Inauguration de l`exposition: 1999-2003: EGLISES ET MONASTERES DU
KOSOVO - UN PATRIMOINE EUROPEEN EN DANGER

http://www.artel.co.yu/fr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-06-04_4.html

Raoul BETEILLE - Jean-Paul BLED - Yvonne BOULLMANN - Yves BONNET -
Alain BOURNAZEL - Jean BRUEL - Paul - Marie COUTEAUX - Le Général
Pièrre -Marie GALLOIS - Pièrre HILLARD - Yoshio KADOMOTO - Gabriel
KASPEREIT - Milèna NOKOVITCH - Alain PAUCARD - Maurice PERGNIER -
Christophe REVEILLARD - Thierry SECHAN - Vladimir VOLKOFF - Franz
WEBER ...

Vous prient de bièn vouloir assister à l`inauguration de l`exposition

1999 - 2003: EGLISES ET MONASTERES DU KOSOVO - UN PATRIOMOINE EUROPEEN
EN DANGER


Le visage du Christ effacé - Eglise de Saint Nikola*Dégats sur le
fresque de Saint Paraskeva
Le village Gatnje - Kosovo et Metohija - Serbie *****Le Monastère
Devic - Kosovo - Serbie

Le Jeudi 19 Juin 2003 a 18h 30

"Cie des Bateaux - Mouches"
Pont de PALMA - Rive Droite
75008 PARIS
(Métro: Alma - Marceau)

Exposition du 19 Juin au 15 Juillet 2003

Eglise de la Sainte Trinité - Petric près de Pec - Kosovo et Metohija
- Serbie

Pendant la durée de l`exposition, des tables rondes et forums seront
organisés. Il est aussi prevu des expositions et dédicaces d`ouvrages
rares ainsi que la promotion de films documentaires inédits.

Temple de la Sainte Trinité à Djakovica - Kosovo et Metohija - Serbie

Auteur/Réalisateur de l`Exposition: Professeur Ljubisa FOLIC
Résponsable de l`Exposition : Professeur Jean-Paul BLED
Biènfaiteur - Mecene: Compagnies des Bateaux-Mouches et son patron
Jean Bruel

Contacts: Tel..: 01 42 25 96 10, Fax.: 01 42 25 02 28

DI CHI SI FIDA L'AGENTE DELLA CIA ?

Ciliegina lunga, in tre parti:

1. GIULIANO FERRARA INFORMATORE PREZZOLATO DELLA CIA
2. GIULIANO FERRARA "SI FIDA DI PIU'" DI RINA GAGLIARDI
3. PIU' DI MILLE FIRME A SOSTEGNO DI FULVIO GRIMALDI


=== 1. GIULIANO FERRARA AGENTE DELLA CIA ===


http://www.ilbarbieredellasera.com/article.php?sid=7506

16.05.2003

LA SPIA CHE VENNE DAL FOGLIO
di Pennina

Da Vittorio Feltri a Sandro Curzi, da Giulietto Chiesa a Maurizio
Belpietro: un po' di opinioni alla rinfusa sulla confessione
spionistica di Giuliano Ferrara

Pur non avendo le physique du role di James Bond (scegliendo a piacere
tra i vari attori che lo hanno impersonato) Giuliano Ferrara è stato
una spia, o informatore che dir si voglia, come ha candidamente
confessato in una puntata della sua autobiografia (monumentale quanto
l'autore) pubblicata nei giorni scorsi in due paginone del Foglio.

Il primo Elefantino 007 della storia dello spionaggio mondiale affida
alla scrittura la sua esperienza.

E rievoca, racconta, ricorda. Partendo dal frisson, il brivido durante
le chiacchierate "con il giovane sveglio simpaticissimo agente
americano" per arrivare agli "incontri nella stamberga di Trastevere o
al Pincio, tra i riverberi della piu' bella luce del mondo, vicino
l'orologio ad acqua.
All'erotico passaggio di mano della busta giallina in cui erano
avvolti i soldi".

Elefantiaco lirismo presto mitigato dalla prosaica autodefinizione:
"Ero un informatore prezzolato della Cia". Piu' chiaro di così...

Il Barbiere ha indagato le reazioni dei giornalisti della redazione
del Foglio a questa rivelazione e chiesto a direttori e vicedirettori
dei giornali italiani se si puo' essere contemporaneamente giornalista
e agente segreto, intendendo con questa espressione una persona pagata
dai servizi di intelligence di qualsiasi Stato per fornire
informazioni.

"Non vedo la contraddizione in questo doppio lavoro - spiega Luca
Sofri - si fa il giornalista e contemporaneamente si potrebbe fare
l'idraulico".

Fare la spia è lo stesso che fare l'idraulico? "Non vedo problemi
etici nel raccontare qualcosa a Paesi amici, alleati, democratici. Non
so se sono troppo ingenuo o troppo giovane, ma, se degli agenti mi
chiedessero di raccontare come vanno le cose a La7 offrendomi dei
soldi, lo farei".

Autocandidatura? "(risata) Purtroppo io non so mai niente! Certo,
sarebbe scorretto verso La7, ma non in sé. Nel caso di Ferrara, poteva
essere scorretto nei confronti delle persone di cui parlava o degli
enti con cui aveva un rapporto privilegiato".

Dello stesso parere, nella redazione del Foglio, Stefano Di Michele:
"Il giornalista è un mestiere che si presta a fare le spiate. La
letteratura è piena di giornalisti-spioni. Secondo me, tanti fanno la
spia senza che si sappia". Altrimenti che spie sarebbero? Ma non c'è
incompatibilità con l'essere giornalisti? "A me non è mai capitato,
non mi sono mai posto il problema. Sono troppo pigro anche per fare il
giornalista.
Ferrara era così attivo da fare entrambi i mestieri? Di certo non è
bello essere una spia degli Stati Uniti. Almeno lo avesse fatto per
Paesi piu' carini tipo la Russia, la Francia o per i Nordcoreani. Che
gusto c'è a far la spia per John Wayne? Pero' questo lo dico io che
sono comunista. Ma siamo sul cazzeggio assoluto, sul terreno
deontologico non mi ci trascini!".

E se fosse l'ennesima trovata dell'Elefantino? "No. Mi dà l'idea che
sia una storia vera. Non l'ha messa in burletta come per il
licenziamento di Vincino. Comunque c'è stata sorpresa in redazione e
ci abbiamo scherzato un po' su".

Tra i piu' burloni, il vicedirettore Ubaldo Casotto che il giorno
successivo all'uscita dell'articolo, si è presentato a lavoro con gli
occhiali neri e una busta gialla in mano (così veniva pagato Ferrara
dall'agente americano, ndr), tra le risate della redazione.

"Non credo che Ferrara fosse giornalista, allora. E non vedo il
problema. Se fosse stata una delazione, magari... ma spiegava solo la
politica. Come io prendo dei soldi per scrivere articoli, lui si
faceva pagare le sue competenze".

Anche il direttore del Giornale Maurizio Belpietro è preso dal dubbio:
"Faceva il giornalista in quell'epoca? Mi par di ricordare facesse
lavoretti vari... Di esempi ce ne sono tanti nella storia d'Italia, in
quegli anni un po' torbidi, di giornalisti che collaboravano con i
servizi italiani. Giorgio Zicari era anche un bravo giornalista o
Giannettini, che piu' che la spia compilava delle schede. Ferrara ha
avuto il coraggio di dirlo. Se si facesse outing serio anche altri
direbbero di aver fatto delle informative. Confesso di aver letto
delle schede del Sisde... sembravano degli articoli. Bastava comprare
il giornale. Due pettegolezzi, qualche analisi. Poca roba".

D'obbligo interpellare Giulietto Chiesa (per anni inviato de L'Unità a
Mosca dove, per sua ammissione, ha vissuto "come in un libro giallo",
ndr).
Si puo' essere spie e giornalisti? "Che domanda! Io risponderei solo
così: sono molto contento di non aver mai frequentato Ferrara. Ti
serve altro? Una persona decente, in un Paese decente cosa deve dire
di piu'? Siamo arrivati al livello di vantarsi di essere una spia
della Cia! L'unico modo per elucubrare intorno a questa merda è
chiedersi perché l'ha scritto. Qualcuno avrebbe potuto dirlo e lui, da
buontempone, ha giocato d'anticipo".

Decisamente piu' abbottonato il direttore di Panorama, Carlo Rossella:
"Io commento solo sul mio giornale. In ogni caso si puo' attribuire a
me "Ben scavato. Vecchia talpa", il commento apparso nella mia rubrica
Alta Società sul Foglio.

"Quando faceva la spia non faceva il giornalista - precisa il
direttore di Libero, Vittorio Feltri - ha cominciato nell'86 al
Corriere della sera".
Quello è l'esordio ufficiale come praticante. E le collaborazioni
precedenti? "Beh, è piu' compatibile fare la spia per l'America che
per l'Unione sovietica, considerata nemico durante la guerra fredda.
Io faccio da quarant'anni questo lavoro e mi son trovato bene lo
stesso senza fare la spia, perché nessuno mi ha mai chiesto di farlo.
Adesso non avrei neanche l'alibi economico, mi sono affrancato dal
bisogno. In passato non so che cosa avrei deciso. Bisognerebbe
trovarsi nella situazione. Siamo tutti capaci di fare i moralisti".

Dopo una breve pausa, aggiunge: "Ho l'impressione che l'Elefantino
abbia tirato l'ennesima burla. Vuol dimostrare che aver lavorato per
la Cia e l'Urrs sia lo stesso, vista la sua ostilità alla commissione
Mithrokin. Non credo a quello che dice. E' una provocazione nel suo
stile".

Ad ulteriore dimostrazione che gli opposti si attraggono, anche Sandro
Curzi, direttore di Liberazione è sospettoso riguardo la rivelazione
di Ferrara: "Credo sia stata una battuta. Penso che abbia scherzato
per sfottere il clima generale. Me lo auguro per lui. Se fosse vero
sarebbe gravissimo, avrebbe collaborato con un servizio segreto
straniero. Evento di gravità notevole, che si tratti di Alleati o
meno. Un giornalista non puo' collaborare neanche con i Servizi
italiani, senno' lo cacciano. Anche al tempo del fascismo, i
giornalisti sospettati di essere spie erano considerati una schifezza
dagli altri. Durante la guerra fredda fu scoperto all'Unità uno che
aveva rapporti strani con i servizi e fu allontanato. E' una
contraddizione fare questi due mestieri insieme".

Federico Geremicca, vicedirettore de La Stampa, non risparmia
l'ennesima mazzata alla categoria: "Non è corretto fare le due cose.
Ma il problema vero è che cosa abbiamo noi da raccontare? Gli spioni
giornalisti non mi pare possano trasferire grandi segreti".
Parafrasando Flaubert ("si diventa spia quando non si puo' fare il
soldato"): si diventa spia quando non si riesce a fare il giornalista?

Pennina


=== 2. GIULIANO FERRARA "SI FIDA DI PIU'" DI RINA GAGLIARDI ===


Cari compagni, con preghiera di diffondere, vi trasmetto la lettera di
Rina Gagliardi a Il Foglio del 4/6/3 e la mia risposta, sempre su Il
Foglio, del 5/6/3, con relativi commenti di Giuliano Ferrara.
(Fulvio Grimaldi)

Al direttore. - Le chiedo ospitalità per una, anzi per due
precisazioni. Sul Foglio di ieri, il servizio dedicato, tra le altre
cose, alle vicende interne di Liberazione, si conclude con una
dichiarazione dell'on. Paolo Gentiloni (Margherita) su "Fulvio
Grimaldi, cacciato perchè critico del regime cubano", Intanto,
Grimaldi non è stato cacciato: è un collaboratore (non un redattore di
Liberazione), al quale era stata affidata una rubrica di critica
ambientalista. Questa rubrica è stata sospesa perchè, contrariamente
agli accordi presi con lo stesso Grimaldi, si occupava di tutto, di
molto, tranne che di ambiente. In secondo luogo: come si fa
distorcere così i termini del dibattito che si è svolto in
Rifondazione su Cuba, fino a radicalmente rovesciarlo?
La maggioranza del PRC, a cominciare dal segretario Bertinotti, e la
direzione di Liberazione hanno espresso un giudizio assai critico
sulle recenti vicende che hanno portato alla condanna a morte di tre
oppositori e a una forte ondata repressiva: restiamo amici, sì, di
Cuba e della rivoluzione cubana, ma non consideriamo questi episodio
un piccolo incidente di percorso. Una parte dei compagni di
Rifondazione non ha condiviso questa linea e ha ribadito la propria
incondizionata solidarietà a Cuba: l'opposto, insomma, di una
posizione "liberal". Quanto a Fulvio Grimaldi, il suo ultimo
"Mondocane", che proprio di Cuba si occupava, non conteneva nessuna
critica alle scelte di Castro, anzi, le "comprendeva" fino in fondo.
Leggere per credere.
Rina Gagliardi, condirettore di Liberazione.

Di Rina Gagliardi, non so perchè, mi fido
(Giuliano Ferrara)

Risposta di Fulvio Grimaldi su Il Foglio del 5/6.

Credo di poterle chiedere ospitalità per rispondere alla lettera di
Rina Gagliardi di "Liberazione". Gagliardi, rubando il mestiere al
direttore Curzi, rimasto defilato in questa vicenda,, ma di cui
arguisco il pensiero dalla posizione assunta sulla questione Corriere
della Sera, si arrampica sugli specchi per giustificare la mia
cacciata da Liberazione, cacciata sostenibile solo grazie a un
evidente culto della flessibilità totale del lavoratore: se non è
cacciata la rescissione un ilaterale e in tronco del mio contratto di
collaborazione e il mio allontanamento dal giornale a cui collaboravo
da cinque anni, non solo con la rubrica "Mondocane", ma con ampi
reportages da tutto il mondo, senza comunicazione formale (mi ha
telefonato l'amministratore) e senza spiegazione (giusta causa?),
vorrebbe dire che la nostra battaglia per l'art. 18, per Santoro e
Biagi, per il pluralismo e la libertà d'espressione, vale solo per il
"fuori" e non per il "dentro".
Purtroppo neppure le ragioni con Lei adotte per la cacciata sono
oneste. Basta leggere la presentazione della prima puntata di
"Mondocane" per accertarsi che ero stato invitato a scrivere di
persone, animali, genti oppresse, cosa che ho sempre fatto,
evidentemente non limitandomi alla difesa della peppola, o dell'oasi,
ma rilevando gli ovvii collegamenti tra ecologia, guerra, mercato,
uranio, bombe, strategie per le risorse naturali e umane, e relativi
protagonisti: popoli, leader, economie. Leggere per credere. Del resto
il mio successore nella rubrica, Fabrizio Giovenale, ha subito
esordito sottolineando come l'ecologia pervada ogni aspetto della
vita e della politica. Leggere per credere. I mille firmatari di un
appello al mio reintegro e di protesta contro gli usi censori
adottati, raccolti in pochissimi giorni, come le centinaia di lettere
arrivate al direttore Curzi, hanno evidenziato la consapevolezza di
iscritti e lettori che quello adottato nei miei confronti è stato un
provvedimento di epurazione politica, nel più bello stile in uso a
Mosca anni fa. Ultima scorrettezza di Gagliardi: il mio ultimo
Mondocane non avrebbe contenuto critiche alle scelte di Castro.
Peccato che, con ironia e paradossi, estranei allo stile di Gagliardi,
e pur esprimendo assoluta solidarietà a Cuba assediata, avessi
chiaramente preso le distanze sia dalle condanne a morte, sia dalle
incarcerazioni. Leggere per credere.
Fulvio Grim aldi

Mi fido anche di lei, come vede. Ma meno. Questa mattina un libertario
come Massimo Bordin, a Radio Radicale, ha ricordato le bordate di
insulti da lei rivolte a coloro che sul Kosovo o sull'Iraq pensavano,
e dunque non la pensavano come lei. Fa piacere invece questo tono da
vittima, testimone e martire della libera stampa.
(Giuliano Ferrara).

Fa anche piacere vedere che G.Ferrara, portavoce di Berlusconi, e i
radicali stiano con Gagliardi e contro di me.
(Fulvio)


=== 3. PIU' DI MILLE FIRME A SOSTEGNO DI FULVIO GRIMALDI ===


Alla Direzione/redazione di Liberazione
Alla Segreteria nazionale del Prc.

Cari compagni, riteniamo estremamente grave la decisione di sopprimere
il rapporto di collaborazione del giornalista Fulvio Grimaldi con il
quotidiano del nostro partito, assunta per la sola ragione che le sue
parole di amicizia e solidarietà con Cuba, espresse in poche righe nel
suo ultimo corsivo della rubrica "Mondocane", non sono state ritenute
"tollerabili". E' grave che in un momento come quello attuale, nel
quale la libertà d'informazione e di espressione subisce un attacco
senza precedenti nel nostro paese, pure sul nostro quotidiano venga
applicata la censura nei confronti di un giornalista di riconosciuta
professionalità , tanto che si decida, di punto in bianco e senza
alcuna "giusta causa", di impedirgli di scrivere.
E' sconcertante e privo di coerenza che, mentre da un lato si afferma
solennemente e con grande enfasi che il pluralismo costituisce
l'unico quadro entro cui si possono inscrivere la parola comunismo e
la vita stessa del partito (e in ragione di ciò si aprono le pagine
del giornale alle posizioni più diverse provenienti dall'esterno),
contemporaneamente si reagisce con assoluta intolleranza nei confronti
delle opinioni di un giornalista iscritto al partito, espresse in una
breve rubrica settimanale. Liberazione è il quotidiano di tutto il
partito, tutto il partito contribuisce alla sua esistenza e tutte le
posizioni del partito hanno piena dignità, legittimità e diritto di
esservi espresse. Se la chiusura delle trasmissioni di Biagi e Santoro
apre un contenzioso democratico nel nostro paese, che deve
concludersi necessariamente con l'immediata ripresa del loro lavoro,
noi riteniamo che lo stesso debba riguardare a questo punto il caso
del compagno Grimaldi, a cui vanno tutta la nostra stima e la nostra
solidarietà e del quale chiediamo l'immediata reintegrazione ne l le
funzioni giornalistiche. E' in gioco una questione di democrazia che
va al di là della maggiore o minore condivisione delle idee del
compagno Grimaldi e che ci chiama in causa tutti: iscritti,
simpatizzanti, elettori di Rifondazione comunista, semplici lettori di
Liberazione.
Nella celebre lettera del 1926 al Comitato centrale bolscevico,
Antonio Gramsci ammoniva che per i comunisti le diversità di posizione
si affrontano dialetticamente con il confronto, non con metodi
autoritari e burocratici, e osservava che l'unità e la disciplina
all'interno di un partito non possono essere meccaniche e coatte, ma
leali e di convinzione. A questi principi ci richiamiamo, certi che
solo attraverso il confronto si possa costruire, prima di tutto al
nostro interno, quell'"altro mondo possibile" di cui tanto parliamo.

Per le adesioni
inviare nome, cognome e carica di partito o professione alla casella
di posta elettronica:

profulviogrimaldi@...

