Informazione
Two 1987 speeches by Slobodan Milosevic
1. Speech of Slobodan Milosevic to the 9th Congress of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
(June 1987, Belgrade)
2. Speech of Slobodan Milosevic at Urosevac
(April 25, 1987)
=== 1 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-6-eng.htm
Speech of Slobodan Milosevic to the 9th Congress of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
June 1987, Belgrade
Kosovo - When Abuse and Humiliation are in Question, Appeals for
Patience Sound Hypocritical
This meeting of Yugoslav communists about Kosovo has been long and
impatiently awaited. It needs to be a turning point in relation to the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia, but also for our entire people against
our greatest problem this many years. From this Central Committee is
expected, further, not only that we take up a position regarding this
problem and be the bearer of its solution, but also that the changes
be radical and the solution correct, in keeping with the politics of
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
With that I don't think we can conclude that amongst ourselves alone
that we can bring good results. Quite the contrary. Till now there
have been good conclusions that addressed everything. But they weren't
realized.
That's why this Central Committee must take upon itself the
responsibility for realizing the conclusions that it reaches.
The Communist Party as an organization, and especially its Central
Committee, dissociates the mechanisms in the area of its programs and
statutes, which can endanger the realization of its conclusions, not
to mention when the vital interests of further survival of its
institution are in question.
This is due to the fact that, for a full six years our community has
had on the record an appraisal of counter-revolution in Kosovo, and
for that full six years how that counter-revolution hasn't been
smitten.
The state of things in Kosovo isn't good and, our data and assessments
show, it's getting worse in the sphere of national, political and
economic relationships. There is great poverty in Kosovo, but that
isn't the cause of the situation which isn't good. It's correct that,
while in some portions of our nation we note all the more greater
economic and cultural upsurge, in Kosovo we have the lowest rate of
growth in Europe. But the citizens of Kosovo don't need our charity.
They need more than anything for there to be a charter for legal and
political appropriations of the relationships of this body to be
administered to them, as on all the rest of the citizens of Yugoslavia.
Only so can they cease being the majority of Yugoslavia's poor for
whom things are so difficult.
But really, how can they grow, how can they catch up with Yugoslavia,
let alone Europe, if one portion of the population lives in fear of
what will happen to them in their workplace? And even greater, what
waits for them at home when they arrive from work, are the children
alive and healthy, or is the house even there? This is because the
laws of this nation don't apply in large numbers amidst the Serbs and
Montenegrins in Kosovo.
Yugoslavia as a state isn't defunct, so in light of that, it needs to
and must serve its function. I don't know a more basic function of a
state than her obligation to protect the physical integrity of all her
citizens.
That obligation of hers isn't, nor can it be, distributed unevenly
according to nationality, on the contrary, it must be enforced
equally, without regard to nationality.
Present among us is the belief that the Kosovo problems that have been
piling up for so long can't be solved over night. That belief is
correct, but only in part. Overnight one can't create employment and
economic growth in Slovenia, Vojvodina, or Dalmatia, for example.
Overnight it can and must be made clear to everyone that this nation
will protect all of her citizens, down to the last one.
Now Unity is on the Agenda
As a part of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, Kosovo is a part of
Yugoslav territory, the Yugoslav State, and this leadership of
Yugoslav communists, by the nature of things, carries the
responsibility to judge Kosovo and all her inhabitants.
This is why I find that Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo no longer
need to hear political dictates full of appeals for patience. When in
question are abuses and humiliation which many of them have endured
for years, appeals for patience sound at worst hypocritical.
The patience that they've shown till now isn't all that is needed to
solve and reform things - dispose of their problems. On the contrary,
the position of Serbs and Montenegrins has worsened. That fact is the
primary reason why today we are conducting this discourse, and it's
good that during it we are dictating politics, and even placed
congress bringing up the state and position of the nation on the
agenda. The community and party that has opted for socialism and
democracy cannot behave in any other way. And that it has often been
otherwise is one of the reasons we have found ourselves in this crisis
that we are in.
In these last six years of crisis there were a few completely
plebiscitarian situations: (discourse on the submitted conclusions of
the XIII congress CK SKJ; discourse on the political system; the
bringing of a second-hand program for economic stabilization,
pre-congress discourse, etc). They all showed that the nation and
nationality of this country, especially the working class, are in
basic decisions clear and unified. In any case, those resolutions were
never realized, or at least not with the timing which was crucial.
There is no doubt that this was because there was disunity, or
inadequately capable leadership. There aren't any separatist,
nationalist, or hegemonistic nations. Many in Yugoslavia were
justifiably worried and unsettled from the actions of Serb
nationalists who exploited understandable unhappiness and indignation
of Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo, and their use of the difficult
times in Kosovo as proof that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia is an
organization without influence, and that Yugoslavia is in a crisis from
which it can't extract itself.
Serbian communists and the Serbian nation never never had an
understanding with those that betrayed her. Today the new generation,
with memories of repugnance, remember its Chetnikism as the greatest
betrayal in the history of the Serbian nation. That is why everyone in
Yugoslavia should know that, neither in war, nor today, no older or
neo-Chetnikism, neither old nor new nationalism will ever pass in
Serbia.
From Dimitriy Tutsovich to present day, progressive people in Serbia
have fought for the Albanian nationalities in Serbia to be fair from
every angle.
Meanwhile, things have now changed and in Kosovo today Serbs and
Montenegrins are in the minority. Most of them are enduring economic,
political, national and even physical pressure from the side of the
bearers of counter-revolution. With those kinds of displays its not
just Serbs and Montenegrins fighting alone, but rather with the
support of all Serbs and Montenegrins and this leadership. The
situation with the Serbian nation in Kosovo must, in a positive way, be
changed by Albanians in Kosovo most of all.
Time for change in Kosovo is running out quickly. Either we will go
about it quickly and energetically, or it will definitely be out of
our hands.
This session isn't significant only because Kosovo is on the agenda as
the biggest problem of the Yugoslav people, but rather we're wrestling
such an important and delicate question, along with others, in the
open. Regarding that I wish to say that, from today forward,
congresses regarding Kosovo will be difficult to held in closed
session. Thus the possibility will shrink for persons in open session
to speak differently from what they do, as in so-called closed
sessions.
Differences exist in the understandings of the Kosovo situation and
ways out of it, that is indisputable. If there was unity, Kosovo would
have been solved for years already. These differences had been
demonstrated much earlier and were one of the reasons Kosovo is in
crisis.
Now, however, the time is at hand to transcend differences in
understanding in the leadership from past and present. Now unity is on
the agenda. This is difficult to achieve, but has been achieved
conceptually by this session and in the prepared conclusions for this
session of the Presidency CK Yugoslavia. When it comes to anything
involving Kosovo, I think that the degree of unity is greater than it
has ever been in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, in terms of
information resources, between intellectuals, not to mention in the
working class. Naturally, we must build further on this unity,
especially in the leadership.
The goal we have, like all the others, can only be achieved with the
help of unity. In our country this unity necessarily relates to, above
all, the Communist Party, but also the rest of the nation and
nationality of Yugoslavia.
Already for more than forty years communists and the people of
Yugoslavia have fought huge battles together: for freedom, for
socialism, for the dignity in international worker commerce, for
control of our own destiny, for input and insight into today's world.
This is why now, in Kosovo, we must wage one more battle for a way out
of this crisis, but also a way out hatred, because, I am convinced,
this crisis and hatred came together and fed off of one another.
Earlier generations knew heavier fighting, in wars which were fought
by heart alone, and victories which were achieved with great sacrifice.
To win this battle, which we now must win, we have many conditions. We
have many achievements: we have freedom, an independent voice in
international commerce throughout the entire world, control of our
destiny which, deficient practices aside, represents today's political
ideal for all progressive businesses and peoples of the world, we have
a powerful army, highly trained experts in every field, and a youth
that is aggressively educated.
Are these not the assets that shall deliver us from this crisis, which
will carry us into a new world and a new century?
Further, a time of change is before us. That wish for change is being
expressed by the entire Yugoslav public. The largest number of people,
especially young people. That which we must change for socialism to
persist does not mean we must tear it down and nullify it. Quite the
contrary. We want to, debugging its failings, build the best together.
