, HRW World Report 2001, Human
Rights News » (New York, 6 novembre 2001).
58. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, Action Alert, « New York
limes Covering for Colombian Death Squads », 9 février 2001.
59. Doug Stokes, « Colombia Primer Q&A on the Conflict and U.S.
Role », 16 avril 2002. Znet,
http://www.zmag.org/content/Colombia/stokes_col-primer.cfm.
60. Interpress Service, 18 janvier 1995. Pour plus de références,
voir Jane Regan, « AIDing
U.S. Interests In Haiti », CovertAction Quarterly, n° 51, hiver
1994-95; et Noam Chomsky, « Haiti, The Uncivil Society », CovertAction
Quarterly, n° 57, été 1996.
61. Sam Tucker, Human Rights Watch,
http://www.webactive.com/webactive/sotw/hrw.
62. John Kenneth Knaus, Orphans of the Cold War (New York, BBS Public
Affairs 1999), p.236.
63. Elisabeth Rosenthal, « Defiant Chinese Muslims Keep Their Own
Time », New York Times, 19 novembre 2000, p.3.
64. Jonathan Reynolds (pseudonym), « The Clandestine Chef », New York
Times Magazine, 3 décembre 2000.
65. « Lessons of War », Le Monde Diplomatique, mars 2000; Peter
Phillips, « Untold Stories of U.S./NATO's War and Media Complacency »,
http://www.converge.org.nz/pma/suntold.htm
66. Marc W. Herold, « A Dossier on Civilian Victims of United States'
Aerial Bombing of Afghanistan: A Comprehensive Accounting »,
http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/civiDeaths.html
67. « Rape as a crime against humanity, »
http://www.haverford.edu/relg/sells/rape.html
68. « Improving the Public Diplomacy Campaign in the War Against
Terrorism », Independent Task Force on America's Response to
Terrorism, Council on Foreign Relations, 6 novembre 2001.
69. William Greider, « Curious George Talks the Market », The Nation,
15 février 1999.
70. « Oppose John Bolton's Nomination as State Department's Arms
Control Leader », Council for a Livable World , 11 avril 2001,
http://www.clw.org/bush/opposebolton.html
71. Ibid.
72. Greider.
73. « The Dictatorship of Financial Capital », Federation of Social
and Educational Assistance (FASE), Brazil, 2002, http://www.fase.org.br
A PROPOS DE L’AUTEUR
Heather Cottin est écrivain, elle a été militante politique toute sa
vie et a pris récemment sa retraite en tant que professeur d’histoire
dans une école supérieure. Elle vit à Freeport, NY et, durant de
nombreuses années, a été mariée avec l’érudit et le militant Sean
Gervasi, aujourd’hui décédé.
---
Traduit de l' anglais
par notre ami Jean-Marie FLEMAL,
avec tous mes remerciements !
Roger ROMAIN
Covert Action Quarterly
e-mail: info@...
par Heather Cottin
9 déc. 2003
« OUI, J’AI UNE POLITIQUE ETRANGERE : MON OBJECTIF EST DE DEVENIR LA
CONSCIENCE DU MONDE. »(1)
Il ne s’agit nullement d’un cas de trouble narcissique de la
personnalité; voici, en fait, comment George Soros applique
aujourd’hui le pouvoir de l’hégémonie des Etats-Unis dans le monde. Les
institutions de Soros et ses machinations financières sont en partie
responsables de la destruction du socialisme en Europe de l’Est et dans
l’ancienne URSS. Il a également jeté son dévolu sur la Chine. Il a
également fait partie de toute cette entreprise d’opérations en tous
genres qui ont abouti au démantèlement de la Yougoslavie. Alors qu’il
se donne du philanthrope, le rôle du milliardaire George Soros
consiste à resserrer la mainmise idéologique de la globalisation et du
nouvel ordre mondial tout en assurant la promotion de son propre
profit financier. Les opérations commerciales et « philanthropiques »
de Soros sont clandestines, contradictoires et coactives. Et, pour ce
qui est de ses activités économiques, lui-même admet qu’il n’a pas de
conscience, en capitaliste fonctionnant avec une amoralité absolue.
En maître d’œuvre du nouveau secteur de la corruption qui trompe
systématiquement le monde, il se fraie un chemin jusqu’aux hommes
d’Etat planétaires et ils lui répondent. Il a été proche de Henry
Kissinger, de Vaclav Havel et du général polonais Wojciech
Jaruzelski.(2) Il soutient le dalaï-lama, dont l’institut est installé
au Presidio, à San Francisco, lequel Presidio héberge également, entre
autres, la fondation dirigée par l’ami de Soros, l’ancien dirigeant
soviétique Mikhaïl Gorbatchev.(3) Soros est une figure de pointe du
Conseil des Relations extérieures, du Forum économique mondial et de
Human Rights Watch (HRW). En 1994, après une rencontre avec son gourou
philosophique, Sir Karl Popper, Soros ordonnait à ses sociétés de se
mettre à investir dans les communications en Europe centrale et de
l’Est.
L’administration fédérale de la radio et télévision de la République
tchèque a accepté son offre de reprendre et de financer les archives
de Radio Free Europe. Soros a transféré ces archives à Prague et a
dépensé plus de 15 millions de dollars pour leur entretien.(4)
Conjointement avec les Etats-Unis, une fondation Soros dirige
aujourd’hui Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, laquelle a étendu ses
ramifications au Caucase et en Asie.(5) Soros est le fondateur et le
financier de l’Open Society Institute. Il a créé et entretient le.
Groupe international de Crise (GIC) qui, entre autres choses, est
actif dans les Balkans depuis le démantèlement de la Yougoslavie. Soros
travaille ouvertement avec l’Institut américain pour la Paix – un
organe officiellement reconnu de la CIA.
Lorsque les forces hostiles à la globalisation battaient de la semelle
dans les rues entourant le Waldorf-Astoria, à New York, en février
2002, George Soros était à l’intérieur et tenait un discours devant le
Forum économique mondial. Quand la police entassa les manifestants
dans des cages métalliques à Park Avenue, Soros vantait les vertus
d’une « société ouverte » et rejoignait ainsi Zbigniew Brzezinski,
Samuel Huntington, Francis Fukuyama et d’autres.
QUI EST CE TYPE ?
George Soros est né en Hongrie en 1930 de parents juifs si éloignés de
leurs racines qu’ils passèrent même une fois leurs vacances en
Allemagne nazie.(6) Soros vécut sous le régime nazi mais, au moment du
triomphe des communistes, il alla s’installer en Angleterre en 1947.
Là, à la London School of Economics, il subit l’influence du
philosophe Karl Popper, un idéologue anticommuniste adulé dont
l’enseignement constitua la base des tendances politiques de Soros. Il
est malaisé de trouver un discours, un ouvrage ou un article de la
plume de Soros qui n’obéisse à l’influence de Popper.
Anobli en 1965, Popper inventa le slogan de « Société ouverte », qu’on
allait retrouver plus tard dans l’Open Society Fund and Institute de
Soros. Les disciples de Popper répètent ses mots comme de véritables
fidèles. La philosophie de Popper incarne parfaitement
l’individualisme occidental. Soros quitta l’Angleterre en 1956 et
trouva du travail à Wall Street où, dans les années 60, il inventa le
« fonds de couverture » : « (…) les fonds de couverture satisfaisaient
les individus très riches (…) Les fonds en grande partie secrets,
servant habituellement à faire des affaires en des lieux lointains (…)
produisaient des retours astronomiquement supérieurs. Le montant des
‘enjeux’ se muaient souvent en prophéties qui se réalisaient
d’elles-mêmes : ‘les rumeurs circulant à propos d’une situation acquise
grâce aux énormes fonds de couverture incitaient d’autres
investisseurs à se hâter de faire pareil’, ce qui, à son tour,
augmentait les mises de départ des opérateurs en couverture. »(7)
Soros met sur pied le Quantum Fund en 1969 et se met à boursicoter
dans la manipulation des devises. Dans les années 70, ses activités
financières glissent vers « l’alternance entre les situations à long
et à court terme (…) Soros se mit à gagner gros à la fois sur la
montée des trusts d’investissement dans l’immobilier et sur leur
effondrement ultérieur. Durant ses vingt années de gestion, Quantum
offrit des returns étonnants de 34,5% en moyenne par an. Soros est
particulièrement connu (et craint) pour sa spéculation sur les devises.
(…) En 1997, il se vit décerner une distinction rare en se faisant
traiter de scélérat par un chef d’Etat, Mahathir Mohamad, de Malaisie,
pour avoir participé à un raid particulièrement rentable sur la
monnaie de ce pays. »(8)
C’est via de telles martingales financières clandestines que Soros va
devenir multimilliardaire. Ses sociétés contrôlent l’immobilier en
Argentine, au Brésil et au Mexique, la banque au Venezuela et elles
figurent au nombre des commerces de devises les plus rentables au
monde, donnant naissance à la croyance générale que ses amis très haut
placés l’ont aidé dans ses aventures financières, et ce pour des
raisons tant politiques que liées à l’appât du gain.(9)
George Soros a été blâmé pour avoir fait sombrer l’économie
thaïlandaise en 1997.(10) Un activiste thaï a même déclaré : « Nous
considérons George Soros comme une sorte de Dracula. Il suce le sang
du peuple. »(11) Les Chinois l’appellent « le crocodile » du fait que
ses efforts économiques et idéologiques en Chine n’étaient jamais
satisfaits et parce que ses spéculations financières ont engendré des
millions de dollars de profit lorsqu’il a mis le grappin sur
l’économie thaï et sur celle de la Malaisie.(12)
Un jour, Soros s’est fait un milliard de dollars en un jour en
spéculant (un mot qu’il déteste) sur la livre britannique. Accusé de
prendre « de l’argent à chaque contribuable britannique lorsqu’il
spéculait contre le sterling », il avait répondu : « Lorsque vous
spéculez sur les marchés financiers, vous ne vous embarrassez pas de
la plupart des préoccupations morales auxquelles est confronté un
homme d’affaires ordinaire. (…) Je n’avais pas non plus à
m’embarrasser de questions de morale sur les marchés financiers. »(13)
Soros est schizophréniquement insatiable quand il s’agit de s’enrichir
personnellement de façon illimitée et il éprouve un perpétuel désir
d’être bien considéré par autrui : « Les commerçants en devises assis
à leurs bureaux achètent et vendent des devises de pays de tiers monde
en grande quantités. L’effet des fluctuations des cours sur les
personnes qui vivent dans ces pays n’effleure même pas leurs esprits.
Il ne devrait pas le faire non plus : ils ont un travail à faire. Si
nous nous arrêtons pour réfléchir, nous devons nous poser la question
de savoir si les commerçants en devises (…) devraient contrôler la vie
de millions de personnes. »(14)
C’est George Soros qui a sauvé la peau de George W. Bush lorsque la
gestion par celui-ci d’une société de prospection pétrolière était sur
le point de se solder par un échec. Soros était le propriétaire de la
Harken Energy Corporation et c’est lui qui avait racheté le stock des
actions en baisse rapide juste avant que la société ne s’effondre. Le
futur président liquida a presque un million de dollars. Soros déclara
qu’il avait agi de la sorte pour acheter de « l’influence
politique ».(15) Soros est également un partenaire du tristement
célèbre Carlyle Group. Officiellement fondée en 1987, la « plus
importante société privée par actions du monde », qui gère plus de 12
milliards de dollars, est dirigée par « un véritable bottin mondain
d’anciens dirigeants républicains », depuis l’ancien membre de la CIA,
Frank Carlucci, jusqu’à l’ancien chef de la CIA et ancien président
George Bush père. Le Carlyle Group tire la majeure partie de ses
rentrées des exportations d’armes.
L’ESPION PHILANTHROPE
En 1980, Soros commence à utiliser ses millions pour s’en prendre au
socialisme en Europe de l’Est. Il finance des individus susceptibles
de coopérer avec lui. Son premier succès, c’est en Hongrie qu’il
l’obtient. Il reprend le système éducatif et culturel hongrois,
mettant hors d’état de fonctionnement les institutions socialistes
partout dans le pays. Il se fraie directement un chemin à l’intérieur
du gouvernement hongrois. Ensuite, Soros se tourne vers la Pologne,
contribuant à l’opération Solidarité, financée par la CIA, et, la même
année, il étend également ses activités à la Chine. L’URSS vient
ensuite.
Ce n’est nullement une coïncidence si la CIA a mené des opérations
dans tous ces pays. Son objectif était également le même que celui de
l’Open Society Fund : démanteler le socialisme. En Afrique du Sud, la
CIA dénichait des dissidents anticommunistes. En Hongrie, en Pologne
et en URSS, via une intervention non dissimulée menée à partir de la
Fondation nationale pour la Démocratie, l’AFL-CIO, l’USAID et d’autres
institutions, la CIA soutenait et organisait les anticommunistes, le
type même d’individus recrutés par l’Open Society Fund de Soros. La
CIA allait les appeler ses « atouts ». Comme le dit Soros : « Dans
chaque pays, j’ai identifié un groupe de personnes – certaines sont des
personnalités de premier plan, d’autres sont moins connues – qui
partageaient ma foi… »(16)
L’Open Society de Soros organisait des conférences avec des
anticommunistes tchèques, serbes, roumains, hongrois, croates,
bosniaques, kosovares.(17) Son influence sans cesse croissante le fit
soupçonner d’opérer en tant que partie du complexe des renseignements
américains. En 1989, le Washington Post se faisait l’écho
d’accusations d’abord émises en 1987 par des officiels du gouvernement
chinois et prétendant que le Fonds de Soros pour la Réforme et
l’Ouverture de la Chine avait des connexions avec la CIA.(18)
AU TOUR DE LA RUSSIE
Après 1990, les fonds de Soros visent le système éducatif russe et
fournissent des manuels à toute la nation.(19) En effet, Soros se sert
de la propagande de l’OSI pour endoctriner toute une génération de la
jeunesse russe. Les fondations de Soros ont été accusées d’avoir
orchestré une stratégie visant à s’assurer le contrôle du système
financier russe, des plans de privatisation et du processus des
investissements étrangers dans ce pays. Les Russes réagissent avec
colère aux ingérences de Soros dans les législations. Les critiques de
Soros et d’autres fondations américaines ont affirmé que l’objectif de
ces manœuvres était de « faire échouer la Russie en tant qu’Etat ayant
le potentiel de rivaliser avec la seule superpuissance mondiale ».(20)
Les Russes se mettent à soupçonner que Soros et la CIA sont
interconnectés. Le magnat des affaires, Boris Berezovsky, allait même
déclarer : « J’ai presque tourné de l’œil en apprenant, il y a
quelques années, que George Soros était un agent de la CIA. »(21)
L’opinion de Berezovsky était que Soros, de même que l’Occident,
« craignaient que le capitalisme russe ne devînt trop puissant ».
Si l’establishment économique et politique des Etats-Unis craint la
concurrence économique de la Russie, quelle meilleure façon y a-t-il
de la contrôler que de dominer les médias, l’éducation, les centres de
recherche et le secteur scientifique de la Russie ? Après avoir
dépensé 250 millions de dollars pour « la transformation de
l’éducation des sciences humaines et de l’économie au niveau des
écoles supérieures et des universités », Soros injecte 100 millions de
dollars de plus dans la création de la Fondation scientifique
internationale.(22) Les Services fédéraux russes de contre-espionnage
(FSK) accusent les fondations de Soros en Russie d’« espionnage ». Ils
font remarquer que Soros n’opère pas seul ; il fait partie de tout un
rouleau compresseur recourant, entre autres, à des financements de la
part de Ford et des Heritage Foundations, des universités de Harvard,
Duke et Columbia, et à l’assistance du Pentagone et ses services de
renseignements américains.(23) Le FSK s’indigne de ce que Soros a
graissé la patte à quelque 50.000 scientifiques russes et prétend que
Soros a cultivé avant tout ses propres intérêts en s’assurant le
contrôle de milliers de découvertes scientifiques et nouvelles
technologies russes et en s’appropriant ainsi des secrets d’Etats et
des secrets commerciaux.(24)
En 1995, les Russes avaient été très en colère suite aux ingérences de
l’agent du Département d’Etat, Fred Cuny, dans le conflit tchétchène.
Cuny se servait du secours aux sinistrés comme de couverture, mais
l’histoire de ses activités dans les zones de conflit internationales
intéressant les Etats-Unis, auxquelles venaient s’ajouter les
opérations d’investigations du FBI et de la CIA, rendaient manifestes
ses connexions avec le gouvernement américain. A l’époque de sa
disparition, Cuny travaillait sous contrat pour une fondation de
Soros.(25) On se sait pas assez aux Etats-Unis que la violence en
Tchétchénie, une province située au cœur de la Russie, est
généralement perçue comme étant le résultat d’une campagne de
déstabilisation politique que Washington voit d’un très bon œil et, en
fait, orchestre probablement. Cette façon de présenter la situation
est suffisamment claire aux yeux de l’écrivain Tom Clancy, au point
qu’il s’est senti libre d’en faire une affirmation de fait dans son
best-seller, La somme de toutes les peurs. Les Russes ont accusé Cuny
d’être un agent de la CIA et d’être l’un des rouages d’une opération
de renseignements destinée à soutenir l’insurrection tchétchène.(26)
L’Open Society Institute de Soros est toujours actif en Tchétchénie,
comme le sont également d’autres organisations sponsorisées par le
même Soros.
La Russie a été le théâtre d’au moins une tentative commune de faire
grimper le bilan de Soros, tentative orchestrée avec l’aide
diplomatique de l’administration Clinton. En 1999, la secrétaire
d’Etat Madeleine Albright avait bloqué une garantie de prêt de 500
millions de dollars par l’U.S. Export-Import Bank à la société russe,
Tyumen Oil, en prétendant que cela s’opposait aux intérêts nationaux
américains. La Tyumen voulait acheter des équipements pétroliers de
fabrication américaine, ainsi que des services, auprès de la société
Halliburton de Dick Cheney et de l’ABB Lummus Global de Bloomfield, New
Jersey.(27) George Soros était investisseur dans une société que la
Tyumen avait essayé d’acquérir. Tant Soros que BP Amoco avaient exercé
des pressions afin d’empêcher cette transaction, et Albright leur
rendit ce service.(28)
L’ENTRETIEN D’UN ANTISOCIALISME DE GAUCHE
L’Open Society Institute de Soros trempe les doigts dans toutes les
casseroles. Son comité de directeurs est un véritable « Who's Who » de
la guerre froide et des pontifes du nouvel ordre mondial. Paul Goble
est directeur des communications : « Il a été le principal
commentateur politique de Radio Free Europ ». Herbert Okun a servi
dans le département d’Etat de Nixon en tant que conseiller en
renseignements auprès de Henry Kissinger. Kati Marton est l’épouse de
Richard Holbrooke, l’ancien ambassadeur aux Nations unies et envoyé en
Yougoslavie de l’administration Clinton. Marton a exercé des pressions
en faveur de la station de radio B-92, financée par Soror, et elle a
également beaucoup œuvré en faveur d’un projet de la Fondation
nationale pour la démocratie (une autre antenne officielle de la CIA)
qui a collaboré au renversement du gouvernement yougoslave.
Lorsque Soros fonde l’Open Society Fund, il va chercher le grand
pontife libéral Aryeh Neier pour la diriger. A l’époque, Neier dirige
Helsinki Watch, une prétendue organisation des droits de l’homme de
tendance nettement anticommuniste. En 1993, l’Open Society Fund
devient l’Open Society Institute.
Helsinki Watch s’est mué en Human Rights Watch en 1975. A l’époque,
Soros fait partie de sa Commission consultative, à la fois pour le
comité des Amériques et pour ceux de l’Europe de l’Est et de l’Asie
centrale, et sa nébuleuse Open Society Fund/Soros/OSI est renseignée
comme bailleuse de fonds.(29) Soros a des relations étroites avec
Human Rights Watch (HRW) et Neier écrits des articles pour le magazine
The Nation sans mentionné le moins du monde qu’il figure sur les
fiches de paie de Soros.(30)
Soros est donc étroitement lié à HRW, bien qu’il fasse de son mieux
pour le dissimuler.(31) Il déclare qu’il se contente de bailler des
fonds, de mettre les programmes au point et de laisser les choses
aller d’elles-mêmes. Mais les actions de HRW ne s’écartent en aucune
façon de la philosophie de son bailleur de fonds. HRW et OSI sont très
proches l’un de l’autre. Leurs vues ne divergent pas. Naturellement,
d’autres fondations financent également ces deux institutions, mais il
n’empêche que l’influence de Soros domine leur idéologie.
Les activités de George Soros s’inscrivent dans le schéma de
construction développé en 1983 et tel qu’il est énoncé par Allen
Weinstein, fondateur de la Fondation nationale pour la démocratie.
Wainstein déclare ceci : « Une grande partie de ce que nous faisons
aujourd’hui était réalisée en secret par la CIA voici 25 ans. »(32)
Soros opère exactement dans les limites du complexe de renseignements.
Il diffère peu des trafiquants de drogue de la CIA au Laos, dans les
années 60, ou des moudjahidine qui tiraient profit du trafic de l’opium
tout en menant des opérations pour le compte de la CIA contre
l’Afghanistan socialiste des années 80. Il canalise tout simplement
(et ramasse) beaucoup plus d’argent que ces marionnettes et une partie
bien plus importante de ses affaires se font au grand jour. Sa
franchise, dans la mesure où il en fait preuve, réside dans un
contrôle factice des dégâts, lequel sert à légitimer les stratégies de
la politique étrangère américaine.
La majorité des Américains qui, aujourd’hui, se considèrent
politiquement au centre-gauche, sont sans aucun doute pessimistes à
propos des chances d’assister un jour à une transformation socialiste
de la société. Par conséquent, le modèle de « décentralisation » à la
Soros, ou l’approche « fragmentée » de « l’utilitarisme négatif, la
tentative de réduire au minimum la quantité de misère », qui
constituait la philosophie de Popper, tout cela leur plaît, en
gros.(33) Soros a financé une étude de HRW qui a été utilisée pour
soutenir l’assouplissement de la législation en matière de drogue dans
les Etats de Californie et d’Arizona.(34) Soros est favorable à une
législation sur les drogues – une manière de réduire provisoirement la
conscience de sa propre misère. Soros est un corrupteur qui tutoie le
concept de l’égalité des chances. A un échelon plus élevé de l’échelle
socio-économique, on trouve les social-démocrates qui acceptent d’être
financés par Soros et qui croient aux libertés civiques dans le
contexte même du capitalisme.(35) Pour ces personnes, les conséquences
néfastes des activités commerciales de Soros (lesquelles appauvrissent
des gens partout dans le monde) sont édulcorées par ses activités
philanthropiques. De la même manière, les intellectuels libéraux de
gauche, tant à l’étranger qu’aux Etats-Unis, ont été séduits par la
philosophie de l’« Open Society », sans parler de l’attrait que
représentait ses donations.
La Nouvelle Gauche américaine était un mouvement social-démocratique.
Elle était résolument antisoviétique et, lorsque l’Europe de l’Est et
l’Union soviétique se sont effondrées, peu de gens au sein de cette
Nouvelle Gauche se sont opposés à la destruction des systèmes
socialistes. La Nouvelle Gauche n’a ni gémi ni protesté lorsque les
centaines de millions d’habitants de l’Europe de l’Est et de l’Europe
centrale ont perdu leur droit au travail, au logement à loyer décent
et protégé par la loi, à l’éducation gratuite dans des écoles
supérieures, à la gratuité des soins de santé et de l’épanouissement
culturel. La plupart ont minimisé les suggestions prétendant que la
CIA et certaines ONG – telles la Fondation nationale pour la
Démocratie ou l’Open Society Fund – avaient activement participé à la
destruction du socialisme. Ces personnes avaient l’impression que la
détermination occidentale à vouloir détruire l’URSS depuis 1917 avait
vraiment peu de chose à voir avec la chute de l’URSS. Pour ces
personnes, le socialisme a disparu de son plein gré, du fait de ses
défauts et lacunes.
Quant aux révolutions, comme celles d’un Mozambique, de l’Angola, du
Nicaragua ou du Salvador, annihilées par des forces agissant sous
procuration ou retardées par des « élections » très démonstratives,
les pragmatistes de la Nouvelle Gauche n’en ont eu que faire et ont
tourné les talons. Parfois même, la Nouvelle Gauche a semblé ignorer
délibérément les machinations post-soviétiques de la politique
étrangère américaine.
Bogdan Denitch, qui nourrissait des aspirations politiques en Croatie,
a été actif au sein de l’Open Society Institute et a reçu des fonds de
ce même OSI.(36) Denitch était favorable à l’épuration ethnique des
Serbes en Croatie, aux bombardements par l’Otan de la Bosnie et de la
Yougoslavie et même à une invasion terrestre de la Yougoslavie.(37)
Denitch a été l’un des fondateurs et le président des Socialistes
démocratiques des Etats-Unis, un groupe prépondérant de la gauche
libérale aux Etats-Unis. Il a également présidé longtemps la
prestigieuse Conférence des Universitaires socialistes, par le biais
de laquelle il pouvait aisément manipuler les sympathies de beaucoup
et les faire pencher du côté du soutien à l’expansion de l’Otan.(38)
D’autres cibles du soutien de Soros comprennent Refuse and Resist the
American Civil Liberties Union (refus et résistance à l’Union
américaine de défense des libertés civiques), et toute une panoplie
d’autres causes libérales.(39) Soros allait acquérir un autre trophée
invraisemblable en s’engageant dans la Nouvelle Ecole de Recherches
Sociales de New York, qui avait été longtemps une académie de choix
pour les intellectuels de gauche. Aujourd’hui, il y sponsorise le
Programme pour l’Europe de l’est et l’Europe centrale.(40)
Bien des gens de gauche inspirés par la révolution nicaraguayenne ont
accepté avec tristesse l’élection de Violetta Chamorro et la défaite
des sandinistes en 1990. La quasi-totalité du réseau de soutien au
Nicaragua a cessé ses activités par la suite. Peut-être la Nouvelle
Gauche aurait-elle pu tirer quelque enseignement de l’étoile montante
qu’était Michel Kozak. L’homme était un vétéran des campagnes de
Washington visant à installer des dirigeants sympathiques au Nicaragua,
à Panama et à Haïti, et de saper Cuba – il dirigeait la Section des
Intérêts américains à La Havane.
Après avoir organisé la victoire de Chamorro au Nicaragua, Kozak a
poursuivi son chemin pour devenir ambassadeur des Etats-Unis en
Biélorussie, tout en collaborant à l’Internet Access and Training
Program (IATP – Progr. d’accès et d’initiation au net), sponsorisé par
Soros et qui œuvrait à la « fabrication de futurs dirigeants » en
Biélorussie.(41) Dans le même temps, ce programme était imposé à
l’Arménie, l’Azerbaïdjan, la Géorgie, le Kazakhstan, le Kirghizistan,
le Turkménistan et l’Ouzbékistan. L’IATP opère à visière relevée avec
le soutien du département d’Etat américain. Au crédit de la
Biélorussie, il faut ajouter qu’elle a fini par expulser Kozak et toute
la clique de l’Open Society de Soros et du département d’Etat
américain. Le gouvernement d’Aleksandr Lukachenko a en effet découvert
que, quatre ans avant de s’installer à Minsk, Kozak organisait la
ventilation des dizaines de millions de dollars destinés à alimenter
l’opposition biélorusse. Kozak travaillait à l’unification du
coalition d’opposition, il créait des sites web, des journaux et des
pôles d’opinion, et il supervisait un mouvement de résistance
estudiantine semblable à l’Otpor en Yougoslavie. Kozak fit même venir
des dirigeants de l’Otpor pour former des dissidents en
Biélorussie.(42) Juste à la veille du 11 septembre 2001, les
Etats-Unis relançaient une campagne de diabolisation contre le
président Aleksandr Lukachenko. Cette campagne allait toutefois être
remise sur feu doux pour donner la priorité à la « guerre contre le
terrorisme ».
Par l’entremise de l’OSI et du HRW, Soros était l’un des principaux
sponsors de la station de radio B-92 à Belgrade. Il fonda l’Otpor,
l’organisation qui recevait ces « valises d’argent » afin de soutenir
le coup d’Etat du 5 octobre 2000 qui allait renverser le gouvernement
yougoslave.(43) Un peu plus tard, Human Rights Watch aidait à
légitimer l’enlèvement et la médiatisation du procès de Slobodan
Milosevic à La Haye sans aucunement faire état de ses droits.(44)
Louise Arbour, qui a œuvré comme juge au sein de ce tribunal illégal,
siège actuellement au conseil du Groupe international de crise de
Soros.(45) Le gang de l’Open Society et de Human Rights Watch a
travaillé en Macédoine, disant que cela faisait partie de sa « mission
civilisatrice ».(46) Il faut donc s’attendre à ce qu’on « sauve » un
jour cette république et que s’achève ainsi la désintégration de
l’ancienne Yougoslavie.
DES MANDATAIRES DU POUVOIR
En fait, Soros a déclaré qu’il considérait sa philanthropie comme
morale et ses affaires de gestion d’argent comme amorales.(47)
Pourtant, les responsables des ONG financées par Soros ont un agenda
clair et permanent. L’une des institutions les plus influentes de
Soros n’est autre que le Groupe international de Crise, fondé en 1986.
