(english / italiano / deutsch)
L'AMICO AMERICANO
6: Anche Richard Holbrooke getta la maschera


1. HOLBROOKE A FAVORE DELLA SECESSIONE DI KOSOVO E MONTENEGRO
Holbrooke Calls For 'Full Independence' For Kosovo, Montenegro

2. LOBBY ALBANO-AMERICANA PIANIFICA "GRANDE ALBANIA" ENTRO IL 2010
Albanian-American Lobby Plans 'Federation Of Albanian Territories' By
2010

3. FLASHBACK: LA RISOLUZIONE GILLMAN-LANTOS PER LA SECESSIONE DEL
KOSOVO PRESENTATA ALLA CAMERA USA
One year ago: Initiative for Kosovo's independence presented to US
Congress

4. UNA RISOLUZIONE FILOSECESSIONISTA ANCHE AL SENATO USA - OPERA DEL
NOTORIO LOBBISTA BIDEN
SRES 144 Biden's bill urging support for "the right of the people of
Kosova(SIC) to determine their political future"

5. ESPONENTE DEL COMITATO DEL CONGRESSO PER LE RELAZIONI ESTERE
APPOGGIA LA SECESSIONE DEL KOSOVO
Independent Kosovo - Solution for Peace and Stability
Joseph Crowley, Committee Member for Foreign Relations in the American
Congress, in an interview for Bota Sot


L'AMICO AMERICANO - DELLA STESSA SERIE:

Rugova nomina Bob Dole "console onorario della Kosova"
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2327

Le lobby pan-albanesi hanno ricevuto dagli USA aiuti per tre miliardi
di dollari
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2364

La strada principale di Pristina si chiama "Bill Clinton Avenue"
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2367

George Soros rompe il ghiaccio: bisogna spaccare l'Unione di Serbia e
Montenegro!
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2525


=== 1 ===


HOLBROOKE A FAVORE DELLA SECESSIONE DI KOSOVO E MONTENEGRO

Da: Rick Rozoff
Data: Mar 15 Lug 2003 07:44:55 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Final Blow: Holbrooke Calls For 'Full
Independence' For Kosovo, Montenegro

http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2667

Reality Macedonia
July 14, 2003

Richard Holbrooke: 'Full Independence' For Kosovo,
Montenegro


http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cd/Qkosovo-serbia-montenegro.RQm-
_DlC.html

Kosovo, Montenegro should be independent: former US
envoy

PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, July 12 (AFP) - The
UN-administered southern Serbian province of Kosovo
should be fully independent, former US ambassador to
the United Nations Richard Holbrooke said in an
interview published Saturday.
"The correct outcome is clear to me - it's full
independence for Kosovo," Holbrooke told Kosovo's
leading daily newspaper "Koha Ditore".
The veteran diplomat, who served as the US envoy to
the UN during Bill Clinton's presidency, was one of
the architects of the 1995 Dayton accords which ended
the war in Bosnia and drew up a ceasefire between
Belgrade and pro-independence ethnic Albanians in the
Kosovo war in 1998.
Holbrooke told the daily that the province, under UN
administration since the end of the war in 1999,
should be an "independent state with UN membership."
He suggested the status of Kosovo should be decided at
an international conference "between Pristina and
Belgrade with the support and assistance of the United
States", the European Union, Russia and the United
Nations.
Holbrooke also said the loose union of Serbia and
Montenegro that replaced rump Yugoslavia in February,
"cannot continue to exist as a single international
entity."
"Montenegro does not listen to Belgrade, they don't
even use the same currency. It's time for us to
recognize the reality: Montenegro should become an
independent country just as Kosovo should," Holbrooke
told the daily.
Kosovo has been under UN and NATO control since June
1999 after a military campaign by NATO brought an end
to a crackdown by Serb forces on the ethnic Albanian
majority seeking independence from Belgrade.
The province is legally part of Serbia and Montenegro,
but its future political status is yet to be decided.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, who make up 90 percent of
the population of the province, seek full
independence, while the minority Serbs and Belgrade
want the province to remain part of Serbia.

---

http://www.dw-world.de/english/0,3367,1429_W_918835,00.html

Deutsche Welle
July 13, 2003

Holbrooke calls for independent Kosovo

The former American UN ambassador Richard Holbrooke
has called for independence for the predominately
Moslem Serb province of Kosovo. Holbrooke is quoted in
the newspaper Koha Ditore in Pristina saying lasting
peace required a separation from Serbia. Kosovo, which
is 90 percent ethnic Albanian, has been administered
by the U.N. since 1999. Holbrooke stressed, however,
that the Serb minority there would need special
protection. The U.S. diplomat negotiated the Dayton
peace agreement in 1995 which ended the war in Bosnia.