Unity in the realization of this conclusion isn't necessary only for
peace for Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo and for peace in Kosovo. It
is necessary for peace in Yugoslavia. The loss of peace in any part of
this nation threatens peace in this nation as a whole. History knows
no faster, more effective and tragic variant of loss of freedom than
this. With this surety all our peoples and nationalities must feel as
and behave as Yugoslavs.
For everything that we've achieved in this community, we've achieved
together. When we began to divide, we began to lose. The nature or our
independence and autonomy in the Yugoslav collective excludes each
other not mattering to us.
Debts, unemployment, inflation, Kosovo, all these can only be solved
together and with the cooperation of the Yugoslav people, nations, and
Yugoslav leadership.
Our goal isn't only an exit from this crisis. Our goal is economic
prosperity which will bring us closer to Europe, and political and
cultural growth which will bring us closer to the ideals which were
purchased by every revolution in the 20th century.
The changes that need to happen in our community in the spheres of
economics, politics and culture are huge and urgent.
These can't be carried out by just any people. On the contrary, they
can be carried out by only those who in essence belong to this time,
who know what those changes are and who are qualified to carry them
out.
This plenum may signify the start of the victory of the spirit of
unity and solidarity of the nations and peoples of Yugoslavia, on such
a critical and key question like Kosovo. It can be expressed by the
prosperity and bravery carried within by a million Yugoslav citizens,
youth, and communists, who at last must be those that throw all doors
open wide.
TRANSLATED BY: TIM SKORICK
Original Serbian Text (PDF File)
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-6.pdf
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-4-eng.htm
Speech of Slobodan Milosevic at Urosevac
April 25, 1987
At this instant about 1,500,000 Albanians live in Kosovo, and many
fewer Serbs and Montenegrins. We can't say that they are a minority,
but the fact is that there are a lot less of them. It's also a fact
that the majority of them are exposed to economic, political,
nationalist and physical pressure from separatists, carrying forward a
counter-revolution which started in 1981.
Things are happening here these days that haven't happened in
civilized countries in this world for a few centuries. They rape women
and children, humiliate people, physically mistreat them. Serbs and
Montenegrins can't conquer those shameful acts alone. In the ways and
amounts of support the republic and Yugoslav leadership can offer, the
position of Serbian and Montenegrin peoples on Kosovo require a huge
change in a positive way in the Albanians on Kosovo.
Progressive, upstanding people, young people, it's understood, above
all, that the Albanian communists must be the first, most dedicated
and most successful fighters against their own nationalists.
That, friends, doesn't go just for the Albanian nation, it goes for
Serb, Montenegrin, and for every nation on the planet.
It's true and moral that every nation's most progressive people alone,
before all others, fight against the nationalists in their own ranks.
Against all those ugly and inhumane acts that wound and humiliate
other nations. But, those ugly and inhumane acts wound and humiliate,
at the end of the line, the nation that those that commit them belong
to.
The Albanian nation, out of shame from what their nationalists are
committing, are surely hurting not Serbs and Montenegrins but rather
herself alone. With every rape of a Serbian child infamy falls on all
Albanians if they do not put a stop that shame.
On the safety of Serb and Montenegrin children, here on Kosovo,
Albanian mothers and fathers must worry more, and not the police.
There where the police and the military take matters into their own
hands freedom ends for both the guilty and the innocent, for the
rights of all.
Care for your rights, guard your voice, those that can.
TRANSLATED BY: TIM SKORICK
Original Serbian Text (PDF File)
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-4.pdf
1. Speech of Slobodan Milosevic to the 9th Congress of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
(June 1987, Belgrade)
2. Speech of Slobodan Milosevic at Urosevac
(April 25, 1987)
=== 1 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-6-eng.htm
Speech of Slobodan Milosevic to the 9th Congress of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
June 1987, Belgrade
Kosovo - When Abuse and Humiliation are in Question, Appeals for
Patience Sound Hypocritical
This meeting of Yugoslav communists about Kosovo has been long and
impatiently awaited. It needs to be a turning point in relation to the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia, but also for our entire people against
our greatest problem this many years. From this Central Committee is
expected, further, not only that we take up a position regarding this
problem and be the bearer of its solution, but also that the changes
be radical and the solution correct, in keeping with the politics of
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
With that I don't think we can conclude that amongst ourselves alone
that we can bring good results. Quite the contrary. Till now there
have been good conclusions that addressed everything. But they weren't
realized.
That's why this Central Committee must take upon itself the
responsibility for realizing the conclusions that it reaches.
The Communist Party as an organization, and especially its Central
Committee, dissociates the mechanisms in the area of its programs and
statutes, which can endanger the realization of its conclusions, not
to mention when the vital interests of further survival of its
institution are in question.
This is due to the fact that, for a full six years our community has
had on the record an appraisal of counter-revolution in Kosovo, and
for that full six years how that counter-revolution hasn't been
smitten.
The state of things in Kosovo isn't good and, our data and assessments
show, it's getting worse in the sphere of national, political and
economic relationships. There is great poverty in Kosovo, but that
isn't the cause of the situation which isn't good. It's correct that,
while in some portions of our nation we note all the more greater
economic and cultural upsurge, in Kosovo we have the lowest rate of
growth in Europe. But the citizens of Kosovo don't need our charity.
They need more than anything for there to be a charter for legal and
political appropriations of the relationships of this body to be
administered to them, as on all the rest of the citizens of Yugoslavia.
Only so can they cease being the majority of Yugoslavia's poor for
whom things are so difficult.
But really, how can they grow, how can they catch up with Yugoslavia,
let alone Europe, if one portion of the population lives in fear of
what will happen to them in their workplace? And even greater, what
waits for them at home when they arrive from work, are the children
alive and healthy, or is the house even there? This is because the
laws of this nation don't apply in large numbers amidst the Serbs and
Montenegrins in Kosovo.
Yugoslavia as a state isn't defunct, so in light of that, it needs to
and must serve its function. I don't know a more basic function of a
state than her obligation to protect the physical integrity of all her
citizens.
That obligation of hers isn't, nor can it be, distributed unevenly
according to nationality, on the contrary, it must be enforced
equally, without regard to nationality.
Present among us is the belief that the Kosovo problems that have been
piling up for so long can't be solved over night. That belief is
correct, but only in part. Overnight one can't create employment and
economic growth in Slovenia, Vojvodina, or Dalmatia, for example.
Overnight it can and must be made clear to everyone that this nation
will protect all of her citizens, down to the last one.
Now Unity is on the Agenda
As a part of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, Kosovo is a part of
Yugoslav territory, the Yugoslav State, and this leadership of
Yugoslav communists, by the nature of things, carries the
responsibility to judge Kosovo and all her inhabitants.
This is why I find that Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo no longer
need to hear political dictates full of appeals for patience. When in
question are abuses and humiliation which many of them have endured
for years, appeals for patience sound at worst hypocritical.
The patience that they've shown till now isn't all that is needed to
solve and reform things - dispose of their problems. On the contrary,
the position of Serbs and Montenegrins has worsened. That fact is the
primary reason why today we are conducting this discourse, and it's
good that during it we are dictating politics, and even placed
congress bringing up the state and position of the nation on the
agenda. The community and party that has opted for socialism and
democracy cannot behave in any other way. And that it has often been
otherwise is one of the reasons we have found ourselves in this crisis
that we are in.
In these last six years of crisis there were a few completely
plebiscitarian situations: (discourse on the submitted conclusions of
the XIII congress CK SKJ; discourse on the political system; the
bringing of a second-hand program for economic stabilization,
pre-congress discourse, etc). They all showed that the nation and
nationality of this country, especially the working class, are in
basic decisions clear and unified. In any case, those resolutions were
never realized, or at least not with the timing which was crucial.
There is no doubt that this was because there was disunity, or
inadequately capable leadership. There aren't any separatist,
nationalist, or hegemonistic nations. Many in Yugoslavia were
justifiably worried and unsettled from the actions of Serb
nationalists who exploited understandable unhappiness and indignation
of Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo, and their use of the difficult
times in Kosovo as proof that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia is an
organization without influence, and that Yugoslavia is in a crisis from
which it can't extract itself.