Le GIC est dirigé par des individus issus du centre même du pouvoir
politique et du monde des entreprises. Son conseil d’administration
compte entre autres en ses rangs Zbigniew Brzezinski, Morton
Abramowitz, ancien secrétaire d’Etat adjoint aux Etats-Unis; Wesley
Clark, ancien chef suprême des alliés de l’Otan pour l’Europe; Richard
Allen, ancien conseiller national à la sécurité des Etats-Unis. Il
vaut la peine de citer Allen : l’homme a quitté le Conseil national de
la sécurité sous Nixon parce qu’il était dégoûté des tendances
libérales de Henry Kissinger; c’est encore lui qui a recruté Oliver
North pour le Conseil national de la sécurité sous Reagan, et qui a
négocié l’échange missiles-otages dans le scandale des contras
iraniens. Pour ces quelques individus, « contenir des conflits »
équivaut à assurer le contrôle américain sur les peuples et ressources
du monde entier.
Dans les années 1980 et 1990, sous l’égide de la doctrine reaganienne,
les opérations secrètes ou à ciel ouvert des Etats-Unis battaient leur
plein en Afrique, en Amérique latine, dans les Caraïbes et en Asie.
Soros était ouvertement actif dans la plupart de ces endroits,
oeuvrant à corrompre d’éventuels révolutionnaires en devenir, à
sponsoriser des hommes politiques, des intellectuels et toute autre
personne susceptible d’arriver au pouvoir lorsque l’agitation
révolutionnaire serait retombée. Selon James Petras : « A la fin des
années 1980, les secteurs les plus perspicaces des classes
néo-libérales au pouvoir comprirent que leurs menées politiques
polarisaient la société et suscitaient un ample mécontentement social.
Les politiciens néo-libéraux se sont mis à financer et à promouvoir
une stratégie parallèle ‘à partir de la base ‘, la promotion
d’organisations en quelque sorte ‘tirées du sol’, à l’idéologie
‘anti-étatique’ et censées intervenir parmi les classes
potentiellement conflictuelles, afin de créer un ‘tampon social’. Ces
organisations dépendaient financièrement de ressources néo-libérales et
étaient directement engagées dans la concurrence avec des mouvements
socio-politiques pour la fidélité des dirigeants locaux et des
communautés militantes. Dans les années 1990, ces organisations,
décrites comme ‘non gouvernementales’, se comptaient par milliers et
recevaient quelque 4 milliards de dollars pour l’ensemble de la
planète. »(48)
Dans Underwriting Democracy (Garantir la démocratie), Soros se vante
de « l’américanisation de l’Europe de l’Est ». Selon ses propres
dires, grâce à ses programmes d’éducation, il a commencé à mettre en
place tout un encadrement de jeunes dirigeants « sorosiens ». Ces
jeunes hommes et femmes issus du moule éducatif de la Fondation Soros
sont préparés à remplir des fonctions de ce qu’on appelle communément
des « personnes d’influence ». Grâce à leur connaissance pratique des
langues et à leur insertion dans les bureaucraties naissantes des pays
ciblés, ces recrues sont censées faciliter, sur le plan philosophique,
l’accès à ces pays des sociétés multinationales occidentales.
Le diplomate de carrière Herbert Okun, qui siège en compagnie de
George Soros au Comité européen de Human Rights Watch, entretient
d’étroites relations avec toute une série d’institutions liées au
département d’Etat, allant de l’USAID à la Commission trilatérale
financée par Rockefeller. De 1990 à 1997, Okun a été directeur
exécutif d’une organisation appelée le Corps des bénévoles des
Sercvices financiers, qui faisait partie de l’USAID, « afin d’aider à
établir des systèmes financiers de marché libre dans les anciens pays
communistes ».(49) George Soros est en complet accord avec les
capitalistes occupés à prendre le contrôle de l’économie mondiale.
LA RENTABILITE DU NON-MARCHAND
Soros prétend qu’il ne fait pas de philanthropie dans les pays où il
pratique le commerce des devises.(50) Mais Soros a souvent tiré
avantage de ses relations pour réaliser des investissements clés. Armé
d’une étude de l’ICC et bénéficiant du soutien de Bernard Kouchner,
chef de l’UNMIK (Administration intérimaire des Nations unies au
Kosovo) , Soros a tenté de s’approprier le complexe minier le plus
rentable des Balkans.
En septembre 2000, dans sa hâte de s’emparer des mines de Trepca avant
les élections en Yougoslavie, Kouchner déclarait que la pollution
dégagée par le complexe minier faisait grimper les taux de plomb dans
l’environnement.(51) C’est incroyable, d’entendre une chose pareille,
quand on sait que l’homme a applaudi lorsque les bombardements de
l’Otan, en 1999, ont déversé de l’uranium appauvri sur le pays et ont
libéré plus de 100.000 tonnes de produits cancérigènes dans l’air,
l’eau et le sol.(52) Mais Kouchner a fini par obtenir gain de cause et
les mines ont été fermées pour des « raisons de santé ». Soros a
investi 150 millions de dollars dans un effort pour obtenir le
contrôle de l’or, l’argent, le plomb, le zinc et le cadmium de Trepca,
lesquels confèrent à cette propriété une valeur de 5 milliards de
dollars.(53)
Au moment où la Bulgarie implosait dans le chaos du « libre marché »,
Soros s’acharnait à récupérer ce qu’il pouvait dans les décombres,
comme Reuters l’a rapporté au début 2001 :
« La Banque européenne de Reconstruction et de Développement (BERD) a
investi 3 millions de dollars chez RILA [une société bulgare
spécialisée dans les technologies de pointe], la première société à
bénéficier d’un nouveau crédit de 30 millions de dollars fixé par la
BERD pour soutenir les firmes de high-tech en Europe centrale et de
l’Est. (…) Trois autres millions de dollars venaient du fonds
américain d’investissements privés Argus Capital Partners, sponsorisé
par la Prudential Insurance Company of America et opérant en Europe
centrale et de l’Est. (…) Soros, qui avait investi quelque 3 millions
de dollars chez RILA et un autre million de 2001 (…) demeurait le
détenteur majoritaire. »(54)
CERNER LES PROBLEMES
Ses prétentions à la philanthropie confèrent à Soros le pouvoir de
modeler l’opinion publique internationale lorsqu’un conflit social
soulève la question de savoir qui sont les victimes et qui sont les
coupables. A l’instar d’autres ONG, Human Rights Watch, le porte-voix
de Soros sur le plan des droits de l’homme, évite ou ignore la plupart
des luttes de classes ouvrières organisées et indépendantes.
En Colombia, des dirigeants ouvriers sont très fréquemment assassinés
par des paramilitaires opérant de concert avec le gouvernement
sponsorisé par les Etats-Unis. Du fait que ces syndicats s’opposent à
l’économie néo-libérale, HRW garde à propos de ces assassinats un
relatif silence. En avril dernier, José Vivanco, de HRW, a témoigné en
faveur du Plan Colombia devant le Sénat américain (55) : « Les
Colombiens restent dévoués aux droits de l’homme et à la démocratie.
Ils ont besoin d’aide. Human Rights Watch ne voit pas d’inconvénient
fondamental à ce que ce soient les Etats-Unis qui fournissent cette
aide. »(56)
HRW met les actions des combattants de la guérilla colombienne, qui
luttent pour se libérer de l’oppression de la terreur d’Etat, de la
pauvreté et de l’exploitation, sur le même pied que la répression des
forces armées financées par les Etats-Unis et celle des escadrons
paramilitaires de la mort, les AUC (Forces colombiennes unies
d’autodéfense). HRW a reconnu le gouvernement de Pastrana et de ses
militaires, dont le rôle était de protéger les droits à la propriété
et de maintenir le statu quo économique et politique. Selon HRW, 50%
des morts de civils sont l’œuvre des escadrons de la mort tolérés par
le gouvernement.(57). Le pourcentage exact, en fait, est de 80%.(58)
HRW a validé les élections dans leur ensemble et l’accession au
pouvoir du gouvernement Uribe, en 2002. Uribe est un parfait
héritier des dictateurs latino-américains que les Etats-Unis ont
soutenu dans le passé, bien qu’il ait été « élu ». HRW n’a pas eu de
commentaire à propos du fait que la majorité des habitants ont boycotté
les élections.(59)
Dans le bassin caraïbe, Cuba est un autre opposant au néo-libéralisme
à avoir été diabolisé par Human Rights Watch. Dans l’Etat voisin de
Haïti, les activités financées par Soros ont opéré de façon à venir à
bout des aspirations populaires qui ont suivi la fin de la dictature
des Duvalier, et ce, en torpillant le premier dirigeant haïtien,
démocratiquement élu, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Ken Roth, de HRW, a
abondé utilement dans le sens des accusations américaines reprochant à
Aristide d’être « antidémocratique ». Pour étayer son idée de la
« démocratie », les fondations de Soros ont entamé à Haïti des
opérations complémentaires de celles si inconvenantes des Etats-Unis,
telles la promotion par USAID de personnes associées aux FRAPH, les
fameux escadrons de la mort sponsorisés par la CIA et qui ont
terrorisé le pays depuis la chute de « Baby Doc » Duvalier.(60)
Sur le site de HRW, le directeur Roth a critiqué les Etats-Unis de ne
pas s’être opposés à la Chine avec plus de véhémence. Les activités de
Roth comprennent la création du Tibetan Freedom Concert (Concert pour
la liberté du Tibet), un projet itinérant de propagande qui a effectué
une tournée aux Etats-Unis avec d’importants musiciens de rock
pressant les jeunes à soutenir le Tibet contre la Chine.(61) Le Tibet
est un projet de prédilection de la CIA depuis de nombreuses
années.(62)
Récemment, Roth a réclamé avec insistance que l’on s’oppose au
contrôle de la Chine sur sa province riche en pétrole du Xinjiang.
Avec l’approche colonialiste du « diviser pour conquérir », Roth a
essayé de convaincre certaines membres de la minorité religieuse des
Ouïgours au Xinjiang que l’intervention des Américains et de l’Otan au
Kosovo contenait une promesse en tant que modèle pour eux-mêmes. Déjà
en août 2002, le gouvernement américain avait soutenu quelque peu
cette tentative également.
Les intentions américaines à propos de cette région sont apparues
clairement lorsqu’un article du New York Times sur la province de
Xinjiang, en Chine occidentale, décrivait les Ouïgours comme une
« majorité musulmane vivant nerveusement sous domination chinoise .
Ils « sont bien au courant des bombardements de la Yougoslavie par
l’Otan, l’an dernier, et certains les encensent pour avoir libéré les
musulmans du Kosovo; ils s’imaginent pouvoir être libérés de la même
manière ici ».(63) Le New York Times Magazine, de son côté, notait que
« de récentes découvertes de pétrole ont rendu le Xinjiang
particulièrement attrayant au yeux du commerce international » et, en
même temps, comparaît les conditions de la population indigène à
celles du Tibet.(64)
DES DEFICIENCES EN CALCUL
Lorsque les organisations sorosiennes comptent, elles semblent perdre
toute notion de vérité. Human Rights Watch affirmait que 500
personnes, et non pas plus de 2.000, avaient été tuées par les
bombardiers de l’Otan au cours de la guerre de Yougoslavie, en
1999.(65) Elles prétendent que 350 personnes seulement, et non pas
plus de 4.000, étaient mortes suite aux attaques américaines en
Afghanistan.(66) Lorsque les Américains ont bombardé Panama en 1989,
HRW a préfacé son rapport en disant que « l’éviction de Manuel Noriega
(…) et l’installation du gouvernement démocratiquement élu du
président Guillermo Endara amenait de grands espoirs au Panama (…) ».
Le rapport omettait de mentionner le nombre de victimes.
Human Rights Watch a préparé le travail de terrain pour l’attaque de
l’Otan contre la Bosnie, en 1993, avec de fausses allégations de
« génocide » et de viols par milliers.(67) Cette tactique consistant à
susciter une hystérie politique était nécessaire pour que les
Etats)Unis puissent mener à bien leur politique dans les Balkans. Elle
a été réutilisée en 1999 lorsque HRW a fonctionné en qualité de
troupes de choc de l’endoctrinement pour l’attaque de la Yougoslavie
par l’Otan. Tout le bla-bla de Soros à propos du règne de la loi a été
oublié d’un seul coup. Les Etats-Unis et l’Otan ont imposé leurs
propres lois et les institutions de Soros étaient derrière pour les
soutenir.
Le fait de trafiquer des chiffres afin d’engendrer une réaction a été
une composante importante de la campagne du Conseil des relations
étrangères après le 11 septembre 2001. Cette fois, il s’agissait des
2.801 personnes tuées au World Trade Center. Le Conseil des relations
étrangères (CRE) se réunit le 6 novembre 2001 afin de planifier une
« grande campagne diplomatique publique ». Le CRE créa une « Cellule
de crise indépendante sur la réponse de l’Amérique au terrorisme ».
Soros rejoignit Richard C. Holbrooke, Newton L. Gingrich, John M.
Shalikashvili (ancien président des chefs d’état-major réunis) et
d’autres individus influents dans une campagne visant à faire des mots
du WTC des outils de la politique étrangère américaine. Le rapport du
CRE mit tout en œuvre pour faciliter une guerre contre le terrorisme.
On peut retrouver les empreintes de George Soros un peu partout, dans
cette campagne : « Il faut que les hauts fonctionnaires américains
pressent amicalement les Arabes amis et autres gouvernements musulmans
non seulement de condamner publiquement les attentats du 11 septembre,
mais également de soutenir les raisons et les objectifs de la campagne
antiterroriste américaine. Nous n’allons jamais convaincre les peuples
du Moyen-Orient et de l’Asie du Sud de la légitimité de notre cause si
leurs gouvernements restent silencieux. Il nous faut les aider à
éviter tout retour de flamme pouvant émaner de telles déclarations,
mais il faut que nous les convainquions de s’exprimer de vive voix.
(…) Encouragez les musulmans bosniaques, albanais et turcs à apprendre
à des auditoires étrangers à considérer le rôle des Américains dans le
sauvetage des musulmans de Bosnie et du Kosovo en 1995-1999 ainsi que
nos liens étroits et de longue durée avec les musulmans dans le monde
entier. Engagez les intellectuels et les journalistes du pays à
prendre la parole également, quels que soient leurs points de vue.
Informez régulièrement la presse régionale en temps réel pour
encourager des réponses rapides. (…) Insistez sur la nécessité de
faire référence aux victimes (et citez ces dernières nommément afin de
mieux les personnaliser) chaque fois que nous discutons de nos motifs
et de nos objectifs. »(68)
Bref, les déficiences sorosiennes en calcul servent à vanter et à
défendre la politique étrangère américaine.
Soros est très ennuyé par le déclin du système capitaliste mondial et
il veut faire quelque chose à ce propos, et maintenant, encore.
Récemment, il déclarait : « Je puis déjà discerner les préparatifs de
la crise finale. (…) Des mouvements politiques indigènes sont
susceptibles d’apparaître qui chercheront à exproprier les sociétés
multinationales et à reprendre possession des richesses
‘nationales’. »(69)
Soros suggère le plus sérieusement du monde un plan pour contourner
les Nations unies. Il propose que les « démocraties du monde devraient
prendre les rênes et constituer un réseau mondial d’alliances qui
pourraient travailler avec ou sans les Nations unies ». Si l’homme
était psychotique, on pourrait penser qu’il était en crise, à ce
moment précis. Mais le fait est que l’affirmation de Soros : « les
Nations unies sont constitutionnellement incapables de remplir les
promesses contenues dans le préambule de leur Charte » reflète la
pensée des institutions réactionnaires du genre de l’American
Enterprise Institute.(70) Bien que maints conservateurs font référence
au réseau de Soros comme étant de gauche, si l’on aborde la question
de l’affiliation des Etats-Unis aux Nations unies, Soros est
exactement sur la même longueur d’onde que les semblables de John R.
Bolton, sous-secrétaire d’Etat pour le Contrôle des Armes et les
Affaires de Sécurité internationale qui, en même temps que « de
nombreux républicains du Congrès, croient qu’il ne faut pas accorder
davantage de crédit au système des Nations unies ».(71) La droite a
mené une campagne de plusieurs décennies contre l’ONU. Aujourd’hui,
c’est Soros qui l’orchestre. Sur divers sites web de Soros, on peut
lire des critiques des Nations unies disant qu’elles sont trop riches,
qu’elles ne sont guère désireuses de partager leurs informations, ou
qu’elles se sont affaiblies dans des proportions qui les rendent
impropres à la manière dont le monde devrait tourner, selon George
Soros, du moins.
Même les auteurs écrivant dans The Nation, des auteurs censés en
savoir beaucoup plus, ont été influencés par les idées de Soros.
William Greider, par exemple, a récemment découvert quelque pertinence
dans la critique de Soros disant que les Nations unies ne devrait pas
« accueillir les dictateurs de pacotille et les totalitaristes ni les
traiter en partenaires égaux ».(72) Ce genre de racisme
eurocentrique constitue le noyau de l’orgueil démesuré de Soros. Quand
il affirme que les Etats-Unis peuvent et devraient diriger le
monde, c’est un plaidoyer pour le fascisme à l’échelle mondiale.
Pendant bien trop longtemps, les « progressistes » occidentaux ont
donné un blanc-seing à Soros. Il est probable que Greider et les
autres trouvent que l’allusion au fascisme est excessive, injustifiée
et même insultante.
Mais écoutez plutôt, et d’une oreille attentive, ce que Soros lui-même
a à dire : « Dans la Rome ancienne, seuls les Romains votaient. Sous
le capitalisme mondial moderne, seuls les Américains votent. Les
Brésiliens, eux, ne votent pas. »(73)
NOTES
1. Dan Seligman, « Life and Times of a Messianic Billionaire »,
commentaires, avril 2002.
2. Lee Penn, « 1999, A Year of Growth for the United Religions
Initiative. »
http://ad.doubleclick.net/adi/N1684.TMP3/
B103O723.3;sz=720x300;ord=6249?.
3. Seligman.
4. « Sir Karl Popper in Prague, Summary of Relevant Facts
Without Comment »,
http://www.lf3.cuni.cz/aff/p1_e.html.
5. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Transcaucasia/Central Asia,
http://www.rferl.org
6. George Soros, Soros on Soros, Staying Ahead of the Curve (New
York: John Wiley, 1995), p.26.
7. « Hedge Funds Get Trimmed », Wall Street Journal, 1er mai
2000.
8. Theodore Spencer, « Investors of the Century », Fortune,
décembre 1999.
9. Jim Freer, « Most International Trader George Soros », Latin
Tradecom, octobre 1998,
http://www.latintrade.com/newsite/content/archives.cfm?StoryID=473.
10. Busaba Sivasomboon, « Soros Speech in Thailand Canceled »,
information AP, 28 janvier 2001.
11. Sivasomboon.
12. George Soros, The Asia Society Hong Kong Center Speech,
http://www.asiasociety.org/speeches/soros.
13. Soros on Soros, op.cit..
14. George Soros, Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (New
York: Public Affairs, 2000).
15. David Corn, « Bush and the Billionaire, How Insider Capitalism
Benefited W », The Nation, 17 juillet 2002.
16. Soros on Soros, pp.122-25.
17. Agence France-Presse, 8 octobre 1993.
18. Marianne Yen, « Fund's Representatives Arrested in China »,
Washington Post, 8 août 1989, p.A4.
19. Los Angeles Times, 24 novembre 1994, p.ASS.
20. Chrystia Freeland, « Moscow Suspicion Grows: Kremlin Factions Are
at Odds Over Policy », Financial Times (Londres), 10 janvier 1995.
21. Interfax Russian News, 6 novembre 1999.
22. Irma Dezhina, « U.S. Non-profit Foundations in Russia, Impact on
Research and Education » :
http://www.jhu.edu/~istr/conferences/dublin/workingpapers/dezhina.pdf.
23. « FSK Suspects Financing of Espionage on Russia's Territory »,
information AP, 18 janvier 1995.
24. David Hoffman, « Proliferation of Parties Gives Russia a
Fractured Democratic System », Washington Post, 1er octobre 1995,
p.A27; Margaret Shapiro, « Russian Agency Said to Accuse Americans of
Spying », Washington Post, 14 janvier 1995, p.A17.
25. Allan Turner, « Looking For Trouble », Houston Chronicle, 28 mai
1995, p.E1; Kim Masters, « Where Is Fred Cuny », Washington Post, 19
juin 1995, p.D1; Patrick Anderson, « The Disaster Expert Who Met His
Match », Washington Post, 6 septembre 1999, p.C9; Scott Anderson,
« What Happened to Fred Cuny? » New York Times Magazine, 25 février
1996, p.44.
26. Scott Anderson, « The Man Who Tried to Save the World: the
Dangerous Life and Disappearance of Fred Cuny », Philanthropy
Roundtable, mars/avril 2002,
http://www.philanthropyroundtable.org/magazines/2000-01/hedges.
27. « U.S.Blocks $500M Aid Deal for Russians », Wall Street Journal,
22 décembre 1999.
28. Bob Djurdjevic, « Letters to the Editor », Wall Street Journal,
22 décembre 1999.
29. « Open Society Institute », http://www.soros.org/osi/newyork.
30. Connie Bruck, « The World According to Soros », New Yorker, 23
janvier 1995.
31. Olga M. Lazin, « The Rise of the U.S. Decentralized Model for
Philanthropy, George Soros' Open Society and National Foundations in
Europe »,
http://www.isop.ucla.edu/profmex/volume6/1winter01/01lazin1.htm.
32. David Ignatius, « Innocence Abroad: The New World of Spyless
Coups », Washington Post, 22 septembre 1991, p.C1.
33. Patrick McCartney, « Study Suggests Drug Laws Resemble Notorious
Passbook Laws »,http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v00/n861/a06.
34. McCartney.
35. Voir Sean Gervasi, « Western Intervention in the USSR »,
CovertAction Information Bulletin, n° 39, hiver 1991-92.
36. « The Cenasia Discussion List »,
http://www.eurasianet.org/resource/cenasia/hypermail/200102/0052.html.
37. Bogdan Denitch, « The Case Against Inaction », The Nation, 26
avril 1999.
38. « Biographies, 2002 Socialist Scholars Conference »,
http://www.socialistscholar.org/biographies.
39. « Grants », http://www.soros.org/repro/grants.
40. « East and Central Europe Program »,
http://www.newschool.edu/centers/ecep.
41. Oxana Popovitch, « IREX Belarus Opens a New IATP Site in
Molodechno ».
http://www.iatp.net/archive/belarus.
42. lan Traynor, « Belarussian Foils Dictator-buster... For Now »,
Guardian, 14 septembre 2001,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,551533,00.html
43. Steven Erlanger, « Kostunica Says Some Backers 'Unconsciously
Work for American Imperial Goals’ », New York Times, 20 septembre
2000; et « Bringing Down a Dictator, Serbia Calling », PBS,
http://www.pbs.org/weta/dictator/rock/serbiacalling.html
44. Milosevic in the Hague, Focus on Human Rights, « In-Depth Report
Documents Milosevic Crimes », avril 2001,
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/10/milocroat1029.htm.
45. « About ICG », mai 2002,
http://www.intl-crisis-group.org/annual/2002/ICG2002.pdf.
46. Macedonia Crimes Against Civilians: Abuses by Macedonian Forces
in Lluboten, 10-12 août 2001.
47. Andrew Leonard. « The Man Who Bought the World », 28 février
2002, Salon.com.
http://archive.salon.com/tech/books/2002/02/28/soros/
48. James Petras, « Imperialism and NGOs in Latin America », Monthly
Review, vol. 49, n° 7, décembre 1997.
49. International Security Studies, « Herbert Okun »,
http://www.yale.edu/iss/peopleadvisoryboard1.
50. Leonard.
51. Edward W. Miller, « Brigandage », Coastal Post Monthly, Mann
County, CA, septembre 2000.
52. Mirjan Nadrljanski, « Eco-Disaster in Pancevo: Consequences on
the Health of the Population », 19 juillet 1999,
http://www.gci.ch/GreenCrossPrograms/legacy/yugoslavia/Nadrljanski.html
53. « Soros Fund Launches $150 MIn U.S.Backed Balkans Investment »,
Bloomberg Business News, 26 juillet 2000; Chris Hedges, « Below It All
in Kosovo », New York Times, 8 juillet 1998, p.A4.
54. Galina Sabeva, « Soros' Sofia IT Firm Gets $9 Million Equity
Investment », Reuters, 23 janvier 2001.
55. On Plan Colombia see: Manuel Salgado Tamayo, « The Geostrategy of
Plan Colombia », Covert Action Quarterly, n° 71, hiver 2001.
56. « Colombia: Human Rights Watch Testifies Before the Senate »,
Human Rights Watch Backgrounder, 24 avril 2002,
http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/americas/colombia-testimony0424.htm.
57. « Colombia: Bush/Pastrana Meeting, HRW World Report 2001, Human
Rights News » (New York, 6 novembre 2001).
58. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, Action Alert, « New York
limes Covering for Colombian Death Squads », 9 février 2001.
59. Doug Stokes, « Colombia Primer Q&A on the Conflict and U.S.
Role », 16 avril 2002. Znet,
http://www.zmag.org/content/Colombia/stokes_col-primer.cfm.
60. Interpress Service, 18 janvier 1995. Pour plus de références,
voir Jane Regan, « AIDing
U.S. Interests In Haiti », CovertAction Quarterly, n° 51, hiver
1994-95; et Noam Chomsky, « Haiti, The Uncivil Society », CovertAction
Quarterly, n° 57, été 1996.
61. Sam Tucker, Human Rights Watch,
http://www.webactive.com/webactive/sotw/hrw.
62. John Kenneth Knaus, Orphans of the Cold War (New York, BBS Public
Affairs 1999), p.236.
63. Elisabeth Rosenthal, « Defiant Chinese Muslims Keep Their Own
Time », New York Times, 19 novembre 2000, p.3.
64. Jonathan Reynolds (pseudonym), « The Clandestine Chef », New York
Times Magazine, 3 décembre 2000.
65. « Lessons of War », Le Monde Diplomatique, mars 2000; Peter
Phillips, « Untold Stories of U.S./NATO's War and Media Complacency »,
http://www.converge.org.nz/pma/suntold.htm
66. Marc W. Herold, « A Dossier on Civilian Victims of United States'
Aerial Bombing of Afghanistan: A Comprehensive Accounting »,
http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/civiDeaths.html
67. « Rape as a crime against humanity, »
http://www.haverford.edu/relg/sells/rape.html
68. « Improving the Public Diplomacy Campaign in the War Against
Terrorism », Independent Task Force on America's Response to
Terrorism, Council on Foreign Relations, 6 novembre 2001.
69. William Greider, « Curious George Talks the Market », The Nation,
15 février 1999.
70. « Oppose John Bolton's Nomination as State Department's Arms
Control Leader », Council for a Livable World , 11 avril 2001,
http://www.clw.org/bush/opposebolton.html
71. Ibid.
72. Greider.
73. « The Dictatorship of Financial Capital », Federation of Social
and Educational Assistance (FASE), Brazil, 2002, http://www.fase.org.br
A PROPOS DE L’AUTEUR
Heather Cottin est écrivain, elle a été militante politique toute sa
vie et a pris récemment sa retraite en tant que professeur d’histoire
dans une école supérieure. Elle vit à Freeport, NY et, durant de
nombreuses années, a été mariée avec l’érudit et le militant Sean
Gervasi, aujourd’hui décédé.
---
Traduit de l' anglais
par notre ami Jean-Marie FLEMAL,
avec tous mes remerciements !
Roger ROMAIN
PAPA: PER BOSNIA ERZEGOVINA DEMOCRAZIA E RICONCILIAZIONE
Ricevendo In Vaticano gli organizzatori del suo viaggio-provocazione
dello scorso giugno nel cuore della Bosnia a maggioranza serba, il capo
della Chiesa Cattolica Apostolica Romana ha incoraggiato la Bosnia
Erzegovina impegnata ''a superare molte sofferenze'', cioe' ad
accettare i confini artificiosi imposti nel 1992 con un
referendum-truffa ed il criminale riconoscimento internazionale. Il
papa ha auspicato il rafforzamento delle cosiddette ''istituzioni
democratiche'', cioe' del governo di Unione Europea, NATO, Banca
Mondiale e Fondo Monetario Internazione, ed un "rinnovamento
spirituale", come se la tre religioni finora non avessero causato
disastri a sufficienza.
A titolo consolatorio il papa ha citato una frase di Ivan Merz sulla
esistenza di Dio: ''Queste parole rivestono un particolare
significato per il vostro Paese, impegnato a superare molte
sofferenze, che sono conseguenza di un regime oppressivo e di una
lunga guerra '' [di religione]. Per "regime oppressivo" il papa non
intende quello del veterano nazista Izetbegovic, mandante delle stragi
del 1992-1995 e responsabile della occupazione del territorio da parte
delle truppe straniere, ne' tantomeno l'attuale status di protettorato
internazionale.