1.Gianni Fresu - PRC Urbino
2.Gianmarco Anzolin - Segreteria PRC Vicenza
3.Claudio Grassi - Segreteria nazionale del Partito della
Rifondazione Comunista
4.Claudio Parisella - Coordinatore GC - Savona
5.Marco Sferini - Segretario Circolo PRC "Nanni Rebagliati" - Savona
centro
6.Bianca Bracci Torsi - Direzione nazionale del Partito della
Rifondazione Comunista
7.GianLuigi Pegolo - Direzione nazionale del Partito della
Rifondazione Comunista
8.Letizia Lindi - Coordinamento Nazionale Giovani Comunisti
9.Omar Minniti - PRC Reggio Calabria
10.Yassir Goretz - Coordinamento Nazionale Giovani Comunisti
11.Luigi Sciotto - Coordinamento Nazionale Giovani Comunisti
12.Francesco Maringiò - Coodinamento nazionale Giovani Comunisti
13.Mattia Gatti - Coordinamento Provinciale GC - Milano
14.Gianluca Maniscalco - Coordinamento Provinciale GC - Torino
15.Federico Losurdo - Giovani Comunisti Urbino
16.Stefano Carlesi - PRC Carrara Centro
17.Elena Vatteroni - PRC Carrara Centro
18.Serena Marchionni - CPF Bologna
19.Nicola Favaro - PRC Torino
20.Harald Goretz - PRC Roma
21.Simone Oggionni - CPR Lombardia
22.Virginia Bertani - PRC Carrara
23.Stefania Lepera - Segretaria Circolo "Ottobre Rosso" - Bologna
24.Stefano Azzarà - PRC Urbino
25.Sarah Fogagnoli - Giovani Comunisti - Schio
26.Michele Grolla - Giovani Comunisti - Schio
27.Luca Placidi - Coordinamento Giovani Comunisti - Roma
28.Serena Santilli - CPF Roma
29.Franco Izzo - Segretario del Circolo "T. Seita" di Venaria Reale
(TO)
30.Paola Liberto - PRC Urbino
31.Ciro Risolo - CPF Salerno
32.Celeste Costantino - Coordinatrice provinciale dei GC di Reggio
Calabria
33.Romina Ambrogio - Comitato Politico Nazionale (Torino)
34.Marco Miglioranza - Coordinatore Giovani Comunisti - Circolo di
Schio
35.Silvia Stocchetti - Segretaria Circolo Valchiampo "P.Tresso" e
membro del CPF
36.Laura Cencherle - direttivo circolo di Schio
37.Gianantonio Filippi - CPF Vicenza
38.Guido Zentile - Direttivo Circolo di Schio
39.Irene Rui - Direttivo Circolo di Schio
40.Urbano Boscoscuro - Segreteria provinciale Federazione di Vicenza
41.Valerio Quatrano - PRC Napoli
42.Andrea Martocchia - Circolo PRC "XXV Aprile" - Parigi
43.Gianmarco Pisa - Coordinamento regionale Giovani Comunisti -
Campania
44.Gianluca Romeo - Esecutivo provinciale Giovani Comunisti Reggio
Calabria
45.Tamara Bille - PRC Schio
46.Fulvia Bilanceri - Comitato politico nazionale (Livorno)
47.Massimo Meloni - PRC Circolo "XI Maggio" - Iglesias (CA)
48.Massimiliano Trentin - PRC Schio
49.Achmed Goretz - PRC Roma
50.Luigi Giacalone - Comitato politico regionale - Piemonte
51.Valentina Steri - CPF Roma
52.Massimiliano Ortu - Segretario circolo PRC "Camilla Ravera" (Roma)
53.Andrea Martini - Comitato politico federale PRC Ancona,
Coordinamento prov. GC Ancona
54.Renato Zanella
55.Nicoletta Dosio - Circolo PRC "Meyer Vighetti" di Bussoleno (TO)
56.Labate Massimiliano - Circolo PRC "A. Gramsci" Cavenago Brianza
(Mi)
57.Andrea Romagnoli - Circolo PRC "P. Togliatti" - Savona
58.Marco Pondrelli - Segretario circolo "A. Gramsci", San Lazzaro
(BO)
59.Clemente Granieri - PRC Napoli
60.Alba Paolini - Direttivo Circolo PRC Cinecittà Roma
61.Franco Iachini - Segretario Circolo PRC Cinecittà Roma
62.Cavalli Angelo - Circolo PRC Cinecittà Roma
63.Luciano Dondero - CPF Savona
64.Paola Vottero - Segreteria provinciale PRC Savona
65.Michele Basso - Circolo "Antonio Gramsci" - Quiliano (Savona)
66.Gino Candreva - PRC Milano, Direttore periodico comunista "Onda
Rossa"
67.Roberto Casella - CPF Savona
68.Roberta De Carli - Lodi
69.Silvana Fusero - Savona
70.Giovanni Sferini - Savona
71.Elvio Calcagno - Direttivo Circolo "Nanni Rebagliati" - Savona
centro
72.Simone Anselmo - Coordinamento federale GC Savona
73.Maurizio Casalini - Direttivo Circolo di Lavagnola - Savona
74.Giancarlo Olia - Direttivo Circolo "Nanni Rebagliati" - Savona
centro
75.GianCarlo Poddine - Direttivo Circolo "Nanni Rebagliati" - Savona
centro
76.Emanuele Badano - Coordinamento federale GC Savona
77.Stefano Maggiolo - Coordinamento federale GC Savona
78.Claudio Manzieri - Direttivo Circolo "Nanni Rebagliati" - Savona
centro
79.Fiorenzo Poretti - Direttivo Circolo "Nanni Rebagliati" - Savona
centro
80.Associazione di amicizia Italia-Cuba - Circolo di Savona
81.Raphael Rossi - Consigliere Comunale Buttigliera Alta (TO)
82.Nicoletta Dosio - Segretaria del Circolo di Bussoleno
83.Gianluca Zoi - Direttivo Circolo PRC di Cinecittà (Roma)
84.Edoardo Biancardi - Seg. Provinciale Massa Carrara
85.Adamo Liberto - San sebastiano al V. (NA)
86.Carlo Calì - "Sardegna Enel Distribuzione S.p.A."
87.Valentina Di Gennaro - Comitato Politico Regionale PRC Lazio
88.Donato Antoniello - Segretario PRC Rivalta di Torino
89.Massimiliano Bondanini - Cagliari Enel.it S.p.A.
90.Raffaella Mascia - Cagliari
91.Davide Tomasi - CPF Vicenza
92.Francesco Luca - Coordinatore G.C Vicenza
93.Fogagnoli Roberto - PRC Schio
94.Giuseppina Menneas - Cagliari
95.Silvia Di Giacomo - Direttivo Circolo "XVI municipio" - Roma
96.Fausto Sorini - Direzione Nazionale del Partito della Rifondazione
Comunista
97.Alberto Burgio - Comitato politico nazionale PRC, Responsabile
nazionale Giustizia PRC
98.Mauro Lenzi - Segreteria della Federazione di Siena
99.Al Atrash Abdullah - Giovani Comunisti di Ancona
100.Stefano Cristiano - CPF Pistoia
101.Spartaco Ricaldone - Circolo PRC "IV Stato" - Milano
102.Sergio Ricaldone - Circolo "A. Sala" - Milano
103.Ivana Capitoni - Circolo PRC "IV Stato" - Milano
104.Angelo Tagliabue - Circolo PRC "IV Stato" - Milano
105.Antonio Mirandi - PRC Federazione di Crotone
106.Giorgio Lorenzato - CPR Veneto, Presidente Collegio Garanzia
Fed.Padova
107.Patrizia Andriollo - Padova
108.Renato Zanella - Circolo PRC "A.Gramsci" - Vimercate
109.Alberto Larghi - CPF Milano
110.Pierfrancesco Bruno - Segreteria Regionale FIOM - Abruzzo
111.Luigi Curcetti - Responsabile provinciale Ancona RDB giustizia
112.Gilberto Volta - CPF Bologna
113.Domenico Losurdo - Comitato politico nazionale PRC
114.Franco Guerra - Collegio di Garanzia Federazione di Roma
115.Marco Piva - Giovani Comunisti PRC Ferrara
116.Francesco Cirigliano - Segretario Circolo PRC Valle del Noce (PT)
117.Gavino Piga - Coordinamento nazionale Giovani Comunisti
118.Riccardo Tagliati - Coordinamento federale GC di Bologna
119.Chiara Di Stefano - Coordinamento federale GC di Bologna
120.Francesco Rozza - Caserta
121.Fosco Giannini - Comitato politico nazionale PRC, Segretario
Federazione PRC Ancona
122.Claudia Pandolfi - Consigliere Comunale PRC Urbino
123.Anna Rosa Forza - Segretaria PRC Urbino
124.Donato DeMeli - Assessore PRC Comune di Urbino
125.Alessio Mangani - Consigliere provinciale PRC Pesaro-Urbino
126.Vittoria Paradisi - Corrispondente de "Il resto del Carlino"
127.Enza Galluzzi - Giovani Comunisti PRC Urbino, Rappresentante degli
Studenti Università di.Urbino
128.Gualtiero Galli - PRC Urbino
129.Nicola Di Battisti - Urbino Social Forum
130.Carmelita Mercuri - Cagliari (PU)
131.Jacopo Emiliano Cherchi - Comitato politico federale PRC
Pesaro-Urbino, Giovani Comunisti Urbino
132.Fiorella Foschini - Urbino Social Forum
133.Simonetta Bellucci - Urbino Social Forum
134.Marica Boschi Gerondio - Comitato politico Prc Genova - CPR
Liguria
135.Francesco Turano - PRC Federazione di Cosenza
136.Bruno Steri - Comitato politico nazionale PRC
137.Giuseppina Tedde - Direzione nazionale PRC
138.Palmiro Capacci - Segretario Federazione PRC di Forlì
139.Battistino Carbonetti - CPF La Spezia
140.Egidia Selmo - PRC Schio
141.Martina Santacaterina - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC di Schio
142.Silvia Maria Strulato - Segreteria PRC Schio
143.Pietro Zaltroni - Segretario PRC - Santorso (VI)
144.Mimmo Caporusso - Segreteria provinciale PRC Bari
145.Maurizio Pucci - Capogruppo Cons. Comunale Aosta, CPR Valle
d'Aosta
146.Marina Mancini - Assessore PRC Avigliana (TO)
147.Marco Dal Toso - Direttivo provinciale PRC Milano, Resp.Giustizia
148.Carmelo Chitè - CPF Federazione di Messina
149.Yuri Borgianni - CPF Siena
150.Clelia Forgnone - Segretaria Circolo PRC "M.Cianca" - Roma
151.Sofia Mattei - Coordinatrice segreteria Federazione di Bologna,
Presidente del CPR Emilia Romagna
152.Antonio Dell'Aquila - Capogruppo PRC al Comune di Caserta,
Comitato politco federale PRC Caserta
153.Alessandro Borghi - PRC Ferrara
154.Rosella Albanese - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC di Schio (VI)
155.Giancarlo Bellorio - Tesoriere della Federazione di Siena
156.Carla Lanzi - Tesoriera Circolo PRC "Ottobre Rosso" - Bologna
157.Armando Cané - Circolo PRC "Ottobre Rosso" - Bologna
158.Riccardo Arena - Circolo PRC delle "Telecomunicazioni" di Roma
159.Silvia Pietroni - CPF Siena
160.Catia Vermigli - comunista
161.Andrea Donati - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC Poggibonsi (SI)
162.Filippo Carraro - Segreteria Regionale PRC Emilia-Romagna
163.Luca Cozzolino - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC "Gramsci" di
Ancona, Giovani Comunsti Ancona
164.Arturo Sidoti - Circolo PRC "Rosa Luxemburg" delle Albissole (SV)
165.Simone Sidoti - Associazione di Amicizia Italia-Cuba di Savona
166.Alessandro Leoni - Comitato politico nazionale, Segreteria
provinciale PRC Firenze
167.Stefano Cristiano - Comitato politico nazionale, Assessore Comune
di Pistoia
168.Claudio Bicchielli - Segreteria regionalePRC Toscana
169.Mauro Lenzi - Segreteria regionale PRC Toscana
170.Giovanni Barbagli - Capogruppo PRC in CRT
171.Giorgio Lindi - Segreteria federale PRC Massa-Carrara
172.Mauro Gibellini - CPF Federazione Massa-Carrara
173.Luciano Giannoni - Presidente Collegio Garanzia regionale PRC
Toscana, Capogruppo provincia Livorno
174.Francesco Pappalardo - CPF Livorno
175.Francesco Mandarano - Comitato regionale PRC Toscana , CPF Prato
176.Paolo Fattori - CPF Federazione Prato
177.Gino Benvenuti - Capogruppo PRC Provincia Prato
178.Sandra Visani - Segreteria federale PRC Pistoia
179.Roberto Cappellini - Segretario Federazione PRC Pistoia
180.Olido Orlandini - CPF Federazione PRC Pistoia
181.Ugo Bazzani - CPF Federazione Pistoia
182.Marta Billo - Direzione federale PRC Firenze, Capogruppo comune di
Sesto F° (FI)
183.Giuliano Trallori - Presidente Collegio di Garanzia federale - PRC
Firenze
184.Maurizio Brotini - Segreteria CdL°-CGIL Empoli (FI)
185.Tiberio Tanzini - Presidente Consiglio comunale di Empoli
186.Raffaele Picarelli - saggista
187.Antonino Moscato - CPF Firenze
188.Luca Rovai - Assessore PRC comune Montelupo F° (FI)
189.Bernardo Fallani - Segretario Circolo PRC "Aeroporto Fi."
190.Claudia Rosati - Segretaria Circolo "Lenin", Federaz. PRC Firenze
191.Adriana Miniati - Direttivo federale PRC Firenze , Direttivo
CdL°-CGIL Firenze
192.Nuccio Marotta - CPF Firenze
193.Angelo Gracci - Medaglia d'argento della "Resistenza", Comitato
regionale toscano PRC
194.Alessandro Pallassini - Segreteria provinciale PRC Siena
195.Sergio Bovicelli - Assessore PRC Provincia di Grosseto
196.Tiziano Cavalieri - saggista/economista - Firenze
197.Arrigo Bortolotti - CPF Firenze
198.Arrigo Orioli - Segretario Circolo PRC "Di Vittorio"
199.Andrea Carrara - CPF Versilia/Viareggio
200.Andrea Cavallini -CPF Firenze
201.Vincenzo Fasano - CPF Prato
202.Andrea Venturi - Direttivo federale PRC Pisa
203.Omero Fontana - CPF Firenze
204.Vanna Giammartini - Direzione federale PRC Firenze, Direttivo
CdL-CGIL Firenze
205.Paolo Montagni - Direzione federale PRC Firenze
206.Ugo Fallani - Federazione PRC Firenze
207.Tiberio Tanzini - Consigliere PRC e Presidente del Consiglio
Comunale di Empoli
208.Luca Fontana - Segretario Circolo PRC "Che Guevara" di Roma
209.Antonio De Paoli - Segretario Circolo PRC "Energia" -
Civitavecchia
210.Mario Bellini - PRC Ferrara
211.Andrea Meloni - Sardegna Enel Distribuzione S.p.A.
212.Ilaria Sorrentino - Comitato politico regionale PRC Piemonte,
Comitato politico nazionale
213.Davide Viganò - Progetto Comunista, Giovani Comunisti Brianza
214.Giorgio Stern - PRC Trieste
215.Marina Titton - Circolo "Contessa", Monterenzio (BO)
216.Claudia Naldi - Segretaria Circolo "Contessa" Monterenzio (BO)
217.Daniele Arcella - PRC Caserta
218.Gianni Ursini - PRC Trieste
219.Mirco Della Valle - PRC Caserta
220.Wilfredo Caimmi - Partigiano - PRC Ancona
221.Franco Tomassoni - Giovani Comunisti - Ancona
222.Salvo Bedognetti - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC Chiavenna (SO)
223.Salvina Premerlani - pacifista - Ancona
224.Lucia Balducci - Segretario Circolo PRC S.Albino
225.Ilanda Olivero - Alba (CN)
226.Vittorio Zanardo - Segreteria provinciale PRC Treviso
227.Lucia Bignucolo - Direttivo Circolo di Conegliano Veneto e CPF di
Treviso
228.Antonio Walter Pivetta - Segreteria provinciale PRC di Pordenone
229.Francesco Grilli - CPF Pordenone
230.Antonello Covre - CPF Pordenone
231.Renzo Piccolo - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC Azzano-Chions
(Pordenone)
232.Rosa Anna Palomba - Circolo PRC di Trastevere - Roma
233.Claudio Vito Buttazzo - giornalista e membro Corecom
Emilia-Romagna
234.Giovanni Michelon - PRC Padova
235.Sergio Marcovich
236.Augusto Mazzetti - Circolo Centro Storico - Bologna
237.Elpidoforos Nicolarakis - Capogruppo PdCI Provincia Bologna
238.Boris Bellone
239.Gianni Lucini - Giornalista di "Liberazione"
240.Vito Nicola Volpe - Comitato direttivo Circolo "Peppino Massaro" -
Casamassima (Bari)
241.Andrea Catone - CPF Bari
242.Nedda Petroni - CPF Vicenza
243.Giuliano Corà - Circolo PRC "Ottobre" - Barbarano (VI)
244.Alessandro Musolesi - Tesoriere Circolo "Tosca" - Bologna
245.Alessandro Bertolucci
246.Elisabetta Borioni - Comitato politico regionale PRC Emilia
Romagna
247.Adolfo Fantoni - PRC Pavia
248.Giovanni Montefusco - Segretario Circolo PRC Vomero - Arenella -
Napoli
249.Nadia Schavecher - Segretario Circolo PRC "A.Vaia" (MI)
250.Luigi Tranquillino - Responsabile provinciale Sanità PRC -
Federazione di Milano
251.Paola Mognaschi - Circolo PRC "A.Vaia" (MI)
252.Pina Di Fraia - Circolo PRC "A. Vaia" (MI)
253.Ezio Lovato - Segretario Federazione PRC di Vicenza
254.William Sanna - Cordinatore Giovani Comunisti Cagliari
255.Kiwan Kiwan - Segretario Federazione PRC di Ferrara
256.Alma Masè - Segretaria Circolo "Hilda Guevara" - Associazione
Nazionale di Amicizia Italia-Cuba
257.Franco Tomassoni
258.Tamara Bellone - Dipartimento di Georisorse e Territorio
Politecnico di Torino
259.Giovanni Fortunato - Udine
260.Enrico Pellegrini - Coordinamento Regionale Giovani Comunisti -
Toscana
261.Diego La Sala - Coordinatore federale GC - Pistoia
262.Giuliana Cornetti - Consigliera PRC Circoscrizione V di Savona
263.AnnaRita Castellucci - PRC Civitavecchia
264.Antonella Perticarà - PRC Civitavecchia
265.Alfredo Margottini PRC Civitavecchia
266.Alessandro Cangini - Segretario Circolo S.Marinella (Fed.
Civitavecchia)
267.Giorgio Placidi - PRC Roma
268.Gabriella Cao Selargius - Cagliari
269.Adriano Marelli Selargius - Cagliari
270.Claudia Marelli Selargius - Cagliari
271.Pierpaolo Gallucci - Segretario Circolo PRC "Lenin" di
Montecalvario Napoli
272.Mario Pernice - PRC Civitavecchia
273.Giovanni Ciliberti - PRC Civitavecchia
274.Pierpaolo Gallucci - PRC Napoli - Segretario circolo "Lenin" di
Montecalvario
275.Nerino Turrini - abbonato sostenitore di Liberazione, codice
abbonamento 478
276.Roberto Sconciaforni - Segretario provinciale PRC Bologna
277.Stefano Franchi - Segreteria PRC Bologna
278.Gianfranco Gerbi - membro del Comitato Politico Federale di
Bologna
279.Gennaro Scala - sociologo - webmaster RdB-Bologna - iscritto a
Rifondazione Comunista
280.Leonardo Masella - Capogruppo PRC Consiglio Regionale dell'emilia
Romagna
281.Orsola Mazzola - CPF Bologna
282.Fernando Bonazzi - CPF Bologna
283.Felice Naselli - Assessore Comune di Budrio
284.Loredana Maiolani - iscritta PRC Bologna
285.Luciano Musolesi - Cuoco della festa - Bologna
286.Patrizia Paselli - militante di Bologna
287.Alessandro Musolesi - Tesoriere Circolo Centro-Storico - Bologna
288.Gulliermo Castro - Direttivo Circolo Stella Rossa - Bologna
289.Arturo Bagnoli - Segretario Circolo PRC San Vitale - (BO),
Presidente Centro Sociale Anziani "Romeo Ruozi" di Bologna
290.Silvano Tabellini - Direttivo Circolo San Vitale - Bologna
291.Paride Pesci - Direttivo San Vitale - San Vitale
292.Arcangelo Castagnare - Direttivo Circolo San Vitale - Bologna
293.Vera Puddu - Delegata RSA Fisac CGIL Unipol - Bologna
294.Katia Gentilinucci - Delegatta RSA Fisac CGIL Unipol - Bologna
295.Fulvia Busettini - Segreteria Fisac-CGIL gruppo Unipol
296.Ada Franchi - elettrice PRC
297.Maurizio Patelli - Resp. lavoro Federazione PRC - Bologna
298.Silvia Fabris - coordinatore provinciale giovani comunisti TREVISO
299.Roberta Visentin - Coordinamento federale GC - Treviso
300.Gabriel Polo - Coordinamento federale GC - Treviso
301.Ezio Simini - Segretario Circolo PRC "P.Tresso" Schio
302.Erminia Turco in Simini - ex partigiana Brigata "Pasubio"
303.Rosalba Simini
304.Gerardo Melchionda - Comitato Politico Regionale PRC Potenza
305.Maria Campese - Assessore del comune di Barletta, membro della
Segreteria cittadina del PRC
306.Tiziana Rossi - comunista, interprete e traduttrice - Madrid
(Spagna)
307.Enrico Gribaudi - Tesoriere del Circolo PRC "Giovanni Ferrero" di
Beinasco (TO)
308.Sheera Turco - Trieste
309.Francesco Saverio de Blasi - Professore di Analisi Matematica
Università di Roma "Tor Vergata"
310.Luisa Fresu - PRC Cagliari, CGIL Cagliari
311.Valentina Ghiglieri - Ingegnere telecomunicazioni, lettrice di
Liberazione - Cagliari
312.GianFranco Baldazzi - Segretario Circolo PRC "Mario Babini" -
Conselice (RA)
313.Mauro Gemma - Comitato Regionale PRC Piemonte
314.Renata Moro - Comitato Politico Nazionale PRC
315.Stefania Matteotti - PRC Merano
316.Sandra Paganini - Circolo PRC Trastevere - Roma
317.Federica Coen - Urbino
318.Rolf Huss -Anguillara (RM)
319.Susan North - Anguillara (RM)
320.Emiliano Grimaldi - Roma
321.Vanessa Picone - Roma
322.Gisa Dessì - Cagliari
323.Pio De Angelis - Segreteria provinciale del PRC di Pordenone
324.Alessio Ariotto - Presidente Collegio di Garanzia Federazione PRC
di Torino
325.Stefania Crippa - Segreteria Federazione PRC Brianza (Lombardia)
326.Luca Aletti - Comitato Politico Regionale PRC Lombardia
327.Roberto Cocevari - Segretario Circolo PRC Vimercate Fed. Brianza
(Lombardia)
328.Danilo Cernari - Segretario Circolo di Brugherio Fed. Brianza
(Lombardia)
329.Luca Capra - Rappresentante RSU Celestica (Lombardia)
330.Stefano Baldi - Rappresentante RSU Celestica (Lombardia)
331.Olga Daric - Circolo PRC "25 aprile" - Parigi
332.Massimo Marcori - Segretario Circolo PRC "Bassa Valle Susa" (TO)
333.Gian Mario Bottino - CPF Alessandria
334.Maria Grazia Guercio - ANPI Alessandria
335.Ilaria Leccardi - Giovani Comunisti - Bologna
336.Federico Leccardi - Giovani Comunisti - Bologna
337.Marinella Palmieri - Consigliera Circoscrizionale PRC Ferrara, CPF
Ferrara
338.Domenico Gerardini - Segretario Circolo PRC Bassa Val d'Ongina
339.Romina Razzino - Coordinamento Nazionale Giovani Comunisti -
Caserta
340.Alberto Violante - PRC Roma
341.Luigi Terrazzini - pensionato Circolo PRC Castellammare del Golfo
(TP)
342.Gualtiero Alunni - Assessore IX Municipio - Roma
343.Giuseppina Minotti - Consigliere Comunale Seregno
344.Romeo Cerri - Seregno
345.Lauretta Roffi - Commerciante - Bologna
346.Valter Poloniato - Direttivo Circolo PRC di Vimercate
347.Paolo Roversi - semplice iscritto PRC
348.Luisa Corno - Circolo PRC Alcatel - Vimercate
349.Carlo Salmasi - Circolo PRC di Vimercate
350.Beatrice Giavazzi - Collegio Nazionale di Garanzia del Partito
della Rifondazione Comunista
351.Marco Ravera - Direttivo Circolo PRC di Lavagnola (Savona)
352.Carlo Salmasi - Circolo di Vimercate - Milano
353.Rita Ghiglione - Direzione Nazionale del Partito della
Rifondazione Comunista
354.Sergio Olivieri - Assessore Lavori Pubblici - La Spezia
355.Massimo Carosi - Assessore Comune La Spezia
356.Giuseppe Bernardini - Direttivo FIOM - Muggiano - La Spezia
357.Stefano Peroni - Delegato FIOM - Muggiano - La Spezia
358.Mariangela Tedde - Presidente Coop. Sociale Arcobaleno -
Bentivoglio (BO)
359.Paolo Vinella - Componente del Collegio di Garanzia della
Federazione prov. di Bari - Putignano (BA)
360.Aldo Binosi - Segreteria PRC Mola di Bari, CPF Bari
361.Daniele Quatrano - PRC Napoli
362.Iris Pezzali - CPF Mantova
363.Adriana Marafioti - Biblioteca del Dipartimento di Filosofia
Università degli studi - Milano
364.Emanuela Susca - PRC Bologna
365.Paolo Ercolani - PRC Urbino
366.Nuccio Micali - PRC Messina
367.Carmelo Chité -PRC Messina
368.Alfredo Crupi - PRC Messina
369.Romina Rotondo - PRC Milano
370.Sandro Valentini - Segretario regionale PRC Sardegna
371.Paola Okroglic - della Segreteria regionale PRC Sardegna
372.Bruno Serra - della Segreteria regionale PRC Sardegna
373.Emanuele Pes - della Segreteria regionale PRC Sardegna
374.Maddalena Salerno - della Segreteria regionale PRC Sardegna
375.Emanuele Pusceddu - della Segreteria Regionale PRC Sardegna,
Coordinatore regionale Giovani Comunisti
376.Velio Ortu - Segretario Federazione PRC Cagliari e Consigliere
Regionale PRC
377.Vittorio Macrì - Segretario Federazione PRC Sulcis Iglesiente
378.Antonello Licheri - Segretario Federazione PRC Sassari
379.Gabriella Mulas - Segretaria Federazione della Gallura
380.Salvatore Ruiu - Presidente del CRG del PRC della Sardegna
381.Marcello Piroddi - Segretario Circolo PRC Jerzu, Consigliere
Comunale e del CPR
382.Raffaele Piras - Segretario Circolo PRC Norbello e Vice Sindaco
383.Antonio Pinna - Consigliere Comunale di Norbello, membro del CPR
Sardegna
384.Cristiana Antonioni - della Segreteria della Federazione PRC di
Cagliari
385.Giuseppe Stocchino - Segretario del Circolo PRC di Quartu S.
Elena, Segreteria federale di Cagliari
386.Francesco Erbì - CPF Cagliari
387.Vittoria Melis - Segretaria del Circolo PRC "A.Gramsci" di
Cagliari e del CPR Sardegna
388.Cinzia Micheletti - Segretaria del circolo PRC Sant'Antioco,
Coordinatrice Federale dei Giovani Comunisti Sulcis-Iglesiente
389.Andrea Contu - della Segreteria Federazione PRC Sulcis-Iglesiente
390.Giovanni Antonio Oronesu - Coordinatore Federale Giovani Comunisti
- Gallura
391.Marco Alciati - Commissione Internazionale della Federazione PRC
di Brescia
392.Nicoletta Bonifacio - Trieste
393.Bruno Bonifacio - Trieste
394.Mauro Cannatà - COBAS scuola - Cuneo
395.Maurizio Zamboni - Capogruppo PRC nel Consiglio comunale di
Bologna, Responsabile Enti locali della Federazione di Bologna
396.Gianfranco Ginestri - Redattore dell' "ARCHIVIO CUBA SI", di
Bologna
397.Paola Brunetti - CPR Emilia Romagna e Tesoriera Federazione PRC di
Bologna
398.Furio Kobau - PRC Cesena
399.Francesco Berlingieri - Foggia
400.Marcello Vicario - Circolo "Beppe Anni" VII Circoscrizione - PRC
Brescia
401.Walter Di Renzo - Collegno (Torino)
402.Alessandro Pallassini - Resp. Commissione formazione e cultura CPR
Siena
403.Collettivo di Progetto Comunista - Viterbo
404.Fabrizio Rappini - Giornalista professionista
405.Federica Pitoni - Poligrafica di "Liberazione"
406.Pino Angelico - CPF Milano, Segreteria Circolo PRC Cologno Monzese
407.Federico Giusti - Esecutivo nazionale COBAS
408.Emanuela Verduci - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
409.Giuseppe Trunfio - iscritto Prc Reggio Calabria
410.Luciano Tribisonda - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
411.Luigi Scopelliti - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
412.Said Amazaoute - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
413.Piero Arco - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
414.Fabio Bolaffi - PRC Reggio Calabria
415.Anna Caccamo - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
416.Saverio Calafiore - PRC Reggio Calabria
417.Amedeo Canale - CPF Reggio Calabria
418.Giuseppe Canale - capogruppo PRC I Circoscrizione di Reggio
Calabria
419.Francesco Caracciolo - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
420.Andrea Chirico - Capogruppo PRC XII Circoscrizione di Reggio
Calabria
421.Daniele Corrente - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
422.Francesca Cotroneo - PRC Reggio Calabria
423.Francesco Cuzzola - PRC Reggio Calabria
424.Carmen De Gaetano - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
425.Pino De Gaetano - CPF Reggio Calabria;
426.Pasquale De Meo - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
427.Gianfranco Falzea - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
428.Lorenzo Ferrante - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
429.Pasquale Fotia - Comitato politico Regionale PRC Calabria
430.Marco Franco - Coordinamento federale Giovani Comunisti - Reggio
Calabria
431.Giorgio Furfaro - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
432.Pino Gangemi - simpatizzante Prc Reggio Calabria
433.Giuseppe Giancotta - Comitato politico Regionale PRC Calabria
434.Antonio Greco - Coordinamento federale Giovani Comunisti - Reggio
Calabria
435.Rosy Guida - simpatizzante PRC - Reggio Calabria
436.Athanasia Katsilieri - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
437.Agnieszka Klimczak - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
438.Massimiliano La Camera - PRC Reggio Calabria
439.Enza Lazzaro - PRC Reggio Calabria
440.Maurizio Lazzaro - CPF Reggio Calabria
441.Nicola Limoncino - Comitato politico Regionale PRC Calabria
442.Maurizio Loiacono - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
443.Sonia Martino - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
444.Lucio Masottini - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
445.Caterina Mauro - PRC Reggio Calabria
446.Stavula Mavrea - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
447.Daniele Minniti - Capogruppo PRC II Circoscrizione di Reggio
Calabria
448.Demetrio Minniti - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
449.Eleonora Morgante - PRC Reggio Calabria
450.Giandomenico Musolino - PRC Reggio Calabria
451.Giovanni Nicosia - Comitato politico Regionale PRC Calabria