Serbian communists and the Serbian nation never never had an
understanding with those that betrayed her. Today the new generation,
with memories of repugnance, remember its Chetnikism as the greatest
betrayal in the history of the Serbian nation. That is why everyone in
Yugoslavia should know that, neither in war, nor today, no older or
neo-Chetnikism, neither old nor new nationalism will ever pass in
Serbia.
From Dimitriy Tutsovich to present day, progressive people in Serbia
have fought for the Albanian nationalities in Serbia to be fair from
every angle.
Meanwhile, things have now changed and in Kosovo today Serbs and
Montenegrins are in the minority. Most of them are enduring economic,
political, national and even physical pressure from the side of the
bearers of counter-revolution. With those kinds of displays its not
just Serbs and Montenegrins fighting alone, but rather with the
support of all Serbs and Montenegrins and this leadership. The
situation with the Serbian nation in Kosovo must, in a positive way, be
changed by Albanians in Kosovo most of all.
Time for change in Kosovo is running out quickly. Either we will go
about it quickly and energetically, or it will definitely be out of
our hands.
This session isn't significant only because Kosovo is on the agenda as
the biggest problem of the Yugoslav people, but rather we're wrestling
such an important and delicate question, along with others, in the
open. Regarding that I wish to say that, from today forward,
congresses regarding Kosovo will be difficult to held in closed
session. Thus the possibility will shrink for persons in open session
to speak differently from what they do, as in so-called closed
sessions.
Differences exist in the understandings of the Kosovo situation and
ways out of it, that is indisputable. If there was unity, Kosovo would
have been solved for years already. These differences had been
demonstrated much earlier and were one of the reasons Kosovo is in
crisis.
Now, however, the time is at hand to transcend differences in
understanding in the leadership from past and present. Now unity is on
the agenda. This is difficult to achieve, but has been achieved
conceptually by this session and in the prepared conclusions for this
session of the Presidency CK Yugoslavia. When it comes to anything
involving Kosovo, I think that the degree of unity is greater than it
has ever been in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, in terms of
information resources, between intellectuals, not to mention in the
working class. Naturally, we must build further on this unity,
especially in the leadership.
The goal we have, like all the others, can only be achieved with the
help of unity. In our country this unity necessarily relates to, above
all, the Communist Party, but also the rest of the nation and
nationality of Yugoslavia.
Already for more than forty years communists and the people of
Yugoslavia have fought huge battles together: for freedom, for
socialism, for the dignity in international worker commerce, for
control of our own destiny, for input and insight into today's world.
This is why now, in Kosovo, we must wage one more battle for a way out
of this crisis, but also a way out hatred, because, I am convinced,
this crisis and hatred came together and fed off of one another.
Earlier generations knew heavier fighting, in wars which were fought
by heart alone, and victories which were achieved with great sacrifice.
To win this battle, which we now must win, we have many conditions. We
have many achievements: we have freedom, an independent voice in
international commerce throughout the entire world, control of our
destiny which, deficient practices aside, represents today's political
ideal for all progressive businesses and peoples of the world, we have
a powerful army, highly trained experts in every field, and a youth
that is aggressively educated.
Are these not the assets that shall deliver us from this crisis, which
will carry us into a new world and a new century?
Further, a time of change is before us. That wish for change is being
expressed by the entire Yugoslav public. The largest number of people,
especially young people. That which we must change for socialism to
persist does not mean we must tear it down and nullify it. Quite the
contrary. We want to, debugging its failings, build the best together.
Unity in the realization of this conclusion isn't necessary only for
peace for Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo and for peace in Kosovo. It
is necessary for peace in Yugoslavia. The loss of peace in any part of
this nation threatens peace in this nation as a whole. History knows
no faster, more effective and tragic variant of loss of freedom than
this. With this surety all our peoples and nationalities must feel as
and behave as Yugoslavs.
For everything that we've achieved in this community, we've achieved
together. When we began to divide, we began to lose. The nature or our
independence and autonomy in the Yugoslav collective excludes each
other not mattering to us.
Debts, unemployment, inflation, Kosovo, all these can only be solved
together and with the cooperation of the Yugoslav people, nations, and
Yugoslav leadership.
Our goal isn't only an exit from this crisis. Our goal is economic
prosperity which will bring us closer to Europe, and political and
cultural growth which will bring us closer to the ideals which were
purchased by every revolution in the 20th century.
The changes that need to happen in our community in the spheres of
economics, politics and culture are huge and urgent.
These can't be carried out by just any people. On the contrary, they
can be carried out by only those who in essence belong to this time,
who know what those changes are and who are qualified to carry them
out.
This plenum may signify the start of the victory of the spirit of
unity and solidarity of the nations and peoples of Yugoslavia, on such
a critical and key question like Kosovo. It can be expressed by the
prosperity and bravery carried within by a million Yugoslav citizens,
youth, and communists, who at last must be those that throw all doors
open wide.
TRANSLATED BY: TIM SKORICK
Original Serbian Text (PDF File)
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-6.pdf
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-4-eng.htm
Speech of Slobodan Milosevic at Urosevac
April 25, 1987
At this instant about 1,500,000 Albanians live in Kosovo, and many
fewer Serbs and Montenegrins. We can't say that they are a minority,
but the fact is that there are a lot less of them. It's also a fact
that the majority of them are exposed to economic, political,
nationalist and physical pressure from separatists, carrying forward a
counter-revolution which started in 1981.
Things are happening here these days that haven't happened in
civilized countries in this world for a few centuries. They rape women
and children, humiliate people, physically mistreat them. Serbs and
Montenegrins can't conquer those shameful acts alone. In the ways and
amounts of support the republic and Yugoslav leadership can offer, the
position of Serbian and Montenegrin peoples on Kosovo require a huge
change in a positive way in the Albanians on Kosovo.
Progressive, upstanding people, young people, it's understood, above
all, that the Albanian communists must be the first, most dedicated
and most successful fighters against their own nationalists.
That, friends, doesn't go just for the Albanian nation, it goes for
Serb, Montenegrin, and for every nation on the planet.
It's true and moral that every nation's most progressive people alone,
before all others, fight against the nationalists in their own ranks.
Against all those ugly and inhumane acts that wound and humiliate
other nations. But, those ugly and inhumane acts wound and humiliate,
at the end of the line, the nation that those that commit them belong
to.
The Albanian nation, out of shame from what their nationalists are
committing, are surely hurting not Serbs and Montenegrins but rather
herself alone. With every rape of a Serbian child infamy falls on all
Albanians if they do not put a stop that shame.
On the safety of Serb and Montenegrin children, here on Kosovo,
Albanian mothers and fathers must worry more, and not the police.
There where the police and the military take matters into their own
hands freedom ends for both the guilty and the innocent, for the
rights of all.
Care for your rights, guard your voice, those that can.
TRANSLATED BY: TIM SKORICK
Original Serbian Text (PDF File)
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/milosevic-1987-4.pdf
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Lun 16 Feb 2004 12:37:53 Europe/Rome
A: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] SLOBODA/ICDSM LATEST NEWS
LE ULTIME NOTIZIE
dal Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic
(in english below)
1. Dall'aula
La prossima settimana si dovra' concludere la fase dibattimentale
dedicata alla "accusa" nel "processo" contro Slobodan Milosevic. Il
ritmo dei lavori sara' percio' intensissimo nei prossimi giorni.
Dopodiche', e' noto che a Milosevic sono stati concessi solo tre mesi
per preparare la fase dibattimentale cosiddetta di "autodifesa", a
fronte dei tre ANNI di cui ha usufruito la Del Ponte ufficialmente...
L'"autodifesa" dovrebbe cominciare dunque attorno a fine maggio. Il
numero dei testimoni che Milosevic potra' chiamare a deporre deve
ancora essere stabilito dai "giudici".
Sara' assolutamente indispensabile in quella fase, per noi come Sezione
Italiana dell'ICDSM, attrezzarci a tradurre integralmente gran parte
del dibattimento, a cominciare dalla "dichiarazione d'apertura" che
Milosevic dovra' pronunciare il primo giorno.