(Fonte:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/bosnia/20031204132732776192.html
A cura di Italo Slavo)
Ricevendo In Vaticano gli organizzatori del suo viaggio-provocazione
dello scorso giugno nel cuore della Bosnia a maggioranza serba, il capo
della Chiesa Cattolica Apostolica Romana ha incoraggiato la Bosnia
Erzegovina impegnata ''a superare molte sofferenze'', cioe' ad
accettare i confini artificiosi imposti nel 1992 con un
referendum-truffa ed il criminale riconoscimento internazionale. Il
papa ha auspicato il rafforzamento delle cosiddette ''istituzioni
democratiche'', cioe' del governo di Unione Europea, NATO, Banca
Mondiale e Fondo Monetario Internazione, ed un "rinnovamento
spirituale", come se la tre religioni finora non avessero causato
disastri a sufficienza.
A titolo consolatorio il papa ha citato una frase di Ivan Merz sulla
esistenza di Dio: ''Queste parole rivestono un particolare
significato per il vostro Paese, impegnato a superare molte
sofferenze, che sono conseguenza di un regime oppressivo e di una
lunga guerra '' [di religione]. Per "regime oppressivo" il papa non
intende quello del veterano nazista Izetbegovic, mandante delle stragi
del 1992-1995 e responsabile della occupazione del territorio da parte
delle truppe straniere, ne' tantomeno l'attuale status di protettorato
internazionale.
(Fonte:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/bosnia/20031204132732776192.html
A cura di Italo Slavo)
POVRATAK ISTORIJI
Spomenik Njegošu u Rimu
Rim, 11. decembra (Tanjug)
U parku čuvene Vile Borgeze u Rimu danas je postavljen, dva i po metra
visok, spomenik Petru Petroviću Njegošu (1813-1851), velikom piscu,
vladici i vladaru Crne Gore.
Zvanično otkrivanje spomenika planirano je za 2004, kada budu završene
pripreme na kojima rade rimska opština i crnogorsko Ministarstvo za
kulturu. Danas se na otkrivanju okupio veliki broj Srba i Crnogoraca
koji žive u Rimu, studenata, diplomata, arhitekata, novinara.
Skulptura, izrađena u bronzi, teška 1,5 tonu, rad je akademskog vajara
Sretena Stojanovića.
http://www.politika.co.yu/2003/1212/01_12.htm
Spomenik Njegošu u Rimu
Rim, 11. decembra (Tanjug)
U parku čuvene Vile Borgeze u Rimu danas je postavljen, dva i po metra
visok, spomenik Petru Petroviću Njegošu (1813-1851), velikom piscu,
vladici i vladaru Crne Gore.
Zvanično otkrivanje spomenika planirano je za 2004, kada budu završene
pripreme na kojima rade rimska opština i crnogorsko Ministarstvo za
kulturu. Danas se na otkrivanju okupio veliki broj Srba i Crnogoraca
koji žive u Rimu, studenata, diplomata, arhitekata, novinara.
Skulptura, izrađena u bronzi, teška 1,5 tonu, rad je akademskog vajara
Sretena Stojanovića.
http://www.politika.co.yu/2003/1212/01_12.htm
Handke, Peter
Un disinvolto mondo di criminali
Einaudi - Collana: I Coralli
n. 173 - Pagine 87 - Formato 14x21 - Anno 2002 - ISBN 8806161458
Argomenti: Narrativa
Prezzo di vendita: € 10.00
Note: Annotazioni a posteriori su due attraversamenti della Iugoslavia
in guerra - marzo e aprile 1999 - Traduzione di Claudio Groff
Caratteristiche: brossura
---
Note di Copertina
Peter Handke in questo suo nuovo resoconto di due soggiorni in
Iugoslavia durante la guerra del Kosovo, si propone come il narratore
di una storia polemicamente opposta a quella raccontata dai giornali e
dalla televisione.
Esito di due soggiorni in Serbia nella primavera del 1999, durante la
guerra del Kosovo, questo diario riprende la riflessione avviata da
Peter Handke nei precedenti Un viaggio d'inverno e Appendice estiva a
un viaggio d'inverno. Le veementi accuse che l'autore austriaco aveva
allora rivolto alle potenze occidentali con i loro macchinari di guerra
e di propaganda non sono state smentite, ma hanno anzi trovato conferma
anche nella nuova situazione. E tuttavia quello polemico è solo uno dei
livelli proposti dal testo: l'altro ci mostra l'attento osservatore, il
poetico rievocatore delle piccole cose che considera suo dovere
innanzitutto umano prestare ascolto alle voci di coloro che anche nella
moderna società dell'informazione non hanno alcuna visibilità, alcuna
possibilità di farsi sentire.
Se da un lato mette in discussione le verità e la logica degli attacchi
Nato - secondo la quale «possono essere bombardati anche un campo di
mais e un pollaio, perché mais, carne di pollo e uova servono da
vettovaglie» -, dall'altro cerca di rintracciare momenti di verità e
forse di eternità nel fluire del quotidiano, in ciò che resta di
un'antica convivenza, in una vecchia quercia (anch'essa un bersaglio
strategico?), negli sguardi di una «vecchia partigiana quasi cieca».
Prestando orecchio a un'umanità confinata ai margini, Handke riesce a
ridare nuovamente voce e realtà a un popolo la cui «tolleranza non ha
nemmeno bisogno del concetto di "tolleranza"».
Dall'anticipazione:
Sulla guerra contro la Jugoslavia l'era dell'informazione è finita.
Queste annotazioni, scritte prima che il conflitto terminasse, gridano
con le parole ciò che i fatti stanno dimostrando: i problemi
dell'umanità non si risolvono con le bombe. Dopo Un viaggio d'inverno
sui fiumi Danubio, Sava, Morava e Drina. Ovvero Giustizia per la Serbia
e Appendice estiva a un viaggio d'inverno Handke torna a raccontare i
suoi pellegrinaggi nei Balcani feriti dalla guerra.
Guardando con attenzione, indagando, accertandosi delle cose Peter
Handke descrive le due traversate che ha compiuto durante la guerra in
Jugoslavia (la prima nella Settimana Santa del 1999 e la seconda circa
un mese dopo). Il suo libro, composto di due parti redatte al rientro
in Austria, è un'attenta osservazione, una rievocazione poetica di
fatti minuti, dove l'autore si fa compagno di dolore di coloro che sono
stati colpiti da questa tragedia. Peter Handke non s'improvvisa
esperto. Racconta ciò che gli è accaduto, ciò che gli è stato
raccontato da conoscenti e amici nelle tappe del suo viaggio, ciò che
pensava lungo quel cammino. E ciò che pensa ora, una volta ritornato a
casa. S'interroga sulla distruzione che la guerra si è lasciata dietro
e sceglie di stare, senza tentennamenti, dalla parte delle vittime che,
a dispetto di quanto dicono i media, sono rimaste, e tuttora rimangono,
invisibili.
http://www.liberonweb.com/asp/libro.asp?ISBN=8806161458
---
Un passo del libro:
<< Una goccia di pioggia cade in una pozzanghera, e io vedo
il bersaglio. Nel bosco un tronco segato con gli anelli
annuali: il bersaglio. Ritorno?…Vivere come in un disinvolto
mondo di criminali. L'annientamento della Jugoslavia non
ancora completamente manifesto al mondo: un'insidia che a me non
sembra spaziale, ma temporale, foriera di rovina per dopo;
un'insidia nel tempo. Un altro linguaggio; o anche solo un
altro tono, per la Jugoslavia, per tutti i paesi! Uomini di
buona volontà, dove siete? Si presentano solo quelli di
cattiva volontà, con le loro massime morali preconfezionate.
"La fantasia al potere!"… Coloro che un tempo diedero a
intendere di volersi mettere in marcia con questa parola d'ordine
si sono dimostrati assolutamente privi di immaginazione; non
vedono, non sentono e neppure presagiscono quello che fanno.
Il giovane cambogiano - cameriere nel ristorante asiatico -
finora così rispettoso e riservato, adesso vedendo la
targhetta "bersaglio" storce la bocca con disprezzo: "Pol
Pot! Milosevic! Serbia!". Sì, a voi occidentali è riuscito
in effetti un colpo planetario contro la Jugoslavia… A
questo proposito il portavoce dell'agenzia pubblicitaria
Saatchi & Saatchi (Londra): "L'epoca dell'informazione è
finita. Entriamo nell'epoca dell'idea. Vale a dire, abbiamo bisogno
di un contesto che dia un senso all'informazione". La guerra
contro la Jugoslavia: condotta non solo con bombe dirompenti
e missili, ma anzitutto con "contesto" e "idea". L'epoca
dell'informazione è finita. >>
(da: http://www.ragionamentidistoria.it/n03/scaffali01.htm )
Un disinvolto mondo di criminali
Einaudi - Collana: I Coralli
n. 173 - Pagine 87 - Formato 14x21 - Anno 2002 - ISBN 8806161458
Argomenti: Narrativa
Prezzo di vendita: € 10.00
Note: Annotazioni a posteriori su due attraversamenti della Iugoslavia
in guerra - marzo e aprile 1999 - Traduzione di Claudio Groff
Caratteristiche: brossura
---
Note di Copertina
Peter Handke in questo suo nuovo resoconto di due soggiorni in
Iugoslavia durante la guerra del Kosovo, si propone come il narratore
di una storia polemicamente opposta a quella raccontata dai giornali e
dalla televisione.
Esito di due soggiorni in Serbia nella primavera del 1999, durante la
guerra del Kosovo, questo diario riprende la riflessione avviata da
Peter Handke nei precedenti Un viaggio d'inverno e Appendice estiva a
un viaggio d'inverno. Le veementi accuse che l'autore austriaco aveva
allora rivolto alle potenze occidentali con i loro macchinari di guerra
e di propaganda non sono state smentite, ma hanno anzi trovato conferma
anche nella nuova situazione. E tuttavia quello polemico è solo uno dei
livelli proposti dal testo: l'altro ci mostra l'attento osservatore, il
poetico rievocatore delle piccole cose che considera suo dovere
innanzitutto umano prestare ascolto alle voci di coloro che anche nella
moderna società dell'informazione non hanno alcuna visibilità, alcuna
possibilità di farsi sentire.
Se da un lato mette in discussione le verità e la logica degli attacchi
Nato - secondo la quale «possono essere bombardati anche un campo di
mais e un pollaio, perché mais, carne di pollo e uova servono da
vettovaglie» -, dall'altro cerca di rintracciare momenti di verità e
forse di eternità nel fluire del quotidiano, in ciò che resta di
un'antica convivenza, in una vecchia quercia (anch'essa un bersaglio
strategico?), negli sguardi di una «vecchia partigiana quasi cieca».
Prestando orecchio a un'umanità confinata ai margini, Handke riesce a
ridare nuovamente voce e realtà a un popolo la cui «tolleranza non ha
nemmeno bisogno del concetto di "tolleranza"».
Dall'anticipazione:
Sulla guerra contro la Jugoslavia l'era dell'informazione è finita.
Queste annotazioni, scritte prima che il conflitto terminasse, gridano
con le parole ciò che i fatti stanno dimostrando: i problemi
dell'umanità non si risolvono con le bombe. Dopo Un viaggio d'inverno
sui fiumi Danubio, Sava, Morava e Drina. Ovvero Giustizia per la Serbia
e Appendice estiva a un viaggio d'inverno Handke torna a raccontare i
suoi pellegrinaggi nei Balcani feriti dalla guerra.
Guardando con attenzione, indagando, accertandosi delle cose Peter
Handke descrive le due traversate che ha compiuto durante la guerra in
Jugoslavia (la prima nella Settimana Santa del 1999 e la seconda circa
un mese dopo). Il suo libro, composto di due parti redatte al rientro
in Austria, è un'attenta osservazione, una rievocazione poetica di
fatti minuti, dove l'autore si fa compagno di dolore di coloro che sono
stati colpiti da questa tragedia. Peter Handke non s'improvvisa
esperto. Racconta ciò che gli è accaduto, ciò che gli è stato
raccontato da conoscenti e amici nelle tappe del suo viaggio, ciò che
pensava lungo quel cammino. E ciò che pensa ora, una volta ritornato a
casa. S'interroga sulla distruzione che la guerra si è lasciata dietro
e sceglie di stare, senza tentennamenti, dalla parte delle vittime che,
a dispetto di quanto dicono i media, sono rimaste, e tuttora rimangono,
invisibili.
http://www.liberonweb.com/asp/libro.asp?ISBN=8806161458
---
Un passo del libro:
<< Una goccia di pioggia cade in una pozzanghera, e io vedo
il bersaglio. Nel bosco un tronco segato con gli anelli
annuali: il bersaglio. Ritorno?…Vivere come in un disinvolto
mondo di criminali. L'annientamento della Jugoslavia non
ancora completamente manifesto al mondo: un'insidia che a me non
sembra spaziale, ma temporale, foriera di rovina per dopo;
un'insidia nel tempo. Un altro linguaggio; o anche solo un
altro tono, per la Jugoslavia, per tutti i paesi! Uomini di
buona volontà, dove siete? Si presentano solo quelli di
cattiva volontà, con le loro massime morali preconfezionate.
"La fantasia al potere!"… Coloro che un tempo diedero a
intendere di volersi mettere in marcia con questa parola d'ordine
si sono dimostrati assolutamente privi di immaginazione; non
vedono, non sentono e neppure presagiscono quello che fanno.
Il giovane cambogiano - cameriere nel ristorante asiatico -
finora così rispettoso e riservato, adesso vedendo la
targhetta "bersaglio" storce la bocca con disprezzo: "Pol
Pot! Milosevic! Serbia!". Sì, a voi occidentali è riuscito
in effetti un colpo planetario contro la Jugoslavia… A
questo proposito il portavoce dell'agenzia pubblicitaria
Saatchi & Saatchi (Londra): "L'epoca dell'informazione è
finita. Entriamo nell'epoca dell'idea. Vale a dire, abbiamo bisogno
di un contesto che dia un senso all'informazione". La guerra
contro la Jugoslavia: condotta non solo con bombe dirompenti
e missili, ma anzitutto con "contesto" e "idea". L'epoca
dell'informazione è finita. >>
(da: http://www.ragionamentidistoria.it/n03/scaffali01.htm )
Massacro sociale in Serbia (english / italiano)
---
Le puntate precedenti - in ordine cronologico inverso - su:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2863
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2699
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2683
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2680
Vedi anche:
La situazione nella Serbia jugoslava, Ottobre 2003
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2964
Serbia: non si intravede la fine della crisi (Ruzica Milosavljevic)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2941
Protests and political crisis in Serbia
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2931
Serbia: i lavoratori in piazza a Smederevo e Belgrado
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2907
STRIKE AT US-OWNED SERBIAN STEEL PLANT
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2869
---
NOTA A MARGINE
Nessun organo di informazione italiano si degna di analizzare,
tantomeno di commentare, le condizioni sociali in Serbia, determinatesi
dopo la presa del potere da parte delle destre filo-occidentali
nell'ottobre 2003. Il caso "Telekom Serbia" viene usato a fini di
strumentalizzazione politica interna, ma delle devastanti
privatizzazioni attuali - di quelle vere, insomma - non si parla.
Questo "embargo" informativo sussiste anche e soprattutto per gli
organi di stampa di "sinistra", che fino all'ottobre 2000 avevano
viceversa dedicato tantissimo spazio ed una attenzione costante -
benche' spesso morbosa, "deviata" e deviante - alle tragedie in atto
nei Balcani ed ai soggetti e movimenti attivi su quei territori -
soprattutto la vezzeggiatissima "opposizione" serba.
Potremmo al limite comprendere, pur senza giustificarlo, il silenzio
sulla grave involuzione politica, che ha comportato addirittura la
completa omissione dalle cronache e dai commenti della cancellazione
della Jugoslavia dalle cartine geografiche (il paese, in seguito ad un
decreto della nuova classe dirigente di destra, voluto da Solana, si
chiama oggi "Unione di Serbia e Montenegro"). Quello che pero' non
possiamo assolutamente ne' capire ne' accettare, da parte di
"Liberazione" ed "Il Manifesto" in primo luogo, e' la totale assenza di
qualsivoglia analisi sugli effetti delle politiche neoliberiste piu'
feroci, attuate in un paese e contro un popolo cosi' concretamente
vicini.
Le svendite, i licenziamenti, la demolizione dello stato sociale,
l'abbandono di centinaia di migliaia di profughi (politicamente
"inopportuni") da parte delle istituzioni sia serbe che internazionali,
i crescenti legami con gli USA e con la NATO, i diktat delle
istituzioni finanziarie internazionali, la chiusura di moltissime
aziende, le iniziative del movimento di solidarieta' verso i lavoratori
jugoslavi da anni attivo in Italia, l'imposizione del regime "di
emergenza" la scorsa primavera, con le torture in carcere e gli arresti
indiscriminati, la persistente violazione dei diritti politici delle
opposizioni antiliberiste... per non parlare del regime di terrore
instaurato in Kosmet - a tutto questo "Il Manifesto" e "Liberazione"
non dedicano nessuno spazio. Questo atteggiamento e'
giornalisticamente becero, politicamente squallido e moralmente
ignobile.
Questo dato di fatto non ci assolve, certo, dalle nostre proprie
responsabilita' in quanto amici della Jugoslavia: siamo noi stessi
incapaci. Incapaci di comunicare con il movimento contro la guerra,
incapaci di costruire iniziative comuni, incapaci di esprimere
coralmente una nostra posizione. Ci perdiamo tra invettive moralistiche
(compresa la presente) ed iniziative solidaristiche, atte a
tranquillizzare le nostre proprie coscienze, senza cambiare nulla.
La crisi nei Balcani tornera' ad esplodere - innanzitutto a causa della
"patata bollente" del Kosovo. La opinione pubblica italiana non sara'
stata informata di niente, i militanti della sinistra antiliberista e
pacifista saranno stati privati degli strumenti per capire ed agire.
Andrea Martocchia
=====
PRIVATIZZAZIONI A RAFFICA
=====
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25818&style=headlines
Beta, December 4, 2003
Mass privatisation auction today
BELGRADE -- Thursday – A thousand Serbian companies go
under the hammer of the Privatisation Agency’s
auctioneer today, Privatisation Minister Aleksandar
Vlahovic has announced.
Vlahovic told media that over the past two and a half
years, 1.3 billion euros had been raised in state
company sell-offs, with a further 750 million euros
invested as part of sale contracts.
Another 260 million euros has been put into social
welfare programs for workers made redundant by company
restructuring.
Vlahovic added that no major companies will be
scheduled for sale until a new government is formed to
avoid any suspicion of irregularity.
---
SERBIA: PRIVATIZZAZIONI, QUOTA 1.000 IMPRESE VENDUTE
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 4 DIC - Ha raggiunto la quota di mille aziende
vendute il programma di privatizzazioni portato avanti dalla Serbia
dopo la caduta del regime dell'ex presidente jugoslavo Slobodan
Milosevic. Oggi e' stata ufficializzata la cessione della compagnia
'Inos metalli' di Belgrado, acquistata per 191 milioni di dinari
(circa 2.850.000 euro) dall'azienda montenegrina 'Interprom'.
All'asta avevano partecipato anche imprese tedesche e greche, e
l'offerta iniziale e' stata moltiplicata di venti volte. Finora la
maggior parte del programma di privatizzazioni ha comunque coinvolto
piccole e medie imprese, con pochissimi investimenti esteri. I giganti
industriali dell'epoca comunista sono infatti troppo obsoleti, con
manodopera in eccesso e con troppi debiti per risvegliare l'interesse
dei grandi investitori. Il programma di privatizzazioni in Serbia
ha avuto un costo sociale elevato, alimentando il numero dei
disoccupati, che tocca ormai il milione di persone, un terzo della
popolazione attiva. Lo stato pero' ha incamerato 1,3 miliardi di euro,
altri 700 milioni sono stati reinvestiti nelle imprese privatizzate e
280 milioni sono stati stanziati per la previdenza sociale.
La quota di mille privatizzazioni e' stata festeggiata dal ministro
responsabile del programma, Aleksandar Vlahovic, con un'asta di
beneficenza nella quale sono stati messi all'incanto il martelletto
usato per battere la prima vendita di un'azienda statale, una copia
della prima gazzetta ufficiale che indiceva la gara e il primo invito
pubblico per l'asta: il ricavato, destinato al fondo per l'infanzia,
e' stato di 1,77 milioni di dinari, ovvero 26.400 euro. (ANSA).
OT 04/12/2003 17:17
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/serbiamontenegro/20031204171732776659.html
---
LINK:
1,000th Serbian company goes private
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/04/332244.html
=====
FMI, USA, BEI, AER... TUTTI SODDISFATTI DELLA POLITICA ECONOMICA DEL
REGIME DI BELGRADO
=====
LINKS:
IMF welcomes Serbia's tax administration reform
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/03/332206.html
US Restores Normal Trade Relations with Serbia-Montenegro (by Dusan
Kosanovic)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=21874
US resumes normal trade relations with Serbia-Montenegro
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/03/332222.html
EIB and Serbian government continue cooperation
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/12/332400.html
EAR to help Serbian infrastructure development agency start operations
with 10.5 million euros
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/12/332402.html
=====
L'AUTUNNO CALDO DELLA SERBIA
=====
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
EEconomy.htm#No%20major%20progress%20achieved%20in%20talks%20between%20t
rade%20unions,%20US%20Steel
Tanjug - November 6, 2003
No major progress achieved in talks between trade
unions, US Steel
20:27 SMEDEREVO , Nov 6 (Tanjug) - The general strike
of US Steel Serbia workers is entering its second
month and the management is doing nothing to seriously
review strikers' demands, it was said on Thursday by
the strikers' committee made up of the representative
trade unions of the former Sartid concern.
Although it has not observed any of the obligations
envisaged under the Law on the Strike, collective
agreement and signed protocol, the company management
is behaving as if it is not a side in the dispute and
is neglecting its obligations, the statement said.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25463&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - November 12, 2003
Union alliance announces nationwide protests
BELGRADE -- Tuesday – The Alliance of Independent
Serbian Unions has announced a series of protests
across Serbia.
Union member Dragan Zarubica said that protest rallies
would be held in Nis, Krusevac, Zrenjanin, Cacak,
Raska and “several other towns”.
The Alliance organised a protest rally in Belgrade
last month, attracting more than 10,000 workers.
Speakers called on the government to step down and
slate early elections.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25460&order=priority&style=headlines
FoNet, November 12, 2003
Borba workers on strike
BELGRADE -- Tuesday – Employees at Belgrade daily
Borba went on general strike today over late pay.
Union leader Obrad Gacic said workers were demanding
the dismissal of manager Zoran Kalicanin and the
president of the board of directors, Zarko Jokanovic.
He claimed that workers had not been paid since
August, and said Kalicanin was responsible.
Around 800 of the 1,500 workers are currently on
strike, said Gacic, adding that he expected the number
to reach 1,000 by the end of the day.
---
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/yugo1113.php
Thousands battle police in Belgrade
Union workers demand gov't resign
By John Catalinotto
Ten thousand workers struck the Sartid steel complex in Smederevo,
Serbia, on Oct. 14. Two weeks later, on Oct. 29, the largest workers'
demonstration since the overthrow of the government of Slobodan
Milosevic in October 2000 marched on the Serb parliament in Belgrade.
Thou sands of demonstrators demanded an end to privatization of
state-owned companies and the resignation of the government.
These two events, seemingly so far removed from here, impact directly
on the lives of workers in the United States.
To understand this, it helps to know that the U.S. Steel Corporation
had bought Sartid a month before the strike. Access to this
technologically advanced plant and its 10,000 skilled workers cost the
giant U.S. corporation a mere $23 million, although Yugoslavia had
invested $1 billion in it from 1990 to 2000. The steel complex produces
specialized steel that has buyers on the world market.
But the best part of it all--as the owners of U.S. Steel see it--is
that these workers with more than 30 years experience receive the
equivalent of $159 per month. According to an article by Spomenka
Deretic in the Oct. 17 issue of the Serb journal Artel, their pay is 33
Serbian dinars per hour, or about 65 cents. The union is asking for 55
dinars, or about $1.10.
Deretic's article compares the low wages of the workers at Sartid with
the higher wages paid at a U.S. Steel plant in nearby Slovakia--where
workers get $3.74 an hour--and with workers at U.S. Steel here, who are
paid $15 to $25 per hour.
The strike--at least the first phase of it--lasted until Oct. 23, when
negotiations started. What worker in the U.S. would not see this strike
as completely justified?
Workers here might also be outraged that U.S. Steel could go into the
Balkans or into Central Europe to find skilled, talented workers and
force them to accept one-25th of what steel workers get here.
But it is harder to see the connection between those low wages and the
so-called humanitarian war the U.S. and its NATO allies waged against
Yugoslavia over four years ago. Or how that war allowed the
privatization and sell-off of major Yugoslav industries.
Clinton's lie that this was a "humanitarian" war was as big as the Bush
administration's tale that the invasion of Iraq has nothing to do with
oil.
Before the 78-day bombing of Yugo slavia and the overthrow of the
government led by the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) the following
year, the steel plant was off-limits to U.S. capital. Replacing that
government with parties and individuals tied to Western governments and
banking interests has opened up Yugoslav industry to the world, that
is, to the imperialist world, to the same monopolies that control
economic life in the West.
Before this happened, the Yugoslav state protected its workers against
foreign capital. It also, in effect, protected U.S. workers from
competition. At least no big U.S. corporation could just take over and
make decisions to fire workers in Serbia, then a part of Yugoslavia.
The same was true in Slovakia, which before the 1990s was part of
socialist Czechoslovakia.
The U.S. Steel purchase of Sartid is only one of 882 major purchases at
low prices of Yugoslav industries by U.S. and West European capital.
They paid $1.4 billion in total to the regime, of which about 50
percent is from U.S. corporations. Less than 25 percent of these funds
went to social benefits for the 110,000 workers, who in the former
Yugoslavia were considered owners of the industries.
In most cases, the company taking over an industry savagely cut the
work force. In some, they just stopped production entire ly, to destroy
competition with their other factories around the world. But Sartid's
highly developed electronically run machines, especially its technology
for finishing the steel, and its work force, made it a going concern.
Workers march on parliament
What also made Sartid remarkable is that the workers fought back. And
they did so as workers in all of Serbia were preparing to battle the
pro-NATO government.
On Oct. 29-31 thousands of workers protested before the parliament in
Bel grade, called out by the Alliance of Inde pendent Serbian Unions.
Meanwhile Par li ament was debating a no-confidence vote in the
government. Many of the workers, including the miners, were from unions
that in October 2000 had supported the parties now in office.
Police stopped buses filled with workers from arriving at the capital.
On Oct. 30, they used teargas to break up the protest.
After three years of a post-Milosevic, pro-capitalist, pro-NATO
government that is even promising to send troops to Iraq and is helping
turn the former Yugo slavia into a colony of the West, the organized
workers in Yugoslavia are showing resistance.
Meanwhile, Milosevic has been battling charges at The Hague,
Netherlands, for alleged war crimes. He has represented himself before
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY),
which was organized by the same NATO countries that launched a brutal
78-day bombing campaign of that country. Many accounts assert that
Milosevic's determined political defense and sharp cross-examinations
have stymied the ICTY prosecutors. NATO's court has failed to prove its
case.
In synch with the growing resistance inside Serbia, groups of emigrants
from Yugoslavia plus European organizations that defend Milosevic will
march on The Hague Nov. 8, demanding that the former Yugoslav president
be released from prison and given two years to prepare his defense case.
They say that by standing steadfastly against the ICTY, countering all
the lies told about Serb people, and straightening out the facts about
NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, Milosevic has been doing a
service, not only to Serbia and Yugoslavia, but to the workers of the
world and anyone fighting U.S. imperialism.
Reprinted from the Nov. 13, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
=====
COLLABORAZIONE MILITARE CRESCENTE
=====
ITALIA-SERBIA: RAMPONI INCONTRA MINISTRO DIFESA TADIC
(ANSA) - ROMA, 19 NOV - Il presidente della commissione Difesa della
Camera Luigi Ramponi ha incontrato oggi a Montecitorio il ministro
della Difesa di Serbia e Montenegro Boris Tadic. Nel corso di un
incontro ''lungo e cordiale'', Ramponi e Tadic hanno manifestato
''reciproco compiacimento'' per l'avvio di concreti rapporti di
collaborazione nel settore della Difesa tra Italia e
Serbia-Montenegro, e sono state create le premesse per un futuro
incontro tra le commissioni Difesa dei due Paesi. Il ministro Tadic
ha inoltre chiesto il sostegno dell'Italia perche' il suo Paese
ottenga lo status di partecipante al partenariato per la pace ed alla
forza internazionale di pace Isaf in Afghanistan; un'aspirazione
condivisa da Ramponi, il quale ha assicurato ''ogni sforzo
possibile'' in questo senso. (ANSA). FLB
19/11/2003 14:13
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/serbiamontenegro/20031119141332760482.html
---
> http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
> 11/27/332122.html
Serbia-Montenegro to build partnership relations with NATO
Belgrade, Nov 27, 2003 - Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic
said late on Wednesday following a meeting with NATO Secretary-General
George Robertson that Serbia-Montenegro should build partnership
relations with NATO.