---

http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=23705&order=priority&style=headlines

Beta
June 12, 2003

Holbrook advocates independence for Kosovo

PRISTINA -- Saturday - Richard Holbrook, the former US
ambassador and negotiator prior to the bombing of
Yugoslavia in 1999, said in comments published today
that independence for Kosovo and membership of the
United Nations is the only way to bring lasting peace
to the region.
In an interview with Pristina daily Koha Ditore,
Holbrook said that four years had passed since the end
of the conflict and in that Kosovo had developed its
own independent character with the support of the
international community. "Now its time to move to the
second phase," he claimed.
The former US ambassador to the UN said the Security
Council would not rule on the final status of Kosovo.
Instead, the future of the province should be decided
by international mediation that will unfold between
Pristina and Belgrade with the support and presence of
America, the European Union and the UN, he explained.
Holbrook added that, for him, the rights result is
clear - "the total independence of Kosovo."


=== 2 ===


LOBBY ALBANO-AMERICANA PIANIFICA "GRANDE ALBANIA" ENTRO IL 2010

Da: Rick Rozoff
Data: Lun 23 Giu 2003 10:38:08 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: Albanian-American Lobby Plans 'Federation Of Albanian
Territories' By 2010

http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2636

Reality Macedonia
June 23, 2003

Albanian-American Lobby Wants To Divide Macedonia By
2007

-Nedeljni Telegraf writes that the topics of
discussion included the formation of a federation of
Albanian Territories on the Balkans, which would
consist of Albania, Kosovo, parts of Macedonia and
parts of Greece.


According to the Serbian weekly Nedeljni Telegraf
("Sunday Telegraph"), last week US Albanian lobbyists
and American congressmen held a meeting where they
discussed the redrawing of the Balkan borders.
Reportedly the meeting was lead by the former US
Congressman Joseph DioGuardi, who is the president of
the Albanian American Civic League, a lobby group
advocating for a Greater Albania. The US congressmen
Tom Lantos, Benjamin Gillman and Joseph Biden were
present at this meeting.
Nedeljni Telegraf writes that the topics of discussion
included the formation of a federation of Albanian
Territories on the Balkans, which would consist of
Albania, Kosovo, parts of Macedonia and parts of
Greece. Moreover, a specific timelines was agreed
upon, where Kosovo would gain independent status by
2005, Macedonia would be federalized by 2007, and in
the meantime unrest will be instigated in northwest
Greece so that this area, which the Albanians call
Chemeria, would separate from Greece and join the
Albanian union. This whole "project" would be finished
by 2010.
According to Nedeljni Telegraf, Congressman Biden
pledged to use his influence to bring about a large
foreign military presence in Macedonia, which would
guarantee the unimpeded federalization of this Balkan
country. In the meantime, Macedonia would be pressured
to further decentralize its governance by transferring
more capacities to municipalities.


=== 3 ===


FLASHBACK: LA RISOLUZIONE 28 (GILLMAN-LANTOS) DELLA CAMERA USA PER LA
CREAZIONE DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA

House Bill in Support of Kosovo Independance introduced
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2254

Some reactions to the Resolution 28
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2307


+++ US-Resolution für Unabhängigkeit Kosovo und
Metochiens +++

WASHINGTON/BERLIN, 16. Juli 2002. Im
US-Repräsentantenhaus wurde ein Antrag eingebracht,
in dem die USA aufgefordert werden, sich für eine
sofortige Unabhängigkeit der südserbischen Provinz
Kosovo und Metochien auszusprechen, berichtete am
Montag das deutsche Staatsradio "Deutsche Welle".
In der von zwei US-Senatoren eingebrachten
Resolution, die dem Kongressausschuss für
internationale Beziehungen zugestellt worden ist,
konstatieren die beiden einflussreichen Mitglieder
dieses Komitees, der Republikaner Benjamin Gilman
(New York) und der Demokrat Tom Lantos
(Kalifornien), dass eine Unabhängigkeit Kosovo und
Metochiens von der Republik Serbien die einzig
realistische Option nach dem Scheitern des
bisherigen Autonomiestatuses für die Provinz sei.

Die amerikanische Regierung wird davor gewarnt, dass
eine Verschiebung der Entscheidung über den
endgültigen Status von Kosovo und Metochien eine
Gefahr für die politische und wirtschaftliche
Situation in der Provinz und im gesamten
Süd-Osteuropa darstellt. Deswegen wird die
Bush-Administration dazu aufgefordert, eine
öffentliche Anerkennung der Unabhängigkeit dieses
Territoriums vorzunehmen.