452.Rosanna Nicosia - PRC Reggio Calabria
453.Gregorio Pellicanò - PRC Reggio Calabria
454.Cristina Polimeno - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
455.Daniele Porcino - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
456.Giuseppe Romano - PRC Reggio Calabria
457.Iolanda Federica Rosace - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
458.Cosimo Mino Rugolino - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
459.Bruno Scappatura - PRC Reggio Calabria
460.Domenica Scappatura - Giovani Comunisti Reggio Calabria
461.Natale Scappatura - Capogruppo PRC IV Circoscrizione di Reggio
Calabria
462.Marcella Dovis - S.F. Zona Ovest Torino
463.Vito Angelillo - S.F. Zona Ovest Torino
464.Giulio Di Lorenzo - S.F. Zona Ovest Torino
465.Vito Gala - PRC Collegno (TO)
466.Carlo Falco - PRC Rivoli (TO)
467.Franca Soffietti - S.F. Zona Ovest (TO)
468.Maurizio Zanirato - PRC Torino
469.Luigi Zanellato - PRC Collegno (TO)
470.Loredana Rossigni
471.Grazia Arena - PRC Collegno, CGIL Collegno (TO)
472.Tiziana Pasquale - CGIL Torino
473.Giovanni Prezioso - CGIL Torino
474.Gianluca Nani - Torino
475.Ottorino Cirella - Presidente Consiglio Comunale, PRC Collegno
(TO)
476.Pasquale Labroca
477.Loredana Lombardi
478.Giuseppe Jacovella - FIOM CGIL Torino
479.Elvira Follis - FIOM CGIL Torino
480.Bruno Alemanno - Segretario PRC Collegno (TO)
481.Vanni Cotini - FIOM CGIL Torino
482.Morando Valeriano - PRC Collegno (TO)
483.Luisa Puddu - PRC Collegno (TO)
484.Carlo Giacometti - PRC Collegno (TO)
485.Tarziana Cappato - PRC Collegno (TO)
486.Gian Carlo Barosso - Torino
487.Silvio Prodan - Torino
488.Marco Lorentini - Torino
489.Secondina Ambrogio - Torino
490.Giovanni Capra - Torino
491.Cristina De Fortuna - Torino
492.Nadia Ambrogio - Torino
493.Mario Merrone - Torino
494.Giuseppe Garofano - Segretario PRC Grugliaco (TO)
495.Angelo Tribolo - Segretario PRC Rivoli (TO)
496.Carilli - PRC Torino
497.Mario Contu - Consigliere Regionale PRC Piemonte
498.Anna Betali - Torino
499.Elena Mirando - Cooperativa "Il Ponte"
500.Riccardo Solazzo - PRC Torino
501.Omar Paglia - Partito Umanista - Torino
502.Daniela Brina Partito Umanista - Torino
503.Roberto Bortolotto - PdCI Torino
504.Ezio Salmasi - PdCI Rivoli (TO)
505.Gabriele Moroni - ARCI Val Susa (TO)
506.Lorenzo Siviero - ARCI Val Susa (TO)
507.Cinzia Martellono - PRC Collegno (TO)
508.Vincenzo Vangoni - PRC Collegno (TO)
509.Giovanna Falzone - PRC Collegno (TO)
510.Ercole Lo Faso - PRC Collegno (TO)
511.Ilaria Cesarino - Coordinamento federale e regionale Giovani
Comunisti
512.Achille Zasso - RSU CGIL ASL Città di Milano, PRC Milano
513.Mario Re Franceschini - Comiatato direttivo Circolo PRC "A.Vaia"
(MI), Consigliere di Zona
PRC Milano
514.Graziella Stecconi - Segreteria provinciale PRC Ancona
515.Luigi Manzotti - Segretario Circolo PRC di Montemarciano (AN)
516.Ivana Ascani - Circolo PRC di Montemarciano (AN)
517.Silvia Manzotti - Circolo PRC di Montemarciano (AN)
518.Luigi Como - Circolo PRC di Montemarciano (AN)
519.Roberto Di Fede - Segreteria regionale PRC Marche
520.Ariadna Lorenzo Garcés - CPF Macerata
521.Edy Ascani - Segretaria Circolo PRC di Treia (MC)
522.Cornelia Barracca - Federazione PRC Nuoro-Ogliastra
523.Saturnino Tedde - Federazione PRC Nuoro-Ogliastra
524.Rossana Calari - ANPI di Bologna
525.Anna Lorusso - Cooperativa Sociale "Arcobaleno" - Bentivoglio (BO)
526.Maria Luisa Magri - Cooperativa Sociale "Arcobaleno" - Bentivoglio
(BO)
527.Leonardo Di Jorio- Collegio di Garanzia PRC - Parma
528.Gian Piero Nuccio - Circolo Centro Crocetta - Torino
529.Silvio Bibliotecario - Roma
530.Alessandro Spinetti - PRC Roma
531.Marco Teti - PRC Roma
532.Kamal Boukarras - PRC Roma
533.Antonio Facondo - PRC Roma
534.Ferdinanda Caldonazzo - PRC Roma
535.Francesco Chicarella - PRC Roma
536.Francesco Cori - PRC Roma
537.Claudio Cingolani - PRC Roma
538.Fulvio Ciocca - PRC Roma
539.Luciana Necci - PRC Roma
540.Bianca Scrivo - PRC Roma
541.Corrado Pagliei - PRC Roma
542.Giulia Tartaglia - PRC Roma
543.Diadema D'alena - PRC Roma
544.Monica Losociale - PRC Roma
545.Anna Maria Bianchini - PRC Roma
546.Giancarlo Alonzo Pineto - (TE)
547.Stefano Sette - PRC Padova
548.Walter Ranzan - Circolo PRC Vimercate Fed. Brianza (Lombardia)
549.Andrea Veronesi - Comunisti lavoratori
550.Marco Zoboli - Comunisti lavoratori
551.Piero Nobili - Comitato politico regionale PRC Lombardia
552.Luigi Benvenuti - Impiegato, PRC Roma
553.Valentina Mangano - PRC Roma
554.Michele Di Giulio - studente universitario
555.L.U.P.O. - Lotta di Unità Proletaria Osimo (AN)
556.Renato Caputo - Circolo PRC universitario - Roma
557.Rossano Falzetti - barista - Vercelli
558.Laura Ascione - Tesoriera Circolo PRC "Lucio Libertini" di
Francavilla al Mare (CH)
559.Maria Antonia Pastorino - Docente
560.Elisa Violante - CPR Emilia Romagna, CPF Parma, Segretaria Circolo
PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
561.Alessandro Violante - Circolo PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
562.Vincenzo Violante - Circolo PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
563.Pasquale Violante - Circolo PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
564.Laura Brustia - Donne in Nero Roma, PRC Roma
565.Luciana Collima - Roma
566.Piera Angelini - Roma
567.Vera Silveri Donne in Nero - Roma
568.Doriana Goracci - Donne in nero Roma, PRC Roma
569.Daniela Goracci - Donne in Nero Roma, PRC Roma
570.Stefania Diuno - Roma
571.Mirella Retici - PRC Roma
572.Erika Hansen - Roma
573.Clementina Gabanelli - CPF Bergamo
574.Laura Monti - Direttivo Circolo PRC "Luigi Longo" - Roma
575.Antonio Vitteritti - Presidente CPF Chieti
576.Domenico Toscano - Membro CPF Chieti
577.Esmerilda (Mirka) Liberale - Presidente CRG PRC Abruzzo
578.Romolo Liberale - Storico, saggista, PRC Avezzano
579.Giancarlo Caponi - Assessore al Comune di Roseto degli Abruzzi
(TE)
580.Giorgia Foschi - studentessa
581.Gabriele Ippoliti - Capogruppo PRC al Consiglio comunale di Roseto
degli Abruzzi (TE)
582.Domenico Silenzi - Consigliere comunale del Comune di Roseto degli
Abruzzi (TE)
583.Massimiliano Piccolo - PRC Catania
584.Claudio Tullii - L'Aquila
585.Flavia Mapelli - Impiegata - Bergamo
586.Uber Badodi - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
587.Silvio Marro - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
588.Vanna Zanfi - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
589.Claudio Mazzoli - Comitato direttivo Circolo S. Damaso (MO)
590.Aldo Fantuzzi - Tesoriere Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
591.Giuseppe Bombarda - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
592.Alido Bergamini - Collegio di garanzia Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
593.Alessia Marro - Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
594.Renata Costantini - Circolo PRC S. Damaso (MO)
595.Marcello Graziosi - Segreteria regionale PRC
596.Guaitoli - Segreteria Circolo PRC "A. Gramsci" - Modena
597.Alfredo Silvestri - Segreteria regionale PRC
598.Simone Rimondi - Comitato direttivo Circolo Savignano sul Panaro
(MO)
599.Gianni Giovannelli - Segretario Circolo PRC Marano sul Panaro (MO)
600.Giuseppe Vecchi - Segretario Circolo PRC Spilamberto (MO)
601.Valter Vellani - Segretario Circolo PRC Carpi (MO)
602.Carlo Ghione - Coord. Lavoratori Cooperative Sociali di Genova -
PRC Genova
603.Federico Giusti - COBAS Esecutivo Nazionale
604.Mauro Cosimi - Consigliere indipendente del Comune di
Civitavecchia
605.Alessandro Carropoli - Segretario Circolo PRC Portocannone
(Molise)
606.Fulvio Antenucci - CPF Campobasso
607.Vincenzo Occhioero Consigliere Comunale Portocannone (Molise)
608.Ferdinando Ioniri - Tesoriere Circolo PRC Portocannone (Molise)
609.Claudia Russi - Circolo PRC Portocannone (Molise)
610.Giovanni Casalino - Comitato direttivo Circolo PRC Portocannone
(Molise)
611.Antonio Bitata - Circolo PRC Portocannone (Molise)
612.Benito Di Lodovico - Circolo PRC Portocannone (Molise)
613.Nicola Maria Lopez - Circolo PRC Portocannone (Molise)
614.Nicola Occhionero - Collegio Nazionale Revisore dei Conti CGIL
615.Nicola Lamorgese - Pensionato SPIS Portocannone (Molise)
616.Giuseppe Mainaccio - Operaio, Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone
(Molise)
617.Michele Fiorentino - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
618.Alessandro Iovino - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
619.Fabio Castellano - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
620.Fedele Manes - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
621.Vittorio Calderaro - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
622.Maria Teresa Antenucci - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone
(Molise)
623.Giuseppe Musacchio - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
624.Francesco Sensitivo - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
625.Vincenzo Faieta - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
626.Eleonora Riccio - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
627.Antonia Gaspari - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
628.Gaetano Gaspari - Giovane Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
629.Carol Musacchio - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
630.Adorno Musacchio - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
631.Pardo Mastronardi - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
632.Antonio Antenucci - Operaio Zuccherificio di Portocannone (Molise)
633.Rossana Musacchio - Portocannone (Molise)
634.Leo Dibello - Portocannone (Molise)
635.Angelo Musacchio - Portocannone (Molise)
636.Gabriele Ianiri - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
637.Francesco Polignone - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
638.Fortunato Desantis - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
639.Adamo Sanmaritino - Giovani Comunisti PRC Portocannone (Molise)
640.Domenico Sant'Angelo - Pensionato, Portocannone (Molise)
641.Antonio Sensitivo - Artigiano, Portocannone (Molise)
642.Matteo Assennato - PRC Roma
643.Daniele Pantano - PRC Roma
644.Beniamino Caputo - PRC Roma
645.Angelo Caputo - PRC Roma
646.Valeria Biferali - PRC Roma
647.Dario Ruggieri - PRC Roma
648.Manuel Giugliano - PRC Roma
649.Alba Bettoni - PRC Roma
650.Lorenzo Buongarzoni - PRC Roma
651.Luigi Saragnese - Direzione provinciale PRC Torino
652.Mario Voltolini - Consigliere circoscrizionale PRC Trento
653.Massimiliano Curcio - CPF Salerno
654.Gerardo Rosania - Sindaco di Eboli
655.Massimo Cariello - Assessore Politiche Giovanili - Eboli
656.Mauro Maci - Assessore Attività Produttive - Eboli
657.Cosimo Maglio - Consigliere comunale - Eboli
658.Mario Rega - Consigliere comunale - Eboli
659.Giuseppe Fresolone - CPF Salerno
660.Massimo Di Murro - Radiotecnico Tortona
661.Elisa Suna Chiarani - studentessa, PRC Trento
662.Arcangelo Grauso - Alessandria
663.Luciana Caniggia - Attrice - Alessandria
664.Rosita Gigantino - Coordinamento regionale Giovani Comunisti -
Campania
665.Giuseppe Sassone - Circolo Valpolcevera - Genova
666.Achille Bonifacio - RSU COBAS -Enna
667.Sandro Libi - Segretario di Circolo PRC Colle di Val d?Elsa -
Siena
668.Laura Bergamini - CPF Parma
669.Mauro Cimaschi - CPF Crema
670.Antonio Miglio - Segreteria Federazione di Crema
671.Antonio Lama - Tesoriere Circolo PRC "Antonio Gramsci" di
Vimercate
672.Igor Canciani - Segretario provinciale PRC Trieste
673.Giuliana Sema - Segreteria provinciale PRC Trieste
674.Daniela Grimaldi - Circolo PRC "1° Maggio" - Trieste
675.Giorgio Ellero - Circolo PRC Pescatori - Trieste
676.Gilberto Vlaic - Direttivo Circolo PRC "1° Maggio" - Trieste
677.Peter Behrens - CPF Trieste
678.Claudia Cernigoi - Giornale "La Nuova Alabarda" - Trieste
679.Adriano Mirceta - CPF Trieste
680.Matteo Buongarzoni - PRC Roma
681.Lorenzo Buongarzoni - PRC Roma
682.Ivan Pavicevac - "Voce jugoslava" a Radio Città Aperta.
683.John Catalinotto - International Action Center, USA
684.Claudia Atzori - Studentessa
685.Fabio Guastamacchia - Segretario Circolo PRC di Acqui Terme,
membro del Comitato politico regionale
686.Elisa Violante - CPF Parma, CPR Emilia Romagna, Segretaria del
Circolo di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
687.Alessandro Violante - Circolo PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
688.Vincenzo Violante - Circolo PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
689.Pasquale Violante - Circolo PRC di Trecasali-Sissa (PR)
690.Massimiliano Fiorillo - Coordinatore di "Libertà è partecipazione
per Ferrara" - Ferrara
691.Valeria Balestra - PRC Francavilla Fontana (BR)
692.Caterina Arena - Studentessa universitaria
693.Annachiara Cavallari - comunista
694.Niccolò Volpati - CPF Milano
695.Spartaco Puttini - CPF Milano
696.Vladimiro Cantaluppi - Coordinamento GC - Milano
697.Jacopo Caneva - Coordinamento GC - Milano
698.Ugo Jacopino - Circolo PRC "Aldo Sala" - Milano
699.Emilio Gatti - Comitato per la Pace zona 8 - Milano
700.Giordano Ballarin - Circolo PRC "Aldo Sala" Milano
701.Accettone Roberto - Giovani Comunisti - Roma
702.Franco Vanni - Diffusore "Liberazione" - Roma
703.Gabriele Gioacchini - PRC Ancona
704.Maurizio Burattini - PRC Ancona
705.Peppe Polinori - PRC Ancona
706.Dario Zucchelli - Segretario Circolo PRC di Lavagnola (Savona)
707.Caterina Tani - Sassari
708.Antonio Di Gennaro - Imprenditore - Civitavecchia
709.Armando Di Gennaro - Circolo PRC Civitavecchia
710.Carla Fulvi - Circolo PRC Civitavecchia
711.Ferdinando Dubla - Comitato politico regionale - PRC Puglia
712.Simone Faini - Segretario Circolo "A. Gramsci" PRC Grassina
(Firenze)
713.Germano Monti - CPF di Roma
714.Mario Gangarossa - Comitato Politico Regionale PRC Sicilia
715.Pasquale Ranghelli - PRC Acilia
716.Giuseppe Reggio - PRC Acilia
717.Enrico Castagneri - Biblioteca Centro sociale politvalente
Casalpalocco
718.Anna Maria Donnesi - Biblioteca Centro sociale politvalente
Casalpalocco
719.Daniela Agostini - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
720.Francesco Falcioni - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
721.Stefano Faberi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
722.Fabiola Graziosi Schneider - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
723.Claudio Gatti - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
724.Eugenio Riccardi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
725.Claudio Tosi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
726.Paola Munzi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
727.Alessandro Tosi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
728.Cristiano Tosi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
729.Pal Tunde - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
730.Maurizio Cesarini - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
731.Marco Dobrovich - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
732.Marta Reggio - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
733.Marco Formiconi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
734.Emilio Silva - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
735.Massimo De Rossi - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
736.Margaret Farrell - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
737.Francesco Serio - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
738.Teresa Serio - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
739.Livio Mascellari - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
740.Mirella Barletta - Ass. Onlus "Pane e rose"
741.Barbara Ranghelli - Gruppo Laico di Ricerca
742.Guido Masneri - PRC Montepiulciano - Siena
743.David Santi - giovane comunista
744.Nicola Chiarini - Rovigo
745.Josè Carrasso - Segreteria PRC Cassano delle Murge
746.Fabrizio Guerra - Impiegato comunale (RA)
747.Davide Donatelli - Coordinamento Giovani Comunisti PRC Sulmona
748.Guido Trozzi - Segreteria provinciale Federazione dell'Aquila, PRC
Sulmona
749.Adriana Accatino - Circolo PRC "Stella Rossa" - Torino
750.Enzo Mambretti - CPF Varese, Sud Verbano
751.Alessio Milone - Direttivo Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
752.Nicola Porcelli - Segreteria Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
753.Davide Di Segni - Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
754.Agostino Zelli - Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
755.Virginia Mascetta - Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
756.Alberto Cataldo - Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
757.Fernando Buttaroni - Circolo PRC Cinecittà Roma, Collegio di
Garanzia di Circolo
758.Stefano Rizzo - Circolo PRC Cinecittà - Roma
759.Guido Puletti - Roma
760.Alice Wzzaniti - Roma
761.Marco Piracci - PRC Roma
762.Dario Oliva - PRC "Energia" - Civitavecchia - Roma
763.Paolo Ramoni - PRC "Energia"- Civitavecchia - Roma
764.Zaira Pinna - Comitato politico regionale PRC Cagliari
765.<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns =
"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />Claudio Stefanini - PRC
"Energia" Civitavecchia - Roma
766.Giacomo Loi - Comitato politico regionale PRC Sardegna
767.Enrico Congedo - Tesoriere della Federazione PRC di Cagliari,
Assessore comunale a Capoterra
768.Giorgio Farci - Comitato politico regionale PRC Cagliari
769.Daniele Pacifico - Coordinamento federale Giovani Comunisti di
Cagliari
770.Marzia Fradella - Coordinamento federale Giovani Comunisti di
Cagliari
771. Franco Monaco - Segretario Circolo PRC di Olbia, membro CPF della
Gallura
772.Alessandra Pintus - Comitato politico federale PRC
Sulcis-Iglesient
773.Tonino Brozzu - CPF Sassari, Consigliere Provinciale PRC
774.Angelo Concas - Segretario Circolo PRC di Carbonia
775.Marco Sannella - CPF Pavia
776.Fernando Visentin - Segretario circolo Prc "Libertini", Milano
777.Carlo Barbareschi - artigiano - Lacchiarella (MI)
778.Rossella Letizia Mancusi - Comitato politico nazionale PRC
779.Francesco Lombardi - Comitato politico regionale Lazio, CPF
Viterbo
780.Elsa Cancelli - Comitato direttivo Circolo di Viterbo
781.Alvaro Olivieri - CPF Viterbo
782.Federico Bozzo - CPF Viterbo, Segretario Circolo di Caprinica
783.Annamaria Sambuci - CPF Viterbo, Segreteria Circolo di Vignanello
784.Paola Petrelli - CPF Viterbo, Comitato direttivo Circolo di
Capranica
785.Vincenzo Russo - Vicesindaco di Bassano in Teverina (VT)
786.Gianni Pellegrini - insegnante - Foggia
787.Fabrizio Messini
788.Silvio Cinque - Biblioteca "Rodari" - Roma
789.Casci Isabella - elettrice del PRC - Bologna
790.Gianni Cavicchioli - Responsabile Internazionale PRC Bologna
791.Leo Di Paolo - Presidente Associazione Culturale "Ludovico
Geymonat" - Bologna
792.Luca Gorlani - Associazione Culturale "Utopia Concreta" Chiari
(BS)
793.Silvia Rossi - Responsabile GC Circolo di Castelnuovo Magra - La
Spezia
794.Chirico Danilo - giornalista - Reggio Calabria
795.Magro Alessio - operatore dell'informazione - Reggio Calabria
796.Ientile Antonino - PRC Reggio Calabria
797.Laccona Giovanna - PRC Reggio Calabria
798.Limoncino Giuseppina - Giovani Comunisti - Reggio Calabria
799.Larosa Antonio - Segretario Circolo di Gioiosa Jonica (Rc)
800.Bettino Agostino - Segretario circolo di Roccella Jonica (Rc)
801.Nicola Lucà - CPF Reggio Calabria
802.Giuseppe Giancotta - Comitato politico regionale PRC Calabria
803.Giorgio Imperitura - PRC Reggio Calabria
804.Francesco Cessario - PRC Reggio Calabria
805.Maria Marino - Giovani Comunisti - Reggio Calabria
806.Tonino Sciarrone - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
807.Carmela Giordano - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
808.Ludovico Megalini - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
809.Natale Iracà - Giovani Comunisti - Reggio Calabria
810.Lillo Pontari - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
811.Giovanni Giordano - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
812.Emanuele Chirico - Giovani Comunisti - Reggio Calabria
813.Alberto Minniti - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
814.Eleonora Lanciotto - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
815.Giuseppe Giarmoleo - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
816.Santina Strati - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
817.Cristian De Simone - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
818.Giovanni Cotroneo - simpatizzante PRC Reggio Calabria
819.Antonino Lauro - PRC Napoli
820.Maria Corbi - PRC Napoli, Segreteria Circolo Vomero Arenella
821.Marco Ehlardo - PRC Napoli, Segreteria Circolo Vomero Arenella
822.Carlo Hermann - giornalista
823.Donatello Pagnotto - PRC Napoli
824.Salvatore Romano - PRC Napoli
825.Rosario Cercola - PRC Napoli
826.Anna Iovino - PRC Napoli
827.Daniele Maffione - PRC Napoli
828.Arianna Ussi - Circolo PRC Carrara centro
829.Francesco Nappo - Presidente Comitato politico regionale PRC
Campania
830.Selene Salvi - Coordinamento federale GC - Napoli
831.Giovanni Manzo - Rete NoGlobal
832.Nicola Nardella - PRC napoli, Segretario Circolo Piscino
833.Antonio Rezzuti - PRC Napoli, Segretario Circolo Fuorigrotta
834.Raffaele Rivieccio - FIOM CGIL
835.Antonello Zecca - PRC Napoli
836.Florestano Gaudio - studente
837.Francesca Caputo - studentessa
838.Oliva Rotondo - PRC Napoli
839.Francesca Russo - PRC Napoli
840.Daniela Stradolin - studentessa
841.Chiara Carratù - PRC Napoli
842.Stefano Bellan - Coordinatore GC Ferrara
843.Irene Bregola - Coordinamento GC Ferrara
844.Angelo Federici - PRC Bologna
845.Lyda Vecchio - Circolo PRC "A.Vaia" - (MI)
846.Franco Bartoletti - PRC Roma
847.Tiziana Ortu - PRC Roma
848.Sandra Ranieri - PRC Roma
849.Giacomo Coppolone - PRC Roma
850.Alessandra Ciaralli - PRC Roma
851.Valeria Cenci - PRC Roma
852.Marco Barbagallo - PRC Roma
853.Anna Maria Sperati - PRC Roma
854.Fabrizio Corazzini - PRC Roma
855.Loredana Sensoni - PRC Roma
856.Gianluca Susini - PRC Roma
857.Luisa Daini - PRC Roma
858.Enrico Levorato - Edimburgo (GB)
859.Sirio Sebastianelli - PRC Roma
860.Giuseppe Carroccia - Segreteria Regionale PRC Lazio
861.Laura Sebastianelli - PRC Roma
862.Alfio Franchi - PRC Roma
863.Giorgio Modesti - PRC Roma
864.Stefania Valentini - PRC Roma
865.Benedetto Spinosa - PRC Roma
866.Tiziana Corazzini - Lettrice di "Liberazione" - Roma
867.Mara Ricca - Lettrice di "Liberazione" - Roma
868.Alessio Ricca - Lettore di "Liberazione" - Roma
869.Francesca Riccia - Studentessa - Foggia
870.Laura Corradi - Docente di Sociologia Università della Calabria
871.Francesca Oggiano - PRC S.Marinella
872.Mario Benedetti - PRC S.Marinella
873.Jessica Sorella - Lettrice di "Liberazione" - Roma
874.Alessandra Sorella - Lettrice di "Liberazione" - Roma
875.Ludovico Sorella - Lettore di "Liberazione" - Roma
876.Miriam Pellegrini Ferri - già partigiana, Presidente G.A.MA.DI.,
Condirettore del mensile "La VOCE"
877.Simone Capone - Circolo "U. Terracini" - Firenze Nord
878.Liliana Batagnani - Circolo "U. Terracini" - Firenze Nord
879.Giulia Benvenuti - Circolo "U. Terracini" - Firenze Nord
880.Aurora Leoni - Circolo "U. Terracini" - Firenze Nord
881.Marie H. Julien - Circolo "U. Terracini" - Firenze Nord
882.Odessa Leoni - Lettrice di "Liberazione"
883.Gabriele Bini - Simpatizzante PRC, lettore di "Liberazione"
884.Sandro Lindi - Simpatizzante PRC, lettore di "Liberazione"
885.Mara Bertini - Circolo Lastra a Signa - Firenze
886.Maiano Mingarelli - Simpatizzante PRC, lettore di "Liberazione"
887.Antonella Ulivelli - Simpatizzante PRC, lettore di "Liberazione"
888.Jacopo Borsi - Circolo PRC "Lenin" - Firenze
889.Giuseppe Marchese - Segretario Circolo "U. Terracini" - Firenze
Nord
890.Carolo Cirri - Simpatizzante, lettore di "Liberazione"
891.Claudio Musolesi - Comitato politico regionale PRC Toscana
892.Salvatore Dionisio - Direzione provinciale PRC Salerno, CPF
Salerno, Assessore Città di Scafati
893.Antonella Abbagnale - CPF Salerno
894.Paolo Fara - Libero professionista - Padova
895.Piergiorgio De Santis - PRC Sava (TA)
896.Andrea Mariggiò - PRC Sava (TA)
897.Ferdinando Aiello - Segreteria federazione PRC Cosenza
898.Alida Sforza - Circolo PRC Cosenza
899.Vincenzo Allevato - Simpatizzante PRC
900.Pietro Altavilla - Membro Coordinamento nazionale SIN. COBAS
901.Mattanò Ambragio - Circolo PRC Lungro
902.Elio Ambrosi - CPF Cosenza
903.Giuseppina Amendola - Simpatizzante PRC
904.Elisa Laura Anastasio - CPF Cosenza
905.Rosanna Anele - Comitato politico regionale PRC Calabria
906.Alberto Anelli - Comitato politico federale PRC Cosenza
907.Angela Noce - Consigliera comunale PRC - Celico
908.Angelo Broccolo - Segretario provinciale PRC Cosenza
909.Anna Rita Laganà - Simpatizzante, lettrice di "Liberazione" -
Cosenza
910.Antonino Campennì - Confederazione COBAS
911.Rodolfo Gueroa Arencibiafi - Università di Cuba
912.Giuseppe Bianco - Comitato politico regionale PRC Calabria
913.Giuseppe Bibiani - PRC S. Giovanni in Fiore
914.Francesco Brancaccio - PRC Castrovillari
915.Anna Bruno - PRC S. Lucido
916.Antonio Bruno - elettore PRC
917.Gigi Bruno - Circolo PRC Cosenza
918.Giulio Gruno - Segreteria federazione PRC Cosenza
919.Concetta Calabrese - Circolo PRC Sanità
920.Giampiero Capecchi - Lettore di "Liberazione"
921.Tommasina Cardamone - PRC S. Giovanni in Fiore
922.Carlo Di Buono - Segr. Circolo PRC S. Lucido
923.Carmine Alessi - Redazione "L'avvelenata" (bimestrale)
924.Raffaella Caruso - CPF Cosenza
925.Maddalena Cirigliano - CPF Cosenza
926.Mario Cirimele - Circolo PRC Verbicaro
927.Marsia Coccimiglio - PRC Rogliano
928.Nicola Corbino - Coordinatore federale Giovani Comunisti Cosenza -
CPF Cosenza
929.Peppino Corso - Consigliere comunale PRC Terranova
930.Domenico Cortese - CPF Cosenza, Presidente Collegio di Garanzia
federale Cosenza
931.Gennaro Cortese - Segreteria federazione PRC Cosenza, Comitato
politico regionale PRC Calabria
932.Lucio Cortese - Calabria
933.Edmondo Costa - Circolo PRC Diamant<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)