Invitiamo tutti i nostri sostenitori a contattarci, in caso di loro
disponibilita' ad effettuare traduzioni dall'inglese in italiano. Si
tenga presente che solo noi, come Sezione Italiana dell'ICDSM, stiamo
seguendo la questione in Italia, e solo noi potremo informare il
pubblico italiano dell'andamento del "processo", poiche' tutti i mass
media italiani portano il bavaglio e nessuno rendera' mai conto di
quanto sara' pronunciato in aula.
Il processo potrebbe comunque durare ancora anni... Ci sara' una fase
ulteriore, istruita direttamente dai "giudici"; poi potrebbero volerci
molti mesi per la "sentenza"; e poi in linea di principio l'una o
l'altra parte potrebbe fare "appello"... Il "tribunale" pero' secondo
gli USA (che sono quelli che comandano) deve sciogliersi entro il 2008.
Ma chissa' quante ne vedremo nel frattempo...
2. La campagna di finanziamento
L'ICDSM e la sua sezione belgradese SLOBODA in particolare ringraziano
tutti quelli che hanno contribuito alla campagna di finanziamento. La
richiesta e' tuttavia che tali sforzi vengano RADDOPPIATI nel prossimo
futuro, poiche' le spese sono ingenti e non esistono altre fonti di
sostegno alla (auto)difesa di Milosevic.
Nel frattempo, anche il secondo conto bancario, aperto dall'ICDSM
tedesco per "centralizzare" la raccolta dei fondi, e' stato CHIUSO
illegittimamente e senza alcuna spiegazione dalle autorita' tedesche.
Per questo motivo, e per salvaguardare la liberta' e l'agibilita' di
tutti, i compagni
tedeschi hanno dovuto incominciare un'altra causa legale.
Quest'ultima vicenda cosi' come tutte le condizioni
sfavorevoli poste a Milosevic indicano una precisa volonta' del
"tribunale" e dei suoi sponsor di attaccare la difesa di Milosevic e di
ostacolare il movimento internazionale di solidarieta'. Hanno paura di
noi, perche' finora abbiamo fatto un buon lavoro, e perche' hanno paura
della verita' su Milosevic e sulla Jugoslavia.
3. Non esistono altre fonti di finanziamento
SLOBODA smentisce che L'SPS sia riuscito ad ottenere alcun
finanziamento dallo Stato per pagare le spese della difesa di
Milosevic, benche' tale finanziamento sarebbe doveroso. Di fatto, la
questione non e' stata nemmeno discussa, e le voci di stampa di questi
giorni servono solo a boicottare i nostri sforzi per raccogliere denaro.
Teniamo presente che la situazione a Belgrado e' irrespirabile, i
lavoratori ... non lavorano, chi ha i soldi per mangiare li tiene
stretti e non rischia certo la galera in attivita' politiche o di
solidarieta' a favore di Milosevic, che viene presentato dai media
laggiu' esattamente come da noi, cioe' come un dittatore criminale e
ferrovecchio. I nuovi ricchi votano i partiti filo-occidentali e di
destra e non appoggiano certo Milosevic. Per di piu', alla campagna per
Milosevic l'SPS e' sostanzialmente ESTRANEO, poiche' la leadership
parlamentare di quel partito ha scelto una linea accomodante con
Kostunica ed e' in rotta di collisione con il gruppo organizzatosi
attorno a SLOBODA.
A tutti deve comunque essere chiaro che non esiste alcun "tesoro
nascosto" di Milosevic e che il nostro impegno e' insostituibile ed
indispensabile.
3. I prossimi obiettivi
Un obiettivo immediato dell'ICDSM in questa fase e' quello di
consentire che l'avvocatessa canadese Tiphaine Dickson venga registrata
e possa lavorare al "tribunale" dell'Aia come assistente legale (NON
come avvocato difensore, perche' Milosevic non riconosce alcuna
legittimita' al "tribunale"!). Servirebbero soldi anche per sostenere
le spese di uno o due documentalisti che aiutino Milosevic sul posto.
Alleghiamo i link agli ultimi comunicati ufficiali di SLOBODA e delle
sezioni nazionali dell'ICDSM:
- una lettera di Ramsey Clark al "tribunale";
- un comunicato della sezione russa, firmato da Aleksandar Zinoviev;
- l'annuncio della Conferenza Stampa del prossimo 17/2;
- un appello di SLOBODA e della famiglia di Milosevic.
SLOBO SLOBODAN ! SLOBO LIBERO !
(a cura del coordinamento tecnico di ICDSM-Italia)
---
TO SLOBODA/ICDSM FRIENDS AND SUPPORTERS:
THE PROSECUTION CASE ENDS ON 19 FEBRUARY 2004.
THE CASE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC SHOULD START IN ONLY THREE MONTHS, ON
19 MAY 2004.
THE COALITION OF CRIME - US/NATO/DOS/ICTY IS ATTEMPTING TO SILENCE
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC, TO SILENCE TRUTH AND FREEDOM.
TURN THE NEXT WEEK INTO A WEEK OF PROTESTS. DEMAND IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC. WRITE TO UN, ICTY, YOUR GOVERNMENT.
ALL RELEVANT INFORMATION AND INSTRUCTIONS ONE CAN FIND AT:
www.icdsm.org
READ THE LATEST NEWS AT ICDSM WEB SITE:
- LETTER OF RAMSEY CLARK TO UN, DEMANDING SUSPENSION OF AD HOC
TRIBUNALS AND RELEASE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC
http://www.icdsm.org/more/rclarkUN1.htm
- COMMUNIQUE OF THE RUSSIAN COMMITTEE FOR THE DEFENSE OF SLOBODAN
MILOSEVIC, SIGNED BY ALEXANDER ZINOVIEV
http://www.icdsm.org/more/russia1202.htm
- ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE ICDSM PRESS CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE ON 17
FEBRUARY 2004
http://www.icdsm.org/more/haguepress1702.htm
- APPEAL OF SLOBODA AND MILOSEVIC FAMILY TO UN AND HUMAN RIGHTS
ORGANIZATIONS
http://www.icdsm.org/more/rights.htm
---
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND TRUTH ABOUT THE SERBIAN PEOPLE AND YUGOSLAVIA
IS IN THE CRUCIAL PHASE. NATO AND ITS SERVICES IN BELGRADE AND THE
HAGUE HAVE NO INTEREST TO SUPPORT IT.
SO IT TOTALLY DEPENDS ON YOU!
A SMALL TEAM OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S ASSISTANTS, WHICH IS BECOMING
INTERNATIONAL, HAS TO HAVE CONDITIONS TO WORK AT THE HAGUE IN THE TIME
OF INTENSIVE PREPARATIONS FOR THE FINAL PRESENTATION OF TRUTH AND
DURING THAT PRESENTATION.
TO DONATE, PLEASE CONTACT SLOBODA OR THE NEAREST ICDSM BRANCH, OR
find the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Data: Lun 16 Feb 2004 12:37:53 Europe/Rome
A: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] SLOBODA/ICDSM LATEST NEWS
LE ULTIME NOTIZIE
dal Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic
(in english below)
1. Dall'aula
La prossima settimana si dovra' concludere la fase dibattimentale
dedicata alla "accusa" nel "processo" contro Slobodan Milosevic. Il
ritmo dei lavori sara' percio' intensissimo nei prossimi giorni.
Dopodiche', e' noto che a Milosevic sono stati concessi solo tre mesi
per preparare la fase dibattimentale cosiddetta di "autodifesa", a
fronte dei tre ANNI di cui ha usufruito la Del Ponte ufficialmente...
L'"autodifesa" dovrebbe cominciare dunque attorno a fine maggio. Il
numero dei testimoni che Milosevic potra' chiamare a deporre deve
ancora essere stabilito dai "giudici".
Sara' assolutamente indispensabile in quella fase, per noi come Sezione
Italiana dell'ICDSM, attrezzarci a tradurre integralmente gran parte
del dibattimento, a cominciare dalla "dichiarazione d'apertura" che
Milosevic dovra' pronunciare il primo giorno.
Invitiamo tutti i nostri sostenitori a contattarci, in caso di loro
disponibilita' ad effettuare traduzioni dall'inglese in italiano. Si
tenga presente che solo noi, come Sezione Italiana dell'ICDSM, stiamo
seguendo la questione in Italia, e solo noi potremo informare il
pubblico italiano dell'andamento del "processo", poiche' tutti i mass
media italiani portano il bavaglio e nessuno rendera' mai conto di
quanto sara' pronunciato in aula.