Covic told Robertson that the future professional soldiers of
Serbia-Montenegro should be first sent to flash points around the
country, such as southern Serbia, and only after that they could be
incorporated into UN peacekeeping missions in Afghanistan.
The Serbian Deputy Prime Minister and the NATO Secretary General agreed
that Serbia-Montenegro and NATO should be partners in the upcoming
processes, and Covic added that the talks on the participation of the
country's soldiers in the international peacekeeping missions should be
continued.
Covic and Robertson also talked about the situation in Kosovo-Metohija
and the "standards before status" principle, as well as about the
country's accession to the Partnership for Peace, and continuation of
reforms in the country.
Robertson also met in Belgrade with Serbia-Montenegrin President
Svetozar Marovic, Minister of Foreign Affairs Goran Svilanovic and
Minister of Defence Boris Tadic.
=====
I PROFUGHI CREPANO DI FAME
=====
http://news.serbianunity.net/bydate/2003/December_05/6.html
Agence France-Presse, December 5, 2003
Serb refugees: Out of sight, out of mind
PANCEVO -- Dragana Vitosevic, a nine-year-old Serb
girl from Kosovo, has spent almost half her life in a
refugee centre in Pancevo, a grim industrial town near
the Serbian capital Belgrade.
She is just one of around 700,000 Serbs, those who
fled or were driven from their homes during the wars
in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo in the 1990s. Now they
make up about 10 percent of Serbia's population.
It is a burgeoning underclass which Serbia cannot
afford to support, and now even the United Nations is
looking for an "exit strategy" so it can focus on new
crises such as Afghanistan and Iraq.
"The problem is donor fatigue. Donors believe that
after eight years the humanitarian crisis is ending
here and they are turning to other hot spots," Andrej
Mahecic, spokesman for Serbia-Montenegro operations of
the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), told AFP.
He said the "trend of lower (aid) budgets will
continue," noting that the UNHCR had managed to raise
only 12.8 million dollars for its Serbia-Montenegro
operations next year compared to 18.9 million in
2003."This does not mean an end of all UNHCR aid
operations, but rather an exit strategy from the
humanitarian crisis situation," he said.
Paul Emes, the Belgrade delegation chief for the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, said that by the end of the year aid
distributions from the World Food Programme and the
UNHCR will have "ceased." "There is also no funding
foreseen for soup kitchens from international donors
after the end of April," he said.
The Red Cross of Serbia and Montenegro distributes
international aid to 56,000 refugees and provides food
to 12,500 others in soup kitchens every day, he said.
"The government of Serbia and Montenegro clearly
understands that these poor, vulnerable and hungry
people are its responsibility, but despite its
commitment lacks the resources to finance these
humanitarian assistance operations fully," Emes said.
"As such, there is a real risk of hunger and
increasing vulnerability. The Federation therefore
calls upon the international community to support the
government to assist its most vulnerable people."
For Dragana, there was no birthday cake or candles
when she turned nine last week in the tiny room which
she shares with her family. Crowded in by stacked beds
and a small refrigerator, there is barely enough space
for the oven where Dragana and her mother, Ankica,
prepared their favorite meal: "Kosovo pie" with cheese
and cabbage. "This is not life, this is a fight for
survival. My smile is not a smile, it is a grimace of
hopelessness," said Ankica, who worked for 25 years in
the textile industry in Kosovo before the family fled
the war there in 1999. They receive no more than 30
euros (36 dollars) per month in foreign aid, and even
that may disappear next year.
"The announced international disengagement is
premature. These people should not be forgotten," said
Vesna Milenkovic, the secretary of Serbia's Red Cross.
More than a decade since the fall of communism in
Serbia, the benefits of capitalism are not trickling
down to ordinary people. Two thirds of the population
live on less than 160 euros a month and more than one
million people are unemployed, out of a population of
10 million.
Industrial production actually fell this year,
according to government figures. Political instability
following the ouster of former Yugoslav president
Slobodan Milosevic in 2000 has stymied foreign
investment.
Analysts say the poverty and hopelessness is good news
for a new breed of nationalist politicians. Opinion
polls last week showed the ultra-nationalist Serbian
Radical Party will emerge as the strongest single
party in the country after general elections on
December 28.
Milan Skoko, a senior Red Cross official based near
Pancevo, said the wealthy nations of Western Europe
should be ashamed of the poverty in their own
backyard. "The situation is catastrophic. If the
international aid runs out of steam, people will begin
dying of hunger. It will bring shame to Europe in the
21st century," he said.
---
http://www.ifrc.org/docs/news/03/03121001/
Surviving day-to-day in Serbia
10 December 2003
by Marie-Françoise Borel in Stara Pazova
"Just give me a normal job, and I will be able to
buy a house and give my children a better future."
There is frustration, resentment and sadness in
Gojko Grubic's voice as he thinks back on the eight
years which have passed since he was forced to flee
with his parents, his wife, Mira, and their two children
from Benkovac, a village now in Croatia.
Mira, 38, was pregnant then with their third child.
They left their house, their land, their garden by
tractor on August 4, 1995, and entered Serbia on
August 12. The baby was born in Pancevo, a town just
northeast of Belgrade, ten days later.
Gojko and his family are among an estimated 700,000
people living in Serbia and Montenegro, who have
been displaced by the successive conflicts in the
region since 1991. More than 95 per cent of them are
housed in private accommodation, just like the Grubic
family.
After spending five years living in a collective
centre in Kragujevac, some 90 km south of Belgrade,
they moved to Stara Pazova, 40 km north of Belgrade,
where Gojko thought he would have a better chance of
finding a job. Nearly 40 per cent of the town's population
of 60,000 are refugees or displaced.
Gojko, 46, is a plumber by trade and his wife used
to work in a factory. Now, he scrambles for odd
plumbing jobs in private homes. Mira cleans houses
and does some laundry.
Precarious
"In a good month," Mira explains, "we are able
to make 300 euros, but we pay 75 euros in rent for the
house, plus electricity and school fees. Today,
there is enough for food, but tomorrow? We are
living day-to-day," she says. If they do not come up
with the money to pay the rent, they will be
expelled from their small house.
Survival is precarious in Serbia where, according to
the government's latest survey, published in April
2003, some 1.6 million people, out of a population
of 7.5 million, live at or just below the poverty
line equivalent to 67 euros a month. Those statistics
do not take into account the refugees and displaced people who
are considered even more vulnerable than the local
population.
The Red Cross of Serbia and Montenegro is doing its
best to provide them with the essentials for sheer
survival, providing monthly food supplies - 12 kg
wheat flour, 1 kg sugar, 1 litre oil, 1 kg beans per
person - to those over 65 years old and to children.
It also serves 42,000 meals a day to the poorest.
Such help is welcome in a country where the economy
and government resources are insufficient to meet
the needs of the poorest. But with most
international aid ending at the end of the winter,
the Red Cross will have to cut back its assistance.
Milan Skoko, Secretary of the Stara Pazova Red Cross
branch explains just how serious the situation is in
this town, which has received 23,000 refugees since
1992, most of them coming from the Krajina region in
1995: "The situation is particularly critical. A
large number of people are too young, too old or too
sick to work. And those who can work cannot find jobs. If
humanitarian aid stops, people will starve in the heart of Europe.
This conclusion is drawn from the facts, not from my
imagination.”
Return impossible
The Grubic family wants to stay in Serbia, as their
house has been burned and return is impossible for
them. They are placing their hope in their children,
and trying to put them through school so they have a
chance for a better future.
The three children are good students; the eldest,
their 19-year-old son, Ljubisa, is working towards a
diploma in technological sciences, while their
daughter, Milena, 17, is studying to be a
pharmacist. They are both in Belgrade since local schools
cannot offer them the same opportunities.
Grandfather Savo Grubic, 75, has just lost his wife.
He says, wistfully: "It’s been difficult for me, but
my life is almost over, and now I worry about my
children's and my grandchildren’s future.”
The situation is just as bad for the refugees as it
is for the local population, says Milan Skoko. “What
will the Red Cross do when we have no more food to
distribute? How will these people survive? They must
not be forgotten.”
=====
GAZPROM, LUKOIL, PHILIP MORRIS ED AMERICAN TOBACCO... TUTTI ADDOSSO
ALLE SPOGLIE DI UN PAESE
=====
Agreement on settling Serbian oil company's debt to Gazprom reached
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
11/11/331868.html
Lukoil acquires Beopetrol fuel chain
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
09/26/
331152.html
Philip Morris and British American Tobacco Enter the Serbian Market (by
Dusan Kosanovic)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=20730
---
Le puntate precedenti - in ordine cronologico inverso - su:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2863
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2699
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2683
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2680
Vedi anche:
La situazione nella Serbia jugoslava, Ottobre 2003
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2964
Serbia: non si intravede la fine della crisi (Ruzica Milosavljevic)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2941
Protests and political crisis in Serbia
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2931
Serbia: i lavoratori in piazza a Smederevo e Belgrado
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2907
STRIKE AT US-OWNED SERBIAN STEEL PLANT
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2869
---
NOTA A MARGINE
Nessun organo di informazione italiano si degna di analizzare,
tantomeno di commentare, le condizioni sociali in Serbia, determinatesi
dopo la presa del potere da parte delle destre filo-occidentali
nell'ottobre 2003. Il caso "Telekom Serbia" viene usato a fini di
strumentalizzazione politica interna, ma delle devastanti
privatizzazioni attuali - di quelle vere, insomma - non si parla.
Questo "embargo" informativo sussiste anche e soprattutto per gli
organi di stampa di "sinistra", che fino all'ottobre 2000 avevano
viceversa dedicato tantissimo spazio ed una attenzione costante -
benche' spesso morbosa, "deviata" e deviante - alle tragedie in atto
nei Balcani ed ai soggetti e movimenti attivi su quei territori -
soprattutto la vezzeggiatissima "opposizione" serba.
Potremmo al limite comprendere, pur senza giustificarlo, il silenzio
sulla grave involuzione politica, che ha comportato addirittura la
completa omissione dalle cronache e dai commenti della cancellazione
della Jugoslavia dalle cartine geografiche (il paese, in seguito ad un
decreto della nuova classe dirigente di destra, voluto da Solana, si
chiama oggi "Unione di Serbia e Montenegro"). Quello che pero' non
possiamo assolutamente ne' capire ne' accettare, da parte di
"Liberazione" ed "Il Manifesto" in primo luogo, e' la totale assenza di
qualsivoglia analisi sugli effetti delle politiche neoliberiste piu'
feroci, attuate in un paese e contro un popolo cosi' concretamente
vicini.
Le svendite, i licenziamenti, la demolizione dello stato sociale,
l'abbandono di centinaia di migliaia di profughi (politicamente
"inopportuni") da parte delle istituzioni sia serbe che internazionali,
i crescenti legami con gli USA e con la NATO, i diktat delle
istituzioni finanziarie internazionali, la chiusura di moltissime
aziende, le iniziative del movimento di solidarieta' verso i lavoratori
jugoslavi da anni attivo in Italia, l'imposizione del regime "di
emergenza" la scorsa primavera, con le torture in carcere e gli arresti
indiscriminati, la persistente violazione dei diritti politici delle
opposizioni antiliberiste... per non parlare del regime di terrore
instaurato in Kosmet - a tutto questo "Il Manifesto" e "Liberazione"
non dedicano nessuno spazio. Questo atteggiamento e'
giornalisticamente becero, politicamente squallido e moralmente
ignobile.
Questo dato di fatto non ci assolve, certo, dalle nostre proprie
responsabilita' in quanto amici della Jugoslavia: siamo noi stessi
incapaci. Incapaci di comunicare con il movimento contro la guerra,
incapaci di costruire iniziative comuni, incapaci di esprimere
coralmente una nostra posizione. Ci perdiamo tra invettive moralistiche
(compresa la presente) ed iniziative solidaristiche, atte a
tranquillizzare le nostre proprie coscienze, senza cambiare nulla.
La crisi nei Balcani tornera' ad esplodere - innanzitutto a causa della
"patata bollente" del Kosovo. La opinione pubblica italiana non sara'
stata informata di niente, i militanti della sinistra antiliberista e
pacifista saranno stati privati degli strumenti per capire ed agire.
Andrea Martocchia
=====
PRIVATIZZAZIONI A RAFFICA
=====
http://www.b92.net/english/news/index.php?nav_id=25818&style=headlines
Beta, December 4, 2003
Mass privatisation auction today
BELGRADE -- Thursday – A thousand Serbian companies go
under the hammer of the Privatisation Agency’s
auctioneer today, Privatisation Minister Aleksandar
Vlahovic has announced.
Vlahovic told media that over the past two and a half
years, 1.3 billion euros had been raised in state
company sell-offs, with a further 750 million euros
invested as part of sale contracts.
Another 260 million euros has been put into social
welfare programs for workers made redundant by company
restructuring.
Vlahovic added that no major companies will be
scheduled for sale until a new government is formed to
avoid any suspicion of irregularity.
---
SERBIA: PRIVATIZZAZIONI, QUOTA 1.000 IMPRESE VENDUTE
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 4 DIC - Ha raggiunto la quota di mille aziende
vendute il programma di privatizzazioni portato avanti dalla Serbia
dopo la caduta del regime dell'ex presidente jugoslavo Slobodan
Milosevic. Oggi e' stata ufficializzata la cessione della compagnia
'Inos metalli' di Belgrado, acquistata per 191 milioni di dinari
(circa 2.850.000 euro) dall'azienda montenegrina 'Interprom'.
All'asta avevano partecipato anche imprese tedesche e greche, e
l'offerta iniziale e' stata moltiplicata di venti volte. Finora la
maggior parte del programma di privatizzazioni ha comunque coinvolto
piccole e medie imprese, con pochissimi investimenti esteri. I giganti
industriali dell'epoca comunista sono infatti troppo obsoleti, con
manodopera in eccesso e con troppi debiti per risvegliare l'interesse
dei grandi investitori. Il programma di privatizzazioni in Serbia
ha avuto un costo sociale elevato, alimentando il numero dei
disoccupati, che tocca ormai il milione di persone, un terzo della
popolazione attiva. Lo stato pero' ha incamerato 1,3 miliardi di euro,
altri 700 milioni sono stati reinvestiti nelle imprese privatizzate e
280 milioni sono stati stanziati per la previdenza sociale.
La quota di mille privatizzazioni e' stata festeggiata dal ministro
responsabile del programma, Aleksandar Vlahovic, con un'asta di
beneficenza nella quale sono stati messi all'incanto il martelletto
usato per battere la prima vendita di un'azienda statale, una copia
della prima gazzetta ufficiale che indiceva la gara e il primo invito
pubblico per l'asta: il ricavato, destinato al fondo per l'infanzia,
e' stato di 1,77 milioni di dinari, ovvero 26.400 euro. (ANSA).
OT 04/12/2003 17:17
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/serbiamontenegro/20031204171732776659.html
---
LINK:
1,000th Serbian company goes private
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/04/332244.html
=====
FMI, USA, BEI, AER... TUTTI SODDISFATTI DELLA POLITICA ECONOMICA DEL
REGIME DI BELGRADO
=====
LINKS:
IMF welcomes Serbia's tax administration reform
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/03/332206.html
US Restores Normal Trade Relations with Serbia-Montenegro (by Dusan
Kosanovic)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=21874
US resumes normal trade relations with Serbia-Montenegro
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/03/332222.html
EIB and Serbian government continue cooperation
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/12/332400.html
EAR to help Serbian infrastructure development agency start operations
with 10.5 million euros
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
12/12/332402.html
=====
L'AUTUNNO CALDO DELLA SERBIA
=====
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
EEconomy.htm#No%20major%20progress%20achieved%20in%20talks%20between%20t
rade%20unions,%20US%20Steel
Tanjug - November 6, 2003
No major progress achieved in talks between trade
unions, US Steel
20:27 SMEDEREVO , Nov 6 (Tanjug) - The general strike
of US Steel Serbia workers is entering its second
month and the management is doing nothing to seriously
review strikers' demands, it was said on Thursday by
the strikers' committee made up of the representative
trade unions of the former Sartid concern.
Although it has not observed any of the obligations
envisaged under the Law on the Strike, collective
agreement and signed protocol, the company management
is behaving as if it is not a side in the dispute and
is neglecting its obligations, the statement said.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25463&order=priority&style=headlines
Beta - November 12, 2003
Union alliance announces nationwide protests
BELGRADE -- Tuesday – The Alliance of Independent
Serbian Unions has announced a series of protests
across Serbia.
Union member Dragan Zarubica said that protest rallies
would be held in Nis, Krusevac, Zrenjanin, Cacak,
Raska and “several other towns”.
The Alliance organised a protest rally in Belgrade
last month, attracting more than 10,000 workers.
Speakers called on the government to step down and
slate early elections.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25460&order=priority&style=headlines
FoNet, November 12, 2003
Borba workers on strike
BELGRADE -- Tuesday – Employees at Belgrade daily
Borba went on general strike today over late pay.
Union leader Obrad Gacic said workers were demanding
the dismissal of manager Zoran Kalicanin and the
president of the board of directors, Zarko Jokanovic.
He claimed that workers had not been paid since
August, and said Kalicanin was responsible.
Around 800 of the 1,500 workers are currently on
strike, said Gacic, adding that he expected the number
to reach 1,000 by the end of the day.
---
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/yugo1113.php
Thousands battle police in Belgrade
Union workers demand gov't resign
By John Catalinotto
Ten thousand workers struck the Sartid steel complex in Smederevo,
Serbia, on Oct. 14. Two weeks later, on Oct. 29, the largest workers'
demonstration since the overthrow of the government of Slobodan
Milosevic in October 2000 marched on the Serb parliament in Belgrade.
Thou sands of demonstrators demanded an end to privatization of
state-owned companies and the resignation of the government.
These two events, seemingly so far removed from here, impact directly
on the lives of workers in the United States.
To understand this, it helps to know that the U.S. Steel Corporation
had bought Sartid a month before the strike. Access to this
technologically advanced plant and its 10,000 skilled workers cost the
giant U.S. corporation a mere $23 million, although Yugoslavia had
invested $1 billion in it from 1990 to 2000. The steel complex produces
specialized steel that has buyers on the world market.
But the best part of it all--as the owners of U.S. Steel see it--is
that these workers with more than 30 years experience receive the
equivalent of $159 per month. According to an article by Spomenka
Deretic in the Oct. 17 issue of the Serb journal Artel, their pay is 33
Serbian dinars per hour, or about 65 cents. The union is asking for 55
dinars, or about $1.10.
Deretic's article compares the low wages of the workers at Sartid with
the higher wages paid at a U.S. Steel plant in nearby Slovakia--where
workers get $3.74 an hour--and with workers at U.S. Steel here, who are
paid $15 to $25 per hour.
The strike--at least the first phase of it--lasted until Oct. 23, when
negotiations started. What worker in the U.S. would not see this strike
as completely justified?
Workers here might also be outraged that U.S. Steel could go into the
Balkans or into Central Europe to find skilled, talented workers and
force them to accept one-25th of what steel workers get here.
But it is harder to see the connection between those low wages and the
so-called humanitarian war the U.S. and its NATO allies waged against
Yugoslavia over four years ago. Or how that war allowed the
privatization and sell-off of major Yugoslav industries.
Clinton's lie that this was a "humanitarian" war was as big as the Bush
administration's tale that the invasion of Iraq has nothing to do with
oil.
Before the 78-day bombing of Yugo slavia and the overthrow of the
government led by the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) the following
year, the steel plant was off-limits to U.S. capital. Replacing that
government with parties and individuals tied to Western governments and
banking interests has opened up Yugoslav industry to the world, that
is, to the imperialist world, to the same monopolies that control
economic life in the West.
Before this happened, the Yugoslav state protected its workers against
foreign capital. It also, in effect, protected U.S. workers from
competition. At least no big U.S. corporation could just take over and
make decisions to fire workers in Serbia, then a part of Yugoslavia.
The same was true in Slovakia, which before the 1990s was part of
socialist Czechoslovakia.
The U.S. Steel purchase of Sartid is only one of 882 major purchases at
low prices of Yugoslav industries by U.S. and West European capital.
They paid $1.4 billion in total to the regime, of which about 50
percent is from U.S. corporations. Less than 25 percent of these funds
went to social benefits for the 110,000 workers, who in the former
Yugoslavia were considered owners of the industries.
In most cases, the company taking over an industry savagely cut the
work force. In some, they just stopped production entire ly, to destroy
competition with their other factories around the world. But Sartid's
highly developed electronically run machines, especially its technology
for finishing the steel, and its work force, made it a going concern.
Workers march on parliament
What also made Sartid remarkable is that the workers fought back. And
they did so as workers in all of Serbia were preparing to battle the
pro-NATO government.
On Oct. 29-31 thousands of workers protested before the parliament in
Bel grade, called out by the Alliance of Inde pendent Serbian Unions.
Meanwhile Par li ament was debating a no-confidence vote in the
government. Many of the workers, including the miners, were from unions
that in October 2000 had supported the parties now in office.
Police stopped buses filled with workers from arriving at the capital.
On Oct. 30, they used teargas to break up the protest.
After three years of a post-Milosevic, pro-capitalist, pro-NATO
government that is even promising to send troops to Iraq and is helping
turn the former Yugo slavia into a colony of the West, the organized
workers in Yugoslavia are showing resistance.
Meanwhile, Milosevic has been battling charges at The Hague,
Netherlands, for alleged war crimes. He has represented himself before
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY),
which was organized by the same NATO countries that launched a brutal
78-day bombing campaign of that country. Many accounts assert that
Milosevic's determined political defense and sharp cross-examinations
have stymied the ICTY prosecutors. NATO's court has failed to prove its
case.
In synch with the growing resistance inside Serbia, groups of emigrants
from Yugoslavia plus European organizations that defend Milosevic will
march on The Hague Nov. 8, demanding that the former Yugoslav president
be released from prison and given two years to prepare his defense case.
They say that by standing steadfastly against the ICTY, countering all
the lies told about Serb people, and straightening out the facts about
NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, Milosevic has been doing a
service, not only to Serbia and Yugoslavia, but to the workers of the
world and anyone fighting U.S. imperialism.
Reprinted from the Nov. 13, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
=====
COLLABORAZIONE MILITARE CRESCENTE
=====
ITALIA-SERBIA: RAMPONI INCONTRA MINISTRO DIFESA TADIC
(ANSA) - ROMA, 19 NOV - Il presidente della commissione Difesa della
Camera Luigi Ramponi ha incontrato oggi a Montecitorio il ministro
della Difesa di Serbia e Montenegro Boris Tadic. Nel corso di un
incontro ''lungo e cordiale'', Ramponi e Tadic hanno manifestato
''reciproco compiacimento'' per l'avvio di concreti rapporti di
collaborazione nel settore della Difesa tra Italia e
Serbia-Montenegro, e sono state create le premesse per un futuro
incontro tra le commissioni Difesa dei due Paesi. Il ministro Tadic
ha inoltre chiesto il sostegno dell'Italia perche' il suo Paese
ottenga lo status di partecipante al partenariato per la pace ed alla
forza internazionale di pace Isaf in Afghanistan; un'aspirazione
condivisa da Ramponi, il quale ha assicurato ''ogni sforzo
possibile'' in questo senso. (ANSA). FLB
19/11/2003 14:13
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/serbiamontenegro/20031119141332760482.html
---
> http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
> 11/27/332122.html
Serbia-Montenegro to build partnership relations with NATO
Belgrade, Nov 27, 2003 - Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic
said late on Wednesday following a meeting with NATO Secretary-General
George Robertson that Serbia-Montenegro should build partnership
relations with NATO.
Covic told Robertson that the future professional soldiers of
Serbia-Montenegro should be first sent to flash points around the
country, such as southern Serbia, and only after that they could be
incorporated into UN peacekeeping missions in Afghanistan.
The Serbian Deputy Prime Minister and the NATO Secretary General agreed
that Serbia-Montenegro and NATO should be partners in the upcoming
processes, and Covic added that the talks on the participation of the
country's soldiers in the international peacekeeping missions should be
continued.
Covic and Robertson also talked about the situation in Kosovo-Metohija
and the "standards before status" principle, as well as about the
country's accession to the Partnership for Peace, and continuation of
reforms in the country.
Robertson also met in Belgrade with Serbia-Montenegrin President
Svetozar Marovic, Minister of Foreign Affairs Goran Svilanovic and
Minister of Defence Boris Tadic.
=====
I PROFUGHI CREPANO DI FAME
=====
http://news.serbianunity.net/bydate/2003/December_05/6.html
Agence France-Presse, December 5, 2003
Serb refugees: Out of sight, out of mind
PANCEVO -- Dragana Vitosevic, a nine-year-old Serb
girl from Kosovo, has spent almost half her life in a
refugee centre in Pancevo, a grim industrial town near
the Serbian capital Belgrade.
She is just one of around 700,000 Serbs, those who
fled or were driven from their homes during the wars
in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo in the 1990s. Now they
make up about 10 percent of Serbia's population.
It is a burgeoning underclass which Serbia cannot
afford to support, and now even the United Nations is
looking for an "exit strategy" so it can focus on new
crises such as Afghanistan and Iraq.
"The problem is donor fatigue. Donors believe that
after eight years the humanitarian crisis is ending
here and they are turning to other hot spots," Andrej
Mahecic, spokesman for Serbia-Montenegro operations of
the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), told AFP.
He said the "trend of lower (aid) budgets will
continue," noting that the UNHCR had managed to raise
only 12.8 million dollars for its Serbia-Montenegro
operations next year compared to 18.9 million in
2003."This does not mean an end of all UNHCR aid
operations, but rather an exit strategy from the
humanitarian crisis situation," he said.
Paul Emes, the Belgrade delegation chief for the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, said that by the end of the year aid
distributions from the World Food Programme and the
UNHCR will have "ceased." "There is also no funding
foreseen for soup kitchens from international donors
after the end of April," he said.
The Red Cross of Serbia and Montenegro distributes
international aid to 56,000 refugees and provides food
to 12,500 others in soup kitchens every day, he said.
"The government of Serbia and Montenegro clearly
understands that these poor, vulnerable and hungry
people are its responsibility, but despite its
commitment lacks the resources to finance these
humanitarian assistance operations fully," Emes said.
"As such, there is a real risk of hunger and
increasing vulnerability. The Federation therefore
calls upon the international community to support the
government to assist its most vulnerable people."
For Dragana, there was no birthday cake or candles
when she turned nine last week in the tiny room which
she shares with her family. Crowded in by stacked beds
and a small refrigerator, there is barely enough space
for the oven where Dragana and her mother, Ankica,
prepared their favorite meal: "Kosovo pie" with cheese
and cabbage. "This is not life, this is a fight for
survival. My smile is not a smile, it is a grimace of
hopelessness," said Ankica, who worked for 25 years in
the textile industry in Kosovo before the family fled
the war there in 1999. They receive no more than 30
euros (36 dollars) per month in foreign aid, and even
that may disappear next year.
"The announced international disengagement is
premature. These people should not be forgotten," said
Vesna Milenkovic, the secretary of Serbia's Red Cross.
More than a decade since the fall of communism in
Serbia, the benefits of capitalism are not trickling
down to ordinary people. Two thirds of the population
live on less than 160 euros a month and more than one
million people are unemployed, out of a population of
10 million.
Industrial production actually fell this year,
according to government figures. Political instability
following the ouster of former Yugoslav president
Slobodan Milosevic in 2000 has stymied foreign
investment.
Analysts say the poverty and hopelessness is good news
for a new breed of nationalist politicians. Opinion
polls last week showed the ultra-nationalist Serbian
Radical Party will emerge as the strongest single
party in the country after general elections on
December 28.
Milan Skoko, a senior Red Cross official based near
Pancevo, said the wealthy nations of Western Europe
should be ashamed of the poverty in their own
backyard. "The situation is catastrophic. If the
international aid runs out of steam, people will begin
dying of hunger. It will bring shame to Europe in the
21st century," he said.
---
http://www.ifrc.org/docs/news/03/03121001/
Surviving day-to-day in Serbia
10 December 2003
by Marie-Françoise Borel in Stara Pazova
"Just give me a normal job, and I will be able to
buy a house and give my children a better future."
There is frustration, resentment and sadness in
Gojko Grubic's voice as he thinks back on the eight
years which have passed since he was forced to flee
with his parents, his wife, Mira, and their two children
from Benkovac, a village now in Croatia.
Mira, 38, was pregnant then with their third child.
They left their house, their land, their garden by
tractor on August 4, 1995, and entered Serbia on
August 12. The baby was born in Pancevo, a town just
northeast of Belgrade, ten days later.
Gojko and his family are among an estimated 700,000
people living in Serbia and Montenegro, who have
been displaced by the successive conflicts in the
region since 1991. More than 95 per cent of them are
housed in private accommodation, just like the Grubic
family.
After spending five years living in a collective
centre in Kragujevac, some 90 km south of Belgrade,
they moved to Stara Pazova, 40 km north of Belgrade,
where Gojko thought he would have a better chance of
finding a job. Nearly 40 per cent of the town's population
of 60,000 are refugees or displaced.
Gojko, 46, is a plumber by trade and his wife used
to work in a factory. Now, he scrambles for odd
plumbing jobs in private homes. Mira cleans houses
and does some laundry.