Profile - George Soros

[Sul ruolo di Soros nello sfascio dei Balcani si veda:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2525

See also important related news at:
George Soros' agenda for the Balkans
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2525 ]


HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------
NS Profile - George Soros
NS Profile
Neil Clark
Monday 2nd June 2003


The billionaire trader has become eastern Europe's uncrowned king and
the prophet of ''the open society''. But open to what?

George Soros profiled by Neil Clark

George Soros is angry. In common with 90 per cent of the world's
population, the Man Who Broke the Bank of England has had enough of
President Bush and his foreign policy. In a recent article in the
Financial Times, Soros condemned the Bush administration's policies on
Iraq as "fundamentally wrong" - based as they were on a "false
ideology that US might gave it the right to impose its will on the
world".

Wow! Has one of the world's richest men - the archetypal amoral
capitalist who made billions out of the Far Eastern currency crash of
1997 and who last year was fined for insider trading by a court in
France - seen the light in his old age? (He is 72.) Should we pop the
champagne corks and toast his conversion?

Not before asking what really motivates him. Soros likes to portray
himself as an outsider, an independent-minded Hungarian emigre and
philosopher-pundit who stands detached from the US military-industrial
complex. But take a look at the board members of the NGOs he organises
and finances. At Human Rights Watch, for example, there is Morton
Abramowitz, US assistant secretary of state for intelligence and
research from 1985-89, and now a fellow at the interventionist Council
on Foreign Relations; ex-ambassador Warren Zimmerman (whose spell in
Yugoslavia coincided with the break-up of that country); and Paul
Goble, director of communications at the CIA-created Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty (which Soros also funds). Soros's International
Crisis Group boasts such "independent" luminaries as the former
national security advisers Zbigniew Brzezinski and Richard Allen, as
well as General Wesley Clark, once Nato supreme allied commander for
Europe. The group's vice-chairman is the former congressman Stephen
Solarz, once described as "the Israel lobby's chief legislative
tactician on Capitol Hill" and a signatory, along with the likes of
Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz, to a notorious letter to President
Clinton in 1998 calling for a "comprehensive political and military
strategy for bringing down Saddam and his regime".

Take a look also at Soros's business partners. At the Carlyle Group,
where he has invested more than , they include the former secretary of
state James Baker and the erstwhile defence secretary Frank Carlucci,
George Bush Sr and, until recently, the estranged relatives of Osama
Bin Laden. Carlyle, one of the world's largest private equity funds,
makes most of its money from its work as a defence contractor.

Soros may not, as some have suggested, be a fully paid-up CIA agent.
But that his companies and NGOs are closely wrapped up in US
expansionism cannot seriously be doubted.

So why is he so upset with Bush? The answer is simple. Soros is angry
not with Bush's aims - of extending Pax Americana and making the world
safe for global capitalists like himself - but with the crass and
blundering way Bush is going about it. By making US ambitions so
clear, the Bush gang has committed the cardinal sin of giving the game
away. For years, Soros and his NGOs have gone about their work
extending the boundaries of the "free world" so skilfully that hardly
anyone noticed. Now a Texan redneck and a gang of overzealous neo-cons
have blown it.

As a cultivated and educated man (a degree in philosophy from the
London School of Economics, honorary degrees from the Universities of
Oxford, Yale, Bologna and Budapest), Soros knows too well that empires
perish when they overstep the mark and provoke the formation of
counter-alliances. He understands that the Clintonian approach of
multilateralism - whereby the US cajoles or bribes but never does
anything so crude as to threaten - is the only one that will allow the
empire to endure. Bush's policies have led to a divided Europe, Nato
in disarray, the genesis of a new Franco-German-Russian alliance and
the first meaningful steps towards Arab unity since Nasser.

Soros knows a better way - armed with a few billion dollars, a handful
of NGOs and a nod and a wink from the US State Department, it is
perfectly possible to topple foreign governments that are bad for
business, seize a country's assets, and even to get thanked for your
benevolence afterwards. Soros has done it.

The conventional view, shared by many on the left, is that socialism
collapsed in eastern Europe because of its systemic weaknesses and the
political elite's failure to build popular support. That may be partly
true, but Soros's role was crucial. From 1979, he distributed a year
to dissidents including Poland's Solidarity movement, Charter 77 in
Czechoslovakia and Andrei Sakharov in the Soviet Union. In 1984, he
founded his first Open Society Institute in Hungary and pumped
millions of dollars into opposition movements and independent media.
Ostensibly aimed at building up a "civil society", these initiatives
were designed to weaken the existing political structures and pave
the way for eastern Europe's eventual colonisation by global capital.
Soros now claims, with characteristic immodesty, that he was
responsible for the "Americanisation" of eastern Europe.

The Yugoslavs remained stubbornly resistant and repeatedly returned
Slobodan Milosevic's unreformed Socialist Party to government. Soros
was equal to the challenge. From 1991, his Open Society Institute
channelled more than to the coffers of the anti-Milosevic opposition,
funding political parties, publishing houses and "independent" media
such as Radio B92, the plucky little student radio station of western
mythology which was in reality bankrolled by one of the world's
richest men on behalf of the world's most powerful nation. With Slobo
finally toppled in 2000 in a coup d'etat financed, planned and
executed in Washington, all that was left was to cart the ex-Yugoslav
leader to the Hague tribunal, co-financed by Soros along with those
other custodians of human rights Time Warner Corporation and Disney.
He faced charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide,
based in the main on the largely anecdotal evidence of (you've guessed
it) Human Rights Watch.

Soros stresses his belief in the "open society" propounded by the
philosopher Karl Popper, who taught him at the LSE in the early 1950s.
Soros's definition of an "open society" - "an imperfect society that
holds itself open to improvement" - sounds reasonable enough; few
lovers of genuine liberty would take issue with its central tenet that
"the open society is a more sophisticated form of social organisation
than a totalitarian one". But Soros's "open societies" don't tend to
be all that open in practice.

Since the fall of Milosevic, Serbia, under the auspices of
Soros-backed "reformers", has become less, not more, free. The
recently lifted state of emergency saw more than 4,000 people
arrested, many of them without charge, political parties threatened
with bans, and critical newspapers closed down. It was condemned by
the UN Commission on Human Rights and the British Helsinki Group. But
there was not a murmur from the Open Society Institute or from Soros
himself. In fairness, Soros has been far more critical of his former
protege Leonid Kuchma, president of the Ukraine, a country described
by the former intelligence officer Mykola Melnychenko as "one big
protection racket", and now possibly the most repressive police state
in Europe.

But generally the sad conclusion is that for all his liberal quoting
of Popper, Soros deems a society "open" not if it respects human
rights and basic freedoms, but if it is "open" for him and his
associates to make money. And, indeed, Soros has made money in every
country he has helped to prise "open".
In Kosovo, for example, he has invested in an attempt to gain control
of the Trepca mine complex, where there are vast reserves of gold,
silver, lead and other minerals estimated to be worth in the region of
. He thus copied a pattern he has deployed to great effect over the
whole of eastern Europe: of advocating "shock therapy" and "economic
reform", then swooping in with his associates to buy valuable state
assets at knock-down prices.

More than a decade after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Soros is the
uncrowned king of eastern Europe. His Central European University,
with campuses in Budapest, Warsaw and Prague and exchange programmes
in the US, unashamedly propagates the ethos of neoliberal capitalism
and clones the next pro-American generation of political leaders in
the region. With his financial stranglehold over political parties,
business, educational institutions and the arts, criticism of Soros in
mainstream eastern European media is hard to find.
Hagiography is not. The Budapest Sun reported in February how he had
been made an honorary citizen of Budapest by the mayor, Gabor Demszky.
"Few people have done to Budapest what George Soros has," gushed
Demszky, saying that the billionaire had contributed to "structural
and mental changes in the capital city and Hungary itself". The mayor
failed to add that Soros is also a benefactor of Demszky's own party,
the Free Democrats, which, governing with "reform" communists, has
pursued the classic Soros agenda of privatisation and economic
liberalisation - leading to a widening gap between rich and poor.

The Soros strategy for extending Pax Americana differs from the Bush
model, particularly in its subtlety. But it is just as ambitious and
just as deadly. Left-liberals, admiring his support for some of their
favourite issues such as gay rights and the legalisation of soft
drugs, let him off lightly.

Asked about the havoc his currency speculation caused to Far Eastern
economies in the crash of 1997, Soros replied: "As a market
participant, I don't need to be concerned with the consequences of my
actions." Strange words from a man who likes to be regarded as the
saviour of civil society and who rails in print against "market
fundamentalism".


This article first appeared in the New Statesman. For the latest in
current and cultural affairs subscribe to the New Statesman print
edition.
http://www.newstatesman.com/

Adesione alla Manifestazione per Cuba

Il Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ) aderisce ed invita
tutti/e ad aderire alla Manifestazione Nazionale in sostegno a Cuba,
che si terra' il prossimo 28 giugno a Roma.

Pur ritenendo la data forse poco propizia - vista la concomitanza con
manifestazioni importanti a livello nazionale (Giornata dell'orgoglio
gay) ed internazionale (nel caso della Jugoslavia, il 28 giugno e' la
giornata di San Vito, e si terra' una manifestazione all'Aia contro il
"Tribunale ad hoc") - riteniamo fondamentale esprimere vicinanza e
solidarieta' con Cuba in un momento in cui l'aggressivita'
statunitense verso quel paese fa presagire per esso tempi molto
difficili.

La Jugoslavia ed i suoi abitanti conoscono alla perfezione, per averle
purtroppo sperimentate sulla propria pelle, le tecniche criminali
adottate dagli USA e dai loro alleati per soggiogare i paesi ed i
governi a sgraditi; tecniche tra le quali, invariabilmente, e'
assegnato un posto centrale alla diffamazione ed alla disinformazione
strategica, purtroppo con l'appoggio di settori conniventi delle
"sinistre" occidentali.

Facciamo che a Cuba non si ripeta la tragedia che e' toccata alla
Jugoslavia ed a tanti altri paesi dall'Ottantanove in poi!

QUE VIVA CUBA


--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., Radio Città Aperta
<segreteria@...> ha scritto:

DIFENDIAMO CUBA
Manifestazione nazionale Roma, Sabato 28 Giugno 2003 Piazza Farnese
ore 17.00

No al blocco e all'aggressione USA
No alle complicita' italiane
Si alla sovranita' dei popoli
Liberta' per i 5 patrioti cubani detenuti nelle carceri USA

CUBA HA BISOGNO DELLA NOSTRA SOLIDARIETA'
L'IDEA DI UN ALTRO MONDO POSSIBILE HA BISOGNO ANCHE DI CUBA.

DOMENICA 8 GIUGNO ore 9.30
Roma-Via Giolitti, 231
RIUNIONE NAZIONALE
(sono disponibili manifesti e volantini)
info: cuba28giugno@...

Comitato promotore e prime adesioni nazionali ed internazionali:
Assoc. Nazionale Italia-Cuba; Assoc. Nazionale di solidarieta' con
Cuba "La Villetta"; Assoc. Intern. di Amicizia e Solidarieta' con i
popoli; Radio Citta' Aperta; TeleAmbiente; Fondazione Che Guevara;
Villaggio Globale; Assoc. Vecchio Mattatoio; Casa della Pace; Societa'
Sportiva "Tor di Quinto"; Polis. Popolare Roma 6 Villa Gordiani;
Promocaraibi; Assoc. "Si Por Cuba; Assoc. Corvialmente; Assoc. Punto
Critico; Assoc. Libero Pensiero; Assoc. Granma, Assoc. Zona Rossa;
Comitato Carlos Fonseca; Cestes/Nuestra America; Casa dei popoli di
Roma; UISP Sport e Solidarieta' viale Irpinia; Democrazia Popolare;
Collettivo studenti Accademia Belle Arti; Forum Giovani Sermoneta;
Forum Giovani Sezze Romano, Underground assoc. "Lo Zoo di Berlino";
SACS Societa' degli Artisti dello Spettacolo; Assoc. Culturale "Il
Puntino; Teatro dell'Esistenza; Coop. Lavoro Culturale; Coop. La
Spirale; Assoc. Onda d'Urto Service; Assoc. "Art anda Art.; Rete
Assoc. Popolari; Blond Records; Comitato in solidarieta' con il
Chiapas; Progetto "acqua in Somalia"; Enrico Diodati assoc.
"Oltreconfine onlus"; Assoc. sostegno "movimento per la moratia
-Brasile"; Rivista inter. "La Comune"; Assoc. "Articolo 1"; ANA;
Avamposto degli Incompatibili; Circolo Agora' Pisa; CPA Firenze;
Movimento Antagonista Mantova; PRC Iglesias; Fausto Sorini- Direzione
PRC; Mariangela Nasi Marengo-Direttivo Uni-Cuba Torino; Rete dei
Comunisti; Gianfranco Ginestri-Archivio CubaSi Bologna; Giancarlo
Alonzo PRC-Pineto; Graciela Zolezzi, Mercedes Alifano Benitez, Hector
Celano-Argentina; Graciela Ramirez-Espana; Lucy Ramirez, Mayra Godoy,
Percy Alvarado Godoy-Guatemala; Maria Del Rosario Valenzuela-Bolivia;
Bassel Ismail Salem-Palestina; German Lombana-Colombia; Roman
Sprinter, Alfonso Gonzalez Pena-Cuba; Equipe do Cepis-San Paulo
Brasile; International Action Center; Patricio Aguilar-Cile; Partido
Comunista de Colombia; Cristina Castello, Graciela
Rosenblum-Argentina; Marilia Guimaraes-Brasile; Cesar Pellicer, Alonso
Cortina Gutierrez, Simon Ashook, Cesar Ashook, Gabriel Obando, Pedro
Blas Julio, Nilva Cabarcas, Martin Salas, Franklin Howward, Fidel
Alejandro Leoteau, Nilda Melendez, Eduardo Garcia, Jackeline De La
Vega, Berta Acevedo, Juan Montes Farah ..........

SITO: http://www.radiocittaperta.it
MAIL: segreteria@...

--- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---


Difendiamo Cuba

Manifestazione Nazionale 28 giugno 2003 Roma
Dalle ore 17.00 - 23.00 Piazza Farnese

L'offensiva avviata dall'amministrazione Bush sta addensando nubi
minacciose anche su Cuba. Le autoritÎ statunitensi non fanno mistero
di voler strangolare economicamente e rovesciare politicamente il
governo cubano.

Si sta manifestando concretamente il pericolo che l'Italia si renda
complice del blocco economico e del progetto di destabilizzazione
contro Cuba.

Dall'America Latina, dall'Europa e da tutta Italia e' venuta
crescendo l'esigenza di fermare questa escalation contro Cuba e di
riaffermare la simpatia e la solidarieta' dei popoli verso
l'esperienza di progresso sociale, indipendenza, dignita' e sovranita'
rappresentata da Cuba e dalla sua rivoluzione.

Il 28 giugno a Roma, decine e decine di associazioni e comitati di
solidarieta', circoli culturali, intellettuali, lavoratori, forze
politiche e sindacali, dall'Italia e dal Mondo (gia' sono giunte circa
90 adesioni a livello internazionale), hanno deciso di dare vita ad
una manifestazione nazionale in difesa di Cuba che chiedera':

1.. La cessazione del bloqueo e dell'aggressione statunitense
2.. La fine della complicita' dell'Italia con questa politica
contro Cuba
3.. Il rispetto del diritto alla sovranita' e all'indipendenza di
Cuba e di tutti i popoli
4.. La liberazione dei cinque patrioti cubani illegalmente
imprigionati negli Stati Uniti

Sappiamo che l'esperienza politica di Cuba ha suscitato e continua a
suscitare dibattito, perplessita' o simpatia. Riteniamo che questo sia
il momento in cui dare priorita' alla solidarieta' con questo paese,
per quello che rappresenta nella storia, nel futuro e nelle speranze
di una America Latina oggi nuovamente minacciata dagli USA.

Invitiamo a partecipare in ogni citta' in ogni regione la
partecipazione alla manifestazione nazionale del 28 giugno costituendo
appositi coordinamenti che lavorino in modo unitario e sappiano
sviluppare la necessaria discussione in tutti gli ambiti.

CUBA HA BISOGNO DELLA NOSTRA SOLIDARIETA'

L'IDEA DI UN ALTRO MONDO E' POSSIBILE HA BISOGNO ANCHE DI CUBA

23 maggio

Il comitato promotore

Associazione Nazionale Italia-Cuba; Associazione Nazionale di
solidarieta' con Cuba,"La Villetta" Associazione Internazionale di
Amicizia e Solidarieta' con i Popoli; Radio Citta' Aperta;
TeleAmbiente; Fondazione Che Guevara; Villaggio Globale; Associazione
Vecchio Mattatoio; Casa della Pace; Societa' Sportiva "Tor di Quinto";
Polisportiva Popolare Roma 6 Villa Gordiani; Promocaraibi;
Associazione "SI POR CUBA"; Associazione Corvialmente; Cestes/Nuestra
America; Associazione Punto Critico; Associazione Libero Pensiero;
Associazione Granma; Associazione Zona Rossa; Comitato Carlos Fonseca
........

Some articles on the shameful situation in Kosovo-Metohija:

1. Dateline: Kosovo in perspective - an anti-communist crusade
(by Richard Ziegler)

2. Peacekeepers return from Kosovo
(By Eva Munk for The Prague Post)

3. Inter-ethnic hostility remains in Kosovo almost four years after
the war
(by Jean-Eudes Barbier for AFP)

4. Lies and Consequences
(by William Norman Grigg)


MORE LINKS:

*** KOSOVO AND METOHIJA: PROPAGANDA AND TRUTH
by Rade Drobac
http://www.artel.co.yu/en/reakcije_citalaca/2003-04-22_1.html ***


Serbs build, others destroy (by Piotr Bein)
http://www.apisgroup.org/article.html?id=1263

Suicide Rate Up in Kosovo Since War (by Natan Dotan)
http://www.balkantimes.com/default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=19044

Baghdad, Belgrade, and borders (by John Zavales)
http://www.kosovo.com/erpkim23may03b.html

Children Bought and Sold (by Altin Raxhimi)
http://www.tol.cz/look/BRR/article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=9&NrIssue=1&NrSection=1&NrArticle=9290

Occupation by Bad Example (by Christopher Deliso)
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso75.html

SNC KIM: Kosovo Parliament legalizes crimes committed by Albanian
extremists
http://www.kosovo.com/erpkim16may03.html#9

German interior ministers demand speedy deportations. Refugees from
Iraq, Afghanistan and Kosovo targetted (By Elisabeth Zimmermann)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/jun2003/germ-j03_prn.shtml


TWO IMPORTANT SITES:

*** UNMIK Police: Daily News Updates, Crime statistics, 24-hour Daily
Incident Report

http://www.unmikonline.org/civpol/

*** KOSOVO.COM

http://www.kosovo.com/


=== 1 ===


http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/jugoslavija/2003-05-28_4.html

Kosovo in perspective - an anti-communist crusade

NATO intervened in Kosovo not because one side was
losing but because the wrong side was losing

Dateline: Monday, May 26, 2003

by Richard Ziegler

It is almost four years since the NATO attack on Yugoslavia ended and
we now have a better understanding of what was not the cause of the
war. The justification by NATO leaders and supporters was that the
Belgrade authorities were committing genocide against the ethnic
Albanians in Kosovo and that NATO intervened in order to stop massive
human rights violations. However, the tales of missing thousands,
mass graves replete with Albanians, etc., have shown to be little
more than tales. There has been no evidence to support the
oft-repeated claims that the Serbs had committed genocide before the
bombing began, were committing genocide during the bombings, or had
plans to commit genocide that were supposedly thwarted by the
bombings. The amount of people killed in the conflict in the year
before the NATO attack commenced was comparable to or less than the
fatalities that occurred in other civil wars that were raging in the
late 1990s. NATO did not intervene because it had an alleged moral
imperative to interfere in a conflict where one side was clearly
losing; NATO was indifferent when the Croat offensive overwhelmed the
Serbs in the Krajina region of Croatia in August 1995 producing many
civilian deaths and a massive exodus of Serbs into Bosnia. NATO
intervened in Kosovo not because one side was losing but because the
wrong side was losing.