Il processo potrebbe comunque durare ancora anni... Ci sara' una fase
ulteriore, istruita direttamente dai "giudici"; poi potrebbero volerci
molti mesi per la "sentenza"; e poi in linea di principio l'una o
l'altra parte potrebbe fare "appello"... Il "tribunale" pero' secondo
gli USA (che sono quelli che comandano) deve sciogliersi entro il 2008.
Ma chissa' quante ne vedremo nel frattempo...
2. La campagna di finanziamento
L'ICDSM e la sua sezione belgradese SLOBODA in particolare ringraziano
tutti quelli che hanno contribuito alla campagna di finanziamento. La
richiesta e' tuttavia che tali sforzi vengano RADDOPPIATI nel prossimo
futuro, poiche' le spese sono ingenti e non esistono altre fonti di
sostegno alla (auto)difesa di Milosevic.
Nel frattempo, anche il secondo conto bancario, aperto dall'ICDSM
tedesco per "centralizzare" la raccolta dei fondi, e' stato CHIUSO
illegittimamente e senza alcuna spiegazione dalle autorita' tedesche.
Per questo motivo, e per salvaguardare la liberta' e l'agibilita' di
tutti, i compagni
tedeschi hanno dovuto incominciare un'altra causa legale.
Quest'ultima vicenda cosi' come tutte le condizioni
sfavorevoli poste a Milosevic indicano una precisa volonta' del
"tribunale" e dei suoi sponsor di attaccare la difesa di Milosevic e di
ostacolare il movimento internazionale di solidarieta'. Hanno paura di
noi, perche' finora abbiamo fatto un buon lavoro, e perche' hanno paura
della verita' su Milosevic e sulla Jugoslavia.
3. Non esistono altre fonti di finanziamento
SLOBODA smentisce che L'SPS sia riuscito ad ottenere alcun
finanziamento dallo Stato per pagare le spese della difesa di
Milosevic, benche' tale finanziamento sarebbe doveroso. Di fatto, la
questione non e' stata nemmeno discussa, e le voci di stampa di questi
giorni servono solo a boicottare i nostri sforzi per raccogliere denaro.
Teniamo presente che la situazione a Belgrado e' irrespirabile, i
lavoratori ... non lavorano, chi ha i soldi per mangiare li tiene
stretti e non rischia certo la galera in attivita' politiche o di
solidarieta' a favore di Milosevic, che viene presentato dai media
laggiu' esattamente come da noi, cioe' come un dittatore criminale e
ferrovecchio. I nuovi ricchi votano i partiti filo-occidentali e di
destra e non appoggiano certo Milosevic. Per di piu', alla campagna per
Milosevic l'SPS e' sostanzialmente ESTRANEO, poiche' la leadership
parlamentare di quel partito ha scelto una linea accomodante con
Kostunica ed e' in rotta di collisione con il gruppo organizzatosi
attorno a SLOBODA.
A tutti deve comunque essere chiaro che non esiste alcun "tesoro
nascosto" di Milosevic e che il nostro impegno e' insostituibile ed
indispensabile.
3. I prossimi obiettivi
Un obiettivo immediato dell'ICDSM in questa fase e' quello di
consentire che l'avvocatessa canadese Tiphaine Dickson venga registrata
e possa lavorare al "tribunale" dell'Aia come assistente legale (NON
come avvocato difensore, perche' Milosevic non riconosce alcuna
legittimita' al "tribunale"!). Servirebbero soldi anche per sostenere
le spese di uno o due documentalisti che aiutino Milosevic sul posto.
Alleghiamo i link agli ultimi comunicati ufficiali di SLOBODA e delle
sezioni nazionali dell'ICDSM:
- una lettera di Ramsey Clark al "tribunale";
- un comunicato della sezione russa, firmato da Aleksandar Zinoviev;
- l'annuncio della Conferenza Stampa del prossimo 17/2;
- un appello di SLOBODA e della famiglia di Milosevic.
SLOBO SLOBODAN ! SLOBO LIBERO !
(a cura del coordinamento tecnico di ICDSM-Italia)
---
TO SLOBODA/ICDSM FRIENDS AND SUPPORTERS:
THE PROSECUTION CASE ENDS ON 19 FEBRUARY 2004.
THE CASE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC SHOULD START IN ONLY THREE MONTHS, ON
19 MAY 2004.
THE COALITION OF CRIME - US/NATO/DOS/ICTY IS ATTEMPTING TO SILENCE
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC, TO SILENCE TRUTH AND FREEDOM.
TURN THE NEXT WEEK INTO A WEEK OF PROTESTS. DEMAND IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC. WRITE TO UN, ICTY, YOUR GOVERNMENT.
ALL RELEVANT INFORMATION AND INSTRUCTIONS ONE CAN FIND AT:
www.icdsm.org
READ THE LATEST NEWS AT ICDSM WEB SITE:
- LETTER OF RAMSEY CLARK TO UN, DEMANDING SUSPENSION OF AD HOC
TRIBUNALS AND RELEASE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC
http://www.icdsm.org/more/rclarkUN1.htm
- COMMUNIQUE OF THE RUSSIAN COMMITTEE FOR THE DEFENSE OF SLOBODAN
MILOSEVIC, SIGNED BY ALEXANDER ZINOVIEV
http://www.icdsm.org/more/russia1202.htm
- ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE ICDSM PRESS CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE ON 17
FEBRUARY 2004
http://www.icdsm.org/more/haguepress1702.htm
- APPEAL OF SLOBODA AND MILOSEVIC FAMILY TO UN AND HUMAN RIGHTS
ORGANIZATIONS
http://www.icdsm.org/more/rights.htm
---
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND TRUTH ABOUT THE SERBIAN PEOPLE AND YUGOSLAVIA
IS IN THE CRUCIAL PHASE. NATO AND ITS SERVICES IN BELGRADE AND THE
HAGUE HAVE NO INTEREST TO SUPPORT IT.
SO IT TOTALLY DEPENDS ON YOU!
A SMALL TEAM OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S ASSISTANTS, WHICH IS BECOMING
INTERNATIONAL, HAS TO HAVE CONDITIONS TO WORK AT THE HAGUE IN THE TIME
OF INTENSIVE PREPARATIONS FOR THE FINAL PRESENTATION OF TRUTH AND
DURING THAT PRESENTATION.
TO DONATE, PLEASE CONTACT SLOBODA OR THE NEAREST ICDSM BRANCH, OR
find the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Brisanje Jugoslavije / prvi deo
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/brisanje.htm
[ Questo testo in lingua italiana:
LA RIMOZIONE DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/rimozione.html
oppure al sito: http://www.lernesto.it/ ]
BRISANJE JUGOSLAVIJE
Andrea Martocchia (Andrea Martokija) - Prevod: Olga Juric
"L'Ernesto", brojevi 3 (maj-juni) i 4 (jula-avgusta) 2003
U Saveznoj Skupstini Jugoslavije 4. februara 2003. simbolicno je
krunisan zlocinacki revansisticki plan uperen protiv jedne velike
evropske zemlje i njenih gradjana. Na taj dan, postignuto je ono sto
se pokusava postici u najmanju ruku jos od 1990. “Izbrisana je”
Federativna Jugoslavija cak i iz geografskih karata a u isto vreme
proglasena nekakva labava “Drzavna zajednica Srbija i Crna Gora” s
rokom trajanja od najvise tri godine.
Paradoksalno, dogadjaj je sam po sebi utoliko ozbiljniji i
problematicniji sto mu stampa nije poklonila nikakvu paznju, a
pogotovo sto su izostali komentari i odjeci sa “levice”. Zapravo, dok
burzoaska stampa s nevesto prikrivenim uzivanjem i dalje “cereci
zrtvu” (1) dotle “levica” koja je oktobra meseca 2000. na sva zvona
pozdravila “pad Milosevicevog rezima”, o Jugoslaviji smuseno i podlo
cuti.
Pokusacu ovde da sto sazetije sagledam to “potiranje Jugoslavije”
kako u najuzem smislu reci, tako i sire, odnosno, sa
politicko-ideoloskog, kulturoloskog, sociolskog, pa mozda i psiholoskog
i psihoanalitickog stanovista.