Precarious
"In a good month," Mira explains, "we are able
to make 300 euros, but we pay 75 euros in rent for the
house, plus electricity and school fees. Today,
there is enough for food, but tomorrow? We are
living day-to-day," she says. If they do not come up
with the money to pay the rent, they will be
expelled from their small house.
Survival is precarious in Serbia where, according to
the government's latest survey, published in April
2003, some 1.6 million people, out of a population
of 7.5 million, live at or just below the poverty
line equivalent to 67 euros a month. Those statistics
do not take into account the refugees and displaced people who
are considered even more vulnerable than the local
population.
The Red Cross of Serbia and Montenegro is doing its
best to provide them with the essentials for sheer
survival, providing monthly food supplies - 12 kg
wheat flour, 1 kg sugar, 1 litre oil, 1 kg beans per
person - to those over 65 years old and to children.
It also serves 42,000 meals a day to the poorest.
Such help is welcome in a country where the economy
and government resources are insufficient to meet
the needs of the poorest. But with most
international aid ending at the end of the winter,
the Red Cross will have to cut back its assistance.
Milan Skoko, Secretary of the Stara Pazova Red Cross
branch explains just how serious the situation is in
this town, which has received 23,000 refugees since
1992, most of them coming from the Krajina region in
1995: "The situation is particularly critical. A
large number of people are too young, too old or too
sick to work. And those who can work cannot find jobs. If
humanitarian aid stops, people will starve in the heart of Europe.
This conclusion is drawn from the facts, not from my
imagination.”
Return impossible
The Grubic family wants to stay in Serbia, as their
house has been burned and return is impossible for
them. They are placing their hope in their children,
and trying to put them through school so they have a
chance for a better future.
The three children are good students; the eldest,
their 19-year-old son, Ljubisa, is working towards a
diploma in technological sciences, while their
daughter, Milena, 17, is studying to be a
pharmacist. They are both in Belgrade since local schools
cannot offer them the same opportunities.
Grandfather Savo Grubic, 75, has just lost his wife.
He says, wistfully: "It’s been difficult for me, but
my life is almost over, and now I worry about my
children's and my grandchildren’s future.”
The situation is just as bad for the refugees as it
is for the local population, says Milan Skoko. “What
will the Red Cross do when we have no more food to
distribute? How will these people survive? They must
not be forgotten.”
=====
GAZPROM, LUKOIL, PHILIP MORRIS ED AMERICAN TOBACCO... TUTTI ADDOSSO
ALLE SPOGLIE DI UN PAESE
=====
Agreement on settling Serbian oil company's debt to Gazprom reached
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
11/11/331868.html
Lukoil acquires Beopetrol fuel chain
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2003-
09/26/
331152.html
Philip Morris and British American Tobacco Enter the Serbian Market (by
Dusan Kosanovic)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=20730
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Lun 15 Dic 2003 14:26:30 Europe/Rome
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Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Propaganda System Number One: From Diem and
Arbenz to Milosevic
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/HER312A.html
Propaganda System Number One:
From Diem and Arbenz to Milosevic
by Edward S. Herman
Propaganda, Politics, Power ISSN 1741-0754 Volume 1: 15-28 ~ 9 December
2003
www.globalresearch.ca 15 December 2003
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/HER312A.html
The way in which the mainstream media have handled the turning of
Milosevic over to the Hague Tribunal once again reinforces my belief
that the United States is not only number one in military power but
also in the effectiveness of its propaganda system, which is vastly
superior to any past or present state-managed system. The main
characteristic of the U.S. model is that, while offering diversity on
many subjects, on core issues--like "free trade" and the need for a
huge "defense" establishment--and on the occasions when the corporate
and political establishment needs their service--as in legitimating
George W. Bush's presidency in the wake of an electoral coup d'etat, or
supporting the "sanctions of mass destruction" on Iraq--the media can
be relied on to expound and propagandize what would be called a "party
line" if done in China. They do sometimes depart from the official
position as regards tactics, arguing, for example, that the government
is not attacking the enemy with sufficient ferocity (Iraq and
Yugoslavia), or that the cost of the enterprise is perhaps excessive
(the Vietnam war, from 1968), but that the enemy is truly evil and the
national cause meritorious is never debatable. The debates over tactics
helpfully obscure the agreement on ends.
A further important feature of the U.S. system is that this propaganda
service is provided without government censorship or coercion, by self-
censorship alone, with the truth of the propaganda line internalized by
the numerous media participants. This internalization of belief makes
it possible for media personnel to be enthusiastic spokespersons in
pushing the party line, thereby giving it a naturalness that is lacking
in crude systems of government-enforced propaganda.
A third feature of the system is that the party lines are regularly
supported by non-governmental and self-proclaimed "non-partisan"
thinktanks like the American Enterprise Institute and Independent
International Commission on Kosovo, non-governmental organizations like
the Open Society Institute and Human Rights Watch, and assorted
ex-leftists and liberal and left journals that on particular subjects
"see the light." These organizations are commonly funded by interests
(and governments) with an axe to grind, and they serve those interests,
but the media feature them as non-partisan and give special attention
to the ex-leftists and dissidents who now see the light. This helps
firm up the consensus and further marginalizes those still in darkness.
A final feature of the U.S. system is that it works so well that a
sizable fraction of the public doesn't recognize the media's propaganda
role, and accepts the media's own self-image as independent, adversary,
truth-seeking, and helping the public to "assert meaningful control
over the political process" (former Supreme Court Justice Lewis
Powell). This public bamboozlement is aided by the facts that the media
are fairly numerous, are not government controlled, have many true
believers among their editors and journalists (the second
characteristic), are supported by NGOs and elements of the "left" (the
third feature), and regularly proclaim their independence and squabble
furiously with government and among themselves. Even those who doubt
the media's claims of truth-seeking are often carried along, or
confused, by the force and self-assurance of the participants in this
great propaganda machine.
Party Line Consensus
An important operational characteristic of the system, which
facilitates general adherence to the party line without overt coercion,
is the assurance and speed with which the line is established as a
consensus truth, so that deviations and dissent quickly take on the
appearance of foolishness or pathology, as well as suspiciously
unpatriotic behavior. Noam Chomsky and I found that the very asking of
questions about the numerous fabrications, ideological role, and
absence of any beneficial effects for the victims in the anti-Khmer
Rouge propaganda campaign of 1975-1979 was unacceptable, and was
treated almost without exception as "apologetics for Pol Pot."
That "free trade" is beneficial and in the "national interest" whereas
"protectionism" is hurtful and a creature of "special interests" is a
consensus party line of the mainstream media today that profoundly
biases their treatment of trade agreements and protests against
corporate globalization at Seattle, Washington, D.C., Quebec City, and
Genoa (see Herman, "NAFTA, Mexican Meltdown, and the Propaganda
System," chapter 14 in Myth of the Liberal Media; Rachel Coen, "For
Press, Magenta Hair and Nose Rings Defined Protests," EXTRA!
[July-August 2000]; FAIR, "Action Alert: Police Violence in Genoa--Par
for the Course? Media complacency helps normalize assaults on
demonstrators," July 26, 2001).
The consensus around a party line is very quickly established in
dealing with international crises. Once an enemy is demonized-from Ho
Chi Minh in Vietnam and Jacobo Guzman Arbenz in Guatemala in the early
1950s to Slobodan Milosevic in the 1990s and up to today-the media
display a form of hysteria that helps mobilize the public in support of
whatever forms of violence the government wishes to carry out. They
become a virtual propaganda arm of the government, joining with it in
the common fight against "another Hitler." Under these conditions
remarkable structures of disinformation can be built,
institutionalized, and remain parts of historic memory even in the face
of ex post confutations, which are kept out of sight.
Let me give a few short illustrations before showing how this
exceptional propaganda service applies to the Milosevic/Tribunal case.
Red Threat as Party Line: Vietnam and Guatemala
In the Cold War years, propaganda service and mobilization of the
public was commonly framed around the Red Threat. This general
demonization of the target produced the requisite hysteria and media
identification with "us" and complete loss of critical capability. When
the U.S.-imported puppet to South Vietnam, Ngo Dinh Diem, won a
plebiscite in 1954 with over 99 percent of the votes, an outcome that
would elicit much sarcasm if realized in an enemy state, this was not
news here. And from then onward, U.S. support of a government
admittedly lacking an indigenous constituency, relying on state terror
and U.S. financial and military aid, was treated in the mainstream
media as entirely reasonable and just.
The self-deception and patriotic biases internalized by media personnel
were displayed in their 100 percent inability, from 1954 to today, to
call the U.S. intervention and ultimate direct invasion of Vietnam
either an "invasion" or "aggression." It was also beautifully
illustrated in James Reston's Orwellian statement of 1965 that the
United States, which from beginning to almost the very end believed it
could impose its preferred rulers by virtue of its superior military
power, was in Vietnam to establish the "principle...that no state shall
use military force or the threat of military force to achieve its
political objectives."
Another remarkable case of propaganda service occurred as the United
States destabilized Guatemala's democratic government in the years
1950-1953 and then removed it by means of a U.S.-organized "contra"
invasion in 1954. U.S. hostility began when this government passed a
law in 1947 allowing the organization of unions, and active
destabilization followed and accelerated upon its attempt to engage in
moderate land reforms, partly at the expense of the United Fruit
Company. From 1947 the search was on for "communists" to explain the
reformist policies and to rationalize the hostile intervention. The
U.S. mainstream media became completely hysterical over this Red Threat
from 1950 onward, very worried that Arbenz would not allow elections to
take place in 1951--this same media had not been bothered by the Ubico
dictatorship, 1931-44, and was entirely unconcerned with the absence of
democracy from 1954 onward--and featured a stream of alarming reports
on Red influence in that country and an alleged "reign of terror."
There were endless headlines in the New York Times like "Soviet Agents
Plotting to Ruin Unity, Defenses of America" (June 22, 1950);
"Guatemalan Reds Seek Full Power" (May 21, 1952); "How Communists Won
Control of Guatemala" (March 1, 1953), and even The Nation ran a sleazy
putdown of the democratic government under attack (March 18, 1950).
This was all hysterical nonsense--even Court historian Ronald
Schneider, after reviewing the documents seized from the Reds in
Guatemala, concluded that the Reds had never controlled Guatemala, and
that the Soviet Union "made no significant or even material investment
in the Arbenz regime" and paid little attention to Central America--but
it was effective in making the overthrow of an elected government
acceptable to the U.S. public. And the media's propaganda service was
completed by their long cover-up of the hugely undemocratic aftermath
of the successful termination of the brief democratic experiment (on
the history of this propaganda campaign, Edward Herman, "Returning
Guatemala to the Fold," in Gary Rawnsley, ed., Cold-War Propaganda in
the 1950s [Macmillan, 1999]; more broadly, Piero Gleijeses, Shattered
Hope [Princeton, 1991]). No government-managed propaganda system could
have done a better job of mobilizing the public on the basis of
systematic disinformation; and the achievement here is especially
impressive given the fact that it was all done with the aim and effect
of ending a liberal democracy by violence and installing a terror state.
Bulgarian Connection
Another illustration of outstanding, even remarkable, propaganda
service, and one pertinent to the ongoing Milosevic-Tribunal drama
because it involved a judicial proceeding, was the "Bulgarian
Connection." The Reagan administration had been anxious to demonize the
Soviet Union in the early and mid-1980s, and the assassination attempt
against Pope John Paul II in May 1981, provided an opportunity to pin
the attempt on the KGB and their Bulgarian client. The Turkish fascist,
Mehmet Ali Agca, who had shot the Pope, had spent time in Bulgaria
(along with ten other countries). After 17 months in prison in Italy,
and after numerous visits by secret service, judicial, and papal
personnel, who had admittedly offered him inducements to "confess," he
claimed that he was on the Bulgarian-KGB payroll, had cased the joint
with Bulgarian officials in Rome, and had visited one of them in his
apartment. Although the case was laughably implausible, the U.S.
mainstream media bought it with enthusiasm, and failed to acknowledge
their gullibility and propaganda role even after CIA professionals told
congress during the CIA confirmation hearings on Robert Gates in 1991
that they knew the Connection was false because, among other reasons,
they had penetrated the Bulgarian secret services.
A very important feature of the media's treatment of the Bulgarian
Connection, very similar to that which they apply now to the Hague
Tribunal in its pursuit of Milosevic, was their pretense that the
Italian judiciary, police and political system were only seekers after
truth and justice, even a bit fearful of finding the Bulgarians guilty.
The New York Times even editorialized that the Reaganites were aghast
at the implications of a Soviet involvement in the assassination
attempt ("recoiled from the devastating implication that Bulgaria's
agents were bound to have acted only on a signal from Moscow," Oct. 30,
1984), a propaganda lie confuted by the CIA professionals in 1991, who
explained that their own doubts were overruled by the Reaganite leaders
of the CIA who insisted on pushing the Connection as true. The
Bulgarian Connection can be well explained by the exceptional
corruption of the Italian system and the service of this manufactured
connection to the Cold Warriors serving the Italian state (and their
U.S. parent). This explanation was expressed often in the Italian media
during the 1980s, but not in the U.S. mainstream media where, with only
insignificant exceptions, the propaganda line functioned without a
hitch. (See Herman and Brodhead, Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian
Connection, chap. 7.)
Hague Tribunal: Serving Us, So No Awkward Questions, Please!
In the case of the Hague Tribunal also, the mainstream media portray it
as a presumably unbiased judicial body seeking justice with an even
hand, despite the massive evidence that it is a political and
propaganda arm of the United States and other NATO powers. Its ultimate
propaganda service was performed in May, 1999, when the prosecutor of
the International Crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY),
Louise Arbour, announced the indictment of Yugoslav president Milosevic
and four associates for war crimes. This was done, hastily, at a time
when NATO was increasingly targeting the civilian infrastructure of
Yugoslavia in order to hasten that country's surrender. NATO needed
this public relations support as a cover for its own war crimes-- the
Sixth Convention of Nuremberg prohibits and makes a war crime the
targeting of civilian facilities not based on "military necessity"--and
the ICTY provided it, with the indictment quickly greeted by Albright
and James Rubin as justifying NATO's bombing policy.
To my knowledge the U.S. mainstream media have never once suggested
that this indictment servicing the NATO war discredited the Tribunal as
an independent judicial body. The New York Times's Steven Erlanger even
explained to Terry Gross that this indictment displayed Arbour's
independence, as she was allegedly fearful that Milosevic would escape
punishment in a political deal if she didn't move quickly! (Fresh Air,
National Public Radio, July 12, 2001). Erlanger was not alone in
offering this imbecile analysis, which not only failed to recognize the
indictment's service to NATO's immediate policy needs, but also ignored
other evidence of Arbour's and the Tribunal's deference to U.S. and
NATO desires.
The media also failed to raise any questions about Arbour's statement
of May 24, 1999, that although people are "entitled to the presumption
of innocence until they are convicted," she was issuing the indictment
because "the evidence...raises serious questions about their
suitability to be guarantors of any deal, let alone a peace
agreement"--that is, she found them guilty before they were convicted
and thought that on this basis she should interfere with any possible
political settlement.
On the other hand, Arbour and her successor Carla Del Ponte have never
found allies of the NATO powers or the NATO powers themselves worthy of
indictment, even when they did exactly the same things for which the
NATO targets were indictable. Thus, Serb leader Milan Martic was
indicted for launching a rocket cluster-bomb attack on military targets
in Zagreb in May 1995, with the very use of cluster bombs cited by the
Tribunal as showing the aim of "terrorizing the civilians of Zagreb."
But NATO's cluster-bomb raids on Nis on May 7, 1999, far from any
military target, and the 48-hour Croat army shelling of civilian
targets in the city of Knim during the August 1995 Croat Operation
Storm, produced no indictments. Operation Storm, supported by U.S.
officials and helped by U.S.-related professional advisers, resulted in
large-
scale expulsions and the killing of many Serb civilians, but neither
Croat leader Tudjman nor the supportive U.S. officials were indicted,
and Croat military officials also escaped indictment till Del Ponte
recently claimed several in an effort to show her "balance" in the
context of the bringing of Milosevic to The Hague. This double
standard, which makes a mockery of justice, has been of absolutely no
interest to the U.S. mainstream media; and in his long session with
Terry Gross on July 12, when asked "What Americans might be brought to
stand trial before an international court?," Steven Erlanger failed to
come up with a single name for any actions in the Balkans (and Gross
did not follow up on his non-response).
Under pressure to address NATO's wartime activities, which had resulted
in the deaths of many Serb civilians--estimates run from 500 to
3,000--Tribunal prosecutor Carla Del Ponte issued a report in June
2000, that declared NATO not guilty. But the document supporting this
conclusion was not based on any investigation by the Tribunal, and it
openly acknowledged a heavy dependence on NATO sources, asserting "that
the NATO and NATO countries press statements are generally reliable and
that explanations have been honestly given." Canadian legal scholar and
expert on the Tribunal, Michael Mandel, asks: "Can you imagine how many
indictments would have been issued against the Serb leadership if the
Prosecutor had stopped at the FRY press releases?" But this remarkable
Del Ponte report was of no interest to the mainstream media.
Also of no interest to the media is the fact that the Tribunal has been
described by John Laughland in the Times (London) as "a rogue court
with rigged rules" (June 17, 1999). As normal practice it violates
virtually every standard of due process: it fails to separate
prosecution and judge; it does not accord the right to bail or a speedy
trial; it has no clear definition of burden of proof required for a
conviction; it has no independent appeal body; it allows a defendant to
be tried twice for the same crime; suspects can be held for 90 days
without trial; confessions are presumed to be free and voluntary unless
the contrary is established by the prisoner; and witnesses can testify
anonymously, with hearsay evidence admissible. These points are almost
never mentioned in the U.S. mainstream media or considered relevant to
the legitimacy of the Tribunal or the likelihood that Milosevic will
get a fair trial.
The Tribunal's biased performance follows from the fact that it was
organized by the United States and its close allies, is funded by them
and staffed with their approval, and depends on them for information
and other support. The Tribunal's charter requirements that its
expenses shall be provided in the UN general budget (Article 32), and
that the Prosecutor shall act independently and not take instructions
from any government (Article 16), have been systematically ignored.
Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, former president of the Hague Tribunal--before
that a director, and now "Special Counsel to the Chairman on Human
Rights," of Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., a notorious human
rights violator working in Irian Jaya with the cooperation of the
Indonesian army--stated in 1999 that Tribunal personnel regard
Madeleine Albright as the "mother of the tribunal." NATO PR man Jamie
Shea pointed out in a May 17, 1999 press conference in Brussels that
Arbour will investigate "because we will allow her to;" that the NATO
countries are the ones "that have provided the finance to set up the
Tribunal;" that they are the ones who do the leg work "and have been
detaining indicted war criminals"; and that when she "looks at the
facts she will be indicting people of Yugoslav nationality" and not
folks from NATO.
But neither this open admission that the NATO powers controlled the
Tribunal, nor the evidence of serious abuses of the judicial process
that has characterized its work, have been of interest to the
mainstream media. As with the prosecution of the Bulgarian Connection,
the Hague Tribunal is servicing the U.S. government and its aims, and
the media therefore regard any bias or political service as reasonable
and take them as givens. Because of their internalized belief that
their country is good and would only support justice, the media can't
even imagine that any conflict of interest exists. This is deep bias.
Also, no questions come up in this context as to why there are no
tribunals for Suharto, Wiranto (the Indonesian general in charge of the
destruction of East Timor in 1999), or Ariel Sharon. These are our
allies, even if major state terrorists, who received and still receive
our support, so that in a well-managed propaganda system the failure to
mention their exclusion from a system of global enforcement of the new
ethical order opposed to ethnic cleansing and human rights violations
is entirely appropriate.
Disinformation as Consensus History: Milosevic and the Balkans
From the time the U.S. government decided to target Milosevic and the
Serbs as the root of Balkan evil in the early 1990s, the U.S.
propaganda system began its work of demonization of the target,
enhanced atrocities management, and the necessary rewriting of history.
The integration of government needs and media service was essentially
complete, and was beautifully symbolized by the marriage during the
crisis years of State Department PR chief James Rubin and Christiane
Amanpour, CNN's main reporter on the Kosovo war, whose reports could
have come from Rubin himself. More recently, in connection with
Milosevic's transfer to the Hague, Amanpour entertained Richard
Holbrooke on the subject, and the two, speaking as old comrades-in-arms
congratulated one another on a joint success, just as a
policy-enforcing official might express mutual congratulations with a
PR officer (Holbrooke applauded Amanpour's "fantastic coverage of the
war throughout the last decade" [CNN Live At Daybreak, June 29, 2001]).
It should be noted that Holbrooke visited Zagreb two days before
Croatia launched Operation Storm in August 1995, almost certainly
talking over and giving U.S. approval to the imminent military
operation, reminiscent of Henry Kissinger's visit to Jakarta just
before Indonesia's invasion of East Timor in September 1975. As
Operation Storm involved a major program of killings and expulsions,
with killings greatly in excess of the numbers attributed to Milosevic
in the Tribunal indictment of May 22, 1999, an excellent case can be
made that Holbrooke should be being tried for war crimes. We may also
be sure that Christiane Amanpour's "fantastic coverage" of the wars in
Yugoslavia did not deal with Operation Storm or mention Holbrooke's and
the U.S. role in that butchery and massive ethnic cleansing.
As NATO prepared to go to war, which began on March 24, 1999, the media
followed the official lead in focusing heavily on Serb atrocities in
Kosovo, with great and indignant attention to the Racak massacre of
January 15, 1999. The failure of the Rambouillet Conference they blamed
on Serb intransigence, again following the official line. During the
78-day bombing war the media focused even more intensively on
atrocities (Serb, not NATO), and passed along the official estimates of
100,000 Kosovo Albanian murders (U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen),
and other estimates, smaller and larger. They also accepted the claim
that the Serb violence that followed the bombing would have taken place
anyway, by plan, so that the bombing, instead of causing the escalated
violence was justified by its occurrence ex post.
In the post-bombing era a number of developments have occurred that
have challenged the official line. But the mainstream media have not
let them disturb the institutionalized untruths. Let me list some of
these and describe the media's mode of deflection.
1. RACAK MASSACRE. The only pre-bombing act of Serb violence listed in
the Tribunal indictment of Milosevic on May 22, 1999, was an alleged
massacre of Albanians by the Serbs at Racak on January 15, 1999. The
Serbs had carried out this action with invited OSCE representatives
(and AP photographers) on the scene, but on the following day, after
KLA reoccupation of the village, some 40 to 45 bodies were on display
for the U.S.-OSCE official William Walker and the media. The
authenticity of this massacre, which follows a long pattern of
convenient but contrived atrocities to meet a PR need--well described
in George Bogdanich's and Martin Lettmayer's brilliant film "The
Avoidable War"--was immediately challenged by journalists in France and
Germany, but no doubts whatever showed up in the U.S. media. Christophe
Chatelet of Le Monde was in Racak the day of the "massacre," and left
at dusk, as did the OSCE observers and Serb police, without witnessing
any massacre. The AP photographers and on-the-scene OSCE
representatives have never been available for corroboration or denial,
and the forensic report of the Finnish team that examined the bodies at
the behest of the OSCE has never been made public. The issue is still
contested, but a very strong case can be made that the Racak "massacre"
was a staged event (see, Chatelet, in Le Monde, Jan. 19, 1999;
Professor Dusan Dunjic [a Serb medical participant in the autopsies],
"The (Ab)use of Forensic Medicine," ; J. Raino, et al., "Independent
forensic autopsies in an armed conflict: investigation of the victims
from Racak, Kosovo," Forensic Science International 116 [2001], 171-85).
But the strong challenging evidence has been effectively blacked out in
the U.S. mainstream media, and the "massacre" is taken as an
established and unquestioned truth (e.g., Amanpour and Carol Lin, CNN
Live at Daybreak, July 3, 2001; Steven Erlanger in his July 12
interview with Terry Gross). Why didn't the Serb army remove the
incriminating bodies, as the propaganda machine claimed then and now
that they were doing as a matter of policy directed from above? As in
the case of the analyses and evidence in the 1980s that Agca might have
been coached to implicate the Bulgarians and KGB, the U.S. mainstream
media refuse to burden a useful party line with inconvenient questions
and facts.
Also, while giving heavy, uncritical and indignant attention to Racak,
the media have never allowed the far larger and unambiguous massacre of
civilians at Liquica in East Timor on April 6, 1999--three months after
Racak--to reach public consciousness. This was a massacre by the U.S.
ally Indonesia, U.S. officials did not feature it, and the media
therefore served national policy by giving it short shrift.
2. U.S. AND NATO OPPOSITION TO SERB "ETHNIC CLEANSING" AND "GENOCIDE"
AS THE BASIS OF THE NATO BOMBING. The official and media propaganda
line is that the United States and NATO powers were deeply upset by
Serb violence in Kosovo and eventually went to war to stop it. But
there are problems with this view. For one thing, evidence has turned
up showing that Washington, through its own agencies or hired
mercenaries, actually aided and trained the KLA prior to the bombing,
and in this and other ways encouraged them in provocations that
stimulated Serb violence (Peter Beaumont et al., "CIA's bastard army
ran riot in Balkans," The Observer [London], March 11, 2001). The
postwar publication by the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, General Report:
Kosovo Aftermath, noted that "Under the influence of the Kosovo
Verification Mission the level of Serbian repression eased off" in late
1998, but "on the other hand, there was a lack of effective measures to
curb the UCK [KLA]" which had an interest in "worsening the situation."
In short, U.S. policy before the bombing encouraged violence in Kosovo.
The evidence for this has been made public abroad, but it has not yet
surfaced in the U.S. mainstream media.
A second problem is that NATO supplied greatly inflated estimates of
Serb killings and expulsions in Kosovo, quite obviously trying to
prepare the ground for bombing. The claim that Serbian policy
constituted "ethnic cleansing" and even "genocide" has long been
confuted by OSCE, State Department, and human rights groups' findings
of limited and targeted Serb violence, and by disclosure of an internal
German Foreign Office report that even denies the appropriateness of
the use of "ethnic cleansing" to describe Serb behavior ["Important
Internal Documents from Germany's Foreign Office,"]. These contesting
points of evidence, even though coming from establishment sources, are
not only off the screen for the mainstream media, they are ignored and
the old lies are repeated by Christopher Hitchens in The Nation ("Body
Count in Kosovo," June 11, 2001) and Bogdan Denitch in In These Times
("Citizen of a Lost Country," May 14, 2001).
A third problem is: how could this humanitarian motive be driving
Clinton and Blair in Kosovo when they had both actively supported
Turkey's far larger- scale ethnic cleansing of Kurds throughout the
1990s? The mainstream media dealt with this and similar problems by not
letting the issue be raised.
3. NATO REASONABLENESS, SERB INTRANSIGENCE AT RAMBOUILLET. On the
question of negotiations versus the use of force, the official line has
been that the NATO powers made reasonable negotiating offers to the
Serbs, trying to get "Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians to come to a
compromise" (Tim Judah), but that the Serb refusal to negotiate led to
the bombing war. This line was demonstrated to be false when it was
disclosed that NATO had inserted a proviso demanding full occupation by
NATO of all of Yugoslavia, admitted by a State Department official to
have been a deliberate "raising of the bar" to allow bombing (George
Kenney, "Rolling Thunder: The Rerun," The Nation, June 14, 1999). This
disclosure has been comprehensively suppressed in the mainstream media,
allowing the propaganda lie to be repeated today (Judah's repetition of
the lie was on June 29, 2001).
4. SERB GENOCIDE BY PLAN DURING THE NATO BOMBING. Three big lies
expounded during the NATO bombing war were that (1) the Serbs were
killing vast numbers; (2) they were doing this and expelling still
larger numbers in a process of "ethnic cleansing" and "genocide;" and
(3) that they had planned mass killing and expulsions anyway, so that
these could not be attributed to the bombing war or the kind of
fighting and atrocities characteristic of a brutal civil war. It is now
clear that while large numbers did flee, this included at least an
equal proportion of Serbs, and that many fled without forcible
expulsion; and it is also clear that while there were brutal killings,
these fell far short of the 10,000-500,000 claimed by NATO. It is also
now on the record that NATO and the KLA were engaged in joint military
actions during the bombing war, and that expulsions were concentrated
in areas of KLA strong support, pointing to a military logic to Serb
actions (Daniel Pearl and Robert Block, "War in Kosovo Was Cruel,
Bitter, Savage; Genocide It Wasn't," Wall Street Journal, Dec. 31,
1999). The claim that the Serbs intended to do this anyway has never
been supported by any evidence.
In Guatemala after 1947 the search was on for communists; in Kosovo
during and after the bombing war the search was on for dead bodies
(whereas there was no interest in or search for dead bodies in East
Timor after the Indonesian massacres of 1999, in accord with the same
propaganda service). The bodies found in Kosovo received great
publicity, but the fact that this immense effort yielded only 3-4000
bodies from all causes and on all sides, and the fact that it fell far
short of the NATO-media propaganda claims during the bombing war, has
received minimal attention. However, with Milosevic now transferred to
The Hague, and a fresh demand arising for bodies whose deaths can be
attributed to him, once again the media are coming through with fresh
claims of bodies transferred from Kosovo under the villain's direction.