Yet if the ethnic conflict in Kosovo was at best, a partial
explanation for intervention, and at worst, an outright pretext, then
what were the other motives for NATO's actions? The NATO intervention
was indeed on behalf of human rights, but not the ones claimed by
NATO. Ever since the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
West had been using the allegations of human rights violations in the
Soviet Union and Eastern European countries as a means to undermine
communism. The West was very selective about which human rights it
wanted to see implemented in the Eastern bloc countries, and these
rights were almost invariably civil and political rights, not social
and economic rights. The West called for the implementation of the
right to vote in multiparty elections, freedom of religion, freedom
of association, not the right to employment, to shelter, or to a
minimal standard of living. The West also advocated, by extension,
the type of society that favors civil and political rights over social
and economic rights, i.e. capitalism, and the two
most cherished rights of capitalist societies, the unqualified rights
to wealth and property.

The pressure of the West on the Soviet Union and its allies to
convert to capitalist democracies that favored civil and political
rights from communist societies which gave precedence to social and
economic rights was combined with Western support for the internal
forces in these countries that were the heirs of those who never
accepted the 1917 revolution and those governments imposed or
supported by the Soviet Union following the end of World War II. By
the early 1990s only one Eastern European country remained that had
not overthrown socialism and restored capitalism, Yugoslavia, and for
this the country would pay dearly. Historically, the Balkans have
been segmented and dominated by the great powers. But the dominant
Western view holds that the breakup of Yugoslavia was different from
that historical pattern in that the genesis for the collapse
originated from within. The main Western explanation for the
disintegration of Yugoslavia was the rise of Serb nationalism and a
desire for Serb dominance in the constituent republics and autonomous
provinces of Yugoslavia; this ascent is alleged to have begun with
the speech made by Slobodan Milosevic in Kosovo in 1989. The
resultant interventions by the West are widely interpreted in the
West as reactions to Serb aggression. There was certainly a rise in
Serb nationalism, but there was also an accompanying rise in the
nationalism of other ethnic groups in Yugoslavia, particularly in
Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo where Serbs had valid historical reasons
to dread being reduced to minority status if these regions became
independent. The nationalism of the Croats, Bosnian Muslims and
Albanians was combined with their desire to get rid of the vestiges
of socialism and establish a market economy. The breakup of
Yugoslavia did not deviate from the pattern of great power
involvement. Those primarily responsible for the Balkanization of
Yugoslavia were the Western governments that encouraged the
secessionist movements, provided them with financial and military
assistance, afforded them premature diplomatic recognition, and
finally intervened militarily with the attacks on the Serbs in Bosnia
and later throughout Yugoslavia during the NATO attack.

The Western attempt to foster capitalism in Yugoslavia was already
occurring in the 1980s through the Western-dominated IMF which loaned
funds to the indebted nation on condition that privatizations were to
be undertaken and whose effect was to exacerbate ethnic tensions. The
NATO ultimatum rejected by Yugoslavia at Rambouillet, France,
contained two revealing articles attesting to NATO's self-serving
motives: "The economy of Kosovo shall function in accordance with
free-market principles," and "There shall be no impediments to the
free movement of persons, goods, services and capital to and from
Kosovo."

It would be erroneous to assert that anticommunism was the only
driving force behind Western intervention in the former Yugoslavia.
There were other motives. The Germans had their own historical
reasons and the NATO ultimatum to Yugoslavia was the third one by
Germany to the Serbs in the last century. The support given by the
USA for the Bosnian Muslims, and to a lesser extent, the Albanians in
Kosovo, was partially motivated by the wish to reap the political
rewards of demonstrating to the Muslim countries, particularly the
oil- producing ones, that the USA could be pro-Muslim. Furthermore,
NATO used the conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo as
opportunities to justify its continued existence after the
dissolution of the Soviet Union. The anticommunist motive, however,
was a main reason shared by all the interveners and also
paradoxically explains why many progressives, social democrats and
socialists in the West supported the bombing because the rightwing
drift of Western leftist parties had reached such a point that any
attempt to weaken or sweep away the remaining socialist system in
Europe was welcomed. The Western attack on Yugoslavia was a
continuation of the Cold War and its transformation into a real war
which was made possible by a weakened Russia that was unable and
unwilling to come to the defense of its Slavic ally.

Richard Ziegler Ottawa Copyright 2003


Richard Ziegler worked as a political researcher with the federal
government's Immigration and Refugee Board from 1994 to 2002. He
analyzed allegations of human rights violations of people who were
claiming refugee status in Canada and who had originated in Eastern
Europe and the countries arising from the dissolution of the Soviet
Union. He writes: "I am familiar with the history and politics of
Yugoslavia and am aware of how Western governments use selective
human rights in order to engage in overt and covert regime change. I
was also an acitivist with the Ottawa-based group C- SWAY, Coalition
to Stop the War Against Yugoslavia. My article gives a different and
insightful perspective that the mainstream media will not consider."


=== 2 ===


http://www.praguepost.com/P03/2003/Art/0501/news4.php

The Prague Post
May 4, 2003

Peacekeepers return from Kosovo

By Eva Munk
For The Prague Post
PODUJEVO, KOSOVO


-"You just don't know what's out there," explained
Battalion Commander Petr Prochazka. "This area was
full of partisan [KLA] supply routes, and NATO
peppered it with live rounds with no system
whatsoever. It's just not worth the risk to stray off
the paths."
-The battalion's main mission is to ensure a safe
environment for all the ethnic groups in its area of
operations -- a moot point these days, as the region
is almost "ethnically clean." Aside from pockets of
Roma, or gypsies, it consists entirely of ethnic
Albanians. Of the fairly large Serb population that
once occupied the area, only 28 old-timers remain in
the mountain hamlet of Sekirac.
-"They've been here since the battle of Kosovo Polje
in 1389," said press officer Pavel Loeffler. "Now the
locals are trying wipe out all evidence they were ever
here. The Swedish unit, which was here before us,
stopped guarding two churches near Podujevo. They were
blown up within a week."
-Many of those who did not join the recently formed
Kosovo Protection Corps -- a legitimate military force
created for the defense of Kosovo -- have joined the
ranks of the mafia instead....
-Less than a month ago, UN units discovered a mass
grave in the area, and the bodies of several dozen
victims were brought to the battalion's outpost at the
village of Gazela.
"The relatives had a chance to identify them by the
clothes, which were put in a separate tent. The smell
is not something I would like to endure again,"
Loeffler said. "We didn't have much luck. Two busloads
of Serbians came in, but only a few were able to
identify some family members."
He said he thought there were many more such graves in
the territory, but the chances of finding them are
slim.
"The locals aren't going to lead us to them," he said.
"It would hurt their image as the only victims."


For 180 days, the 300 soldiers of the 43rd Airborne
Battalion from Chrudim, east Bohemia and the First
Motorized Company from Martin, central Slovakia,
cloistered in stark barracks on a hilltop. They were
stationed in a dusty burg called Podujevo, 30
kilometers (19 miles) from the nearest town.

Except for patrolling the 120 kilometers of ABL
(administrative boundary line -- the Serbs do not
accept the use of the term border) and the
885-square-kilometer (354-square-mile) area northwest
of Pristina, the troops were not allowed to leave the
base.

Worse, they had no beer. Since arriving in Kosovo last
Sept. 28, the soldiers did not taste alcohol. They
even hailed the New Year with nonalcoholic champagne.
Neither could they resort to that beloved Czech
activity of picking mushrooms in the surrounding
hills.

"You just don't know what's out there," explained
Battalion Commander Petr Prochazka. "This area was
full of partisan supply routes, and NATO peppered it
with live rounds with no system whatsoever. It's just
not worth the risk to stray off the paths."

After six months of guarding the Kosovo-Serbia
boundary, the 2nd Czech-Slovak KFOR (Kosovo Force)
Battalion headed home April 23, as part of its normal
rotation schedule.

Soldiers say they have witnessed deprivation, ethnic
hatred and the frustrating aftermath of the 1998 war
in Kosovo, in which Serbian-Albanian tensions resulted
in mass graves and permanent distrust.

The troops, however, live in relative comfort, with
hot showers, Czech TV channels and HBO beamed in by
satellite, and regular communication with their
families via cell phone. The headquarters company even
had a "saloon," complete with swinging doors, a
bleached cow skull nailed to a post, a bar and a
fireplace with a grill between two narrow firing posts
punched into the 2-meter-thick (7-foot) perimeter wall
in case of a very real attack.

"We will defend our steaks to the last man," one
soldier joked.

Prefer to see action

Many brooded over the "luck" of buddies from Chrudim
who are accompanying the field hospital and
chemical-warfare unit in Iraq and Kuwait.

"I think a lot of the soldiers envy their chance to
see some action," Prochazka said. Although security
was tightened since the outbreak of the war in Iraq,
there have not been any displays of violence in the
area.

The battalion's main mission is to ensure a safe
environment for all the ethnic groups in its area of
operations -- a moot point these days, as the region
is almost "ethnically clean." Aside from pockets of
Roma, or gypsies, it consists entirely of ethnic
Albanians. Of the fairly large Serb population that
once occupied the area, only 28 old-timers remain in
the mountain hamlet of Sekirac. A Czech-Slovak
"observation post" nearby ensures their safety.

A handful of old Serb Orthodox churches, surrounded by
barbed wire and guarded by KFOR, testify that Serbs
had lived in the area for a long time.

"They've been here since the battle of Kosovo Polje in
1389," said press officer Pavel Loeffler. "Now the
locals are trying wipe out all evidence they were ever
here. The Swedish unit, which was here before us,
stopped guarding two churches near Podujevo. They were
blown up within a week."

Occasionally the soldiers are sent to disarm a
leftover pocket of KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army)
partisans who didn't turn in their arms after the 1998
war. The raids sometimes lead to hostility among the
inhabitants.

"Of course they're not friendly when we come into
their houses in the morning without warning. You've
got to keep in mind that these guys are still local
heroes," Prochazka said.

The partisans now present the biggest threat in the
area, he said. Many of those who did not join the
recently formed Kosovo Protection Corps -- a
legitimate military force created for the defense of
Kosovo -- have joined the ranks of the mafia instead,
according to Prochazka. This situation is yet another
reason for KFOR to create a secure environment as soon
as possible.

"We have to establish confidence in the legitimate
government among the local population; otherwise they
will be fair game for the mafia," Prochazka said. To
this end, KFOR soldiers try to improve the conditions
by using military technology to rebuild roads, put up
power lines and repair damaged facilities. Mostly, the
Czechs have concentrated on rebuilding schools.

"We want to target the youngsters who are going to be
running things soon. There's not much chance we'll be
able to budge the older ones," Prochazka said, not
bothering to hide his exasperation. "They've just
gotten too used to living from handouts."

Of course, he said, life is not easy for the ethnic
Albanians. Many families survive on a pension of about
60 euros (1,890 Kc/$65) per month per adult male. Most
have houses built of bright-red UN bricks, but they
have little left over for electricity or heating.
Although these houses are two or three stories high,
the families crowd into two ground-floor rooms heated
by wood-burning stoves.

"The NGOs [nongovernmental organizations] gave
refugees who lost their houses material for new ones
as incentive for them to come back, but there wasn't
enough left over for things like insulation,"
Prochazka says.

This situation indirectly leads to friction with the
Serb patrols on the boundary line.

"Wood is the main source of heating, which is why you
won't find a mature tree on this side of the border,"
he said. "So the locals just hitch a horse to a cart
and go to the Serbian side. Then we get a panic call
saying that the Serbian police have kidnapped an
Albanian and dragged him over to their side. But when
we get there and find a chain saw still hot on the
Serbian side, it's fairly obvious [what has
happened]."

Some Czech and Slovak KFOR soldiers have changed their
attitudes toward the situation in their area of Kosovo.

Finding the way out of poverty

"When you get here and see the poverty, you really
want to help. But many people here are happy to live
with less, as long as they don't have to exert
themselves to get more," said Lieutenant Pavel Mraz,
who is in charge of the battalion's civil-military
cooperation unit. "I've realized that the best way to
help is to reduce their dependence on outside help."

Occasionally, however, something does remind them that
a real tragedy happened here.

Less than a month ago, UN units discovered a mass
grave in the area, and the bodies of several dozen
victims were brought to the battalion's outpost at the
village of Gazela.

"The relatives had a chance to identify them by the
clothes, which were put in a separate tent. The smell
is not something I would like to endure again,"
Loeffler said. "We didn't have much luck. Two busloads
of Serbians came in, but only a few were able to
identify some family members."

He said he thought there were many more such graves in
the territory, but the chances of finding them are
slim.

"The locals aren't going to lead us to them," he said.

"It would hurt their image as the only victims."


Eva Munk can be reached at news@...


=== 3 ===


http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/bl/Qserbia-montenegro-kosovo.Rbv1_DAK.html

Inter-ethnic hostility remains in Kosovo almost four years after the
war

Jean-Eudes Barbier

-"Steiner's opinion was based on statistics that the
tension between the communities has been significantly
reduced, but he is not the one living with it every
day, as we do."
-Serbs have also given up driving or even having
private cars. There is no access for them to the
parking lot in front of their building, while their
cars in the past have often been damaged by Albanian
extremists.
-Those who have remained in Kosovo, some 80,000 living
mostly in the enclaves, wait and hope that the
international community will finally become interested
in their fate.


PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, April 20 (AFP) -
Almost four years after the United Nations established
its mission in Kosovo, inter-ethnic hostility is still
widespread and the few Serbs remaining in the capital
Pristina are afraid to circulate freely in the city.

Surrounded by the ethnic Albanian majority, many of
whom would like to see them thrown out of Kosovo, the
Serbs in Pristina are pessimistic about their future.

Some 45,000 Serbs lived in the Kosovo capital, which
was home to some 125, 000 people before the 1998-99
war in the southern Serbian province. The war ended
with the withdrawal of Belgrade forces under pressure
of a NATO bombing campaign.

Since 1999, the population of Pristina has increased
to more than 500,000, but only around 200 of them are
Serbs.

The Pristina Serbs, grouped for security reasons in
one building in the city's Ulpiana district, have been
exposed to numerous insults, while often pelted with
stones from windows of neighboring buildings.

"The psychological pressure is enormous. Our life is
worse than in a prison, " one of them, Jelena, told
AFP.

Jelena, who refused to give her last name, said daily
life has gotten worse since members of the NATO-led
peacekeeping force (KFOR), deployed throughout the
province since 1999, left the neighbourhood last
October.

The removal of many checkpoints was ordered by UN
administrator Michael Steiner, who believed that the
security situation has improved sufficiently.

The checkpoints in the nearby Serb enclaves have
disappeared, but KFOR has also increased its patrols
in return.

However, without the permanent presence of KFOR
troops, Serbs in Ulpiana today feel almost abandoned.

"Steiner's opinion was based on statistics that the
tension between the communities has been significantly
reduced, but he is not the one living with it every
day, as we do," Milan said.

The Serb families in the neighbourhood have only one
shop, poorly supplied, without fresh vegetables and
fruit. The goods are brought to the shop by a tiny UN
van coming from the Serb enclave of Gracanica, near
Pristina.

"The UN (officials) believe we can go shopping by
public buses, but this is absurd, as we would all be
beaten up," Tanja said.

Serbs have also given up driving or even having
private cars. There is no access for them to the
parking lot in front of their building, while their
cars in the past have often been damaged by Albanian
extremists.

Around 20 Serb pupils are still escorted by KFOR
soldiers to the school in a Serb village, some 20
kilometers (12 miles) from Pristina.

The community's resources are very low. Only 15 of
them are employed. They receive financial support from
Belgrade, but consider it insufficient. Sometimes,
they can find a temporary job, but for the lowest
wages.

As there are no cafes in the neighbourhood, some of
the Serbs gather in the shop to talk and encourage or
support each other.

In the evening, they continue their discussions by
candlelight, as power cuts are common in Kosovo. The
dispensary and billiard room are then deserted, as
well as a small yard where children usually play ball.

Serbs from Pristina have refused to go to the
"collective centers" in Serbia and Montenegro where
some 200,000 other Serbs now live after fleeing their
homes in Kosovo.

Those who have remained in Kosovo, some 80,000 living
mostly in the enclaves, wait and hope that the
international community will finally become interested
in their fate.

"If Kosovo gets independence, as the Albanians have
demanded, the Serb enclaves in the province will
create their defensive units and fight. We will all
leave Pristina to join them," Milan said.


=== 4 ===


http://www.jbs.org/visitor/rotnol/030525_transcript.htm

Review of the News, Week of May 25, 2003

Lies and Consequences

MP3 Format - 2.9 meg
Low Bandwidth RealAudio
High Bandwidth RealAudio

Hello and welcome to Review of the News Online. I'm William Norman
Grigg, Senior Editor for The New American magazine -- an affiliated
publication of The John Birch Society.

David Hicks, a 27-year-old Australian expatriate, is among the
captured Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters detained at Camp X-Ray in Cuba.
Like John Walker Lindh, the so-called "American Taliban," Hicks is a
disaffected western youth who became enchanted with Islam, and was
caught in a revolutionary undertow that took him first to Pakistan and
then to Afghanistan. Hicks' case is particularly interesting because
the first stop in his revolutionary odyssey was the Balkans, where he
joined the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (or KLA).

During the U.S.-led NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999, Hicks was one of
several thousand international recruits who traveled to Kosovo to
fight on behalf of the KLA. Most of those volunteers were seduced by
the romantic image of the KLA as a hardy band of idealistic freedom
fighters seeking to save Kosovo's besieged Albanian Muslims from a
Nazi-like campaign of "ethnic cleansing."

The unappetizing truth about the KLA, as The New American reported
prior to the 1999 NATO campaign, was that the group "is a terrorist
criminal syndicate, Maoist in its ideological bent, hard-wired into
the international heroin trade, and tightly allied with Osama bin
Laden." That description was based on European press and intelligence
reports and information compiled by our own government.

During the 78-day NATO bombing of Serbia, KLA forces seized control
of key sectors in Kosovo. Today, that one-time Serbian province is now
a UN protectorate ruled by the KLA. Once Kosovo was placed in the
KLA's hands, it became a staging area for international narcotics
trafficking, the European sex slave trade, and terrorism. The illicit
profits generated by the KLA's narcotics and sex trade helped fund
the al-Qaeda network, with lethal consequences for Americans. As
demonstrated by the recent al-Qaeda attack against Americans in Saudi
Arabia, our nation is still paying a price in blood for our alliance
with the KLA.

Writing in the September 21, 2000 New York Review of Books, foreign
affairs correspondent Timothy Garton Ash expressed amazement that the
KLA, "a bunch of farmyard Albanian ex-Marxist-Leninist terrorists[,]
managed to enlist the United States to win their battles for them."
The most important weapon in the arsenal of the KLA and its allies,
Ash pointed out, was the global media, which inundated the public
with lurid atrocity tales. Thus conditioned, much of the public viewed
Serbian ruler Slobodan Milosevic as the reincarnation of Hitler, bent
on committing genocide against Kosovo Albanians. Accordingly, many
Americans supported NATO's terror bombing of Serbia as a justified
exercise in "humanitarian intervention."

At one point, as NATO warplanes battered civilian targets in Belgrade,
Bill Clinton claimed that as many as 600,000 ethnic Albanians were
"lying in mass graves [or] starving and too frightened to go home."
Speaking to NATO combat pilots in Aviano, Italy on April 8, 1999,
Secretary of Defense William Cohen raised the bid, accusing Serb
forces of "engaging in rape, pillage, and mass murder on a scale that
we have not seen since the end of World War II.... They have pushed
over a million people onto a highway of hell that is littered with
depravation and suffering that is almost unimaginable."

On another occasion, State Department spokesman James Rubin declared
that 100,000 Albanians were being held at the municipal stadium in
Pristina, Kosovo's provincial capital. As American media outlets
breathlessly reported this claim as a fact, France's AFP wire service
sent a reporter to Pristina to verify the story. That reporter found
that the stadium was "deserted and showing no signs of recent
occupation." The story about a makeshift concentration camp, it turns
out, was fed to Rubin by KLA leader Hashim Thaci, and retailed to an
uncritical media without being confirmed.

Following the so-called Kosovo War, as the KLA consolidated its
control over the province, the Wall Street Journal ran an expose
headlined: "War in Kosovo Was Cruel, Bitter, Savage; Genocide it
Wasn't: Tales of Mass Atrocity Arose and Were Passed Along, Often with
Little Proof." One co-author of that December 31, 1999 story was
Danny Pearl, who was later the victim of a hideous, videotaped murder
by al-Qaeda terrorists. Pearl's supposed offense, in the eyes of the
subhuman wretches who killed him, was to be an American and a Jew. But
the murder may also have been, at least in part, payback for Pearl's
efforts to expose the KLA's campaign of deception during the Kosovo
conflict.

In the Journal expose, Pearl and co-author Robert Block described the
propaganda efforts of KLA functionary Halit Barani, "a former actor
with a Karl Marx beard who summarizes Serb war crimes by showing a
photo of a baby with a smashed skull. [He] spent the war moving from
village to village with his manual typewriter, calling in reports to
foreign radio services and diplomats with his daily allotment of
three minutes on a KLA satellite phone."

Barani's fertile mind and antique typewriter were the primary source
for many of the lurid atrocity accounts cited by official sources
during NATO's assault on Yugoslavia. When Pearl and Block asked about
the reliability of his stories, Barani replied: "I told everybody it
was supposition, it was not confirmed information.... For the Serbs,
anything is possible." Significantly, Barani has been tapped to serve
as an "expert" witness for the prosecution in the UN's war crimes
trial of former Serbian ruler Slobodan Milosevic.

After the Serbs surrendered and allowed NATO and UN forces to occupy
Kosovo, forensic investigators from the UN and the FBI were
dispatched to collect evidence of genocide. Curiously, however, the
mass graves that figured so prominently in NATO's war propaganda
failed to materialize.

The U.S. and British governments insisted that "ethnic cleansing" had
claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of innocent Kosovo
Albanians. However, Spanish forensic surgeon Emilio Perez Pujol, who
was sent by the UN's war crimes Tribunal to unearth evidence of
genocide, found that the identifiable remains of civilian victims in
Kosovo are numbered in the hundreds. This is what one would expect in
a brutal civil war - rather than thousands or tens of thousands of
casualties resulting from a campaign of genocide. In an interview
published by The Times of London on October 31, 1999, Pujol described
the notion that "mass graves" exist in Kosovo as "a semantic pirouette
by the war propaganda machines, because we did not find one - not one
- mass grave."

Kosovo's vanishing "mass graves" in 1999 eerily prefigured Iraq's
disappearing "weapons of mass destruction" (or WMDs) in 2003. The
Washington Post reported on May 11th that U.S. arms inspectors
combing Iraq for WMDs "[are] winding down operations without finding
proof that ... Saddam Hussein kept clandestine stocks of outlawed
arms...."

The May 17th edition of The Spectator of London reports: "All but a
handful of the list of sites drawn up by U.S. and British intelligence
[have] been thoroughly searched, and nothing [of consequence] ....
[has] been found." Comments Colonel Richard McPhee, a member of the
U.S. military's WMD task force in Iraq: "We came to bear country, we
came loaded for bear and we found out the bear wasn't there."

Just as forensic investigators in Kosovo found traces of a brutal and
bloody civil war, rather than genocide, U.S. weapons inspectors in
Iraq have found evidence that Saddam's regime had pursued WMDs, but
had not developed them. "We've found a lot of little pieces,"
commented U.S. arms inspector Lt.-Col. Brian Clark. "We need to put
it all together to make up the whole jigsaw."

This contrasts sharply with the apocalyptic statements of President
Bush and his subordinates regarding the supposed threat posed by Iraq
to the United States.
"The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now,"
insisted the president two days before the U.S.-led attack. In a March
6th press conference, Mr. Bush declared: "I will not leave the
American people at the mercy of the Iraqi dictator and his weapons."

But there were no Iraqi weapons of mass destruction -- a fact now
admitted by Bush administration spokesmen. "The Bush administration
has admitted that Saddam Hussein probably had no weapons of mass
destruction," reported the London Sunday Herald on May 4th. "Senior
administration officials have admitted that they would be `amazed' if
weapons of mass destruction ... were found in Iraq."

In other words, the Bush administration lied us into war in Iraq, just
as the Clinton administration lied us into war in Kosovo.

Our most recent enemy was a one-time ally who built his war machine
with the material and political support of Washington. The perfect
symbol of that relationship is the notorious photograph of
then-presidential envoy Donald Rumsfeld shaking hands with Saddam
Hussein during a December 1983 visit to Baghdad. David Hicks, who
faces indefinite detention in Camp X-Ray as an "unlawful combatant,"
is a living symbol of a similar relationship between Washington and
al-Qaeda -- a much deadlier menace to Americans than Saddam ever was.