"Die Anerkennung Kosovo und Metochiens als
souveränen und demokratischen Staat, in dem die
Menschenrechte, auch die der nationalen und
religiösen Minderheiten, geachtet werden, ist der
einzige Weg, um Frieden und Stabilität auf dem
Balkan zu erreichen", heißt es in dem Dokument.

Der Resolutionsentwurf der beiden
US-Kongressabgeordneten widerspricht den Grundsätzen
der UN- Sicherheitsratsresolution 1244.

+++ TANJUG / www.amselfeld.com +++


JULY 2002 - ONE YEAR AGO

Initiative for Kosovo's independence presented to US Congress

BERLIN, Jul 15 (Tanjug) - An initiative has been presented to the US
House of Representatives to have the US support independence of
Kosovo-Metohija, regardless of the UN Security Council Resolution 1244,
German radio Deutsche Welle said Monday.
In a draft resolution submitted to the House committee for
international relations, New York Republican Congressman Benjamin
Gilman and California Democratic Congressman Tom Lantos said that
Kosovo's independence from Serbia is the only viable option following
failures so far regarding the
province's autonomy.
The draft warns the US government that postponing the resolving of
Kosovo's definite status constitutes a danger for political and
economic situation in the province and the entire southeastern Europe,
and asks President George Bush's administration to publicly recognize
Kosovo's independence.
Making Kosovo a sovereign and democratic state in which human rights,
including the rights of ethnic and religious minorities, will be
respected is the only way towards lasting peace and stability in the
Balkans, the draft says.

RADA TRAJKOVIC DENOUNCES U.S. CONGRESSMEN'S INITIATIVE

BELGRADE, July 16 (Beta) - Head of the Serbian Return coalition caucus
in the Kosovo assembly, Rada Trajkovic, denounced on July 16 two U.S.
congressmen's motion for recognition of Kosovo's independence by the
United States, expressing her opinion that such a move would have a
"domino effect" in the Balkans.
"Albanian lobbyists are beseiging the offices of American congressmen
and senators. In contrast, our country has not yet succeeded in
protecting its interests even through the institution of the ambassador
in the United States, let alone in preventing such lobbying," Rada
Trajkovic told the Jagodina TV Palma Plus.
Belgrade media reported that congressmen Tom Lantosh and Benjamin
Gilman submitted a resolution to the Congress's international relations
committee calling on the Washington administration to publicly
recognize the independence of Kosovo.


Subject: Sen. Lantos and the Heroin Mafia are in full swing
Date: Tue, 01 Oct 2002 12:30:05 -0400
From: "minja m."

Dear Brothers and Sisters, this is not a drill.
Sen. Lantos and the Heroin Mafia are in full swing. Please circulate
this appeal among direct contacts and friends. Perhaps the best way is
to call your friends here in U.S. by phone and when you secure their
commitment, e-mail this kit to them.
It's all a numbers game. The more people start the chain, the more
calls we will make. please run the extra mile to get as many of your
contacts who are U.S. citizens to respond.

/received from Fr. Irinej Dobrijevich/

ORGANIZE AND RESPOND!

Help Block House Resolution 467: "Independence for Kosova" [sic, Kosovo]

Washington, DC - On Thursday, June 27, 2002, Representative
Benjamin Gilman (R-NY) and Representative Tom Lantos (D-CA) introduced
House Resolution 467, recommending that the House of Representatives
should its declare support for the independence of Kosovo. Due to
pressures exerted, voting
has been postponed until after the summer recess, following Labor Day.
It falls upon the shoulders of the entire Serbian American
community, together with other concerned individuals, to do whatever is
necessary to block this resolution. The suffering of our brothers and
sisters in Kosovo continues at an alarming
rate as all traces of our beloved Orthodox Church, Serbian culture and
heritage continue to be wiped out, and the return of expelled Serbs is
non-existent.
If the force of the US House of Representatives rallies behind this
resolution, the goal of keeping Kosovo in its rightful place within
Serbia will become increasingly difficult.
WE MUST RESPOND TOGETHER AND NOW!
What Can We Do?
Urge your family members, friends, and any others willing to assist and
urge them to contact their representative on this matter.
Call or fax your representative-in a responsible manner-and urge
him/her to not consider this resolution as complimentary to the
promotion of stability in Southeast Europe.
To contact your representative, dial (202) 225-3121 and ask for
your representative, or call their home offices.
Phone Script:
(When calling, make sure to ask for the staff member responsible for
foreign affairs and explain that you are a concerned constituent. If
that member is not available, please leave a written or a voice-mail
message.)