Kako razbiti zemlju na osam delova pa svu krivicu svaliti na zrtve
Socijalisticka Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (SFRJ), koja je u
periodu posle Drugog svetskog rata bila tampon izmedju dvaju blokova i
kao takva uzivala siroku autonomiju i ugled u medjunarodnim odnosima,
razbijena je voljom zapadnih sila kao rezultat njihove “pobede” na
kraju hladnog rata. One su to razbijanje pomagale i na delu, i formalno.
Strateski interes imperijalistickih zemalja za Balkan je ocit,
dovoljno je samo u hronoloskoj perspektivi posmatrati njihovu ulogu u
proteklom procesu razbijanja i podjarmljivanja. Uostalom, nije slucajno
sto analiticari i stampa uopste, po pravilu izbegavaju upravo to, da
dogadjaje posmatraju “hronoloski”, upustajuci se umesto toga u
iracionalne i lombrozijanske interpretacije s jasnom namerom da zamazu
oci.
Primerice, mogli bismo poci od osamdesetih, od pogubne politike koju
su MMF i SB nametnuli Markovicevoj Jugoslaviji. Medjutim, ako se zeli
preciznija vremenska odrednica, moze se poci od 29. novembra 1990.
Dok SFRJ proslavlja svoj nacionalni praznik (2), sva stampa stampa da
CIA na osnovu “svojih saznanja prognozira” skori raspad Jugoslavije.
I gle slucaja, pocetkom istog meseca, Kongres donosi zakon 101/513
kojim garantuje podrsku svim liberalistickim, nacionalistickim i
secesionistickim rukovodstvima (3). Takovec krajem juna 1991. stizu
prvi nagovestaji otcepljenja Slovenije i Hrvatske.
Uprkos krajnje alarmantnim i nestabilnim prilikama na terenu, (4) 15.
januara 1992. zemlje clanice Evropske Zajednice priznaju i formalno
Sloveniju i Hrvatsku, podlezuci tako pritisku Nemacke i Vatikana. Nakon
toga, Bosna i Hercegovina biva ohrabrena da se povede za istim
primerom. Tri godine bratoubilackog rata, neposredna su posledica
proglasenja “nezavisnosti” BiH . Secesija BiH, istorijskog jezgra i
simbola NOB-a i bratstva i jedinstva, najstrasniji je udarac u samo
srce visenacionalne Jugoslavije. Na gradjane Sarajeva koji su 5. i 6.
aprila izasli na ulice grada da osude sve podele na nacionalnoj
osnovi, pucali su snajperisti neutvrdjene nacionalno-politicke
pripadnosti. Bila je to prva epizoda strategije terora koja ce
celishodno posluzitinarednih godina da u krvi i lazi mozda zauvek
bude uguseno jugoslovenstvo kao ideja.
Sjedinjene Americke Drzave su isprva koristile Nemacku a potom
celokupnu Evropsku Zajednicu kao prethodnicu, medjutim, njihova
medijska, diplomatska, finansijska i vojna podrska secesionistima, a
pogotovo bosansko-muslimanskim separatistima, bivala je iz dana u dan
sve bezobzirnija. Tako ce americko uplitanje na Balkanu polako daleko
nadmasiti evropsko. Posto su prvo cinicno iskoristile za sopstvene
ciljeve“mitelevropski” revansizam i evropsku neonacisticku desnicu,
povampirene u periodu nakon 1989. , SAD bezobzirno uzimaju stvar u
svoje ruke. U Bosni, na diplomatskom planu, neposredni su vinovnici
neuspeha svih mirovnih planova, pocev od Kutilierovog. (5)
Obezvrednile su i osujetile jedan za drugim svaki pokusaj ostvaren pod
okriljem Ujedinjenih Nacija. Tako su na kraju sve misije OUN bile
istisnute a na njihovo mesto postavljene nove pod neposrednijom upravom
Atlantskog Pakta.
To je vreme “medijski izlaziranih zlocina” (6), vreme kada su po
kratkom postupku razreseni duznosti Morijo (Morillon), Mekenzi
(MacKenzie), Akasi i tako redom, svi njima slicni. To je vreme prvih
NATO oruzanih tradicionalnih vojnih operacija u samoj Evropi.
Septembra 1995. SAD i EU besomucno bombarduju polozaje bosanskih Srba i
to je prvi put posle II Svetskog rata da je bombardovana neka evropska
zemlja. Na Srbe su prvo bacali ljagu a onda bombe i to zbog toga sto
je od svih jugoslovenskih naroda, srpskom narodu najmanje stalo do
deobe njihove zemlje. To se moze objasniti kako istorijskim razlozima
tako i cinjenicom da Srbi zive vekovima u gotovo svim republikama
nekadasnje federacije. U jesen 1995. potpisan je Dejtonski sporazum
koji, izmedju ostalih stvari, dopusta rasporedjivanje snaga Atlantskog
pakta “sine die” na prostoru koji je u potpunosti pretvoren u
medjunarodni protektorat. (7)
Jugoslavija je vec izdeljena na pet delova, ali ni to ocigledno nije
bilo dovoljno. U prolece 1999. nakon dugogodisnjeg manipulisanja sa
velikoalbanskim separatistickim pokretom (8), SAD sa Evropljanima
bombarduju Federativnu Republiku Jugoslaviju, odnosno Srbiju i Crnu
Goru, to sto je jos jedino ostalo nakon otcepljenja ostalih republika.
Sa kilometarske vazdusne udaljenosti bombardovane su civilne i vojne
infrastrukture i prozrukovana smrt na stotine civila. Jugoslovenski
gradjani su izvlacili leseve svojih najmilijih, rodbine i prijatelja
iz gradskih rusevina, iz nagorelih i raskomadanih vozova, iz
bombardovanih izbeglickih kolona, iz srusenih bolnica, skola,
stambenih zgrada. Nato je bombardovao da bi razaranjem citav jedan
narod bacio na kolena. Bombardovani su ciljevi udaljeni vise stotina
kilometara od Kosmeta, pokrajine koju su toboze hteli da spasavaju.
Kosmet su bombardovali osiromasenim uranijumom. Bombardovali su
Petrohemijske pogone u Pancevu, nadomak Beograda, sa ociglednim ciljem
da izazovu ispustanje visokootrovnih gasova u atmosferu. Kao posledica
produzenog dejstva kancerogenih agensa, NATO ubija i dalje (9). Eto,
kako je Jugoslavija bila prinudjena na predaju.
Na Kosmetu danas vlada teror: pred nesmotrenim, odnosno, saucesnickim
ocima nekoliko desetina hiljada natovskih vojnika bezmalo je u celosti
sprovedeno etnicko ciscenje nealbanskog i stanovnistva koje se protivi
otcepljenju. Neometano se nastavlja rusenje ostataka vizantijske
bastine. (10) Nestalih je na hiljade a rasisticki motivisana ubistva ne
prestaju. Citava je oblast pod kontrolom nekadasnjih ratnika Uçk,
koji se samofinansiraju krijumcarenjem oruzja i droge, kao i od
organizovane prostitucije. Velika prirodna bogatstva pokrajine , a u
prvom redu rudna, oduzeta su jugoslovenskoj drzavi u ocekivanju da budu
ustupljena multinacionalnim stranim kompanijama. Sva proizvodnja je
zaustavljena.
Ono nesto malo prilika da “posteno” zarade sebi za zivot, mladim
kosmetskim albancima pruza jos jedino okupatorska vojska : na primer,
americka vojna baza Bondstil, nadomak Urosevca, najveca americka baza
na tudjoj zemlji od zavrsetka vijetnamskog rata. (11)
Fus-note:
(1) Prema Ansi koja je objavila “umrlicu” u februaru, nakon glasanja
u Saveznoj Skupstini, Jugoslavija je toboze bila “bure baruta citave
74 godine.”
(2) 29. novembra 1943. u Jajcu, u sredistu Bosne i Hercegovine,
Antifasisticko Vece Narodnog Oslobodjenja Jugoslavije postavlja temelje
buduce visenacionalne drzave izrasle iz herojske borbe protiv
okupatorskih sila i domacih izdajnika - nacionalista, nacista i
monarhista.