How much longer will Americans permit our rulers to create foreign
enemies -- and then passively swallow the lies our rulers tell us to
manipulate us into useless, senseless, destructive foreign wars?

Thank you for listening. Please join us again next time.

This has been Review of the News Online from The John Birch Society.
For more information about what you can do to preserve our freedoms,
call: 1-800-JBS-USA1.

LA DOMANDA DA UN MILIONE DI DOLLARI

"Per quale motivo la integrita' territoriale per voi non contava
quando si trattava di approvare lo smembramento della Jugoslavia e
l'unificazione tedesca?"

(Eduard Kokoyty, presidente della Repubblica dell'Ossezia del Sud, che
chiede l'indipendenza dalla Repubblica di Georgia a sua volta frutto
della secessione dall'URSS)


Subject: Quote Of The Day, From President Of South Ossetia
Date: Tue, 3 Jun 2003 10:21:46 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Rozoff

http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2003/06/2-TCA/tca-030603.asp

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
June 3, 2003

SOUTH OSSETIAN PRESIDENT ACCUSES OSCE OF BIAS, DOUBLE
STANDARDS

-"Why did you not take into account [the paramount
need to preserve] territorial integrity when you
approved the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and the
unification of Germany?"


Eduard Kokoyty, who is president of the unrecognized
Republic of South Ossetia, has accused the OSCE of
siding with Georgia in the dispute between the
Georgian government and the breakaway republic,
Caucasus Press reported on 3 June. He said the OSCE is
exceeding its mandate in trying to pressure South
Ossetia into accepting the status of an autonomous
republic within Georgia. "Why did you not take into
account [the paramount need to preserve] territorial
integrity when you approved the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia and the unification of Germany?" Kokoyty
asked. LF


ABKHAZIA ANTICIPATES NEW DESTABILIZATION

The Abkhaz leadership possesses reliable information
that the Georgian authorities are planning to
instigate unrest in Abkhazia's southernmost Gali Raion
in order to create a pretext for introducing a
nationwide state of emergency, Caucasus Press on 3
June quoted Abkhaz First Deputy Premier Astamur Tarba
as saying. LF

Justice for Yugoslavia!
Four years after the end of NATO "humanitarian" bombings...


1. Important links:
http://www.justiceyugoslavia.org/ - and more

2. When bombs fell on Belgrade
(Reprinted from the April 3, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper)

3. A PARADOX?... Why Germany Voted 'Yes' To Invade Yugoslavia But 'No'
To Iraq (by Claus Häcking, Deutsche Welle)


=== 1 ===


LINKS:

A summary of NATO destructions, with many photos:
http://www.sramota.com/nato/

24/3: On the Day a Tragic Era Started (by Milos Markovic)
http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/jugoslavija/2003-04-07_1.html

March 24, 1999: NATO's Humanitarian Trigger (by Diana Johnstone)
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/Kosovo/Kosovo-controversies16.html


=== http://www.justiceyugoslavia.org


Subject: Highly Recommended Web Site: Justice Yugoslavia
Date: Tue, 3 Jun 2003 09:36:13 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Rozoff


Please find the time to visit (and revisit) the
updated Web site of the Campaign for Justice for the
Peoples of Yugoslavia at the address listed below.
It's run by David Roberts in Britain and is
consistently characterized by the insight and
integrity that are the hallmarks of David himself.
Yours for peace and justice,
Rick Rozoff


3 June

Dear Friends,

My http://www.justiceyugoslavia.org web site is now
functioning. It offers an alternative view of the
"humanitarian bombing".

It has a Nuremberg Prosecutor's damning criticism of
the NATO bombing and my own investigation called "NATO
on Trial - The Deceptions, Illegality, and Tragedy
of the Bombing of Yugoslavia: The manipulation of
public opinion, the media and politicians."

I hope you may find it interesting.

If you can publicise the site widely I'd be grateful.

Best wishes,
David


=== 2 ===


http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/edit0403.php


EDITORIAL
When bombs fell on Belgrade

As U.S. missiles pouring into Baghdad murder the very people Bush is
claiming to "liberate," the world should recall a similar aggression
by U.S. imperialism just four years ago. On March 24, 1999, the
Pentagon opened a bombing campaign on Yugoslavia that lasted 78
days. Washington sold that war with the big lie that it was a noble
venture, a "humanitarian" intervention. It was supposed to rescue
Kosovo and especially its ethnic Albanian population from alleged Serb
repression.

Washington then had closer collaboration from its NATO allies. The big
powers submerged their rivalry in order to smash independent
Yugoslavia.

Western politicians and the ruling class media got public support for
the war through an intensive campaign of demonization of the Yugoslav
leader Slobodan Milosevic, just as they do Saddam Hussein today. But
the assault on Yugoslavia had as little to do with Milosevic as the
war on Iraq today has to do with Hussein--except that neither
leader was ready to prostrate his country and submit to the interests
of Western imperialism.

The goal of the 78 days of brutal bombing--preceded by 10 years of
subversion, the fomenting of civil war and economic sanctions--was to
remove the one remaining independent country in Eastern Europe that
had kept some of the gains of its socialist revolution. Its people,
resources, industry and strategic location were to be taken over to
serve imperialist interests.

Taking stock today of the region that was once, and may again someday
be Yugoslavia, one can see clearly just what imperialist
"humanitarian" intervention has brought.

Four dependent mini-states, two imperialist protectorates and a Serbia
in chains have replaced an independent state of southern Slavs that
had 24 million people.

U.S. and NATO military bases dominate the territory. German and U.S.
capital dominate the economy.

Kosovo has become an apartheid state run by organized crime, a center
of drugs and prostitution based on the kidnapping of women. The
right-wing KLA gangs have driven out Serbs, Jews and other minority
people who lived there.

Whatever Yugoslav industry is potentially profitable, especially in
Serbia, has been sold at dirt-cheap prices to Western imperialism. The
rest has been closed, creating 30-50 percent unemployment and reducing
two-thirds of people in Serbia to official poverty.

The imperialist takeover has failed even to bring order. The recent
assassination of NATO-stooge Zoran Djindjic, Serbia's prime minister,
brought that failure home.

Anyone studying developments in the region following the U.S.-NATO
takeover of Yugoslavia might get a hint as to why the Iraqis are
fighting so hard to prevent the U.S.-British imper ialist gang from
seizing their country.

- END -

Reprinted from the April 3, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@....
Subscribe wwnews-on@....
Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support independent news
http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)


=== 3 ===


PARADOXES...
Why Germany Voted 'Yes' To Invade Yugoslavia But 'No' To Iraq

http://www.dw-world.de/english/0,3367,7489_A_811834_1_A,00.html

19.03.2003

Why Germany Voted 'Yes' To Invade Yugoslavia But 'No' To Iraq
=

NATO strikes in Belgrade: Germany's first military deployment since
World War II

Chancellor Gerhard Schröder has ruled out German military
participation in an Iraq war. But four years ago the Bundeswehr took
part in NATO air strikes on Yugoslavia without a U.N. mandate. So why
then and not now?

Chancellor Schroeder somberly addressed the nation on March 24, 1999,
shortly after NATO began bombing Yugoslavia. He announced that his
government had made a difficult decision.

"After all, this is the first time since World War II that German
soldiers have been deployed in combat," he said. "We are not waging a
war, but we must bring about a peaceful solution in Kosovo, even
if that requires the use of military force." [1]

Schroeder explained that this was the reason why the German government
had decided to take part in the military campaign against Slobodan
Milosevic's regime.

Today, the same governing coalition of Social Democrats and Greens has
rejected involvement in a war against Iraq, arguing that military
intervention would only serve to further destabilize the Middle East.
In 1999, the government used the opposite argument, maintaining
that the Balkans would be in greater danger if Germany did not act.

Explaining the contradiction

"In Kosovo, we had a situation of ongoing danger," [2] Social
Democratic Party foreign policy spokeswoman Ute Zapf told
Deutsche Welle in an interview. "It was about ethnic expulsion and
impending genocide. [3] Now, in Iraq, we have a potential threat
from Iraqi weapons of mass destruction [4] but no immediate danger."
Zapf insisted the problems were very different.

Germany's opposition parties hold a different view. Christoph Schmidt,
defense spokesman for the Christian Democratic Union and its Bavarian
sister party, the Christian Social Union, criticized the government
for committing itself too early to a "no" vote on participation in
order to assure Shroeder's autumn reelection bid last year. Now,
Schmidt says, Schroeder has no maneuvering room to change his
position.

"July 2002 was the point of departure," Schmidt explains. "Then
Schroeder tried to take advantage of the mood against military
intervention (in Iraq) for the election campaign. The price was that
other foreign policy options were abandoned. And now, getting out of
that without losing face is hard."

Political perspectives

Guenther Joetze believes that neither of these explanations is
sufficient. The former president of the Federal Academy for Security
Policy has written a book about Germany's role in the Kosovo conflict
and is working on a new book about its role in the Iraq crisis. Joetze
ascribes the German government's differing attitudes toward Kosovo and
Iraq to numerous motives. Above all, says Joetze, the government holds
different political perspectives for the two crisis regions.

In Kosovo, the international community was aiming to enforce
humanitarian and democratic standards [5], which cannot be transmitted
to Iraq as easily [6], Joetze maintains. Furthermore, Saddam Hussein
is not considered the only rogue [sic] in the region, which is why
the government does not believe that a war will improve the situation.

In the case of Kosovo, Joetze says, Germany's partners in NATO
expected that the German army, the Bundeswehr, would take part in
military operations [7]. The government had little choice but to say
"yes," Joetze maintains. Plus, the government had only been in office
for a short time and had to prove itself in the realm of foreign
policy. [sic]

"The Social Democrats didn't want to start their term in government
with discord in the coalition," Joetze insists. "Whereas, for Foreign
Minister Joschka Fischer of the Green Party, the question was a
different one. It was made clear to him (as the junior partner
in the governing coalition) that he could only remain foreign
minister and a governing partner if he towed the same line."

International peacekeeping

Today, Joetze says the government is in a different position --
not just because it has been in office for four years, but also
because Germany is now the second-largest contributor of troops to
international peacekeeping operations [8] around the world.

"The defense minister and the chancellor say we continually prove
ourselves to be reliable partners," Joetze says. "We are prepared to
make our contribution. We can afford to have another opinion on one
particular question."

"(In 1999) the only international operation the Bundeswehr was
involved in was the air campaign against Yugoslavia. [9] There weren't
any German troops in Macedonia or Afghanistan yet. The issue was the
first NATO troop deployment."

Besides, the mood among the population has changed in the past four
years. Then, most Germans were in favor of a war against the Milosevic
regime. Today, the majority rejects a war against Saddam Hussein. [10]

In that light, Joetze defends Schroeder's firm position against an
Iraq war. Nor does he find the anti-war stance "reprehensible," as
some members of Germany's opposition government have. On the contrary,
he says, a major pillar of democratically elected representatives is
the idea of listening to the voice of the people and acting on those
wishes. [sic]

Claus Haecking


[NOTES by CNJ:
1. Compare with the terror and apartheid regime which has been
established in Kosovo since NATO bombings stopped.
2. Note that the true danger was initiated by the German BND support
to the UCK racially-motivated terrorists.
3. The expulsion of non-Albanians as well as democratic Albanians from
Kosovo has been successfully carried on after the NATO bombings.
4. This has been proved to be another big lie after the aggression
against Iraq was performed.
5. If this was the aim, then just have a look at the shameful results.
6. This is either racist or nonsense.
7. This is reasonable, due to the historical long-term colonial and
imperialistic role of Germany in the Balkans.
8. They use to call them like that.
9. Here, the bombings onto chemical plants and civilian
infrastructures, also by use of "depleted" uranium, are meant.
10. The desinformation and demonization campaign has been not
effective enough this time?]

1. VAPAJ SRPSKOG NARODA IZ VITINE

2. Polemika oko saopstenja Srpskog Nacionalnog veca KiM


=== 1 ===

Informativna sluzba
Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve
30. maj 2003. godine

VAPAJ SRPSKOG NARODA IZ VITINE

Srpsko nacionalno vece Kosova i Metohije je poslalo tekst vapaja -
apela srpskog naroda iz Vitine u kome je popis nasilnickih dogadjaja
u Kosovskom Pomoravlju. Nakon porasta nasilja i pritisaka na srpsko
stanovnistvo ovog kraja, uz uporno negiranje pogorsanja bezbednosne
situacije od predstavnika americkog KFOR-a i UNMIK-a, narodu Kosovskog
Pomoravlja nije nista drugo preostalo nego da se javnim apelom obrati
srpskom narodu i vlastima u Beogradu i zatrazi njihovu pomoc.

VAPAJ PREOSTALOG SRPSKOG ZIVLJA NA TERITORIJI OPSTINE VITINA

Opet su nas po koji put ubili, opet smo po ko zna koji put postali
mete, tek sto smo se ponadali da je ubijanju kraj, da cemo moci barem
u svojim domovima, na svojim imanjima biti mirni. Ali mira i dalje
nema:

14. maja 2003. godine, na izlasku iz srpskog sela Vrbovac Albanci
pucnjevima zastrasuju zitelje tog sela.

15. maja 2003. godine u selu Mogila, inace mesovitog sastava,
uzvikivanjem antisrpskih parola po srpskim ulicama i klicanjem Ademu
Jasariju, Albanci provociraju Srbe i tokom noci su jednom Srbinu iz
pomenutog sela ukrali stoku.

16. maja 2003. godine albanski ucenici, dok slobodno prolaze kroz
srpsko selo Vrbovac, na albanskom jeziku pevaju provokativne pesme, u
smislu «Sve smo Srbe proterali i vas cemo uskoro». Vec istog dana od
strane Albanaca stizu glasine da ce ubiti sedmoro Srba iz ovih
krajeva.

17. maja 2003. godine, Albanci ostvaruju svoju pretnju ubivsi na
zverski nacin Zorana Mirkovica, starog 44 godine, pored njegovog tela
ostavljajuci poruku u kojoj stoji u naslovu: Albanska nacionalna
armija, a tekst pretece sadrzine potpisao je tzv. ''komandant Celi''.
Nastradali Zoran, profesor ruskog jezika, otac troje maloletne dece,
veliki covek i dobar domacin, krenuo je biciklom u obilazak svog
imanja. Ubivsi njega, ubili su jos jedan deo nase ranjene,
raskrvavljene i bespomocne duse.

19. maja 2003. godine, u srpskom selu Klokot pokusavaju da kidnapuju
Srbina iz tog sela, Stanka Misica, koji je takodje posao da obidje
svoje imanje u blizini sela, ali uspeva da se nekako izvuce, najvise
zahvaljujuci blizini crkve i punktu KFOR-a, gde je i pobegao.

21. maja 2003. godine, u Vitini, u sopstvenom dvoristu je pretucen
90-godisnjeg starac Slavko Stamenkovic, naocigled njegove zene kojoj
su rukom zatvorili usta kako ne bi dozivala u pomoc.

22. maja 2003. godine u selu Klokotu je pretucen ucenik drugog razreda
Srednje ekonomske skole Milan Pavic, u blizini svoje kuce, dok je na
autobuskoj stanici cekao skolski autobus.

25. maja 2003. godine u selu Klokot zapaljena je kuca Momcila Savica.

Skrhani bolom, kad nas beznadje i bespomocnost olicena u 45 nevino
ubijenih dusa i deset zivota za koje se neizvesnost sve vise pretvara
u strasnu izvesnost, bez potvrde, po ko zna koji put dizemo svoj glas.

Ne znamo da li da ove reci nazovemo apelom, jer smo apelima i Bogu
dosadili, ili protestom - protestom protiv sveopsteg zla koje na
ogromnu zalost lezi tu pored nas i oko nas, ali ga niko ne vidi, a
posebno oni koji su za to zaduzeni i za to placeni; i ne znamo dokle
cemo jos biti mete za odstrel, samo zato sto smo Srbi i sto jos uvek
zivimo u svojim ognjistima.

Svaka zrtva koju smo u koraku, u snu, u poslu, u strahu dali, rana je
koja nikada nece zaceliti. Od oko 11.000 koliko nas je bilo na
podrucju opstine Vitina, od dolaska KFOR-a ostalo nas je nekih 3.000,
u dva srpska sela, jedno koje je to bilo do pre godinu dana, od 15
mesovitih sela ostala su jos samo dva, a opstinski centar Vitina od 70
procenata srpskog sastava postao je tamnica za stotinak staraca i onih
koji nemaju gde.

Zivot u tim getoiziranim mestima, gde je prividno sve u nekoj normali,
gde god da se nalazis, sa svakog drveta, iz svakog jarka, iz svakog
automobila, vreba te potencijalna opasnost, jer su se sva stradanja
desavala u slicnim situacijama, mucki, bez izazova i znanja. Takvo
stanje neminovno donosi pitanje - ko je sledeca zrtva?

I pored svakog napora da ostanemo prisebni i ubedimo ljude oko sebe da
postoji neko ko o nama misli, ne mozemo da ubedimo sebe, jer nas
stvarnost demantuje, pa smo postali sumnjicavi i na Boziju pomoc.

17. maja pala je poslednja zrtva, Boze daj! Nas veliki prijatelj i
veliki, veliki covek, s obzirom koliko smo mi mali i nejaki. Jos jedna
porodica je ostala ucveljena, bez hranioca, sa neizvesnom buducnoscu.

Necemo Vas kritikovati, jer Vas ne boli, i mozda ce ovo pismo biti tek
puki tekst koji ce zavrsiti u korpi, ali ako ste poceli, procitajte ga
do kraja, misleci na svoje porodice koje su, nadamo se, srecne i
daleko od zla koje je nasa svakodnevica, i koje nas unistava samo zato
sto smo pravoslavni Srbi.

OVO JE PROTEST NASE DUSE SVIMA KOJI SU ZA TO ODGOVORNI:

PROTIV UBIJANjA koje nas prati i preti nasem istrebljenju, jer se za
to ne bira ni mesto, niti vreme, ni oruzje, niti nacin, ni ime, niti
prezime, ni uzrast, niti starost, samo je bitno da je zrtva
pravoslavni Srbin i da je cilj ostvaren: jos jedan Srbin manje, jos
jedno oruzje koje ubija razloge opstajanja na rodnom ognjistu.

PROTIV FIZICKOG UGNjETAVANjA koje se svakodnevno manifestuje kroz
ranjavanja, prebijanja, kamenovanja, i druge vidove represija, sto
uslovljava strah za odrzavanjem golog zivota, strah za slobodnim
kretanjem i radom, a zavrsava najcesce napustanjem svojih vekovnih
ognjista i strahom za povratkom na njih.

PROTIV DUHOVNOG GENOCIDA koje se manifestuje kroz unistavanje
visevekovnog nasledja jednog naroda, kroz rusenje njegovih svetinja
(crkava i manastira), skrnavljenje grobalja i unistavanje tragova
postojanja i kulture jednog hriscanskog naroda koji se civilizacijski
izvorno identifikuje na podrucju Kosmeta.

PROTIV SVAKOG OBLIKA INSTITUCIONALNE DISKRIMINACIJE koja nazalost samo
zamenjuje fizicke oblike pritisaka i u kombinaciji s njima unistava
svaki vid perspektive za blisku, a jos vise za dalju buducnost
zajednickog zivljenja.

PROTIV MRZNjE I GOVORA ORUZJA UMESTO RAZUMA.

PROTIV NARUSAVANjA SVOJINSKIH PRAVA kroz razne oblike unistavanja,
prisvajanja, otudjivanja: kuca, stanova, zemljista, poljoprivredne
mehanizacije, stoke i ostalog. Za navedene pojave zaduzeni subjekti
medjunarodne zajednice imaju milione podataka i dokaza, ali problemi
vec cetiri godine ostaju nereseni, sto kod preostalih Srba radja
osecaj konstantne bespomocnosti i nezainteresovanosti za
institucionalnu borbu za ostvarivanje svojih prava.

PROTIV SOCIJALNE BEDE koja je uslovljena proterivanjem sa radnih mesta
hiljada radnika, cime je bez sredstava za egzistenciju ostao veliki
broj porodica, sto je dodatno uslovilo odlazak sa svojih ognjista.

PROTIV SMANjENjA PRISUSTVA SNAGA KFOR-A sto uslovljava i otvara siri
prostor za delovanje terorizma.

PROTIV DELOVANjA ALBANSKE TERORISTICKE ORGANIZACIJE «ANA» NA OVIM
PROSTORIMA

U IME BESPOMOCNIH SRBA OPSTINE VITINA
SRPSKO NACIONALNO VECE ZA KOSOVO I METOHIJU, OPSTINA VITINA
Slede potpisi clanova SNV KIM opstine Vitina

=== 2 ===

[O polemike oko saopstenja Srpskog Nacionalnog veca KiM procitaj:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2520 ]


Polemika oko saopstenja Srpskog Nacionalnog veca KiM

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/glas_dijaspore/2003-05-19_1.html

Slobodan R. Stojanovic
Brazil, 19. maja 2003. godine

Posstovana gospodo,

ZZelim da se ukljuccim u ovu diskusiju ne bih li
doprineo pojassnjavanju nekih vazznih taccaka.

Najvechi problem u ovom sluccaju je taj ssto su oba
sagovornika u pravu. I Emil Vlajki i SNV Kosova i
Metohije. Ipak postoje detalji koji su po meni vrlo
vazzni za sagledavanje problema. Evo o ccemu se radi:

Ako nekoga treba kriviti za MAZOHISTICKO SLUGANSTVO
onda to nisu organizacije Srba sa Kosova i Metohije,
vech vlada drzzave Srbije. Odgovornost te vlade za
buduchnost srpskog naroda, kako materijalnu tako i
duhovnu, neuporedivo je vecha od odgovornosti svih
organizacija Srba sa Kosova zajedno.

Ali ni to nije najvechi problem. Najvechi problem je
stav vechinskog dela srpskog naroda prema Kosovu i
Metohiji i svojih trenutnim nedachama. Jer ne traba da
gubimo iz vida da vlada jedne drzzave kako-tako ipak
predstavlja vechinu naroda. Dakle, pravo pitanje je:
Koja je to volja vechine srpskog naroda?

Na ovo pitanje odgovor smo dobili u visse navrata.

1. Neposredno po zakljuccenju primirja, kojim su
Kosovo i Metohija postali strani protektorat, u
Beogradu se mogao ccitati ccuveni grafit: "Imass
mostove, jebess Kosovo." Ljudi su se tada radovali
kraju rata, i nisu tugovali zbog gubitka Kosova.
Ustvari mnogi jesu, ali ono ssto je tada moglo da se
vidi, dakle ono ssto se nametalo kao vechina, bila je
radost i slavlje zbog kraja rata.

2. Iako je ta ista vechina sve vreme stajala uz svoga
vodju - najpre su mu na referendumu dali ovlasschenja
da brani Kosovo, a zatim su slavljenjem okonccanja
rata podrzzali njegov potpis kapitulacije -, ta ista
magarecha vechina ga je srussila s vlasti, vodjena i
navodjena ssargarepom od 70-90 miliona dolara. I ne
samo to. Da ne bi bilo nikakve sumnje na ccijoj su
strani, oni su na juriss zauzeli Narodnu Skupsstinu,
unusstili dokaze o prethodnim izborima, pokrali mnoge
vredne umetniccke predmete, unisstili mnoge koje nisu
mogli da ponesu, i ZAPALILI SKUPSSTINU.

Neki mogu da kazzu kako se nije radilo o vechini. Ali
ja o tim podacima sudim prema stvarnom efektu, a ne
prema teoretskim brojevima koje nismo u stanju da
utvrdimo. Jer u sluccaju vandalizma u Narodnoj
Skupsstini postoji joss jedan detalj: ni snage
bezbednosti, koje su bile znatna manjina u odnosu na
rulju koja je opkolila Skupsstinu, nisu zzelele da
brane drzzavnu imovinu.

3. Sramno izruccenje bivsseg predsednika zloccincima
koji su nas ubijali 1999. Joss jednom isto: vechina je
sve vreme bila uz bivsseg predsednika, ali kada
ssargarepa postane dovoljno velika i
neodoljiva("ulazak u Evropu" ili "zziveti kao sav
normalni svet")
magarci namerno brissu svoju memoriju, i okrechu novi
list (svoje istorije).

Naravno, ima tu i mnogih drugih detalja. Jer ne treba
zaboraviti ni to da se i bivssi predsednik savrsseno
uklapa u taj mozaik: ccak ni sina nije poslao na
Kosovo za koje se vodila bitka.

Sve ovo zajedno daje nam sliku o nama samima. Kako
posle svega toga mozzemo da bacamo krivicu na Srbe sa
Kosova i optuzzujemo ih za SLUGARENJE I MAZOHIZAM.
SRPSKU NACIJU KAO CELINU, nju treba optuzziti, a ne
jedan njen MAJUSSNI I ZANEMARLJIVI DELICH, koji
zapravo i nema drugog izbora; osim ukoliko KOLEKTIVNO
SAMOUBISTVO NE ISKLJUCCIMO iz arsenala moguchih
ressenja.