Hello, my name is ____________,
I am calling to voice my objection to House Resolution 467 as
proposed by Rep. Benjamin Gilman and Rep. Tom Lantos, calling for
support of Independence for Kosovo.
Today, under the Albanian majority, dwindling Serbian and other
non-Albanian populations populations in Kosovo live in fear; churches,
monasteries, and cultural monuments continue to be systematically
destroyed; and the return of expellees to their homes in Kosovo is
virtually non-existent. Granting independence to Kosovo will only serve
to further fragment an already unstable region by promoting the known
cause of
international terrorism, which also threatens our own homeland
security.
As your constituent, I ask you to please defeat this initiative and
preserve Kosovo as a multicultural province within Serbia.
I thank you in advance for your concern


=== 4 ===


SRES 144 Biden's bill urging support for "the right of the people of
Kosova(SIC) to determine their political future"

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/75112

U.S. SENATE (Introduced in Senate)

SRES 144 IS
108th CONGRESS

1st Session

S. RES. 144
Expressing the sense of the Senate that the United States should
declare its support for the right of the people of Kosova to determine
their political future once Kosova has made requisite progress, as
defined by United Nations benchmarks, in developing democratic
institutions and human rights protections.

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

May 14, 2003

Mr. BIDEN submitted the following resolution; which was referred to
the Committee on Foreign Relations

RESOLUTION

Expressing the sense of the Senate that the United States should
declare its support for the right of the people of Kosova to determine
their political future once Kosova has made requisite progress, as
defined by United Nations benchmarks, in developing democratic
institutions and human rights protections.

Whereas paragraph 1 of Article 1 of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, to which the United States is a party,
recognizes that all peoples have the right of self-determination;

Whereas Kosova was constitutionally defined as an autonomous region in
the First National Liberation Conference for Kosova on January 2, 1944,
this status was confirmed in the Constitution of the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia adopted in 1946, and the autonomous status of
Kosova was preserved in the amended Yugoslav Constitution adopted in
1974;

Whereas prior to the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, the
autonomous region of Kosova constituted a political and legal entity
with its own distinct financial institutions, police force, municipal
government, school system, judicial and legal system, hospitals, and
other organizations;

Whereas, in 1987, Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic rose to power
in Yugoslavia on a platform of ultranationalism and anti-Albanian
racism, advocating violence and hatred against all non-Slavic peoples
and specifically targeting the ethnic Albanians of Kosova;

Whereas Slobodan Milosevic subsequently stripped Kosova of its
political autonomy without the consent of the people of Kosova;

Whereas the elected Assembly of Kosova, faced with this illegal act,
adopted a Declaration of Independence on July 2, 1990, proclaimed a
Republic of Kosova, and adopted a constitution on September 7, 1990,
based on the internationally accepted principles of self-determination,
equality, and sovereignty;

Whereas in recognition of the de facto dissolution of the Yugoslav
federation, the European Community established principles for the
recognition of the independence and sovereignty of the republics of the
former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;

Whereas a popular referendum was held in Kosova from September 26 to
30, 1991, in which 87 percent of all eligible voters cast ballots and
99.87 percent voted in favor of declaring Kosova independent of the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;

Whereas, during the occupation of Kosova, which began in 1989 and
ended with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military
action against the regime of Slobodan Milosevic in 1999, the ethnic
Albanians of Kosova were subjected to brutal treatment by the occupying
forces, and approximately 400,000 ethnic Albanians were forced to flee
to Western Europe and the United States;

Whereas in the spring of 1999 almost 1,000,000 ethnic Albanians were
driven out of Kosova and at least 10,000 were murdered by Serbian
paramilitary and military forces;

Whereas Slobodan Milosevic was indicted by the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and extradited to The Hague in June
2001, to stand trial for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and
genocide in Kosova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia;

Whereas on June 10, 1999, United Nations Security Council Resolution
1244 mandated an international civil presence in Kosova, ending the
decade-long Serbian occupation of Kosova and Milosevic's genocidal war
there;

Whereas the people of Kosova, including ethnic Albanians, Serbs,
Turks, Roma, Bosniaks, Goranis, and Ashkalis, held free and fair
municipal elections in 2000 and 2002 and a general election in 2001 to
elect a Parliament, which in turn selected a President and Prime
Minister in 2002;

Whereas, with 50 percent of the population in Kosova being under the
age of 25, and the unemployment rate currently being between 60 and 70
percent, there is an increasing likelihood of young people entering
criminal networks, or working abroad in order to survive unless massive
job creation is facilitated by guaranteeing the security of foreign
investments through the establishment of the rule of law and
functioning institutions in Kosova;