5. WAR A SUCCESS, REFUGEES RETURNED TO KOSOVO. But the refugees were
produced by the NATO bombing policy itself, and they returned to a
shattered country. Furthermore, after the NATO war there was a REAL
ethnic cleansing--in percentage terms the "largest in the Balkan wars"
according to Transnational Foundation for Peace director Jan
Oberg--with some 330,000 Serbs, Roma, Jews, Turks and others driven out
of Kosovo, while some 3,000 people were killed and disappeared.
However, as this has taken place under NATO auspices, the mainstream
media, insofar as they mention the real ethnic cleansing at all, have
treated it as a semi-approved "vengeance." But they have mainly dealt
with the subject, as they did the post-Arbenz REAL terrorism, by eye
aversion.
6. MILOSEVIC AS THE SOURCE OF BALKAN CONFLICT. In virtually all
mainstream accounts, it was "Milosevic's murderous decade" (Nordland
and Gutman in Newsweek, July 9, 2001), Milosevic who "set Yugoslavia to
unraveling" (Roger Cohen, New York Times, July 1, 2001), "the man who
had terrorized the turbulent Balkans for a decade" (Time, April 9,
2001). The wars were a "catastrophe that Slobodan Milosevic unleashed"
(Tim Judah, The Times [London], June 29, 2001). This is comic book
history, that follows the standard demonization process, and is refuted
by every serious historian dealing with the area (Susan Woodward,
Robert Hayden, David Chandler, Lenard Cohen, Raymond Kent, Steven L.
Burg and Paul S. Shoup).
Serious history takes into account, among other matters: (1) the fact
that long before 1990 Yugoslavia had persistent "deep regional and
ethnic cleavages," with Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo "all areas of high
ethnic fragmentation" (Lenard Cohen and Paul Warwick, Political
Cohesion in a Fragile Mosaic), whose suppression required a strong
federal state; (2) the effects of the Yugoslav economic crisis, dating
back to 1982, and the IMF/World Bank imposition of deflationary
policies on Yugoslavia in the late 1980s, and their consequences; (3)
the post-Soviet collapse ending of Western support for the Yugoslav
federal state, and German and Austrian collaboration in encouraging the
Croatian and Slovenian secession from Yugoslavia without any democratic
vote and without any settlement on the status of the large Serb
minorities; (4) the West's and Western Badinter Commission's refusal to
allow threatened ethnic minorities to withdraw from the new secession
states; (5) the U.S. and Western encouragement of the Muslims in
Bosnia-Herzegovina to hold out for unity under their control in the
face of Serb and Croatian fears and opposition; (6) the U.S. and NATO
support of Croatia and its massive ethnic cleansing of Serbs in Krajina.
The media rarely mention these extremely important external,
NATO-inspired causes of ethnic cleansing, or the fact that Milosevic
supported many diplomatic initiatives such as the Owen-Vance and
Owen-Stoltenberg plans, both unsuccessful because of U.S. encouragement
of the Muslims to hold out for more. Heavy German and U.S.
responsibility for the breakup of Yugoslavia; the NATO governments'
help in the arming of Slovenia, Croatia, the Bosnian Muslims, and the
KLA; and the U.S. sabotaging of efforts at negotiated settlements in
the early 1990s, are all well documented in Bogdanich's and Lettmayer's
"The Avoidable War." The film was shown on the History Channel on April
16, but has otherwise been ignored in Propaganda System Number One for
good reason: it not only shows dominant NATO responsibility for the
Balkan disaster, it makes the mainstream media's supportive propaganda
role crystal clear.
7. MILOSEVIC'S NATIONALIST SPEECHES OF 1987 AND 1989. It is now rote
"history" that in April 1987 Milosevic "endorsed a Serbian nationalist
agenda" at Polje in Kosovo, and did the same there on June 28, 1989--
supposedly heralding his project of Greater Serbia and the coming wars
to achieve it. People like Roger Cohen and Steven Erlanger who cite
these as "inciting Serb passions" almost surely never bothered to read
them (nor did Joe Knowles, who mentions Milosevic's "infamous" speech
of June 28 in In These Times [Aug.6, 2001]). In both speeches,
Milosevic actually warns against the dangers of nationalism, and while
he promises to protect Serbs, he is clearly speaking of the citizens of
the Republic of Serbia, not ethnic Serbs; and he describes "Yugoslavia"
as "a multinational community...[that] can survive only under the
conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it" (June 28,
1989).
8. MILOSEVIC AS DICTATOR. The June 28, 2001 amended indictment of
Milosevic notes that he was "elected" president of Serbia on May 8,
1989, was elected again "in multi-party elections" held in December
1990, was "reelected" in December 1992, was "elected president of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" on July 15, 1997, and was defeated and
ousted from power in an election in September 2000. But as Milosevic is
on the U.S. hit list, he is referred to repeatedly in the media as a
"dictator," a word they were extremely reluctant to apply to Suharto
during his 32 years as a prized U.S. client. The designation of
dictator created a problem for the media because they also found, and
continue to find, the Serb populace guilty as "willing executioners"
who were properly punished by bombing and who need to acknowledge their
guilt. How a people suffering under a dictatorship and
dictator-controlled media could be guilty of crimes committed elsewhere
is unexplained, but in the U.S. mainstream media the contradiction
remains unchallenged.
9. THE DICTATOR AS RESPONSIBLE KILLER. In Manufacturing Consent Chomsky
and I showed how in the case of the murder of Jerzy Popieuszko in
communist Poland the media repeatedly sought to prove that the leaders
of Poland knew about and were responsible for the killing, whereas in
cases where our own leaders or clients are involved, the media are not
interested in high level knowledge and responsibility. It was therefore
a foregone conclusion that the media would jump on every claim that
Milosevic was behind the deaths in the Balkan wars, and as the Tribunal
has to confront the need for such proof to convict the demon, the media
are working this terrain with vigor. Some of the alleged new evidence
is clearly being leaked from the Tribunal itself (e.g., Bob Graham and
Tom Walker, "Milosevic Ordered Hiding of Bodies," Sunday Times
[London], July 8, 2001), a form of propaganda once again revealing that
it is not a judicial body but a political instrument. This evidence,
which cites the very words used by the dictator in Belgrade in March
1999 instructing his subordinates to commit crimes ("all civilians
killed in Kosovo have to be moved to places where they will not be
discovered," in ibid.), has the odor of NATO-bloc disinformation and
should be treated with the utmost scepticism. And we may be sure the
media will never ask why, with this instruction, "45 bodies" were left
on the ground in Racak for the convenience of William Walker and other
NATO propagandists.
Concluding Note
The U.S. propaganda system is at the peak of its powers in the early
years of the 21st century, riding the wave of capitalism's triumph,
U.S. global hegemony, and the confidence and effective service of the
increasingly concentrated and commercialized mainstream media. It is a
model propaganda system, its slippages and imperfections adding to its
power, given its assured service in times of need. And as described
above, in such times its ability to ignore inconvenient facts, swallow
disinformation, and work the public over with propaganda can easily
compete with--even surpass--anything found in totalitarian systems.
---
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© Copyright E HERMAN 2003 For fair use only/ pour usage équitable
seulement.
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Data: Lun 15 Dic 2003 14:26:30 Europe/Rome
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Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Propaganda System Number One: From Diem and
Arbenz to Milosevic
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/HER312A.html
Propaganda System Number One:
From Diem and Arbenz to Milosevic
by Edward S. Herman
Propaganda, Politics, Power ISSN 1741-0754 Volume 1: 15-28 ~ 9 December
2003
www.globalresearch.ca 15 December 2003
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/HER312A.html
The way in which the mainstream media have handled the turning of
Milosevic over to the Hague Tribunal once again reinforces my belief
that the United States is not only number one in military power but
also in the effectiveness of its propaganda system, which is vastly
superior to any past or present state-managed system. The main
characteristic of the U.S. model is that, while offering diversity on
many subjects, on core issues--like "free trade" and the need for a
huge "defense" establishment--and on the occasions when the corporate
and political establishment needs their service--as in legitimating
George W. Bush's presidency in the wake of an electoral coup d'etat, or
supporting the "sanctions of mass destruction" on Iraq--the media can
be relied on to expound and propagandize what would be called a "party
line" if done in China. They do sometimes depart from the official
position as regards tactics, arguing, for example, that the government
is not attacking the enemy with sufficient ferocity (Iraq and
Yugoslavia), or that the cost of the enterprise is perhaps excessive
(the Vietnam war, from 1968), but that the enemy is truly evil and the
national cause meritorious is never debatable. The debates over tactics
helpfully obscure the agreement on ends.
A further important feature of the U.S. system is that this propaganda
service is provided without government censorship or coercion, by self-
censorship alone, with the truth of the propaganda line internalized by
the numerous media participants. This internalization of belief makes
it possible for media personnel to be enthusiastic spokespersons in
pushing the party line, thereby giving it a naturalness that is lacking
in crude systems of government-enforced propaganda.
A third feature of the system is that the party lines are regularly
supported by non-governmental and self-proclaimed "non-partisan"
thinktanks like the American Enterprise Institute and Independent
International Commission on Kosovo, non-governmental organizations like
the Open Society Institute and Human Rights Watch, and assorted
ex-leftists and liberal and left journals that on particular subjects
"see the light." These organizations are commonly funded by interests
(and governments) with an axe to grind, and they serve those interests,
but the media feature them as non-partisan and give special attention
to the ex-leftists and dissidents who now see the light. This helps
firm up the consensus and further marginalizes those still in darkness.
A final feature of the U.S. system is that it works so well that a
sizable fraction of the public doesn't recognize the media's propaganda
role, and accepts the media's own self-image as independent, adversary,
truth-seeking, and helping the public to "assert meaningful control
over the political process" (former Supreme Court Justice Lewis
Powell). This public bamboozlement is aided by the facts that the media
are fairly numerous, are not government controlled, have many true
believers among their editors and journalists (the second
characteristic), are supported by NGOs and elements of the "left" (the
third feature), and regularly proclaim their independence and squabble
furiously with government and among themselves. Even those who doubt
the media's claims of truth-seeking are often carried along, or
confused, by the force and self-assurance of the participants in this
great propaganda machine.
Party Line Consensus
An important operational characteristic of the system, which
facilitates general adherence to the party line without overt coercion,
is the assurance and speed with which the line is established as a
consensus truth, so that deviations and dissent quickly take on the
appearance of foolishness or pathology, as well as suspiciously
unpatriotic behavior. Noam Chomsky and I found that the very asking of
questions about the numerous fabrications, ideological role, and
absence of any beneficial effects for the victims in the anti-Khmer
Rouge propaganda campaign of 1975-1979 was unacceptable, and was
treated almost without exception as "apologetics for Pol Pot."
That "free trade" is beneficial and in the "national interest" whereas
"protectionism" is hurtful and a creature of "special interests" is a
consensus party line of the mainstream media today that profoundly
biases their treatment of trade agreements and protests against
corporate globalization at Seattle, Washington, D.C., Quebec City, and
Genoa (see Herman, "NAFTA, Mexican Meltdown, and the Propaganda
System," chapter 14 in Myth of the Liberal Media; Rachel Coen, "For
Press, Magenta Hair and Nose Rings Defined Protests," EXTRA!
[July-August 2000]; FAIR, "Action Alert: Police Violence in Genoa--Par
for the Course? Media complacency helps normalize assaults on
demonstrators," July 26, 2001).
The consensus around a party line is very quickly established in
dealing with international crises. Once an enemy is demonized-from Ho
Chi Minh in Vietnam and Jacobo Guzman Arbenz in Guatemala in the early
1950s to Slobodan Milosevic in the 1990s and up to today-the media
display a form of hysteria that helps mobilize the public in support of
whatever forms of violence the government wishes to carry out. They
become a virtual propaganda arm of the government, joining with it in
the common fight against "another Hitler." Under these conditions
remarkable structures of disinformation can be built,
institutionalized, and remain parts of historic memory even in the face
of ex post confutations, which are kept out of sight.
Let me give a few short illustrations before showing how this
exceptional propaganda service applies to the Milosevic/Tribunal case.
Red Threat as Party Line: Vietnam and Guatemala
In the Cold War years, propaganda service and mobilization of the
public was commonly framed around the Red Threat. This general
demonization of the target produced the requisite hysteria and media
identification with "us" and complete loss of critical capability. When
the U.S.-imported puppet to South Vietnam, Ngo Dinh Diem, won a
plebiscite in 1954 with over 99 percent of the votes, an outcome that
would elicit much sarcasm if realized in an enemy state, this was not
news here. And from then onward, U.S. support of a government
admittedly lacking an indigenous constituency, relying on state terror
and U.S. financial and military aid, was treated in the mainstream
media as entirely reasonable and just.
The self-deception and patriotic biases internalized by media personnel
were displayed in their 100 percent inability, from 1954 to today, to
call the U.S. intervention and ultimate direct invasion of Vietnam
either an "invasion" or "aggression." It was also beautifully
illustrated in James Reston's Orwellian statement of 1965 that the
United States, which from beginning to almost the very end believed it
could impose its preferred rulers by virtue of its superior military
power, was in Vietnam to establish the "principle...that no state shall
use military force or the threat of military force to achieve its
political objectives."
Another remarkable case of propaganda service occurred as the United
States destabilized Guatemala's democratic government in the years
1950-1953 and then removed it by means of a U.S.-organized "contra"
invasion in 1954. U.S. hostility began when this government passed a
law in 1947 allowing the organization of unions, and active
destabilization followed and accelerated upon its attempt to engage in
moderate land reforms, partly at the expense of the United Fruit
Company. From 1947 the search was on for "communists" to explain the
reformist policies and to rationalize the hostile intervention. The
U.S. mainstream media became completely hysterical over this Red Threat
from 1950 onward, very worried that Arbenz would not allow elections to
take place in 1951--this same media had not been bothered by the Ubico
dictatorship, 1931-44, and was entirely unconcerned with the absence of
democracy from 1954 onward--and featured a stream of alarming reports
on Red influence in that country and an alleged "reign of terror."
There were endless headlines in the New York Times like "Soviet Agents
Plotting to Ruin Unity, Defenses of America" (June 22, 1950);
"Guatemalan Reds Seek Full Power" (May 21, 1952); "How Communists Won
Control of Guatemala" (March 1, 1953), and even The Nation ran a sleazy
putdown of the democratic government under attack (March 18, 1950).
This was all hysterical nonsense--even Court historian Ronald
Schneider, after reviewing the documents seized from the Reds in
Guatemala, concluded that the Reds had never controlled Guatemala, and
that the Soviet Union "made no significant or even material investment
in the Arbenz regime" and paid little attention to Central America--but
it was effective in making the overthrow of an elected government
acceptable to the U.S. public. And the media's propaganda service was
completed by their long cover-up of the hugely undemocratic aftermath
of the successful termination of the brief democratic experiment (on
the history of this propaganda campaign, Edward Herman, "Returning
Guatemala to the Fold," in Gary Rawnsley, ed., Cold-War Propaganda in
the 1950s [Macmillan, 1999]; more broadly, Piero Gleijeses, Shattered
Hope [Princeton, 1991]). No government-managed propaganda system could
have done a better job of mobilizing the public on the basis of
systematic disinformation; and the achievement here is especially
impressive given the fact that it was all done with the aim and effect
of ending a liberal democracy by violence and installing a terror state.
Bulgarian Connection
Another illustration of outstanding, even remarkable, propaganda
service, and one pertinent to the ongoing Milosevic-Tribunal drama
because it involved a judicial proceeding, was the "Bulgarian
Connection." The Reagan administration had been anxious to demonize the
Soviet Union in the early and mid-1980s, and the assassination attempt
against Pope John Paul II in May 1981, provided an opportunity to pin
the attempt on the KGB and their Bulgarian client. The Turkish fascist,
Mehmet Ali Agca, who had shot the Pope, had spent time in Bulgaria
(along with ten other countries). After 17 months in prison in Italy,
and after numerous visits by secret service, judicial, and papal
personnel, who had admittedly offered him inducements to "confess," he
claimed that he was on the Bulgarian-KGB payroll, had cased the joint
with Bulgarian officials in Rome, and had visited one of them in his
apartment. Although the case was laughably implausible, the U.S.
mainstream media bought it with enthusiasm, and failed to acknowledge
their gullibility and propaganda role even after CIA professionals told
congress during the CIA confirmation hearings on Robert Gates in 1991
that they knew the Connection was false because, among other reasons,
they had penetrated the Bulgarian secret services.
A very important feature of the media's treatment of the Bulgarian
Connection, very similar to that which they apply now to the Hague
Tribunal in its pursuit of Milosevic, was their pretense that the
Italian judiciary, police and political system were only seekers after
truth and justice, even a bit fearful of finding the Bulgarians guilty.
The New York Times even editorialized that the Reaganites were aghast
at the implications of a Soviet involvement in the assassination
attempt ("recoiled from the devastating implication that Bulgaria's
agents were bound to have acted only on a signal from Moscow," Oct. 30,
1984), a propaganda lie confuted by the CIA professionals in 1991, who
explained that their own doubts were overruled by the Reaganite leaders
of the CIA who insisted on pushing the Connection as true. The
Bulgarian Connection can be well explained by the exceptional
corruption of the Italian system and the service of this manufactured
connection to the Cold Warriors serving the Italian state (and their
U.S. parent). This explanation was expressed often in the Italian media
during the 1980s, but not in the U.S. mainstream media where, with only
insignificant exceptions, the propaganda line functioned without a
hitch. (See Herman and Brodhead, Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian
Connection, chap. 7.)
Hague Tribunal: Serving Us, So No Awkward Questions, Please!
In the case of the Hague Tribunal also, the mainstream media portray it
as a presumably unbiased judicial body seeking justice with an even
hand, despite the massive evidence that it is a political and
propaganda arm of the United States and other NATO powers. Its ultimate
propaganda service was performed in May, 1999, when the prosecutor of
the International Crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY),
Louise Arbour, announced the indictment of Yugoslav president Milosevic
and four associates for war crimes. This was done, hastily, at a time
when NATO was increasingly targeting the civilian infrastructure of
Yugoslavia in order to hasten that country's surrender. NATO needed
this public relations support as a cover for its own war crimes-- the
Sixth Convention of Nuremberg prohibits and makes a war crime the
targeting of civilian facilities not based on "military necessity"--and
the ICTY provided it, with the indictment quickly greeted by Albright
and James Rubin as justifying NATO's bombing policy.
To my knowledge the U.S. mainstream media have never once suggested
that this indictment servicing the NATO war discredited the Tribunal as
an independent judicial body. The New York Times's Steven Erlanger even
explained to Terry Gross that this indictment displayed Arbour's
independence, as she was allegedly fearful that Milosevic would escape
punishment in a political deal if she didn't move quickly! (Fresh Air,
National Public Radio, July 12, 2001). Erlanger was not alone in
offering this imbecile analysis, which not only failed to recognize the
indictment's service to NATO's immediate policy needs, but also ignored
other evidence of Arbour's and the Tribunal's deference to U.S. and
NATO desires.
The media also failed to raise any questions about Arbour's statement
of May 24, 1999, that although people are "entitled to the presumption
of innocence until they are convicted," she was issuing the indictment
because "the evidence...raises serious questions about their
suitability to be guarantors of any deal, let alone a peace
agreement"--that is, she found them guilty before they were convicted
and thought that on this basis she should interfere with any possible
political settlement.
On the other hand, Arbour and her successor Carla Del Ponte have never
found allies of the NATO powers or the NATO powers themselves worthy of
indictment, even when they did exactly the same things for which the
NATO targets were indictable. Thus, Serb leader Milan Martic was
indicted for launching a rocket cluster-bomb attack on military targets
in Zagreb in May 1995, with the very use of cluster bombs cited by the
Tribunal as showing the aim of "terrorizing the civilians of Zagreb."
But NATO's cluster-bomb raids on Nis on May 7, 1999, far from any
military target, and the 48-hour Croat army shelling of civilian
targets in the city of Knim during the August 1995 Croat Operation
Storm, produced no indictments. Operation Storm, supported by U.S.
officials and helped by U.S.-related professional advisers, resulted in
large-
scale expulsions and the killing of many Serb civilians, but neither
Croat leader Tudjman nor the supportive U.S. officials were indicted,
and Croat military officials also escaped indictment till Del Ponte
recently claimed several in an effort to show her "balance" in the
context of the bringing of Milosevic to The Hague. This double
standard, which makes a mockery of justice, has been of absolutely no
interest to the U.S. mainstream media; and in his long session with
Terry Gross on July 12, when asked "What Americans might be brought to
stand trial before an international court?," Steven Erlanger failed to
come up with a single name for any actions in the Balkans (and Gross
did not follow up on his non-response).
Under pressure to address NATO's wartime activities, which had resulted
in the deaths of many Serb civilians--estimates run from 500 to
3,000--Tribunal prosecutor Carla Del Ponte issued a report in June
2000, that declared NATO not guilty. But the document supporting this
conclusion was not based on any investigation by the Tribunal, and it
openly acknowledged a heavy dependence on NATO sources, asserting "that
the NATO and NATO countries press statements are generally reliable and
that explanations have been honestly given." Canadian legal scholar and
expert on the Tribunal, Michael Mandel, asks: "Can you imagine how many
indictments would have been issued against the Serb leadership if the
Prosecutor had stopped at the FRY press releases?" But this remarkable
Del Ponte report was of no interest to the mainstream media.
Also of no interest to the media is the fact that the Tribunal has been
described by John Laughland in the Times (London) as "a rogue court
with rigged rules" (June 17, 1999). As normal practice it violates
virtually every standard of due process: it fails to separate
prosecution and judge; it does not accord the right to bail or a speedy
trial; it has no clear definition of burden of proof required for a
conviction; it has no independent appeal body; it allows a defendant to
be tried twice for the same crime; suspects can be held for 90 days
without trial; confessions are presumed to be free and voluntary unless
the contrary is established by the prisoner; and witnesses can testify
anonymously, with hearsay evidence admissible. These points are almost
never mentioned in the U.S. mainstream media or considered relevant to
the legitimacy of the Tribunal or the likelihood that Milosevic will
get a fair trial.
The Tribunal's biased performance follows from the fact that it was
organized by the United States and its close allies, is funded by them
and staffed with their approval, and depends on them for information
and other support. The Tribunal's charter requirements that its
expenses shall be provided in the UN general budget (Article 32), and
that the Prosecutor shall act independently and not take instructions
from any government (Article 16), have been systematically ignored.
Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, former president of the Hague Tribunal--before
that a director, and now "Special Counsel to the Chairman on Human
Rights," of Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., a notorious human
rights violator working in Irian Jaya with the cooperation of the
Indonesian army--stated in 1999 that Tribunal personnel regard
Madeleine Albright as the "mother of the tribunal." NATO PR man Jamie
Shea pointed out in a May 17, 1999 press conference in Brussels that
Arbour will investigate "because we will allow her to;" that the NATO
countries are the ones "that have provided the finance to set up the
Tribunal;" that they are the ones who do the leg work "and have been
detaining indicted war criminals"; and that when she "looks at the
facts she will be indicting people of Yugoslav nationality" and not
folks from NATO.
But neither this open admission that the NATO powers controlled the
Tribunal, nor the evidence of serious abuses of the judicial process
that has characterized its work, have been of interest to the
mainstream media. As with the prosecution of the Bulgarian Connection,
the Hague Tribunal is servicing the U.S. government and its aims, and
the media therefore regard any bias or political service as reasonable
and take them as givens. Because of their internalized belief that
their country is good and would only support justice, the media can't
even imagine that any conflict of interest exists. This is deep bias.
Also, no questions come up in this context as to why there are no
tribunals for Suharto, Wiranto (the Indonesian general in charge of the
destruction of East Timor in 1999), or Ariel Sharon. These are our
allies, even if major state terrorists, who received and still receive
our support, so that in a well-managed propaganda system the failure to
mention their exclusion from a system of global enforcement of the new
ethical order opposed to ethnic cleansing and human rights violations
is entirely appropriate.
Disinformation as Consensus History: Milosevic and the Balkans
From the time the U.S. government decided to target Milosevic and the
Serbs as the root of Balkan evil in the early 1990s, the U.S.
propaganda system began its work of demonization of the target,
enhanced atrocities management, and the necessary rewriting of history.
The integration of government needs and media service was essentially
complete, and was beautifully symbolized by the marriage during the
crisis years of State Department PR chief James Rubin and Christiane
Amanpour, CNN's main reporter on the Kosovo war, whose reports could
have come from Rubin himself. More recently, in connection with
Milosevic's transfer to the Hague, Amanpour entertained Richard
Holbrooke on the subject, and the two, speaking as old comrades-in-arms
congratulated one another on a joint success, just as a
policy-enforcing official might express mutual congratulations with a
PR officer (Holbrooke applauded Amanpour's "fantastic coverage of the
war throughout the last decade" [CNN Live At Daybreak, June 29, 2001]).
It should be noted that Holbrooke visited Zagreb two days before
Croatia launched Operation Storm in August 1995, almost certainly
talking over and giving U.S. approval to the imminent military
operation, reminiscent of Henry Kissinger's visit to Jakarta just
before Indonesia's invasion of East Timor in September 1975. As
Operation Storm involved a major program of killings and expulsions,
with killings greatly in excess of the numbers attributed to Milosevic
in the Tribunal indictment of May 22, 1999, an excellent case can be
made that Holbrooke should be being tried for war crimes. We may also
be sure that Christiane Amanpour's "fantastic coverage" of the wars in
Yugoslavia did not deal with Operation Storm or mention Holbrooke's and
the U.S. role in that butchery and massive ethnic cleansing.
As NATO prepared to go to war, which began on March 24, 1999, the media
followed the official lead in focusing heavily on Serb atrocities in
Kosovo, with great and indignant attention to the Racak massacre of
January 15, 1999. The failure of the Rambouillet Conference they blamed
on Serb intransigence, again following the official line. During the
78-day bombing war the media focused even more intensively on
atrocities (Serb, not NATO), and passed along the official estimates of
100,000 Kosovo Albanian murders (U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen),
and other estimates, smaller and larger. They also accepted the claim
that the Serb violence that followed the bombing would have taken place
anyway, by plan, so that the bombing, instead of causing the escalated
violence was justified by its occurrence ex post.
In the post-bombing era a number of developments have occurred that
have challenged the official line. But the mainstream media have not
let them disturb the institutionalized untruths. Let me list some of
these and describe the media's mode of deflection.
1. RACAK MASSACRE. The only pre-bombing act of Serb violence listed in
the Tribunal indictment of Milosevic on May 22, 1999, was an alleged
massacre of Albanians by the Serbs at Racak on January 15, 1999. The
Serbs had carried out this action with invited OSCE representatives
(and AP photographers) on the scene, but on the following day, after
KLA reoccupation of the village, some 40 to 45 bodies were on display
for the U.S.-OSCE official William Walker and the media. The
authenticity of this massacre, which follows a long pattern of
convenient but contrived atrocities to meet a PR need--well described
in George Bogdanich's and Martin Lettmayer's brilliant film "The
Avoidable War"--was immediately challenged by journalists in France and
Germany, but no doubts whatever showed up in the U.S. media. Christophe
Chatelet of Le Monde was in Racak the day of the "massacre," and left
at dusk, as did the OSCE observers and Serb police, without witnessing
any massacre. The AP photographers and on-the-scene OSCE
representatives have never been available for corroboration or denial,
and the forensic report of the Finnish team that examined the bodies at
the behest of the OSCE has never been made public. The issue is still
contested, but a very strong case can be made that the Racak "massacre"
was a staged event (see, Chatelet, in Le Monde, Jan. 19, 1999;
Professor Dusan Dunjic [a Serb medical participant in the autopsies],
"The (Ab)use of Forensic Medicine," ; J. Raino, et al., "Independent
forensic autopsies in an armed conflict: investigation of the victims
from Racak, Kosovo," Forensic Science International 116 [2001], 171-85).
But the strong challenging evidence has been effectively blacked out in
the U.S. mainstream media, and the "massacre" is taken as an
established and unquestioned truth (e.g., Amanpour and Carol Lin, CNN
Live at Daybreak, July 3, 2001; Steven Erlanger in his July 12
interview with Terry Gross). Why didn't the Serb army remove the
incriminating bodies, as the propaganda machine claimed then and now
that they were doing as a matter of policy directed from above? As in
the case of the analyses and evidence in the 1980s that Agca might have
been coached to implicate the Bulgarians and KGB, the U.S. mainstream
media refuse to burden a useful party line with inconvenient questions
and facts.
Also, while giving heavy, uncritical and indignant attention to Racak,
the media have never allowed the far larger and unambiguous massacre of
civilians at Liquica in East Timor on April 6, 1999--three months after
Racak--to reach public consciousness. This was a massacre by the U.S.
ally Indonesia, U.S. officials did not feature it, and the media
therefore served national policy by giving it short shrift.