Subject: [yugoslaviainfo] Bosnia's Founding Stepfather
Date: Thu, 29 May 2003 07:21:30 +0200
From: "Darka"
To: <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>




http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m052803.html

Antiwar.com
May 28, 2003

Bosnia's Founding Stepfather


How the US 'Ended' the Bosnian War

To End A War, by Richard Holbrooke
New York, Random House, June 1998, 432 pages (hardcover)

Few things have been as grossly misunderstood as the
General Framework Agreement for Peace in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, commonly known by its
birthplace as "Dayton." Agreed at the
Wright-Patterson Air Force Base outside Dayton,
Ohio and initialed in Paris, France on 21 November
1995, the Dayton Agreement finally established
Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state, after a three-year
interethnic war following its 1992 international
recognition. It also completely failed to resolve any of
issues that caused the war.

Instead, it was a feat of social engineering
unprecedented at the time, attempting through force
and bluster to forge a nation out of bitter enmities.
That should not have surprised anyone, given that
force and bluster were the main character traits of
Dayton's chief creator, rogue American diplomat
Richard Holbrooke.

Proud 'Peacemaker'

Holbrooke had a long and distinguished career in
foreign affairs, starting from his Foreign Service job
in Vietnam in 1962. He also edited the Foreign
Policyjournal (1972-76), served as Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs
(1977-1981), US Ambassador to Germany (1993-94),
and Assistant Secretary of State for European and
Canadian Affairs (1994-96). It was in this last
capacity that he came to preside over the "peace
process" in Bosnia.

To End A War is an extraordinary book documenting
not just his endeavors in Bosnia, but the underlying
logic, emotions and politics behind them. For all his
failings - arrogance, ignorance and vanity easily
spring to mind - Holbrooke is also earnest. Though
his memoir is as self-serving as, say, Lord David
Owen's Balkan Odyssey, unlike Owen, Holbrooke is
not trying to make excuses: he is actually proud of his
actions, thoughts and opinions. There is not one hint
of modesty - false or otherwise - in Holbrooke, and
for that one must be grateful. For in chronicling his
efforts to badger, bully and beat the Bosnians into
ending their war - on American terms, of course - he
offers surprisingly clear insights into the U.S.
Balkans policy at the time, and his own role therein.

Reading Holbrooke's memoir, one needs to keep in
mind that this man is the chief creator of the current
Bosnian state, a paradox protectorate continuing to
exist in spite of itself.

'I Am The Empire'

Anyone who even slightly doubts the Official Truth
about the Balkans wars will be struck by Holbrooke's
cavalier dismissal of any pretense of civility when
dealing with the locals - especially the Serbs, for
whom he had only disdain dangerously bordering on
hatred. To him, prejudices, deceptions and
fabrications represent fully justified means to the
goal. Cautioned by his British colleague to treat Serbs
with some consideration, Holbrooke replied:

"The Serb view of history was their problem. ours
was to end a war." (110)

One is tempted to wonder if that was a royal "we."
Holbrooke not only represented the United States, he
literally made American policy concerning Bosnia,
often on the spot. He was no mere emissary, but an
avatar of the entire American government in the eyes
of the warring factions. When Secretary of State
Warren Christopher told him, "I'm not always sure
what you are doing, or why. but you always seem to
have a reason, and it seems to work," (239) it was
abundantly clear that Holbrooke had a carte blanche
from his superiors.

Bombs for Peace

One thing Holbrooke used this power for was to
orchestrate Imperial intervention and support certain
combatants in actions that would normally be
condemned as despicable and even atrocious. For
example, the greatest ethnic cleansing of the entire
war, the August 1995 Croat offensive against the
Serbian Krajina, is put into perspective in Chapter 6.
During one meeting with Croatian officials, Robert
Frasure, a senior US diplomat who soon thereafter
died on the road to Sarajevo, handed Holbrooke a
note:

Dick: We "hired" these guys to be our junkyard dogs
because we were desperate. We need to try to
"control" them. But it is no time to get squeamish
about things. (73)

Holbrooke's sympathies for the official Bosnian
Muslim cause (as opposed to the real cause) are
revealed as early as Chapter 3. In a 1992 policy
proposal to the Clinton administration, he advocated
"direct use of force against the Serbs," (52) something
he finally had a chance to do in 1995. After an
explosion in Sarajevo killed a dozen people in the
marketplace, NATO began bombing Bosnian Serb
targets determined months in advance (102).

The bombing helped establish NATO - and the
Americans - as the strongest party in the conflict.
Peace took a back seat to power: "It is now essential to
establish that we are negotiating from a position of
strength. if the air strikes resume and hurt the
negotiations, so be it." (119)

There was also no doubt as to whose side the US
supported: "It helped that Izetbegovic saw I was
fighting hard for something he desperately wanted -
the resumption of the bombing." (131)

Holbrooke's determination resulted in a plea to
Washington: "Give us bombs for peace." (132) And a
strategy was born.

Holbrooke and Milosevic

By the time the bombing, cajoling, badgering, and
"shuttle diplomacy" gathered the representatives of
three warring parties at the airbase near Dayton -
deliberately chosen as a display of American air
power (233) - Holbrooke was almost completely in
control of orchestrating the end the Bosnian War. His
greatest coup was managing to maneuver Serbian
president Milosevic into representing the Bosnian
Serbs, thus making it appear Belgrade was always
behind their actions - just what the Muslim and
western propaganda had alleged all along.

Those especially interested in better understanding
Milosevic can find much useful information in
Holbrooke's memoir. Even though he worked
relentlessly against the "Serb aggression," (42) and
tried to trick, bully and double-cross the Serbian
leader, Holbrooke cannot help but describe Milosevic
with a mixture of grudging admiration and respect:

"Watching Milosevic turn on his charm, Warren
Cristopher observed that had fate dealt him a
different birthplace and education, he would have
been a successful politician in a democratic country."
(235)

No wonder that Milosevic wants to call Holbrooke as
a defense witness before the Hague Inquisition.

Liar, Cheat and Bully

Holbrooke's own accounts of Dayton indicate that his
team was literally negotiating on behalf of the
Muslims, whose role was limited to petulantly
rejecting all solutions in the hope that better (i.e. more
favorable) ones would be produced next. At one point,
the Americans succeeded in securing 55% of the
territory for the Muslim-Croat Federation - until
Milosevic accidentally saw the charts aimed to
persuade the Muslims and angrily accused Holbrooke
of cheating him (295).

Realizing the Americans were not honest brokers,
Milosevic then tried to strike a deal with the Muslims
directly, and signed away territory after territory to
make that possible:

"It was clear: Milosevic wanted an agreement then
and there. But he insisted, at all times, to 51-49."
(299)

But even as Milosevic and Izetbegovic's foreign
minister Silajdzic agreed on a map (though with much
protestations from the Croats), Izetbegovic himself
refused to accept it! Here is Holbrooke's reaction:

"At 11:00 a.m., [EU envoy Carl] Bildt came to my
room to ask how we were doing. 'We are deeply
concerned,' I said, that even if Milosevic makes more
concessions, the Bosnians will simply raise the ante.'

'Do you think Izetbegovic even wants a deal?' Carl
asked. It was a question that Warren Christopher had
also been asking. 'I'm never quite sure,' I replied.
'Sometimes he seems to want revenge more than
peace - but he can't have both.' Chris Hill, normally
highly supportive of the Bosnians, exploded in
momentary anger and frustration. 'These people are
impossible to help,' he said. It was a telling statement
from a man who had devoted years of his life to the
search for ways to help create a Bosnian state." (302)

Note that "Bosnian" here is used interchangeably with
"Muslim." Policy was made based on such ignorant
assumptions. But were they ignorant, or deliberately
malicious? For Holbrooke himself uses the term
"Muslims" often enough. For example, when
discussing the status of Bosnia's capital, Sarajevo,
which both he and Izetbegovic insisted on reuniting
under Muslim rule:

"[Milosevic] still sought political equality among
ethnic groups in Sarajevo, a proposal we rejected
because it would disadvantage the Muslims, who
would be vulnerable to a Serb-Croat coalition or Serb
obstructionism." (259)

As a result, Sarajevo is over 90% Muslim today.

A Call to Empire

As a direct result of Dayton, Serbs and Croats in
Bosnia are again increasingly vulnerable to political
domination by the Muslims - the very issue which
sparked the war in 1992. But Holbrooke could care
less - when the Dayton agreement was signed, it
accomplished a much greater purpose than ending the
Bosnian War: "Suddenly, the war was over - and
America's role in post-Cold War Europe redefined."
(358)

Indeed, it was Holbrooke who most clearly articulated
the Imperial argument that intervention in the
Balkans helped shape the post-Cold War course of
U.S. foreign policy:

"Criticism of President Clinton as a weak leader
ended abruptly, especially in Europe and among the
Muslim nations. [.] [E]ven those who chafed at the
reassertion of American power conceded, at least
implicitly, its necessity. [.] After Dayton, American
foreign policy seemed more assertive, more muscular.
This may have been as much perception as reality, but
the perception mattered." (359)

It began with Bosnia, continued in Kosovo, and went
on to Afghanistan and Iraq, each intervention more
brazen than the one before, each accepted because of
the precedent of the one before. That Bush escalated
the policy initiated under Clinton only shows that
Empire transcends party lines.

Holbrooke concluded To End A War with a call to
Empire:

"There will be other Bosnias in our lives - areas
where early outside involvement can be decisive, and
American leadership will be required. The world's
richest nation, one that presumes to great moral
authority, cannot simply make worthy appeals to
conscience and call on others to carry the burden. The
world will look to Washington for more than rhetoric
the next time we face a challenge to peace." (369)

Even though he is no longer a major player, his call
has been heeded. So much for the "day everything
changed."

From Star to Footnote

Crafting the Dayton Accords may have been the
pinnacle of Holbrooke's career. After a two-year
stint as an investment banker, he re-entered
diplomatic waters with mixed results. In late 1998, he
tried to repeat his work in Bosnia by persuading
Yugoslav president Milosevic to surrender Kosovo.
But the same trick could not work on Milosevic
twice. Holbrooke returned home in defeat.

The following year, he was nominated as the US
Ambassador to the UN, but the appointment stalled
when he was accused of violating federal ethics
guidelines. He admitted no wrongdoing but paid the
fine. After the UN stint, he was tapped to become
Secretary of State in Gore's administration. The
scandal-ridden election of 2000 extinguished that
hope. Richard Holbrooke thus passed from the
diplomatic stage, and it is unclear whether he will
ever step into the limelight again. But even as he
becomes a footnote in American politics, the effects
of his 1995 campaign in Bosnia remain, lingering on
as a reminder of what one arrogant, unscrupulous man
can do with Imperial power.

And if that is not the best argument against the
existence of Imperial power, what is?

-Nebojsa Malic

Ciao,

desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.

File : /BimbiXPace.jpg
Caricato da : jugocoord <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Iniziativa per Kragujevac al Teatro Stabile Sloveno di Trieste, 7 giugno 2003

Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/BimbiXPace.jpg

Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files


Cordiali saluti,

jugocoord <jugocoord@...>

1. Il confronto con Kucan e lo stato di salute di Milosevic.
(Dispacci ANSA dal sito: http://www.ansa.it/balcani/)

2. EX-SLOVENIAN PRESIDENT MILAN KUCAN TESTIFIES AT THE HAGUE
Written By: Vera Martinovic - May 24, 2003 -
www.slobodan-milosevic.org

3. MILOSEVIC RECOVERS FROM ILLNESS: "TRIAL" TO RESUME THURSDAY
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - May 28, 2003


=== 1 ===


Dispacci ANSA dal sito: http://www.ansa.it/balcani/


TPI: MILOSEVIC; SOSPESO PROCESSO, SLOBO AMMALATO

(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 27 MAG - Nuova sospensione all'Aja del processo
contro Slobodan Milosevic per i problemi di salute dell'ex-uomo forte
dei Baslcani. La Corte giudicante ha annunciato questa mattina un
rinvio dell'udienza: Milosevic ''ha la febbre'' ha precisato un
portavoce del Tribunale Penale Internazionale. Il processo, iniziato
nel febbraio 2002, e' gia' stato sospeso otto volte a causa delle
precarie condizioni di salute dell'ex-presidente jugoslavo, che ha in
particolare problemi cardio-vascolari. Milosevic e' accusato di
presunti crimini di guerra e contro l'umanita' per le guerre in
Kosovo, Bosnia e Croazia. (ANSA). CEF 27/05/2003 10:55


MILOSEVIC: TPI, SCINTILLE A UDIENZA CON EX PRESIDENTE SLOVENO

(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 21 MAG - Slobodan Milosevic all'attacco
nell'udienza di oggi al processo all'Aja del Tpi: l'ex uomo forte di
Belgrado ha accusato l'ex presidente della Slovenia, Milan Kucan, di
essere responsabile della disintegrazione dell'ex Jugoslavia avvenuta
nel 1991. ''Perche' ha scelto la guerra? Per quale ragione ha
attaccato l'esercito federale jugoslavo in Slovenia?'', ha chiesto
Slobo nel suo controinterrogatorio a Kucan, che ha testimoniato contro
l'ex presidente durante l'udienza di oggi nel processo in corso al
Tribunale penale internazionale sull'ex Jugoslavia dell'Aja. Kucan ha
a sua volta ''rifiutato'' energicamente le dichiarazioni di Milosevic,
il cui ''messaggio'' di fronte all'implosione jugoslava - ha detto
l'ex capo dello stato sloveno - era che ''non avrebbe mai accettato
che i serbi residenti fuori dalla Serbia non rientrassero sotto
l'autorita' di Belgrado''. Kucan, 62 anni, e' stato dal 1986 capo del
partito comunista sloveno che si oppose alla politica del partito
serbo di Milosevic. Nel 1990 divenne presidente della Slovenia che un
anno dopo proclamo' l'indipendenza dalla federazione jugoslava.
Nell'estate del 1991 le forze armate jugoslave cercarono di prendere
il controllo della repubblica secessionista, ma si ritirarono dopo due
mesi di resistenza slovena. (ANSA) RIG 21/05/2003 16:04


MILOSEVIC: DUBBI SU MEDICINE DATEGLI IN CARCERE TPI, STAMPA

(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 23 NOV - Un quotidiano olandese ha oggi sollevato
dubbi sulla cura medica seguita in carcere all'Aja dall'ex-presidente
jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic, il cui non buono stato di salute ha
costretto il tribunale dell'Onu a interrompere piu' volte il processo
dall'estate scorsa.
Stando a 'Nrc Handelsblad', che cita ''fonti del tribunale'',
a Milosevic, che soffre fra l'altro di ipertensione, sarebbero stati
somministrati negli ultimi tempi farmaci sbagliati, che avrebbero
provocato anzi un incremento dei problemi di pressione arteriosa.
Questa, secondo le fonti citate dal quotidiano, sarebbe stata la causa
del nuovo deterioramento della salute di Milosevic, il cui processo e'
stato interrotto per due settimane nell'ultimo mese a causa
dell'affaticamento eccessivo e di una crisi ipertensiva dell'imputato.
Slobo e' sotto processo all'Aja dal 2 febbraio scorso: e' accusato
davanti al Tpi di crimini di guerra, contro l'umanita' e genocidio per
le sue presunte responsabilita' nelle atrocita' perpetrate nelle
guerre in Bosnia, Croazia e Kosovo. Un portavoce del Tpi ha pero'
contestato questo pomeriggio le informazioni riportate dal quotidiano
olandese. ''Le medicine somministrate a Milosevic non sono
assolutamente cambiate negli ultimi mesi'' ha detto Christian
Chartier. Secondo il portavoce la cura seguita dall'ex-presidente
jugoslavo e' stata approvata anche dal cardiologo di famiglia
di Milosevic a Belgrado. ''Ci ha detto che non poteva seguire una cura
migliore'', ha affermato Chartier. Nei giorni scorsi due giuristi
internazionali che assistono il Tpi nel caso Milosevic hanno
consigliato alla Corte di disporre la scarcerazione dell'imputato per
ragioni di salute per un anno, in modo da consentirgli di seguire il
processo in migliori condizioni. Ma il procuratore capo del Tpi Carla
Del Ponte si e' opposta alla richiesta. (ANSA). CEF 23/11/2002 15:11


=== 2 ===


http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/martinovic052403.htm

EX-SLOVENIAN PRESIDENT MILAN KUCAN TESTIFIES AT THE HAGUE

Written By: Vera Martinovic - May 24, 2003


On Wednesday, May 21, 2003 former Slovenian President, Milan Kucan
testified at the so-called "trial" of Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague.

Milan Kucan, the former President of Slovenia, made a huge mistake by
testifying at the Hague Tribunal. The only excuse for him would be if
he was actually summoned, and therefore unable to refuse, but, if he
did volunteer, it was the wrong thing to do, because he contributed
nothing to the Prosecution's case and only brought the limelight onto
the 10-day 'war' in Slovenia.

Equally questionable were the motives of the Prosecution to have Kucan
as a witness at all: gaining nothing from him, and addressing by his
testimony a time-span and topics never covered by any of the ICTY
indictments.

Be that as it may, as Kucan testified, and contributed nothing, he
enabled Milosevic to shed light onto Slovenia's dirty little war with
its financial and political motives, and its own war crimes. The role
of Slovenia in the breaking up of Yugoslavia, aiding and abetting of
other separatisms, breaking the UN arms embargo etc. etc.

Kucan on the other hand did manage to tarnish his own personal
reputation of a well-spoken, well-informed politician.

Kucan proved insufficient, in spite of the dedicated work done by his
team of advisors, lawyers, and top members of the Slovenian military,
who all frantically worked to prepare their ex-president for his day
in The Hague. Kucan's advisers rehearsed all kinds of possible
questions with him, but the result was that the not-so-well-spoken
"Balkan ruffian", Milosevic, was wittier and far better informed.

All that Kucan managed to do was exude the exaggerated rhetoric of
'democratic community of peoples', 'democratization of life',
'European solutions' and 'different concepts' etc...

It was just as a Slovenian journalist in front of the Tribunal
building said when she was interviewed by the TV B92 correspondent the
morning before the trial transmission began: 'He's well prepared,
he'll explain why Slovenia went its own way, he's a good speaker, very
intelligent; if he comes across gentlemanly [gospodski], he'll show
that Slovenia has nothing to hide; but, all depends on what kind of
questions will Milosevic ask...'

Kucan did indeed behave like a gentleman, unfortunately he was an
ill-informed, and at times confused gentleman; surely regretting now
that he was involved in this at all.

True to form Milosevic asked the expected unpleasant and to-the-point
questions, but more significantly, he had all the possible information
and documents, unlike Kucan, who at times made some serious blunders.

Prosecutor Nice tried to press Kucan for the background of the
Yugoslav breakdown, and the "sinister role" that Milosevic played in
it, but all he managed to get was bits and pieces from two of
Milosevic's speeches, taken totally out of context. Some of the
excerpts he used were not even whole sentences, but parts of sentences
and even individual words that were highlighted with a marker on the
overhead projector. Then the prosecutor asked Kucan to comment on
those excerpts.

The case in point was the 'non-institutional means', which Kucan
interpreted as the 'non-constitutional means for changing things in
Yugoslavia'. However, it was obvious from the context that the excerpt
actually meant that the institutions in Kosovo in 1989 were not
responding to the problems, so the Serbs had to protest peacefully in
the streets against the abuses of the local Albanian government,
outside the institutions, forcing those the institutions to act, which
is the legitimate right of any citizen. It must have been embarrassing
for Kucan to be publicly instructed by Milosevic in his
cross-examination about the definitions of the words 'institutional'
and 'constitutional'.

Would you believe that Prosecutor Nice even pulled out that
unfortunate Kosovo Polje speech again, wanting Kucan to 'make a
connection', so Kucan joined the club of those who vaguely misquoted
and took out of context from that overly-misused speech.

Even May was sick of that threadbare 'trump card', so he quite rudely
interrupted Kucan, saying that the Chamber has already heard enough on
that speech from others.

Kucan got a bit offended, saying: 'Let me finish my thought' and
proceeded with his broad misquote: 'It was said that the Serb people
is not yet in armed battles, but that this could not be excluded and
that the changes will be made by any means.' (?!) That was NOT said
anywhere in this famous speech.

By the way, Kucan 'explained' that the speech was given at the 500th
anniversary of the Kosovo Polje Battle, missing it by only a 100 years
(the battle happened in 1389, the speech in 1989, so simple arithmetic
tells you that it was in fact the 600th anniversary).

Milosevic, of course, took the opportunity to quote whole paragraphs
from both speeches later on, demonstrating that the false
interpretations and misrepresentations made by the other side simply
don't stand.

The other tackle by Nice was to urge Kucan to give his opinions and
interpretations on the 'real' meaning of certain events. So, many of
his answers boiled to 'it actually means', 'Serbia actually opted
for', 'nobody believed that', 'this is how we understood that'. Again,
such interpretations were either exaggerated or totally opposite to
the true meaning. At times, he even went wild in his assumptions, like
when he read the intentions of 'the Serbs', who refused the Slovenian
'concept of dissolution' of Yugoslavia. 'This is how I understood it',
Kucan bravely plunged in: Since the Serbs thought the internal borders
of the republics to be merely administrative; they 'implied that the
borders could be altered by force'.

Quite a broad implication indeed, nobody said that, or wrote that
anywhere, yet Kucan knows that they actually meant that. Could it be
that they meant the administrative borders should be simply
renegotiated? No, those barbarians are incapable of such a gentlemanly
concept, so the gentleman assumed they actually implied violence.
Still, I don't understand how assumptions can constitute any sort of
evidence given by a witness at a trial.

Prosecutor Nice then resorted to his favorite illustration for
practically everything - the BBC documentary 'The Death of
Yugoslavia.' This time he played the video of that notorious 14th
Congress of the League of Communists from January 1990, when the
Slovenian delegation walked out of the meeting after 'almost
all' of their amendments were rejected 'because we had been outvoted.'
Kucan explained that had been deliberately done to oust them, and 'the
accused (Milosevic) was the first, or among those who first lifted his
voting card and the others followed'.

Kucan is aware that he's talking to Westerners here, who know zilch
about the Communist Party apparatus and could easily swallow such an
explanation. But, Kucan is an old Communist cadre, so he should know
better.

In brief: at the full meeting, the plenum, where all the Congress
delegates are present (3-4,000 of them), nothing was ever decided, and
nothing ever happened that was not previously prepared and agreed
upon. So, if the Slovenian delegation started, out of the blue, to put
to vote outrageous proposals, which were a surprise to everybody, not
discussed and agreed upon previously in the inner Party circles, this
could only mean that Slovenia deliberately organized such a coup
de theatre to force the unprepared delegates to vote against their
proposals and in that manner form a pretext for their walking out of
the meeting, thus signifying the beginning of the end for Yugoslavia.

Instead of such a perfectly logical explanation, consistent with the
functioning of the Party mechanism, Kucan concocted a
Westerner-friendly accusation against the Serbian leaders, who
allegedly, deliberately voted against the Slovenian proposals just to
force them out of the party and out of Yugoslavia.

But, how could they possibly vote for such proposals? One of the
proposals was 'to make the connections among the Federal units
different', as Kucan vaguely put it, in other words - confederation.

The other proposal was 'to introduce the political pluralism', or the
multiparty system. And all those 'tiny' changes were proposed in the
form of innocent little amendments to the Party Congress conclusions,
at the plenum, without being previously agreed upon at the top, as is
the Party practice.

AS IF the Slovenes needed to be "forced" to leave Yugoslavia! This was
their intention, and their plan. They were cunning enough and
supported enough to perform it and now they blame others when they did
exactly what they wanted to do in the first place!

Prosecutor Nice dwelled on that Party Congress footage with relish,
while Kucan interpreted, the BBC?s voice-over commentary - a real
testimony indeed.

The remaining 'issues' that Nice raised were even more feeble, or else
already chewed up by others. There were the amendments to the Serbian
Constitution, allegedly depriving Kosovo and Vojvodina of their
autonomy (Milosevic quoted the Constitution, proving that the autonomy
in fact was not revoked, and Kucan was forced to admit that).

Then, there was the grudge of Slovenia that the Slovenian language was
not 'used within the Army', as was allegedly promised them at the end
of World War II. When cross-examined, Kucan had to admit that it was
logical that the Army would need one command language, and it was OK
for them, but that they still wanted the Slovenian language to be used
in the Army somehow. I failed to understand the "well-spoken
gentleman," I have to admit. What other usage of language is there in
any Army, besides to issue commands? You can speak whichever language
you prefer while on your R&R, but when an officer speaks, one language
has to be accepted for everyone. Or, does Mr. Kucan think that the
Army should have hired interpreters?

Then, Nice quoted profusely from the book-journal written by the
former President of the Yugoslav Presidency, Borislav Jovic, asking
Kucan to comment certain highlighted passages. Again, the relevance
and the veracity of the excerpts was dubious, which even Kucan himself
couldn't deny, saying that the description of one meeting where both
he and Jovic were present was 'pretty accurate', but 'for the rest, I
cannot confirm it'.