(3) AAVV: "NATO in the Balkans", izdanje International Action Center,
1997.; Italijanski prevod izdavaca Editori Riuniti: "La NATO nei
Balcani", 1999.
(4) Cak je i evropska Badinterova komisije upozorila na
necelishodnost priznavanja Hrvatske zbog neresenog pitanja
teritorija na kojima su ziveli Srbi koji su ocigledno bili listom
protiv secesije Republike Hrvatske.
(5) Marta 1992. bivsi americki ambasador u Beogradu, Zimerman,
predlaze muslimanima i Hrvatima da povuku svoj potpis sa Lisabonskog
mirovnog sporazuma o kantonizaciji BiH.
(6) O masovnom stradanju ispred pekare i na Markalama u Sarajevu, kao
i sire, o strateskom dezinformisanju javnosti preko medija, upucujemo
citaoca na autora Misela Kolona (Michel Collon) i njegove dve knjige
"Poker Menteur" i "Monopoly" (ed. EPO, Bruxelles).
(7) Pogledati clanke Djervazija (S. Gervasi) i Cosudovskog (M.
Chossudovsky) u vec citiranom "NATO in the Balkans".
(8) “Demokratski Savez Kosova” Ibrahima Rugove i njegovu politiku
otcepljenja po etnickoj osnovi podrzavali su od 1990 ne samo
“mirovnjaci” i borci za “prava coveka” vec i dobro poznate centrale za
dezinformaciju tipa Fondacija Soros i Ruder i Fin Pablik Global Afers.
O ovoj drugoj preporucujemo da se procita Zak Merlino (Jacques Merlino)
"Les Verites yougoslaves ne sont pas toutes bonnes a dire", Paris:
Albin Michel, 1993. Sto se, pak, tice uloge OVK (Uçk) , oruzane
formacije po uzoru na “contras” u Latinskoj Americi, aktivne od 1997.
blagodareci Nato podrsci, upucujemo na izvanrednu knjigu autora
Jirgena Alzasera (Juergen Elsaesser) "Ratne Laze" ("Menzogne di
guerra") Napoli: izdanje La Città del Sole, 2002.
(9) Najiscrpniju dokumentaciju o ovoj jos jednoj medijskoj “crnoj
rupi” u Italiji je priredio Odbor Naucnih Radnika Protiv Rata: treba
pogledati njihov izlog http://www.scienzaepace.it. Moram pomenuti i
video snimak “Bombardovanje hemijskih postrojenja” ("Bombe sulle
industrie chimiche") autora Sase Adameka. Alberto Taroci je priredio
njegovo italansko izdanje.
(10) Dva izvora “bez mane” o tome govore: casopis "30GIORNI", broj
2/2003 Djulija Andreotija pod naslovom: "4 godine posle humanitarnog
rata na Kosovu. Bombe, pa haos." i "La Tribuna di Treviso" koja je
objavila intervju sa Masimom Kacarijem 30. marta 2003.
(11) O “etnickom ciscenju” i teroru koji danas vlada na Kosmetu, Misel
Kolon je sa Vanesom Stojiljkovic objavio video kasetu, jos jedan
dragocen dokument. Italijansko izdanje “Ukletih sa Kosmeta” mozete
naci kod "SOS Yugoslavia" di Torino (posta@...).
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/brisanje.htm
[ Questo testo in lingua italiana:
LA RIMOZIONE DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/rimozione.html
oppure al sito: http://www.lernesto.it/ ]
BRISANJE JUGOSLAVIJE
Andrea Martocchia (Andrea Martokija) - Prevod: Olga Juric
"L'Ernesto", brojevi 3 (maj-juni) i 4 (jula-avgusta) 2003
U Saveznoj Skupstini Jugoslavije 4. februara 2003. simbolicno je
krunisan zlocinacki revansisticki plan uperen protiv jedne velike
evropske zemlje i njenih gradjana. Na taj dan, postignuto je ono sto
se pokusava postici u najmanju ruku jos od 1990. “Izbrisana je”
Federativna Jugoslavija cak i iz geografskih karata a u isto vreme
proglasena nekakva labava “Drzavna zajednica Srbija i Crna Gora” s
rokom trajanja od najvise tri godine.
Paradoksalno, dogadjaj je sam po sebi utoliko ozbiljniji i
problematicniji sto mu stampa nije poklonila nikakvu paznju, a
pogotovo sto su izostali komentari i odjeci sa “levice”. Zapravo, dok
burzoaska stampa s nevesto prikrivenim uzivanjem i dalje “cereci
zrtvu” (1) dotle “levica” koja je oktobra meseca 2000. na sva zvona
pozdravila “pad Milosevicevog rezima”, o Jugoslaviji smuseno i podlo
cuti.
Pokusacu ovde da sto sazetije sagledam to “potiranje Jugoslavije”
kako u najuzem smislu reci, tako i sire, odnosno, sa
politicko-ideoloskog, kulturoloskog, sociolskog, pa mozda i psiholoskog
i psihoanalitickog stanovista.
Kako razbiti zemlju na osam delova pa svu krivicu svaliti na zrtve
Socijalisticka Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (SFRJ), koja je u
periodu posle Drugog svetskog rata bila tampon izmedju dvaju blokova i
kao takva uzivala siroku autonomiju i ugled u medjunarodnim odnosima,
razbijena je voljom zapadnih sila kao rezultat njihove “pobede” na
kraju hladnog rata. One su to razbijanje pomagale i na delu, i formalno.
Strateski interes imperijalistickih zemalja za Balkan je ocit,
dovoljno je samo u hronoloskoj perspektivi posmatrati njihovu ulogu u
proteklom procesu razbijanja i podjarmljivanja. Uostalom, nije slucajno
sto analiticari i stampa uopste, po pravilu izbegavaju upravo to, da
dogadjaje posmatraju “hronoloski”, upustajuci se umesto toga u
iracionalne i lombrozijanske interpretacije s jasnom namerom da zamazu
oci.
Primerice, mogli bismo poci od osamdesetih, od pogubne politike koju
su MMF i SB nametnuli Markovicevoj Jugoslaviji. Medjutim, ako se zeli
preciznija vremenska odrednica, moze se poci od 29. novembra 1990.
Dok SFRJ proslavlja svoj nacionalni praznik (2), sva stampa stampa da
CIA na osnovu “svojih saznanja prognozira” skori raspad Jugoslavije.
I gle slucaja, pocetkom istog meseca, Kongres donosi zakon 101/513
kojim garantuje podrsku svim liberalistickim, nacionalistickim i
secesionistickim rukovodstvima (3). Takovec krajem juna 1991. stizu
prvi nagovestaji otcepljenja Slovenije i Hrvatske.
Uprkos krajnje alarmantnim i nestabilnim prilikama na terenu, (4) 15.
januara 1992. zemlje clanice Evropske Zajednice priznaju i formalno
Sloveniju i Hrvatsku, podlezuci tako pritisku Nemacke i Vatikana. Nakon
toga, Bosna i Hercegovina biva ohrabrena da se povede za istim
primerom. Tri godine bratoubilackog rata, neposredna su posledica
proglasenja “nezavisnosti” BiH . Secesija BiH, istorijskog jezgra i
simbola NOB-a i bratstva i jedinstva, najstrasniji je udarac u samo
srce visenacionalne Jugoslavije. Na gradjane Sarajeva koji su 5. i 6.
aprila izasli na ulice grada da osude sve podele na nacionalnoj
osnovi, pucali su snajperisti neutvrdjene nacionalno-politicke
pripadnosti. Bila je to prva epizoda strategije terora koja ce
celishodno posluzitinarednih godina da u krvi i lazi mozda zauvek
bude uguseno jugoslovenstvo kao ideja.