2. U.S. AND NATO OPPOSITION TO SERB "ETHNIC CLEANSING" AND "GENOCIDE"
AS THE BASIS OF THE NATO BOMBING. The official and media propaganda
line is that the United States and NATO powers were deeply upset by
Serb violence in Kosovo and eventually went to war to stop it. But
there are problems with this view. For one thing, evidence has turned
up showing that Washington, through its own agencies or hired
mercenaries, actually aided and trained the KLA prior to the bombing,
and in this and other ways encouraged them in provocations that
stimulated Serb violence (Peter Beaumont et al., "CIA's bastard army
ran riot in Balkans," The Observer [London], March 11, 2001). The
postwar publication by the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, General Report:
Kosovo Aftermath, noted that "Under the influence of the Kosovo
Verification Mission the level of Serbian repression eased off" in late
1998, but "on the other hand, there was a lack of effective measures to
curb the UCK [KLA]" which had an interest in "worsening the situation."
In short, U.S. policy before the bombing encouraged violence in Kosovo.
The evidence for this has been made public abroad, but it has not yet
surfaced in the U.S. mainstream media.
A second problem is that NATO supplied greatly inflated estimates of
Serb killings and expulsions in Kosovo, quite obviously trying to
prepare the ground for bombing. The claim that Serbian policy
constituted "ethnic cleansing" and even "genocide" has long been
confuted by OSCE, State Department, and human rights groups' findings
of limited and targeted Serb violence, and by disclosure of an internal
German Foreign Office report that even denies the appropriateness of
the use of "ethnic cleansing" to describe Serb behavior ["Important
Internal Documents from Germany's Foreign Office,"]. These contesting
points of evidence, even though coming from establishment sources, are
not only off the screen for the mainstream media, they are ignored and
the old lies are repeated by Christopher Hitchens in The Nation ("Body
Count in Kosovo," June 11, 2001) and Bogdan Denitch in In These Times
("Citizen of a Lost Country," May 14, 2001).
A third problem is: how could this humanitarian motive be driving
Clinton and Blair in Kosovo when they had both actively supported
Turkey's far larger- scale ethnic cleansing of Kurds throughout the
1990s? The mainstream media dealt with this and similar problems by not
letting the issue be raised.
3. NATO REASONABLENESS, SERB INTRANSIGENCE AT RAMBOUILLET. On the
question of negotiations versus the use of force, the official line has
been that the NATO powers made reasonable negotiating offers to the
Serbs, trying to get "Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians to come to a
compromise" (Tim Judah), but that the Serb refusal to negotiate led to
the bombing war. This line was demonstrated to be false when it was
disclosed that NATO had inserted a proviso demanding full occupation by
NATO of all of Yugoslavia, admitted by a State Department official to
have been a deliberate "raising of the bar" to allow bombing (George
Kenney, "Rolling Thunder: The Rerun," The Nation, June 14, 1999). This
disclosure has been comprehensively suppressed in the mainstream media,
allowing the propaganda lie to be repeated today (Judah's repetition of
the lie was on June 29, 2001).
4. SERB GENOCIDE BY PLAN DURING THE NATO BOMBING. Three big lies
expounded during the NATO bombing war were that (1) the Serbs were
killing vast numbers; (2) they were doing this and expelling still
larger numbers in a process of "ethnic cleansing" and "genocide;" and
(3) that they had planned mass killing and expulsions anyway, so that
these could not be attributed to the bombing war or the kind of
fighting and atrocities characteristic of a brutal civil war. It is now
clear that while large numbers did flee, this included at least an
equal proportion of Serbs, and that many fled without forcible
expulsion; and it is also clear that while there were brutal killings,
these fell far short of the 10,000-500,000 claimed by NATO. It is also
now on the record that NATO and the KLA were engaged in joint military
actions during the bombing war, and that expulsions were concentrated
in areas of KLA strong support, pointing to a military logic to Serb
actions (Daniel Pearl and Robert Block, "War in Kosovo Was Cruel,
Bitter, Savage; Genocide It Wasn't," Wall Street Journal, Dec. 31,
1999). The claim that the Serbs intended to do this anyway has never
been supported by any evidence.
In Guatemala after 1947 the search was on for communists; in Kosovo
during and after the bombing war the search was on for dead bodies
(whereas there was no interest in or search for dead bodies in East
Timor after the Indonesian massacres of 1999, in accord with the same
propaganda service). The bodies found in Kosovo received great
publicity, but the fact that this immense effort yielded only 3-4000
bodies from all causes and on all sides, and the fact that it fell far
short of the NATO-media propaganda claims during the bombing war, has
received minimal attention. However, with Milosevic now transferred to
The Hague, and a fresh demand arising for bodies whose deaths can be
attributed to him, once again the media are coming through with fresh
claims of bodies transferred from Kosovo under the villain's direction.
5. WAR A SUCCESS, REFUGEES RETURNED TO KOSOVO. But the refugees were
produced by the NATO bombing policy itself, and they returned to a
shattered country. Furthermore, after the NATO war there was a REAL
ethnic cleansing--in percentage terms the "largest in the Balkan wars"
according to Transnational Foundation for Peace director Jan
Oberg--with some 330,000 Serbs, Roma, Jews, Turks and others driven out
of Kosovo, while some 3,000 people were killed and disappeared.
However, as this has taken place under NATO auspices, the mainstream
media, insofar as they mention the real ethnic cleansing at all, have
treated it as a semi-approved "vengeance." But they have mainly dealt
with the subject, as they did the post-Arbenz REAL terrorism, by eye
aversion.
6. MILOSEVIC AS THE SOURCE OF BALKAN CONFLICT. In virtually all
mainstream accounts, it was "Milosevic's murderous decade" (Nordland
and Gutman in Newsweek, July 9, 2001), Milosevic who "set Yugoslavia to
unraveling" (Roger Cohen, New York Times, July 1, 2001), "the man who
had terrorized the turbulent Balkans for a decade" (Time, April 9,
2001). The wars were a "catastrophe that Slobodan Milosevic unleashed"
(Tim Judah, The Times [London], June 29, 2001). This is comic book
history, that follows the standard demonization process, and is refuted
by every serious historian dealing with the area (Susan Woodward,
Robert Hayden, David Chandler, Lenard Cohen, Raymond Kent, Steven L.
Burg and Paul S. Shoup).
Serious history takes into account, among other matters: (1) the fact
that long before 1990 Yugoslavia had persistent "deep regional and
ethnic cleavages," with Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo "all areas of high
ethnic fragmentation" (Lenard Cohen and Paul Warwick, Political
Cohesion in a Fragile Mosaic), whose suppression required a strong
federal state; (2) the effects of the Yugoslav economic crisis, dating
back to 1982, and the IMF/World Bank imposition of deflationary
policies on Yugoslavia in the late 1980s, and their consequences; (3)
the post-Soviet collapse ending of Western support for the Yugoslav
federal state, and German and Austrian collaboration in encouraging the
Croatian and Slovenian secession from Yugoslavia without any democratic
vote and without any settlement on the status of the large Serb
minorities; (4) the West's and Western Badinter Commission's refusal to
allow threatened ethnic minorities to withdraw from the new secession
states; (5) the U.S. and Western encouragement of the Muslims in
Bosnia-Herzegovina to hold out for unity under their control in the
face of Serb and Croatian fears and opposition; (6) the U.S. and NATO
support of Croatia and its massive ethnic cleansing of Serbs in Krajina.
The media rarely mention these extremely important external,
NATO-inspired causes of ethnic cleansing, or the fact that Milosevic
supported many diplomatic initiatives such as the Owen-Vance and
Owen-Stoltenberg plans, both unsuccessful because of U.S. encouragement
of the Muslims to hold out for more. Heavy German and U.S.
responsibility for the breakup of Yugoslavia; the NATO governments'
help in the arming of Slovenia, Croatia, the Bosnian Muslims, and the
KLA; and the U.S. sabotaging of efforts at negotiated settlements in
the early 1990s, are all well documented in Bogdanich's and Lettmayer's
"The Avoidable War." The film was shown on the History Channel on April
16, but has otherwise been ignored in Propaganda System Number One for
good reason: it not only shows dominant NATO responsibility for the
Balkan disaster, it makes the mainstream media's supportive propaganda
role crystal clear.
7. MILOSEVIC'S NATIONALIST SPEECHES OF 1987 AND 1989. It is now rote
"history" that in April 1987 Milosevic "endorsed a Serbian nationalist
agenda" at Polje in Kosovo, and did the same there on June 28, 1989--
supposedly heralding his project of Greater Serbia and the coming wars
to achieve it. People like Roger Cohen and Steven Erlanger who cite
these as "inciting Serb passions" almost surely never bothered to read
them (nor did Joe Knowles, who mentions Milosevic's "infamous" speech
of June 28 in In These Times [Aug.6, 2001]). In both speeches,
Milosevic actually warns against the dangers of nationalism, and while
he promises to protect Serbs, he is clearly speaking of the citizens of
the Republic of Serbia, not ethnic Serbs; and he describes "Yugoslavia"
as "a multinational community...[that] can survive only under the
conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it" (June 28,
1989).
8. MILOSEVIC AS DICTATOR. The June 28, 2001 amended indictment of
Milosevic notes that he was "elected" president of Serbia on May 8,
1989, was elected again "in multi-party elections" held in December
1990, was "reelected" in December 1992, was "elected president of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" on July 15, 1997, and was defeated and
ousted from power in an election in September 2000. But as Milosevic is
on the U.S. hit list, he is referred to repeatedly in the media as a
"dictator," a word they were extremely reluctant to apply to Suharto
during his 32 years as a prized U.S. client. The designation of
dictator created a problem for the media because they also found, and
continue to find, the Serb populace guilty as "willing executioners"
who were properly punished by bombing and who need to acknowledge their
guilt. How a people suffering under a dictatorship and
dictator-controlled media could be guilty of crimes committed elsewhere
is unexplained, but in the U.S. mainstream media the contradiction
remains unchallenged.
9. THE DICTATOR AS RESPONSIBLE KILLER. In Manufacturing Consent Chomsky
and I showed how in the case of the murder of Jerzy Popieuszko in
communist Poland the media repeatedly sought to prove that the leaders
of Poland knew about and were responsible for the killing, whereas in
cases where our own leaders or clients are involved, the media are not
interested in high level knowledge and responsibility. It was therefore
a foregone conclusion that the media would jump on every claim that
Milosevic was behind the deaths in the Balkan wars, and as the Tribunal
has to confront the need for such proof to convict the demon, the media
are working this terrain with vigor. Some of the alleged new evidence
is clearly being leaked from the Tribunal itself (e.g., Bob Graham and
Tom Walker, "Milosevic Ordered Hiding of Bodies," Sunday Times
[London], July 8, 2001), a form of propaganda once again revealing that
it is not a judicial body but a political instrument. This evidence,
which cites the very words used by the dictator in Belgrade in March
1999 instructing his subordinates to commit crimes ("all civilians
killed in Kosovo have to be moved to places where they will not be
discovered," in ibid.), has the odor of NATO-bloc disinformation and
should be treated with the utmost scepticism. And we may be sure the
media will never ask why, with this instruction, "45 bodies" were left
on the ground in Racak for the convenience of William Walker and other
NATO propagandists.
Concluding Note
The U.S. propaganda system is at the peak of its powers in the early
years of the 21st century, riding the wave of capitalism's triumph,
U.S. global hegemony, and the confidence and effective service of the
increasingly concentrated and commercialized mainstream media. It is a
model propaganda system, its slippages and imperfections adding to its
power, given its assured service in times of need. And as described
above, in such times its ability to ignore inconvenient facts, swallow
disinformation, and work the public over with propaganda can easily
compete with--even surpass--anything found in totalitarian systems.
---
The Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at www.globalresearch.ca
grants permission to cross-post original CRG articles in their
entirety, or any portions thereof, on community internet sites, as long
as the text and title of the article are not modified. The source must
be acknowledged as follows: Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG)
at www.globalresearch.ca . The active URL hyperlink address of the
original CRG article and the author's copyright note must be clearly
displayed. (For articles from other news sources, check with the
original copyright holder, where applicable.) For publication of CRG
articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites,
contact: editor@... .
© Copyright E HERMAN 2003 For fair use only/ pour usage équitable
seulement.
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Lun 15 Dic 2003 14:21:46 Europe/Rome
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Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Political Trial, Political Testimony, Political
Pressure
The Deposition Will not be Televised:
Wesley Clark's Testimony in the Milosevic Trial
The right to a fair and public trial, the cornerstone of criminal
justice, has been under attack since September 11th, 2001. The protean
war on terrorism has led to a growing culture of judicial opacity and
has had the effect of increasing the public's tolerance of closed
proceedings, in the name of State security and national interests.
Yet not only in the US-- or at Guantanamo Bay-- have the courthouse
doors been slamming shut, and the workings of justice shielded from
public view. At the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY), the public and the media are often invited to step
out of the public gallery for confidential portions of proceedings. The
defendant's right to a public trial[1]-- and the public's right to
measure whether justice is truly carried out independently and
impartially-- is infringed upon by security considerations with
alarming frequency, particularly in the case of Slobodan Milosevic. To
exclude the public from even a fraction of such a historically
important trial, before a Tribunal created by the Security Council of
the United Nations[2]-- ostensibly to establish truth[3],
reconciliation[4] and peace[5]-- would seem to defeat the purpose. How
can a UN body disregard UN human rights instruments and General
Assembly resolutions which elevate the right to a public trial to the
gold standard in the protection of human rights? The fact that the ICTY
was created for political considerations provides some insight into the
question. Madeleine Albright was described as "the mother of the
Tribunal" by its past President[6], and Madam Secretary also lent her
name to the so-called "humanitarian" war in Kosovo[7].
Political Trial, Political Testimony, Political Pressure
Any doubt as to the political nature of the ICTY has been put to rest
following the imposition by the US government of bafflingly stringent
conditions for the upcoming testimony, on December 15th and 16th, of US
presidential candidate Wesley Clark for the Prosecution in the
Milosevic case[8]. The American government has succeeded in requiring
that General Clark's testimony be held in the absence of the public or
press, and has obtained the right to delay the transmission of the
testimony for 48 hours, in what the ICTY had called a "temporary closed
session." The delayed transmission is designed to permit the US
government to "review the transcript and make representations as to
whether evidence given in open session (sic) should be redacted in
order to protect the national interests of the US". This process will
engender a further delay, as the Chamber considers US requests for
censorship of the public record, in keeping with the legally nebulous
concept of US "national interests".
But what could General Clark have to tell the Security Council
Tribunal that he hasn't said in an interview, written in an op-ed, or
detailed in one of his two self-congratulatory tomes on the art of war?
More importantly, what could he possibly say against the interests of
President Slobodan Milosevic that would require the imposition by the
US of stringent conditions to protect its "legitimate national
interests"?
Could it be that Wesley Clark is a vulnerable witness? In the context
of the ongoing-- and apparently endless-- "war on terrorism", might the
US government wish to prevent questions being asked about General
Clark's role[9]-- and that of his government[10]-- in providing
military, financial and political support to the KLA[11], whose
well-documented links to Al-Qaeda[12] now threaten to throw intolerable
light on the effects of US foreign policy in the Balkans?
The ICTY has already agreed that seven paragraphs of Clark's full
statement will be placed under seal, inaccessible to the public. The US
government, which has obtained the right to have two representatives
present in the courtroom for General Clark's testimony--in contrast to
the public, who are entitled to no representative whatsoever-- may
request that further evidence be given in private session.
Public Trial?
In other words, while Wesley Clark--a public figure, US presidential
candidate and former Supreme Commander of NATO during its bombing of
Yugoslavia-- testifies at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic--the trial of
the century-- the public and media will be shut out. For 48 hours, the
public will wait for the US government to decide what it believes the
media can be trusted to report, and what must be cut from the public
record, in the name of "national interests". During the invasion of
Iraq, embedded journalists obtained information in a timelier manner.
And upon what basis will the Chamber decide whether or not to grant US
requests to cut evidence from the public record? Isn't the concept of
"national interest" a somewhat subjective, political notion, making the
adjudication of its content and applicability next to impossible? A
foreign government-- the sole superpower-- imposes conditions on the
testimony of a retired general and presidential candidate against the
former president of the nation bombed under the orders of the witness.
The conditions of the testimony violate internationally recognized
rights to public trials. The conditions violate the rights of the
accused, the media, and the public. That a court of law -- much less an
international tribunal purportedly designed to uphold human rights and
bring an end to the culture of impunity-- would accept such outrageous
conditions is unthinkable, unless this is a political, rather than
judicial process.
The public nature of the judicial process is vital to any democracy:
public access to open justice ensures fair trials. Only if justice is
accessible can the people form an opinion as to whether trials conform
to national and international standards[13]. Public access to criminal
proceedings protects defendants from malicious, abusive, or political
prosecutions, carried out in secret, far from public scrutiny. In the
context of the Milosevic trial, these considerations apply with greater
urgency still, given the political nature of the Tribunal, the
proceedings, as well as the financial and institutional support
received by the ICTY from certain governments and individuals[14],
whose preoccupations and interests are at odds with the requirements of
justice as envisaged by international and domestic standards.
"National interests" trump cross-examination
Slobodan Milosevic's right to cross-examine Wesley Clark has also been
severely curtailed-- contrary to the rights set out by the ICTY's Rules
of Procedure and recognized in all adversarial systems of law. He will
not be entitled to question General Clark on matters of credibility, an
outrageous restriction in light of the fact that Clark, a US
presidential candidate, has recently acknowledged that the 78-day
bombing campaign against Yugoslavia by NATO-- a campaign for which he
was directly responsible-- was carried out in "technical" violation of
international law[15].
Questions of credibility inevitably arise with respect to a witness
testifying about Mr. Milosevic's intent and good faith as a negotiator.
In such a case, the defence would be entitled to question the sincerity
of the witness, one who ordered the bombing of the RTS television
studios in Belgrade[16], just as a link-up was being established for an
interview with Larry King on CNN[17]. One could ask about the bombing
of a passenger train, and in particular, about the less than forthright
justification provided by the witness, publicly, for that incident of
"collateral damage"[18]. In particular, Clark could be asked why he
stated to the press that the train’s speed was such that the missiles’
trajectories could not be altered, using altered videotape
footage—shown at three times the normal speed—to support his
justification for these civilian deaths. General Clark's incredible
explanations for the bombing of the Chinese embassy— one of which
was : « I had another call that said, "Whoops. It looks like the
embassy was moved »[19] would also constitute appropriate lines of
cross-examination.
It is presently unknown to the public if Clark will even be questioned
with respect to the bombing campaign. If his statement does not cover
NATO's attack on Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic will not be entitled to
raise it at all, as the conditions obtained by the US government limit
questions asked to the content of Clark's statement[20]. The ICTY has
allowed Mr Milosevic to "seek to have the scope of examination expanded
by prior agreement of the US government"[21]. This delegation of
judicial authority by the Trial Chamber to the US government would be
comical if it were not such a striking manifestation of this
institution's incapacity to act judicially. Why can't President
Milosevic apply to the judges to request a wider scope of
cross-examination? When did the US government replace the judges on the
bench? No legal explanation or authority is provided by the ICTY's
decision to justify such an incredible measure. It is simply an
admission that this institution cannot adjudicate the facts or apply
the law with the independence and impartiality required by
international legal authority as well as its own statute, which
provides that "The Trial Chambers shall ensure that a trial is fair and
expeditious and that proceedings are conducted in accordance with the
rules of procedure and evidence, with full respect for the rights of
the accused and due regard for the protection of victims and
witnesses"[22].
The Rules of the ICTY also set out that "all proceedings before a Trial
Chamber, other than deliberations of the Chamber, shall be held in
public, unless otherwise provided."[23] Exceptions to this rule do not
include the imposition, by a foreign government, of closed sessions and
censorship of the public record, based on "national interests"[24],
even when that foreign governement is an indispensable financial
contributor to the Tribunal.[25]
"National interests"
What are "national interests", anyway? One could be forgiven for
concluding that they could mean anything. The law is silent as to the
definition of this notion. The concept of "national security" however,
has been studied and defined as a legal concept. In particular, the
question of whether and when the public can be deprived of access to
information in the name of national security was the object of an
important international legal conference held in Johannesburg in 1995,
at which the "Johannesburg Principles on National Security, Freedom of
Expression and Access to Information", were adopted. The meeting was
convened by Article 19, the International Centre Against Censorship,
and the Centre for Applied Legal Studies of the University of
Witwatersrand, South Africa[26].
A restriction to open justice, on the ground of "national
security"--and not "national interest"-- a concept which would appear
to protect less urgent concerns--is not, according to Principle 2 of
the Johannesburg Principles "legitimate unless its genuine purpose and
demonstrable effect is to protect a country's existence or its
territorial integrity against the use or threat of force, or its
capacity to respond to the threat or use of force, whether from an
external source, such as a military threat, or an internal source, such
as incitement to overthrow the government."
Did the US government argue that the very existence or territorial
integrity of the United States of America would be emperiled by Wesley
Clark's public testimony? It is unkown whether they did or not, because
the application made by the US government to require these
conditions--without which conditions they would not permit Wesley Clark
to testify at all-- was confidential. The hearing was confidential. And
the confidential decision setting out these conditions--released to the
public over two weeks after being handed down--fails to offer any
indication of which "national interests" were invoked by the United
States government to justify such sweeping measures of secrecy.
The Johannesburg Principles also set out what would not constitute a
legitimate restriction to a public trial on the basis of national
security:
"In particular, a restriction sought to be justified on the ground of
national security is not legitimate if its genuine purpose or
demonstrable effect is to protect interests unrelated to national
security, including, for example, to protect a government from
embarrassment or exposure of wrongdoing, or to conceal information
about the functioning of its public institutions, or to entrench a
particular ideology, or to suppress industrial unrest."[27]
Clearly, the fact that the ICTY would accept the imposition by the US
of conditions which egregiously violate one of the most fundamental
principles of international law--public trials-- without a public case
ever having being made to justify such an unprecedented restriction,
should thoroughly dispell any myths about the fairness of these
proceedings.
Consider, in addition, that Wesley Clark is very much a public figure,
he is running for President of the United States, and accordingly, his
testimony should be subject to public scrutiny. And note that General
Clark, retired, testifies against Slobodan Milosevic in interviews
almost every day-- and frequently engages in derisive imitations of him
which mock his Slavic-accented English[28]. Could it be that the ICTY
is protecting the US "national interest" in the public and media by not
hearing Slobodan Milosevic effectively cross-examine Wesley Clark?
The US governement has succeeded in insulating Clark's testimony from
public scrutiny in the name of "national interests". But why stop at
General Clark? And why would other NATO countries fail to seize this
opportunity to testify as accusers without having to bear the
consequences of a transparent process? This precedent will no doubt be
invoked to protect other American officials[29] from the strains of
public trials, and in turn, serve to further secure US impunity under
international law. US impunity is already well-established, considering
the American governement's refusal to submit to the jurisdiction of the
International Criminal Court for fear of "political prosecutions"[30].
Such a concern, when viewed in light of the massive US contribution to
both ad hoc Security Council tribunals, the ICTY and ICTR-- from which
one may presume that the US has culled evidence of unfounded,
politically-motivated prosecutions[31]--elevates disingenuity to
dizzying heights.
Conflict of interest?
The right to a fair and public trial is the right to a fair and public
trial before an independent and impartial tribunal. Every international
legal instrument recognizes this basic principle[32].
Wesley Clark will presumably be testifying about his role as NATO
Supreme Commander. The US is a NATO country--arguably the NATO country.
As Wesley Clark put it: "we're the leaders of NATO, we set up NATO,
it's our organization."[33] The ICTY is in a difficult position to act
as an independent judicial body, because NATO has stated that "it is
one" with the Tribunal. NATO spokesman Jamie Shea, on May 16th
1999, told the press that when "Justice Arbour starts her
investigation, she will because we allow her to. (…) NATO countries are
those who have provided the finance to set up the Tribunal, we are
amongst the majority financiers (…)so let me assure that we and the
Tribunal are all one on this, we want to see war criminals brought to
justice and I am certain that when Justice Arbour goes to Kosovo and
looks at the facts she will be indicting people of Yugoslav
nationality(…)"[34]
It is difficult to imagine a more damning admisssion. By stating that
its constituent countries are the Tribunal's major financiers, NATO is
in essence claiming to pay the salaries of the judges and prosecutor of
the ICTY. And that statement is somewhat inconsistent with the
requirements of institutional independence and impartiality for a
criminal trial. And when NATO's former Supreme Commander,-- a board
member of George Soros' International Crisis Group, alongside Canadian
Supreme Court Justice Louise Arbour[35] -- is given an opportunity to
testify in the absence of the press because this is a condition imposed
by the United States -- any appearance of justice, beyond the cosmetic
trappings of judges' robes, and the ritual incantions "all rise" and
"be seated" (although who will be there to rise and be seated?) vanish
in a puff of smoke.
Tiphaine Dickson
© 2003
(Tiphaine Dickson criminal lawyer based Montréal. She acted as lead
defence counsel in one of the first ad hoc genocide prosecutions before
the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, in Arusha, Tanzania.)
[1]Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights states:
"In the determination of any criminal charge against him, or of his
rights and obligations in a suit at law, everyone shall be entitled to
a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial
tribunal established by law..."
Paragraph 106 of the Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to
Paragraph 2 of Security Council Resolution 808 (1993),(S/25704),
recognized the application of international legal safeguards to the
ICTY:
"It is axiomatic that the International Tribunal must fully respect
internationally recognized standards regarding the rights of the
accused at all stages of its proceedings. In the view of the
Secretary-General, such internationally recognized standards are, in
particular, contained in article 14 of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights."
[2]United Nations Security Council Resolution 827 (1993).
[3]"Speaking during the debate on the resolution that committed the
U.N. Security Council to the creation of the ICTY, Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright asserted that "[t]his will be no victor's tribunal.
The only victor that will prevail in this endeavour is the truth.",
Remarks of ICTY President Theodor Meron, October 7th, 2003, before the
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, (CSCE), Washington,
http://www.csce.gov/witness.cfm?briefing_id=269&testimony_id=437
[4]"The role of the Tribunal cannot be over emphasized. Far from being
a vehicle for revenge, it is a tool for promoting reconciliation and
restoring true peace." First Annual Report of the ICTY, (A/49/342 -
S/1994/1007) submitted by former ICTY President Judge Gabrielle Kirk
McDonald.
[5]"the Security Council stated in Resolution 808 (1993) that it was
convinced that in the particular circumstances of the former
Yugoslavia, the establishment of an international tribunal would bring
about the achievement of the aim of putting an end to such crimes and
of taking effective measures to bring to justice the persons
responsible for them, and would contribute to the restoration and
maintenance of peace." Paragraph 26 of the Report of the
Secretary-General Pursuant to Paragraph 2 of Security Council
Resolution 808 (1993), Presented 3 May 1993 (S/25704). Security Council
Resolution 827 adopted this reasoning as a justification to establish
the ICTY.
[6]Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, first President of the ICTY, made
this statement at an awards ceremony held at the U.S. Supreme Court
on April 5th, 1999: "[W]e benefited from the strong support of
concerned governments and dedicated individuals such as Secretary
Albright. As the permanent representative to the United Nations, she
had worked with unceasing resolve to establish the Tribunal. Indeed, we
often refer to her as the ‘Mother of the Tribunal.’" Quoted in
Prosecute NATO, George Szamuely, New York Press,
http://www.balkanpeace.org/library/fa_2000/jan/fa250100.html.
[7]See Online Newshour, June 10th 1999:
JIM LEHRER: Does it bother you when people called it Madeleine's war?
MADELEINE ALBRIGHT: Well, I had... it had never occurred to me that
anybody would call a war after me, but it doesn't bother me at all that
people know that I believed, as did President Clinton, that this was a
situation that could not go on.
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/europe/jan-june99/albright_6-10.html
[8]"Decision on Prosecution's Application for a Witness Pursuant to
Rule 70 (B)", Prosecutor v. Milosevic, IT-02-54-T, 30 October 2003,
Confidential, released November 16th, 2003.
[9]As military aide to Richard Holbrooke during the 1995 Dayton Peace
Accords, as Director for Strategic Plans and Policy within the Joint
Chiefs of Staff from 1994 to 1997, and as Supreme Allied Commander of
NATO from 1997 to 2000.
[10]Brendan O'Neill, "How We Trained Al-Qa'eda", The Spectator,
November 22nd, 2003,
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php3?2003-09-13&id=3499#articletop.
[11]Id., Craig Pyesjosh Meyer and William C. Rempe, "Terrorists Use
Bosnia as Base and Sanctuary", Los Angeles Times, October 7, 2001;
Michel Chossudovsky, "Regime Rotation in America: Wesley Clark, Osama
bin Laden and the 2004 Presidential Elections", Center for Research on
Globalization, October 22nd, 2003,
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO310B.html.
[12] Cliff Kincaid, "Wesley Clark's Ties To Muslim Terrorists",
Accuracy in Media, September 17, 2003; Brendan O'Neill, "How We Trained
Al-Qa'eda", The Spectator, November 22nd, 2003,
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php3?2003-09-13&id=3499#articletop;
Craig Pyesjosh Meyer and William C. Rempe, "Terrorists Use Bosnia as
Base and Sanctuary", Los Angeles Times, October 7, 2001; Michel
Chossudovsky, "Regime Rotation in America: Wesley Clark, Osama bin
Laden and the 2004 Presidential Elections", Center for Research on
Globalization, October 22nd, 2003,
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO310B.html; Nikolaos Stavrou,
"Balkan Branches of the Terror Network?", Washington Times, October 21,
2001; George Szamuely, "Home-Grown Terrorism", New York Press, December
28, 1999.