Nevertheless, Nice continued to quote from the journal, skimming that
way through the tumultuous events in 1990, when the JNA confiscated
all of the weapons from the local TO units, the steps towards the
secession of Slovenia, their elections, referendum for independence,
6-month suspension of its implementation, negotiations between
Presidents of all republics, where Slovenia kept 'seriously' proposing
confederative status after they had already opted and voted for
independence!

The only piece of real testimony from Kucan was when he spoke of his
walk with Milosevic in the lull of one of these futile
traveling-circus meetings. According to Kucan, Milosevic told him that
if Slovenia wants to leave the Federation that Serbia could not and
would not prevent that, but there are some preconditions to be agreed
before that. Croatia is a bigger problem; there everything is an open
issue, even the borders.

Then, Nice skimmed further on through the declared independence of
Slovenia in June 1991 and said: 'We know that a short clash occurred.'

Whereupon Kucan corrected him: 'The aggression occurred, done by the
JNA.' He literally applied only 2-3 short sentences speaking of that
'aggression', stating that it happened 'right after the celebration,
at 2 or 3 a.m.', that the 'units came out of barracks and headed
towards the state border'. He offered a choice of descriptive nouns:
'That clash, aggression, war was ended on 7 July by the talks on the
Brioni Islands, with the participation of the Ministerial EC troika,
led by Van Den Bruck, who intervened in a certain way in that period
between 27 June and 7 July.'

So much about the 'war'. Eloquent and full of detail. Nice glided on
through the final retreat of the JNA from Slovenia on 26 October 1991.

The only remaining issue until the end of the examination-in-chief was
the book by the former JNA Chief of Staff, General Veljko Kadijevic,
again amply but selectively (mis)quoted.

Kucan appeared confused, asked Nice 'What do you mean by that? Yes,
I've read it... but which part of it do you have in mind?' Nice was
really desperate, trying to make Kucan confirm that Kadijevic meant to
divide Yugoslavia along the infamous line Karlobag-Virovitica, the
alleged quotation dragged along before with other witnesses and which
was simply a misquote, because the General wrote in this particular
paragraph about the lines of retreat for the JNA, after it was
attacked in Croatia, and after it had decided to pull out.

Kucan clumsily confirmed that 'this coincides with the borders of the
diminished Yugoslavia, without Slovenia and Croatia and that 'we had
such statements even before'. By whom? When? Which statements? A
precise testimony, indeed. And that was all the evidence Kucan gave,
believe it or not. But, then came the cross-examination and a lot more
was said.

When Milosevic started to cross-examine Kucan, the very first question
brought the 'witness' to stumble, loose voice and stamina to directly
and openly accuse the Accused according to the indictment. This was
how the exchange went. Milosevic mocked Kucan, saying he used three
different expressions, one after another, to describe what happened in
Slovenia: 'clash, aggression, war. Had Serbia anything to do with that
war in Slovenia?'

Instead of promptly repeating the mantra of how Serbia, i.e.
Milosevic, actually ruled the Army (as the indictment would have it),
Kucan got immediately confused, started to mumble, said that Slovenia
'was confronted with the JNA', and the other things 'will be decided
by the Court, there are documents and books... My present
conclusion...' And here Kucan completely stopped talking.

Milosevic prompted him: 'What is your present conclusion?'

May stepped in nervously: 'Please, do not enter into quarrels. His
conclusions are unimportant.' And this was the first sign of how
things would go: Milosevic aggressive and direct, while Kucan was
timid and evasive. But, it got worse.

Milosevic read out two sentences from the minutes of the meeting in
the Federal Government Building in August 1991, after the 10-day war:
Kucan talking to the Federal Prime Minister, arrogantly and
triumphantly, refusing to discuss the possibility that two Slovenian
representatives return to the Federal Government 'because that Federal
Government had attacked Slovenia' and 'there is nothing for me to talk
about with the Federal Prime Minister, who lost the war'.

Kucan had to confirm that he had said that.

Milosevic then turned to the reasons for the war that Slovenia fought
against the Federal Government: the revenues from customs duties.

Kucan denied it, saying that Slovenia was only reacting to being
attacked.

Milosevic then quoted Warren Zimmerman, the former US Ambassador to
Yugoslavia, from his lengthy article in a foreign affairs journal
where it was plainly and brutally written that 'contrary to the
beliefs, the Slovenes had started the war. There were no efforts to
negotiate.' Zimmerman proceeded to explain why: the customs duties
revenue generated from the only border crossings towards the Western
European countries, Italy and Austria, which were in Slovenia, gained
up to 75% of the overall federal budget. The Slovenes simply took over
the customs offices by force, changed the insignia, and started to
collect, depriving the rest of the country of that revenue without
negotiating first. The Federal Government had to react by sending few
light JNA columns to retake the customs offices and re-establish the
status quo ante. Then the JNA was attacked.

Kucan tried to minimize that by saying it is the opinion of the former
US Ambassador.

But, Robinson got interested and asked Kucan to comment on this piece
of information that 'one of the consequences of your declaration of
independence was the take-over of customs offices', so Kucan got mixed
up in a lengthy explanation of money flow, which came to saying that
Slovenia negotiated it at Brioni, but only after the fait accompli.

Milosevic then jumped in by asking: 'Brioni happened after the war.
Why have you opted for violence? Why did you not act like Slovakia
did? [in the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia] Why didn't you
take the issue to the federal bodies?'

Kucan tried to convince everybody that it was impossible, that 'as a
member of a small nation we would have been outvoted'.

Milosevic reminded him that one of the Parliament Chambers voted by
consensus, so there was no outvoting, and that Slovenia actually
prevented the Law on Secession from being enacted, 'and you could have
left peacefully'. He also reminded him that the federal Government
intervened not at the internal borders of republics, but at the
external border.

Kucan got very nervous, and started to answer not to Milosevic, but to
'Your Honours', pleading with them to understand how he 'had
discussions with the Accused over many years' and that 'there were no
reasons to defend the border', but Milosevic cut him short: 'We are
obviously switching the meanings here. I've quoted Zimmerman to you
and the reasons why you did what you did.'

Then, Milosevic pulled out the case of a live TV show in Slovenia a
few years into their independence, with illustrious guests from
Croatia (Mesic, General Spegelj, Tomac), where Kucan also participated
and they answered direct phone questions. Kucan tried to wiggle out,
saying his memory is not that good anymore, but confirmed he was
there. Milosevic proceeded to describe what happened in that show and
how in a celebrative mood Mesic got too relaxed and babbled about
Genscher [the then German Chancellor] and the Pope who crucially
contributed to the independence of Slovenia and Croatia.

Kucan confirmed that was said, but he added: 'My experience with these
people was different.'

Milosevic: 'Which people - Genscher and the Pope?'

Kucan tried to play dumb, saying: 'I don't understand what do you want
from me.'

Milosevic then patiently explained: 'Mr. Kucan, for more than a half
of your testimony you have been talking about that book by Mr Jovic.
I'm asking you whether Mesic said that.'

May jumped in: 'He has agreed to that.'

Milosevic: 'Very good.' Then he proceeded to quote Mesic, who said
that 'Genscher and the Pope have given us a strong support in
demolishing Yugoslavia.'
Kucan reluctantly confirmed this was said.

May wanted to know whether these questions were put to Mesic during
his testimony, and Milosevic answered that he only got this
information recently, and so he's asking Kucan, who was there, to
confirm it.

Without the slightest pause and without a warning, Milosevic asked:
'Why did you attack the JNA, killing 44 and seriously wounding 184
soldiers?'
Kucan tried to give slightly smaller figures 'according to our data'
and miserably concluded that 'these are the sad consequences of war'.

Milosevic couldn't be stopped: he proceeded to describe war crimes
perpetrated by the Territorial Defence and the Police of Slovenia
against the JNA and their families (killings, maltreatments, unlawful
arrests, intimidations, expulsions, refusal of medical assistance
causing death, cutting of supplies etc. etc.), quoting from the White
Book made by the JNA, from which he submitted precise lists with
names, dates and descriptions. The Trial Chamber at first admitted one
list into evidence (for identification, as they call it, until
translated and decided upon), but when things became more and more
terrible, they refused to admit the lists anymore.

[For those who want to know a bit about these colorful events, I
managed to locate 2 Reports by the Federal Government submitted to the
UN Commission of Experts in pursuance of the UN Council Resolution No.
780. There were 7 such Reports covering the war crimes perpetrated on
the territory of the whole ex-YU, but these 2 from November 1992 and
May 1994 mention also the Slovenian pretty little war. Here are the
links:
http://www.balkanpeace.org/wcs/wct/wcts/wcts02.shtml
and
http://balkanpeace.org/wcs/wct/wcts/wcts04.shtml
These are lengthy reports, containing crimes also from other parts of
ex-YU, so my advice is to use [CTRL + F], and then type 'Slovenia', so
that you can search through these huge documents for the crimes
related to Slovenia. And they are ugly, believe me, and comprise
everything: inhumane treatment of civilians, killing and inhumane
treatment of wounded and sick persons, ethnic cleansing, willful
killing of civilians, willful killing of POWs, inhumane treatment of
POWs - complete with: names, dates, places, the works. And all that in
just 10 days; not bad for "civilized gentlemen" who refuse to be
denominated as a Balkan country.
Just imagine what they could have accomplished if the war had lasted
longer.
For those with even stronger stomach and thirst for info, visit the
site
http://www.balkanpeace.org,
then go to the top left under "WAR CRIMES SECTION", and click on
"WITNESS TESTIMONIES". There you will find all those Reports and
plenty of other stuff.]

Kucan was bombarded with questions about these atrocities perpetrated
by his forces, under his command responsibility, for which questions
he had been specially prepared, and what did he do? He failed
miserably. He first tried to deny: 'Ne, tega nismo storili. = No, we
didn't do that.' Then he admitted that 'perhaps it happened' that the
private trucks in transit had been taken, that 'some civilians had
been hurt'. Then he claimed 'I do not know about that', 'I have no
data about that'.

Milosevic retorted: "I have all the data about that.' When the
atrocities mentioned became more gruesome (killing of wounded and
sick, preventing medical help)

Kucan lost his composure and called the JNA report-book 'a propaganda
brochure' and started to rant: 'I claim that this did not happen. And
even if something like that did happen, it was in some extreme
situations. What happened later on, in Vukovar, Srebrenica,
Dubrovnik... it was a systematic thing...'

Milosevic paid no attention to Kucan anymore, simply leaving him to
let off steam, and spoke to May: 'Very well, Mr May, you do not want
to accept this last list. I have here also the list of 17 violations
of the proper treatment of POWs, I presume that you won't accept this
either'

Then, Milosevic turned to Kucan again, embarking upon the case of
execution of 3 POWs on 28 June 1991 at the Holmec border crossing.

Kucan said: 'If you're asking whether they have been captured and
shot, the answer is no.'

Milosevic then produced a thick swath of documents from the Slovenian
courts and some international NGOs pertaining to that case.

Kucan boldly stated that 'all this only goes to prove that Slovenia
behaved as the lawful state'. May ordered the documents to be given to
Kucan to read them, he briefly skimmed through some of it and timidly
said: 'I've claimed that these soldiers and civilians were not
executed as POWs, but it seems that they were.'
Wow! His advisors must have done a poor job preparing Mr. Kucan for
this. May then admitted the documents into evidence.

Milosevic then summed up: 'I have given only a few examples, but it's
obvious that in this so-called "attack by the JNA," many times more
JNA soldiers were killed than Slovenes. [44 as opposed to 8] Jovic
told you that if you want your independence, go on, but do not kill
our sons. Why was this war necessary to you?'

Kucan denied that Slovenia wanted the war.

Milosevic. insisted: 'Isn't it true that you could have left
Yugoslavia without a war and that you started it only to facilitate
the complete destruction of Yugoslavia?'

May tried to protect the hapless witness by saying he already answered
that.

Milosevic continued by reminding Kucan that Slovenia, while talking
about "legality and democracy" was actually making decisions contrary
to the Yugoslav Constitution. He said that they have promised to
proceed into independence legally, and the Constitutional Court would
be ultimately consulted, but then they acted against its rulings.
Milosevic submitted 27 such rulings of the Federal Constitutional
Court, pronouncing as unconstitutional various resolutions, laws and
Amendments to the Slovenian Constitution that had been passed by the
Slovenian legislature.

May woke up and wanted to know Kucan's opinion on this, and Kucan
tried to persuade him that these rulings were indeed stating these
acts of Slovenia to be incompatible with the Yugoslav Constitution,
but 'there were different opinions by the 2 judges who represented
Slovenia in that Court', and 'the same method of voting was applied'.
May inquired: 'When you say the same method, what do you mean by
that?'

Kucan answered: 'Well, as at the 14th Party Congress.'
May: 'It means, the Slovenes were in the minority?'
Kucan: 'Yes.'
May: 'Were they joined also by some other judges?'
Kucan couldn't confirm that, but he said that he would 'look it up'.
What that man does know? He was the President then, these were the
crucial issues and decisions, and he was supposedly well prepared for
his testimony.

Milosevic ridiculed that comparison of voting at the Party Congress
and at the Court and pointed out this is the common practice in all
courts in the world. He asked: 'Are you claiming that the
Constitutional Court made his rulings in violation of its
regulations?'

Kucan kept on with his lengthy whining of how Slovenia was always in
the minority, how the principle of 'one man, one vote' in the
Parliament could have been amended, but Milosevic insisted the
question being about the legal rulings of the Constitutional Court,
and that the Slovenes expressly said their changes will be done
according to the law and Constitution, offering the Constitutional
Court as a guarantee for that, and 'then you complain about your
rights being violated because the Constitutional Court made his
rulings'.

May admitted these 27 rulings into evidence.

If it was some real judge here, and not "Dick" May, I would be certain
that this legal exchange had reminded him of the recent ruling of the
Trial Chamber in which those 6 coded witnesses, whose trial
transcripts were admitted into the Milosevic trial evidence without
cross-examination, and the voting was 2 to 1, leaving poor Robinson in
the minority just like the poor Slovenes. He could have then cried
foul, taken the ball and gone home, just like the Slovenes did.

The next issue was illegal arms trade between Slovenia, Croatia and
Bosnia-Herzegovina. When first generally asked about that by
Milosevic, Kucan denied it existed at all: 'No, as far as I'm aware.'

When Milosevic then produced documents, from Croatia, proving the
opposite Kucan changed his tune, saying that he couldn't see anything
contentious here, these were 'legal channels, with competent
authorities and you spoke of illegal trade.' To that, Milosevic
gently reminded him that at that time the UN arms embargo was in
effect.

Kucan then claimed that this was before the international recognition
of Slovenia, 'therefore it did not apply to us.' But then, he realized
the mistake, saying:
'Excuse me, it was in the period when both states were recognized;
therefore, we took necessary measures to protect ourselves.' [Wow! So,
the new statelets have the right to violate the UN embargo, just
because they need to be able to protect themselves. That is a creative
interpretation.]

When asked whether the embargo applied to Bosnia, Kucan said it only
applied to the arms sale. Milosevic then produced a second document,
this one being from Izetbegovic, proving exactly that.

Both documents were admitted. Milosevic concluded that Slovenia took
part in the arming of the Bosnian Muslims, to which Kucan said that it
is hard for him to accept such a claim and that it has to be seen
first whether the Bosnian Muslims were first capable of defending
themselves on their own.
He said: 'My answer is, why was it necessary?' [Great reasoning: you
do something illegal, and when asked why are you doing it, you answer:
Well, ask yourselves why it was necessary for me to do that?] Even
Milosevic was amused by that, smiling and muttering: 'Good, very
good.'

Milosevic further proved how well informed he is when he asked how
come the Parliamentary commission for investigating UN embargo
violations had been dissolved before reaching any conclusions.

Kucan confirmed they had done this, but claimed that 'this procedure
is still unfinished'. How many years passed - 10, 11, 12 years?
Indeed, a State of law and order.

[The arms trading affairs, with all its dirty political games and
enormous gains by various Slovenian politicians were all over the
Slovenian press at that time. If you want to check one example, here's
the link:
http://www.aimpress.org/dyn/trae/archive/data/199805/80503-004-trae-lju.htm
This is the article called 'War Diplomacy - Controversial Armament
Trade' from 1998.
Also check what Kucan stated on the subject in 1996 at:
http://www.hri.org/news/Balkans/yds/96-07-03-yds.html#08
'Slovenian President Says European Union Played Big Role in Breaking
Former Yugoslavia'.
You'll be better able to assess how the politicians of Slovenia were
not at all squeamish to grab big bucks peddling arms, while at the
same time preaching to be so much more "civilized and democratic" than
those Balkan "barbarians" to whom they were selling the arms.]

The rest of the cross-examination went on debunking the games of Nice,
with misquoted speeches, which I already mentioned in the earlier.
There were a couple of highly amusing moments when Milosevic found in
the written summary of the talks that Kucan had with the OTP
investigators some incredible and preposterous constructions.

Kucan vehemently denied ever saying something like that. The thing is,
the investigators didn't give his full verbatim answers, but instead
prepared themselves a freely ad-libbed summary, which was at places so
free that after Milosevic quoted from it, Kucan had to say: 'This
claim is incredible, however, I never stated that.'

The first time, it was some minor stupidity, like 'the Serbs needed
Yugoslavia to be able to all live in one state, and the non-Serb
nations saw in Yugoslavia a country protecting its groups (?!).

Milosevic started to lead Kucan through questions about the control of
the Army in 1989, making him to confirm that the Federal Presidency
was in charge, and not Milosevic who was then merely a Party chief,
not even the President of Serbia yet.

Then Milosevic read the second incredible construction from the
Prosecution's summary, which was more sinister: the investigators
wrote that Kucan told them, speaking about the pre-war events in
Kosovo, when the miners went on strike that this was 'connected with
the use of the Army by Milosevic in the events around Stari Trg Mine'.

Kucan denied saying this, and again explicitly confirmed that the
Presidency commanded the Army, and that he 'never claimed otherwise or
that you (Milosevic) were the one to issue orders'.

Milosevic said he was happy that Kucan had said that 'just because of
the manipulations of this Other Side.'

Amicus Curiae, Tapuskovic practically gave up his questions, after
being allotted only 20 min. and warned by interpreters to slow down,
so May recommended that he put his questions in writing.

Kucan had to leave, he came only for one day. But, Tapuskovic
nevertheless managed to establish one important thing by asking Kucan,
and then warned the Chamber that among the following witnesses will be
one Ivan Kristan, who will pose as an expert on constitutional issues,
and this is no other than one of those two Slovenian judges from the
former Federal Constitutional Court who were outvoted regarding the
constitutionality of those 27 secession documents of Slovenia. That
should be one impartial "expert witness," no doubt.

Thus ended the ordeal of Milan Kucan. The only his attempt at repartee
was when he referred to the famous sentence given by Slobodan
Milosevic in front of the angry and frightened Serb peasants in
Kosovo, who had just been clubbed by the Albanian police, where
Milosevic told them that 'Nobody may beat you'.

Kucan said that Milosevic should have said instead: 'Nobody may beat
anyone in Kosovo'. Interesting - sounds a bit like something the UN
might say: 'The violence from both sides must stop.' And what if there
was no violence from both sides at that time, as it actually was the
case? So, the attempt at repartee by Kucan failed miserably, as did
his information management and his usefulness as a witness.


Vera Martinovic is an independent writer based in Belgrade,
Yugoslavia.


=== 3 ===


MILOSEVIC RECOVERS FROM ILLNESS: "TRIAL" TO RESUME THURSDAY
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - May 28, 2003

Former president of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic became ill on
Tuesday. As a result the so-called "trial" had to be canceled on
Tuesday and Wednesday.

The so-called "trial" will resume on Thursday as The Hague Tribunal's
doctors now say that President Milosevic has recovered from his fever.

UNTER
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/aikor29.5.03.txt=

ZU LESEN:

*** JUGOSLAWIEN, AFGHANISTAN, IRAK
WELCHES LAND ALS NÄCHSTES? STOPPT DIE USA!
FREIHEIT FÜR SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!
Internationale Demonstration in Den Haag,
Samstag, 28. Juni, 2003, Beginn: 14 Uhr

*** WARUM DEMONSTRIEREN SIE AM 28. JUNI IN DEN HAAG?
Cathrin Schütz sprach mit Klaus Hartmann,
Vizepräsident des Internationalen
Komitees für die Verteidigung von Slobodan Miloevic

*** GERECHTIGKEIT MADE IN USA
von Ralph Hartmann
Aus: Ossietzky 9/2003
http://www.sopos.org/aufsaetze/3eb2ac0a5184b/1.phtml

*** Nieder mit der NATO Mafia-Regierung in Belgrad!
Demonstration zum Vidovdan
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung


DEMO-FLUGBLATT:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/HaagDemo-Flugi.d=
oc


FLUGBLAETTER U. WEITERES AUF ENGLISCH:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/AIA/


--- Flugblatt-Text:


JUGOSLAWIEN, AFGHANISTAN, IRAK - WER IST DER NÄCHSTE?

In immer schnellerer Folge wechseln die Kriegsschauplätze - viele
Friedensfreunde verlieren den Über-blick und übersehen die
Zusammenhänge. Wie der Überfall auf den Irak war die NATO-Aggression
1999 gegen Jugoslawien ein völkerrechtswidriger Angriffskrieg. Damals
wie heute ging es den USA um die Durchsetzung globaler
Weltmachtansprüche, die Kontrolle von Rohstoffquellen und
Transportwegen. Mit dem neuen strategischen NATO-Konzept von 1999
wurde die Aggression gegen Jugoslawien zum "Tür-öffnerkrieg", zum
entscheidenden Präzedenzfall für die Missachtung des absoluten
Gewaltverbots des Völkerrechts. Auf dem Balkan wurde die neue
Strategie der selektiven Aufhebung der Staatensouveräni-tät und des
Selbstbestimmungsrechts der Völker vorexerziert.

Als Symbol des Widerstandes gegen die neue Weltkriegsordnung soll
Slobodan Milosevic exempla-risch in einem Schauprozess abgeurteilt
werden - zur nachträglichen Legitimation der Aggression und
Kriegsverbrechen der NATO, und als warnendes Beipiel zur Abschreckung
aller "Unwilligen", Dissiden-ten und Abweichler, die nicht Vasallen
der neuen Weltordner sein wollen. Hierfür wurde ein
völker-rechtswidriges Sondergericht geschaffen, das keine Institution
des Rechts, sondern eine Kolonialbehörde darstellt. Deshalb ist die
Forderung nach Abschaffung des Haager "Tribunals" und nach Freiheit
für Slo-bodan Milosevic sowie alle politischen Gefangenen der NATO
unverzichtbares Element des Kampfes für eine andere Weltordnung. Dafür
demonstrieren wir in Den Haag:

28. Juni 2003
Auflösung des illegalen YU-Tribunals!
Freiheit für Slobo und alle politischen Gefangenen der NATO !

Nach dem "Regimewechsel" wurden auch in Belgrad willige Lakaien
eingesetzt, die das Land und seine Verteidiger für einen Judaslohn
verkaufen. Ausgerechnet am 28. Juni 2001, dem höchsten serbi-schen
Feiertag, der an die Schlacht auf dem Amselfeld 1389 erinnert, wurde
Slobodan Milosevic vom Djindjic-Regime nach Den Haag entführt.
Symbolträchtig wollten die Kidnapper deutlich machen, dass die
Besiegten nun die Geschichtsdeutung der Sieger zu übernehmen hätten.
Doch immer war und ist der 28. Juni - Tag des Verrats und der
Erniedrigung und zugleich Tag des Widerstandes gegen imperialistische
Fremdherrschaft

Heute agiert in Belgrad eine Marionettenregierung von Gnaden der USA
nach den Direktiven des CIA-Residenten und US-Botschafters William
Montgomery. In Komplizenschaft mit dem Haager Tribu-nal verweigern sie
den "Angeklagten" aus ihrem Land jede Unterstützung, inzwischen selbst
den Zugang zu Beweismitteln. Bisher hat die "Anklage" an jedem
Verhandlungstag ein Fiasko erlebt, trotz nachge-wiesener Versuche der
Zeugenbestechung und -bedrohung. Deshalb ist es nun ihre offenkundige
Absicht, Slobodan Milosevic, der als Ankläger der NATO auftritt,
physisch und psychisch zu brechen - eine "bio-logische Lösung" als
kalkulierter rettender Ausweg für die Veranstalter dieses
Justizverbrechens.

Deshalb demonstrieren wir unter der Losung
STOPPT DIE USA! FREIHEIT FÜR SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC!

Demo am Samstag, 28. Juni 2003, 14 Uhr
Congressgebäude Den Haag, Churchillplein 10

Internationales Komitee für die Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic -
ICDSM - URL: www.free-slobo.de
Klaus Hartmann, Schillstraße 7, 63067 Offenbach am Main,
Tel/Fax -69-835850, e-mail: vorstand@...