Sjedinjene Americke Drzave su isprva koristile Nemacku a potom
celokupnu Evropsku Zajednicu kao prethodnicu, medjutim, njihova
medijska, diplomatska, finansijska i vojna podrska secesionistima, a
pogotovo bosansko-muslimanskim separatistima, bivala je iz dana u dan
sve bezobzirnija. Tako ce americko uplitanje na Balkanu polako daleko
nadmasiti evropsko. Posto su prvo cinicno iskoristile za sopstvene
ciljeve“mitelevropski” revansizam i evropsku neonacisticku desnicu,
povampirene u periodu nakon 1989. , SAD bezobzirno uzimaju stvar u
svoje ruke. U Bosni, na diplomatskom planu, neposredni su vinovnici
neuspeha svih mirovnih planova, pocev od Kutilierovog. (5)
Obezvrednile su i osujetile jedan za drugim svaki pokusaj ostvaren pod
okriljem Ujedinjenih Nacija. Tako su na kraju sve misije OUN bile
istisnute a na njihovo mesto postavljene nove pod neposrednijom upravom
Atlantskog Pakta.
To je vreme “medijski izlaziranih zlocina” (6), vreme kada su po
kratkom postupku razreseni duznosti Morijo (Morillon), Mekenzi
(MacKenzie), Akasi i tako redom, svi njima slicni. To je vreme prvih
NATO oruzanih tradicionalnih vojnih operacija u samoj Evropi.
Septembra 1995. SAD i EU besomucno bombarduju polozaje bosanskih Srba i
to je prvi put posle II Svetskog rata da je bombardovana neka evropska
zemlja. Na Srbe su prvo bacali ljagu a onda bombe i to zbog toga sto
je od svih jugoslovenskih naroda, srpskom narodu najmanje stalo do
deobe njihove zemlje. To se moze objasniti kako istorijskim razlozima
tako i cinjenicom da Srbi zive vekovima u gotovo svim republikama
nekadasnje federacije. U jesen 1995. potpisan je Dejtonski sporazum
koji, izmedju ostalih stvari, dopusta rasporedjivanje snaga Atlantskog
pakta “sine die” na prostoru koji je u potpunosti pretvoren u
medjunarodni protektorat. (7)
Jugoslavija je vec izdeljena na pet delova, ali ni to ocigledno nije
bilo dovoljno. U prolece 1999. nakon dugogodisnjeg manipulisanja sa
velikoalbanskim separatistickim pokretom (8), SAD sa Evropljanima
bombarduju Federativnu Republiku Jugoslaviju, odnosno Srbiju i Crnu
Goru, to sto je jos jedino ostalo nakon otcepljenja ostalih republika.
Sa kilometarske vazdusne udaljenosti bombardovane su civilne i vojne
infrastrukture i prozrukovana smrt na stotine civila. Jugoslovenski
gradjani su izvlacili leseve svojih najmilijih, rodbine i prijatelja
iz gradskih rusevina, iz nagorelih i raskomadanih vozova, iz
bombardovanih izbeglickih kolona, iz srusenih bolnica, skola,
stambenih zgrada. Nato je bombardovao da bi razaranjem citav jedan
narod bacio na kolena. Bombardovani su ciljevi udaljeni vise stotina
kilometara od Kosmeta, pokrajine koju su toboze hteli da spasavaju.
Kosmet su bombardovali osiromasenim uranijumom. Bombardovali su
Petrohemijske pogone u Pancevu, nadomak Beograda, sa ociglednim ciljem
da izazovu ispustanje visokootrovnih gasova u atmosferu. Kao posledica
produzenog dejstva kancerogenih agensa, NATO ubija i dalje (9). Eto,
kako je Jugoslavija bila prinudjena na predaju.
Na Kosmetu danas vlada teror: pred nesmotrenim, odnosno, saucesnickim
ocima nekoliko desetina hiljada natovskih vojnika bezmalo je u celosti
sprovedeno etnicko ciscenje nealbanskog i stanovnistva koje se protivi
otcepljenju. Neometano se nastavlja rusenje ostataka vizantijske
bastine. (10) Nestalih je na hiljade a rasisticki motivisana ubistva ne
prestaju. Citava je oblast pod kontrolom nekadasnjih ratnika Uçk,
koji se samofinansiraju krijumcarenjem oruzja i droge, kao i od
organizovane prostitucije. Velika prirodna bogatstva pokrajine , a u
prvom redu rudna, oduzeta su jugoslovenskoj drzavi u ocekivanju da budu
ustupljena multinacionalnim stranim kompanijama. Sva proizvodnja je
zaustavljena.
Ono nesto malo prilika da “posteno” zarade sebi za zivot, mladim
kosmetskim albancima pruza jos jedino okupatorska vojska : na primer,
americka vojna baza Bondstil, nadomak Urosevca, najveca americka baza
na tudjoj zemlji od zavrsetka vijetnamskog rata. (11)
Fus-note:
(1) Prema Ansi koja je objavila “umrlicu” u februaru, nakon glasanja
u Saveznoj Skupstini, Jugoslavija je toboze bila “bure baruta citave
74 godine.”
(2) 29. novembra 1943. u Jajcu, u sredistu Bosne i Hercegovine,
Antifasisticko Vece Narodnog Oslobodjenja Jugoslavije postavlja temelje
buduce visenacionalne drzave izrasle iz herojske borbe protiv
okupatorskih sila i domacih izdajnika - nacionalista, nacista i
monarhista.
(3) AAVV: "NATO in the Balkans", izdanje International Action Center,
1997.; Italijanski prevod izdavaca Editori Riuniti: "La NATO nei
Balcani", 1999.
(4) Cak je i evropska Badinterova komisije upozorila na
necelishodnost priznavanja Hrvatske zbog neresenog pitanja
teritorija na kojima su ziveli Srbi koji su ocigledno bili listom
protiv secesije Republike Hrvatske.
(5) Marta 1992. bivsi americki ambasador u Beogradu, Zimerman,
predlaze muslimanima i Hrvatima da povuku svoj potpis sa Lisabonskog
mirovnog sporazuma o kantonizaciji BiH.
(6) O masovnom stradanju ispred pekare i na Markalama u Sarajevu, kao
i sire, o strateskom dezinformisanju javnosti preko medija, upucujemo
citaoca na autora Misela Kolona (Michel Collon) i njegove dve knjige
"Poker Menteur" i "Monopoly" (ed. EPO, Bruxelles).
(7) Pogledati clanke Djervazija (S. Gervasi) i Cosudovskog (M.
Chossudovsky) u vec citiranom "NATO in the Balkans".
(8) “Demokratski Savez Kosova” Ibrahima Rugove i njegovu politiku
otcepljenja po etnickoj osnovi podrzavali su od 1990 ne samo
“mirovnjaci” i borci za “prava coveka” vec i dobro poznate centrale za
dezinformaciju tipa Fondacija Soros i Ruder i Fin Pablik Global Afers.
O ovoj drugoj preporucujemo da se procita Zak Merlino (Jacques Merlino)
"Les Verites yougoslaves ne sont pas toutes bonnes a dire", Paris:
Albin Michel, 1993. Sto se, pak, tice uloge OVK (Uçk) , oruzane
formacije po uzoru na “contras” u Latinskoj Americi, aktivne od 1997.
blagodareci Nato podrsci, upucujemo na izvanrednu knjigu autora
Jirgena Alzasera (Juergen Elsaesser) "Ratne Laze" ("Menzogne di
guerra") Napoli: izdanje La Città del Sole, 2002.
(9) Najiscrpniju dokumentaciju o ovoj jos jednoj medijskoj “crnoj
rupi” u Italiji je priredio Odbor Naucnih Radnika Protiv Rata: treba
pogledati njihov izlog http://www.scienzaepace.it. Moram pomenuti i
video snimak “Bombardovanje hemijskih postrojenja” ("Bombe sulle
industrie chimiche") autora Sase Adameka. Alberto Taroci je priredio
njegovo italansko izdanje.
(10) Dva izvora “bez mane” o tome govore: casopis "30GIORNI", broj
2/2003 Djulija Andreotija pod naslovom: "4 godine posle humanitarnog
rata na Kosovu. Bombe, pa haos." i "La Tribuna di Treviso" koja je
objavila intervju sa Masimom Kacarijem 30. marta 2003.
(11) O “etnickom ciscenju” i teroru koji danas vlada na Kosmetu, Misel
Kolon je sa Vanesom Stojiljkovic objavio video kasetu, jos jedan
dragocen dokument. Italijansko izdanje “Ukletih sa Kosmeta” mozete
naci kod "SOS Yugoslavia" di Torino (posta@...).