[13]Amnesty International, Fair Trials Manual,
http://www.amnesty.org/ailib/intcam/fairtrial/indxftm_b.htm#14
[14]Although the ICTY's Statute provides that the Tribunal is to be
financed by the regular budget of the UN, which constitutes a safeguard
against the violation of judicial independence, the Tribunal has
received donations from governments, including the US, as well as
private foundations, such as the Rockefeller Foundation. See paragraph
16 of the First Annual Report by the President of the ICTY,
http://www.un.org/icty/rappannu-e/1994/index.htm. The ICTY has also
received donations from George Soros as well as corporations. Of
interest is the "private" financing of exhumations, for the Office of
the Prosecutor: " Funding for mass grave exhumations in the former
Yugoslavia is not part of the Tribunal's regular budget but comes
primarily from PHR (Physicians for Human Rights-ed.). That organisation
acts as a conduit for funding from IGOs and NGOs to the Tribunals for
the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. To date, a number of foundations,
including the US-based John Merck, Rockefeller and Soros (Open Society
Institute) Foundations, and the Dutch organisation Novib, have made
donations of cash, equipment and personnel." See
http://www.un.org/icty/BL/08art1e.htm.
[15]"Meet the Press", November 16th, 2003,
http://www.msnbc.com/news/994273.asp; Peter J. Boyer, "General Clark's
Battles", The New Yorker, November 17th, 2003.
[16]Reporters sans frontières, November 2000 Report, "Serbian
Broadcasting: Chronicle of Martyrdom Foretold",
http://www.rsf.org/rsf/uk/html/europe/rapport/serbie_rts.html. Both
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have concluded that the
bombing of RTS-- which killed 16 people-- was carried out in violation
of international law, id.
[17]Robert Fisk, "Taken In By the NATO Line," The Independent, July 2,
1999.
[18]"NATO used speeded-up film to excuse civilian deaths in Kosovo:
newspaper", AFP, January 6, 2001: " (…) US General Wesley Clark,
shortly afterwards showed two videotapes of the train appearing to be
traveling fast on the bridge, and said it had then been impossible to
alter the missiles' trajectories. The Frankfurt newspaper said the two
videotapes were both shown at three times normal speed. A spokesman for
NATO'S military command in Mons, Belgium, acknowledged in a telephone
interview with AFP that those images had been altered by "a technical
problem." The footage, recorded by a camera installed in the warhead of
one of the missiles that destroyed the bridge and train were altered
during the process of being copied for screening, said the spokesman.
He said NATO was aware of the problem since last October but did not
consider it "useful" to disclose it."
[19]"About five in the morning, I had another call that said, "Whoops.
It looks like the embassy was moved." Interview, General Wesley Clark,
Frontline, PBS,
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/kosovo/interviews/
clark.html
[20]ICTY Decision, supra.
[21]Id.
[22]ICTY Statute, Article 20, paragraph 1.
[23]Id., paragraph 4.
[24]Rules 70 and 79 of the ICTY Rules of Procedure and Evidence
exhaustively set out permissible exceptions to the requirement of
public hearings.
[25]The President of the ICTY, Judge Theodor Meron, stated the
following, last October 7th, before the Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in Washington: "As you know, the United
States took a leading role in the creation of the ICTY and remains a
staunch supporter. The U.S.'s financial contribution accounts for
approximately a quarter of the Tribunal's annual budget of
approximately $ 120 million."
http://www.csce.gov/witness.cfm?briefing_id=269&testimony_id=437
[26]http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/excep/johannesburg.html
[27]Johannesburg Principles, Principle 2 (B).
[28]N.R. Kleinfield, "General Clark on the Hustings: Complexity and
Contradiction", New York Times, November 23rd, 2003,
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/23/politics/campaigns/23CLAR.html; Seth
Rogovoy, "A General for President?", September 13th, 2003, The Atlantic
Monthly, Tom Junod, "The General", August 2003, Esquire.
[29] Christopher Marquis, "US Seeks Safeguards on Diplomats Testifying
at Milosevic Trial", New York Times, June 13th, 2002 Global Policy
Forum- International
Justice,http://www.globalpolicy.org/intljustice/tribunals/2002/
0613mil.htm
[30] US Department of State, International Information Programs, "U.S.
Restates Objections to International Criminal Court U.S. statement to
General Assembly Sixth Committee", October 14th, 2002:
"In a speech to the General Assembly's sixth committee, which deals
with legal matters, Nicholas Rostow explained the U.S. position on the
court. "The United States is concerned about the danger of politically
motivated prosecutions," Rostow said. "Examples of investigations or
prosecutions based on political agenda, not evidence and neutral
prosecutorial judgement abound. The structure of the ICC makes such
unacceptable proceedings possible."
http://usinfo.state.gov/topical/pol/usandun/02101615.htm
[31]Id.
[32]Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 10; International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 14; European Convention
on Human Rights, Article 6; African Charter of Rights, Articles 7 (d)
and 26; American Convention, Article 8(1); Basic Principles on the
Independence of the Judiciary. According to the UN Human Rights
Committee, the right to be tried before an independent tribunal "is an
absolute right that may suffer no exception": González del Río v. Peru,
(263/1987), 28 October 1992, Report of the HRC, vol. II, (A/48/40),
1993, paragraph 20.
[33]June 20, 2001, Uncommon Knowledge, Transcript 606: Waging Modern
War, www.uncoommonknowledge.org/01-02/606.html
[34]Press Conference, 16 May 1999.
www.nato.int/kosovo/press/p990516b.htm
[35]http://www.intl-crisis-group.org/home/index.cfm?id=1139&l=1
---
The Hague, 15 September 2003
8:00 a.m. Demonstrations in front of the Tribunal
9:00 a.m. ICDSM Press Conference at Bel Air Hotel
ICDSM lawyer Tiphaine Dickson will give a statement
and answer questions of the press
---
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http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
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http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
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==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Data: Lun 15 Dic 2003 14:21:46 Europe/Rome
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Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Political Trial, Political Testimony, Political
Pressure
The Deposition Will not be Televised:
Wesley Clark's Testimony in the Milosevic Trial
The right to a fair and public trial, the cornerstone of criminal
justice, has been under attack since September 11th, 2001. The protean
war on terrorism has led to a growing culture of judicial opacity and
has had the effect of increasing the public's tolerance of closed
proceedings, in the name of State security and national interests.
Yet not only in the US-- or at Guantanamo Bay-- have the courthouse
doors been slamming shut, and the workings of justice shielded from
public view. At the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY), the public and the media are often invited to step
out of the public gallery for confidential portions of proceedings. The
defendant's right to a public trial[1]-- and the public's right to
measure whether justice is truly carried out independently and
impartially-- is infringed upon by security considerations with
alarming frequency, particularly in the case of Slobodan Milosevic. To
exclude the public from even a fraction of such a historically
important trial, before a Tribunal created by the Security Council of
the United Nations[2]-- ostensibly to establish truth[3],
reconciliation[4] and peace[5]-- would seem to defeat the purpose. How
can a UN body disregard UN human rights instruments and General
Assembly resolutions which elevate the right to a public trial to the
gold standard in the protection of human rights? The fact that the ICTY
was created for political considerations provides some insight into the
question. Madeleine Albright was described as "the mother of the
Tribunal" by its past President[6], and Madam Secretary also lent her
name to the so-called "humanitarian" war in Kosovo[7].
Political Trial, Political Testimony, Political Pressure
Any doubt as to the political nature of the ICTY has been put to rest
following the imposition by the US government of bafflingly stringent
conditions for the upcoming testimony, on December 15th and 16th, of US
presidential candidate Wesley Clark for the Prosecution in the
Milosevic case[8]. The American government has succeeded in requiring
that General Clark's testimony be held in the absence of the public or
press, and has obtained the right to delay the transmission of the
testimony for 48 hours, in what the ICTY had called a "temporary closed
session." The delayed transmission is designed to permit the US
government to "review the transcript and make representations as to
whether evidence given in open session (sic) should be redacted in
order to protect the national interests of the US". This process will
engender a further delay, as the Chamber considers US requests for
censorship of the public record, in keeping with the legally nebulous
concept of US "national interests".
But what could General Clark have to tell the Security Council
Tribunal that he hasn't said in an interview, written in an op-ed, or
detailed in one of his two self-congratulatory tomes on the art of war?
More importantly, what could he possibly say against the interests of
President Slobodan Milosevic that would require the imposition by the
US of stringent conditions to protect its "legitimate national
interests"?
Could it be that Wesley Clark is a vulnerable witness? In the context
of the ongoing-- and apparently endless-- "war on terrorism", might the
US government wish to prevent questions being asked about General
Clark's role[9]-- and that of his government[10]-- in providing
military, financial and political support to the KLA[11], whose
well-documented links to Al-Qaeda[12] now threaten to throw intolerable
light on the effects of US foreign policy in the Balkans?
The ICTY has already agreed that seven paragraphs of Clark's full
statement will be placed under seal, inaccessible to the public. The US
government, which has obtained the right to have two representatives
present in the courtroom for General Clark's testimony--in contrast to
the public, who are entitled to no representative whatsoever-- may
request that further evidence be given in private session.
Public Trial?
In other words, while Wesley Clark--a public figure, US presidential
candidate and former Supreme Commander of NATO during its bombing of
Yugoslavia-- testifies at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic--the trial of
the century-- the public and media will be shut out. For 48 hours, the
public will wait for the US government to decide what it believes the
media can be trusted to report, and what must be cut from the public
record, in the name of "national interests". During the invasion of
Iraq, embedded journalists obtained information in a timelier manner.
And upon what basis will the Chamber decide whether or not to grant US
requests to cut evidence from the public record? Isn't the concept of
"national interest" a somewhat subjective, political notion, making the
adjudication of its content and applicability next to impossible? A
foreign government-- the sole superpower-- imposes conditions on the
testimony of a retired general and presidential candidate against the
former president of the nation bombed under the orders of the witness.
The conditions of the testimony violate internationally recognized
rights to public trials. The conditions violate the rights of the
accused, the media, and the public. That a court of law -- much less an
international tribunal purportedly designed to uphold human rights and
bring an end to the culture of impunity-- would accept such outrageous
conditions is unthinkable, unless this is a political, rather than
judicial process.
The public nature of the judicial process is vital to any democracy:
public access to open justice ensures fair trials. Only if justice is
accessible can the people form an opinion as to whether trials conform
to national and international standards[13]. Public access to criminal
proceedings protects defendants from malicious, abusive, or political
prosecutions, carried out in secret, far from public scrutiny. In the
context of the Milosevic trial, these considerations apply with greater
urgency still, given the political nature of the Tribunal, the
proceedings, as well as the financial and institutional support
received by the ICTY from certain governments and individuals[14],
whose preoccupations and interests are at odds with the requirements of
justice as envisaged by international and domestic standards.
"National interests" trump cross-examination
Slobodan Milosevic's right to cross-examine Wesley Clark has also been
severely curtailed-- contrary to the rights set out by the ICTY's Rules
of Procedure and recognized in all adversarial systems of law. He will
not be entitled to question General Clark on matters of credibility, an
outrageous restriction in light of the fact that Clark, a US
presidential candidate, has recently acknowledged that the 78-day
bombing campaign against Yugoslavia by NATO-- a campaign for which he
was directly responsible-- was carried out in "technical" violation of
international law[15].
Questions of credibility inevitably arise with respect to a witness
testifying about Mr. Milosevic's intent and good faith as a negotiator.
In such a case, the defence would be entitled to question the sincerity
of the witness, one who ordered the bombing of the RTS television
studios in Belgrade[16], just as a link-up was being established for an
interview with Larry King on CNN[17]. One could ask about the bombing
of a passenger train, and in particular, about the less than forthright
justification provided by the witness, publicly, for that incident of
"collateral damage"[18]. In particular, Clark could be asked why he
stated to the press that the train’s speed was such that the missiles’
trajectories could not be altered, using altered videotape
footage—shown at three times the normal speed—to support his
justification for these civilian deaths. General Clark's incredible
explanations for the bombing of the Chinese embassy— one of which
was : « I had another call that said, "Whoops. It looks like the
embassy was moved »[19] would also constitute appropriate lines of
cross-examination.
It is presently unknown to the public if Clark will even be questioned
with respect to the bombing campaign. If his statement does not cover
NATO's attack on Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic will not be entitled to
raise it at all, as the conditions obtained by the US government limit
questions asked to the content of Clark's statement[20]. The ICTY has
allowed Mr Milosevic to "seek to have the scope of examination expanded
by prior agreement of the US government"[21]. This delegation of
judicial authority by the Trial Chamber to the US government would be
comical if it were not such a striking manifestation of this
institution's incapacity to act judicially. Why can't President
Milosevic apply to the judges to request a wider scope of
cross-examination? When did the US government replace the judges on the
bench? No legal explanation or authority is provided by the ICTY's
decision to justify such an incredible measure. It is simply an
admission that this institution cannot adjudicate the facts or apply
the law with the independence and impartiality required by
international legal authority as well as its own statute, which
provides that "The Trial Chambers shall ensure that a trial is fair and
expeditious and that proceedings are conducted in accordance with the
rules of procedure and evidence, with full respect for the rights of
the accused and due regard for the protection of victims and
witnesses"[22].
The Rules of the ICTY also set out that "all proceedings before a Trial
Chamber, other than deliberations of the Chamber, shall be held in
public, unless otherwise provided."[23] Exceptions to this rule do not
include the imposition, by a foreign government, of closed sessions and
censorship of the public record, based on "national interests"[24],
even when that foreign governement is an indispensable financial
contributor to the Tribunal.[25]
"National interests"
What are "national interests", anyway? One could be forgiven for
concluding that they could mean anything. The law is silent as to the
definition of this notion. The concept of "national security" however,
has been studied and defined as a legal concept. In particular, the
question of whether and when the public can be deprived of access to
information in the name of national security was the object of an
important international legal conference held in Johannesburg in 1995,
at which the "Johannesburg Principles on National Security, Freedom of
Expression and Access to Information", were adopted. The meeting was
convened by Article 19, the International Centre Against Censorship,
and the Centre for Applied Legal Studies of the University of
Witwatersrand, South Africa[26].
A restriction to open justice, on the ground of "national
security"--and not "national interest"-- a concept which would appear
to protect less urgent concerns--is not, according to Principle 2 of
the Johannesburg Principles "legitimate unless its genuine purpose and
demonstrable effect is to protect a country's existence or its
territorial integrity against the use or threat of force, or its
capacity to respond to the threat or use of force, whether from an
external source, such as a military threat, or an internal source, such
as incitement to overthrow the government."
Did the US government argue that the very existence or territorial
integrity of the United States of America would be emperiled by Wesley
Clark's public testimony? It is unkown whether they did or not, because
the application made by the US government to require these
conditions--without which conditions they would not permit Wesley Clark
to testify at all-- was confidential. The hearing was confidential. And
the confidential decision setting out these conditions--released to the
public over two weeks after being handed down--fails to offer any
indication of which "national interests" were invoked by the United
States government to justify such sweeping measures of secrecy.
The Johannesburg Principles also set out what would not constitute a
legitimate restriction to a public trial on the basis of national
security:
"In particular, a restriction sought to be justified on the ground of
national security is not legitimate if its genuine purpose or
demonstrable effect is to protect interests unrelated to national
security, including, for example, to protect a government from
embarrassment or exposure of wrongdoing, or to conceal information
about the functioning of its public institutions, or to entrench a
particular ideology, or to suppress industrial unrest."[27]
Clearly, the fact that the ICTY would accept the imposition by the US
of conditions which egregiously violate one of the most fundamental
principles of international law--public trials-- without a public case
ever having being made to justify such an unprecedented restriction,
should thoroughly dispell any myths about the fairness of these
proceedings.
Consider, in addition, that Wesley Clark is very much a public figure,
he is running for President of the United States, and accordingly, his
testimony should be subject to public scrutiny. And note that General
Clark, retired, testifies against Slobodan Milosevic in interviews
almost every day-- and frequently engages in derisive imitations of him
which mock his Slavic-accented English[28]. Could it be that the ICTY
is protecting the US "national interest" in the public and media by not
hearing Slobodan Milosevic effectively cross-examine Wesley Clark?
The US governement has succeeded in insulating Clark's testimony from
public scrutiny in the name of "national interests". But why stop at
General Clark? And why would other NATO countries fail to seize this
opportunity to testify as accusers without having to bear the
consequences of a transparent process? This precedent will no doubt be
invoked to protect other American officials[29] from the strains of
public trials, and in turn, serve to further secure US impunity under
international law. US impunity is already well-established, considering
the American governement's refusal to submit to the jurisdiction of the
International Criminal Court for fear of "political prosecutions"[30].
Such a concern, when viewed in light of the massive US contribution to
both ad hoc Security Council tribunals, the ICTY and ICTR-- from which
one may presume that the US has culled evidence of unfounded,
politically-motivated prosecutions[31]--elevates disingenuity to
dizzying heights.
Conflict of interest?
The right to a fair and public trial is the right to a fair and public
trial before an independent and impartial tribunal. Every international
legal instrument recognizes this basic principle[32].
Wesley Clark will presumably be testifying about his role as NATO
Supreme Commander. The US is a NATO country--arguably the NATO country.
As Wesley Clark put it: "we're the leaders of NATO, we set up NATO,
it's our organization."[33] The ICTY is in a difficult position to act
as an independent judicial body, because NATO has stated that "it is
one" with the Tribunal. NATO spokesman Jamie Shea, on May 16th
1999, told the press that when "Justice Arbour starts her
investigation, she will because we allow her to. (…) NATO countries are
those who have provided the finance to set up the Tribunal, we are
amongst the majority financiers (…)so let me assure that we and the
Tribunal are all one on this, we want to see war criminals brought to
justice and I am certain that when Justice Arbour goes to Kosovo and
looks at the facts she will be indicting people of Yugoslav
nationality(…)"[34]
It is difficult to imagine a more damning admisssion. By stating that
its constituent countries are the Tribunal's major financiers, NATO is
in essence claiming to pay the salaries of the judges and prosecutor of
the ICTY. And that statement is somewhat inconsistent with the
requirements of institutional independence and impartiality for a
criminal trial. And when NATO's former Supreme Commander,-- a board
member of George Soros' International Crisis Group, alongside Canadian
Supreme Court Justice Louise Arbour[35] -- is given an opportunity to
testify in the absence of the press because this is a condition imposed
by the United States -- any appearance of justice, beyond the cosmetic
trappings of judges' robes, and the ritual incantions "all rise" and
"be seated" (although who will be there to rise and be seated?) vanish
in a puff of smoke.
Tiphaine Dickson
© 2003
(Tiphaine Dickson criminal lawyer based Montréal. She acted as lead
defence counsel in one of the first ad hoc genocide prosecutions before
the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, in Arusha, Tanzania.)
[1]Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights states:
"In the determination of any criminal charge against him, or of his
rights and obligations in a suit at law, everyone shall be entitled to
a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial
tribunal established by law..."
Paragraph 106 of the Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to
Paragraph 2 of Security Council Resolution 808 (1993),(S/25704),
recognized the application of international legal safeguards to the
ICTY:
"It is axiomatic that the International Tribunal must fully respect
internationally recognized standards regarding the rights of the
accused at all stages of its proceedings. In the view of the
Secretary-General, such internationally recognized standards are, in
particular, contained in article 14 of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights."
[2]United Nations Security Council Resolution 827 (1993).
[3]"Speaking during the debate on the resolution that committed the
U.N. Security Council to the creation of the ICTY, Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright asserted that "[t]his will be no victor's tribunal.
The only victor that will prevail in this endeavour is the truth.",
Remarks of ICTY President Theodor Meron, October 7th, 2003, before the
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, (CSCE), Washington,
http://www.csce.gov/witness.cfm?briefing_id=269&testimony_id=437
[4]"The role of the Tribunal cannot be over emphasized. Far from being
a vehicle for revenge, it is a tool for promoting reconciliation and
restoring true peace." First Annual Report of the ICTY, (A/49/342 -
S/1994/1007) submitted by former ICTY President Judge Gabrielle Kirk
McDonald.
[5]"the Security Council stated in Resolution 808 (1993) that it was
convinced that in the particular circumstances of the former
Yugoslavia, the establishment of an international tribunal would bring
about the achievement of the aim of putting an end to such crimes and
of taking effective measures to bring to justice the persons
responsible for them, and would contribute to the restoration and
maintenance of peace." Paragraph 26 of the Report of the
Secretary-General Pursuant to Paragraph 2 of Security Council
Resolution 808 (1993), Presented 3 May 1993 (S/25704). Security Council
Resolution 827 adopted this reasoning as a justification to establish
the ICTY.
[6]Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, first President of the ICTY, made
this statement at an awards ceremony held at the U.S. Supreme Court
on April 5th, 1999: "[W]e benefited from the strong support of
concerned governments and dedicated individuals such as Secretary
Albright. As the permanent representative to the United Nations, she
had worked with unceasing resolve to establish the Tribunal. Indeed, we
often refer to her as the ‘Mother of the Tribunal.’" Quoted in
Prosecute NATO, George Szamuely, New York Press,
http://www.balkanpeace.org/library/fa_2000/jan/fa250100.html.
[7]See Online Newshour, June 10th 1999:
JIM LEHRER: Does it bother you when people called it Madeleine's war?
MADELEINE ALBRIGHT: Well, I had... it had never occurred to me that
anybody would call a war after me, but it doesn't bother me at all that
people know that I believed, as did President Clinton, that this was a
situation that could not go on.
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/europe/jan-june99/albright_6-10.html
[8]"Decision on Prosecution's Application for a Witness Pursuant to
Rule 70 (B)", Prosecutor v. Milosevic, IT-02-54-T, 30 October 2003,
Confidential, released November 16th, 2003.
[9]As military aide to Richard Holbrooke during the 1995 Dayton Peace
Accords, as Director for Strategic Plans and Policy within the Joint
Chiefs of Staff from 1994 to 1997, and as Supreme Allied Commander of
NATO from 1997 to 2000.
[10]Brendan O'Neill, "How We Trained Al-Qa'eda", The Spectator,
November 22nd, 2003,
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php3?2003-09-13&id=3499#articletop.
[11]Id., Craig Pyesjosh Meyer and William C. Rempe, "Terrorists Use
Bosnia as Base and Sanctuary", Los Angeles Times, October 7, 2001;
Michel Chossudovsky, "Regime Rotation in America: Wesley Clark, Osama
bin Laden and the 2004 Presidential Elections", Center for Research on
Globalization, October 22nd, 2003,
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO310B.html.
[12] Cliff Kincaid, "Wesley Clark's Ties To Muslim Terrorists",
Accuracy in Media, September 17, 2003; Brendan O'Neill, "How We Trained
Al-Qa'eda", The Spectator, November 22nd, 2003,
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php3?2003-09-13&id=3499#articletop;
Craig Pyesjosh Meyer and William C. Rempe, "Terrorists Use Bosnia as
Base and Sanctuary", Los Angeles Times, October 7, 2001; Michel
Chossudovsky, "Regime Rotation in America: Wesley Clark, Osama bin
Laden and the 2004 Presidential Elections", Center for Research on
Globalization, October 22nd, 2003,
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO310B.html; Nikolaos Stavrou,
"Balkan Branches of the Terror Network?", Washington Times, October 21,
2001; George Szamuely, "Home-Grown Terrorism", New York Press, December
28, 1999.
[13]Amnesty International, Fair Trials Manual,
http://www.amnesty.org/ailib/intcam/fairtrial/indxftm_b.htm#14
[14]Although the ICTY's Statute provides that the Tribunal is to be
financed by the regular budget of the UN, which constitutes a safeguard
against the violation of judicial independence, the Tribunal has
received donations from governments, including the US, as well as
private foundations, such as the Rockefeller Foundation. See paragraph
16 of the First Annual Report by the President of the ICTY,
http://www.un.org/icty/rappannu-e/1994/index.htm. The ICTY has also
received donations from George Soros as well as corporations. Of
interest is the "private" financing of exhumations, for the Office of
the Prosecutor: " Funding for mass grave exhumations in the former
Yugoslavia is not part of the Tribunal's regular budget but comes
primarily from PHR (Physicians for Human Rights-ed.). That organisation
acts as a conduit for funding from IGOs and NGOs to the Tribunals for
the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. To date, a number of foundations,
including the US-based John Merck, Rockefeller and Soros (Open Society
Institute) Foundations, and the Dutch organisation Novib, have made
donations of cash, equipment and personnel." See
http://www.un.org/icty/BL/08art1e.htm.
[15]"Meet the Press", November 16th, 2003,
http://www.msnbc.com/news/994273.asp; Peter J. Boyer, "General Clark's
Battles", The New Yorker, November 17th, 2003.
[16]Reporters sans frontières, November 2000 Report, "Serbian
Broadcasting: Chronicle of Martyrdom Foretold",
http://www.rsf.org/rsf/uk/html/europe/rapport/serbie_rts.html. Both
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have concluded that the
bombing of RTS-- which killed 16 people-- was carried out in violation
of international law, id.
[17]Robert Fisk, "Taken In By the NATO Line," The Independent, July 2,
1999.
[18]"NATO used speeded-up film to excuse civilian deaths in Kosovo:
newspaper", AFP, January 6, 2001: " (…) US General Wesley Clark,
shortly afterwards showed two videotapes of the train appearing to be
traveling fast on the bridge, and said it had then been impossible to
alter the missiles' trajectories. The Frankfurt newspaper said the two
videotapes were both shown at three times normal speed. A spokesman for
NATO'S military command in Mons, Belgium, acknowledged in a telephone
interview with AFP that those images had been altered by "a technical
problem." The footage, recorded by a camera installed in the warhead of
one of the missiles that destroyed the bridge and train were altered
during the process of being copied for screening, said the spokesman.
He said NATO was aware of the problem since last October but did not
consider it "useful" to disclose it."
[19]"About five in the morning, I had another call that said, "Whoops.
It looks like the embassy was moved." Interview, General Wesley Clark,
Frontline, PBS,
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/kosovo/interviews/
clark.html
[20]ICTY Decision, supra.
[21]Id.
[22]ICTY Statute, Article 20, paragraph 1.
[23]Id., paragraph 4.
[24]Rules 70 and 79 of the ICTY Rules of Procedure and Evidence
exhaustively set out permissible exceptions to the requirement of
public hearings.
[25]The President of the ICTY, Judge Theodor Meron, stated the
following, last October 7th, before the Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in Washington: "As you know, the United
States took a leading role in the creation of the ICTY and remains a
staunch supporter. The U.S.'s financial contribution accounts for
approximately a quarter of the Tribunal's annual budget of
approximately $ 120 million."
http://www.csce.gov/witness.cfm?briefing_id=269&testimony_id=437
[26]http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/excep/johannesburg.html
[27]Johannesburg Principles, Principle 2 (B).
[28]N.R. Kleinfield, "General Clark on the Hustings: Complexity and
Contradiction", New York Times, November 23rd, 2003,
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/23/politics/campaigns/23CLAR.html; Seth
Rogovoy, "A General for President?", September 13th, 2003, The Atlantic
Monthly, Tom Junod, "The General", August 2003, Esquire.
[29] Christopher Marquis, "US Seeks Safeguards on Diplomats Testifying
at Milosevic Trial", New York Times, June 13th, 2002 Global Policy
Forum- International
Justice,http://www.globalpolicy.org/intljustice/tribunals/2002/
0613mil.htm
[30] US Department of State, International Information Programs, "U.S.
Restates Objections to International Criminal Court U.S. statement to
General Assembly Sixth Committee", October 14th, 2002:
"In a speech to the General Assembly's sixth committee, which deals
with legal matters, Nicholas Rostow explained the U.S. position on the
court. "The United States is concerned about the danger of politically
motivated prosecutions," Rostow said. "Examples of investigations or
prosecutions based on political agenda, not evidence and neutral
prosecutorial judgement abound. The structure of the ICC makes such
unacceptable proceedings possible."
http://usinfo.state.gov/topical/pol/usandun/02101615.htm
[31]Id.
[32]Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 10; International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 14; European Convention
on Human Rights, Article 6; African Charter of Rights, Articles 7 (d)
and 26; American Convention, Article 8(1); Basic Principles on the
Independence of the Judiciary. According to the UN Human Rights
Committee, the right to be tried before an independent tribunal "is an
absolute right that may suffer no exception": González del Río v. Peru,
(263/1987), 28 October 1992, Report of the HRC, vol. II, (A/48/40),
1993, paragraph 20.
[33]June 20, 2001, Uncommon Knowledge, Transcript 606: Waging Modern
War, www.uncoommonknowledge.org/01-02/606.html
[34]Press Conference, 16 May 1999.
www.nato.int/kosovo/press/p990516b.htm
[35]http://www.intl-crisis-group.org/home/index.cfm?id=1139&l=1
---
The Hague, 15 September 2003
8:00 a.m. Demonstrations in front of the Tribunal
9:00 a.m. ICDSM Press Conference at Bel Air Hotel
ICDSM lawyer Tiphaine Dickson will give a statement
and answer questions of the press
---
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Please find the detailed instructions at:
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==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
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