Whereas for the first time since the end of the conflict, refugees
from ethnic minority communities in Kosova have started to return to
their homes in substantial numbers, although those refugees are still a
small fraction of the number of people that left in 1999;

Whereas most ethnic Albanian elected authorities in Kosova recognize
that substantial efforts toward reconciliation with ethnic minorities
are needed for the long-term security and participation in government
institutions of all citizens of Kosova;

Whereas leaders of the Kosova Parliament have publicly committed to
developing a western-style democracy in which all citizens, regardless
of ethnicity, are granted full human and civil rights and are committed
to the return of all refugees, whatever their ethnicity, who fled
Kosova during and after the conflict;

Whereas Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic of Serbia called for the
return of Serbian forces to Kosova and for talks on the status of the
province;

Whereas, on February 25, 2003, representatives of a Serbian minority
coalition in the Kosova Parliament called for the establishment of a
Serbian Union in northern Kosova;

Whereas the international community has made clear that it will
support neither monoethnic government institutions, nor the partition
of Kosova;

Whereas the tragic assassination in Belgrade of Serbian Prime Minister
Zoran Djindjic on March 12, 2003, underscored that criminal nationalist
elements remain a destabilizing factor in the region and an obstacle to
reform efforts;

Whereas the Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary
General in Kosova has initiated a dialogue between the authorities in
Belgrade and in Pristina on issues of practical concern;

Whereas the Serbian Government on April 17, 2003, declared as
`unacceptable' the plan put forward by the Special Representative to
devolve powers to the elected officials in Kosova;

Whereas following his address to the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe Permanent Council on May 8, 2003, the Special
Representative of the United Nations Secretary General stated that
`Kosovo Albanians are being more assertive about competencies and
status issues while at the same time Kosovo Serbs are concentrating on
developing monoethnic structures';

Whereas Deputy Prime Minister Covic on May 9, 2003, again dismissed
the assessment that the time has come to begin to discuss the final
status of Kosova;

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 stated that
the main responsibilities of the international civil presence in Kosova
include facilitating a political process designed to determine Kosova's
future status and, in the final stage, overseeing the transfer of
authority from Kosova's provisional institutions to institutions
established under a political settlement; and

Whereas the only viable option for the future of Kosova is one that
reflects both the needs and aspirations of its entire population: Now,
therefore, be it

Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that the United States
should--

(1) recognize the danger that an unnecessary delay in the resolution
of Kosova's final status would pose for the political and economic
viability of Kosova and the stability of Southeast Europe;

(2) publicly support the goal of a democratic government in Kosova in
which human rights, including the rights of ethnic and religious
minorities, are respected;

(3) to achieve that goal, call for holding a referendum, under
international supervision, on the future status of Kosova, once Kosova
has made further progress in developing institutions of democratic
self-government, establishing the rule of law, facilitating the return
and reintegration of refugees into local communities, and protecting
ethnic minorities, in accordance with the benchmarks established by the
United Nations;

(4) work in conjunction with the United Nations, the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, the European Union, the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe, and other international organizations to
assist Kosova to meet the United Nations benchmarks that are the
necessary conditions for holding a referendum on the future status of
Kosova and to facilitate the implementation of the form of government
determined by the people of Kosova; and

(5) continue to provide assistance, trade, and other programs to
encourage the further development of democracy and a free market
economic system in Kosova.

END


=== 5 ===


Bota Sot: Interview:
Committee Member for Foreign Relations in the American Congress:
Independent Kosovo - Solution for Peace and Stability

http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=34225&LangID=1


Independent Kosovo – Solution for Peace and Stability

Joseph Crowley, Committee Member for Foreign Relations in the American
Congress, in an interview for Bota Sot:

2002-11-13 16:01:41

The trial against Milosevic has adjourned because of health reasons,
i.e. there are chances to end up similarly to some of former nazi
leader after the World War II. Do you think this can influence
processes in Kosovo and harm achievements made so far?

Personally, I’m for the independence of Kosovo. I see this as the most
important thing in the region. But work should be done in order to
achieve this. The main aim is creation of independent institutions,
presidency, assembly and government. To create a legal state, which
proves that it fights crime, corruption and drugs, a state for
everybody, majority and national minorities and a state of peace and
security in the whole region. All these are the key of what we want for
independence of Kosovo. An important point for Kosovo is trial against
Milosevic. I follow it and I want it to go till the end, no matter his
health, because finishing it is a big point for the international
community and also for the future of Kosovo.

Do you think Kosovo has given its proof and that it deserves what it
asks for? Is it time for the international community to act differently
and say its word?

Yes, Kosovo is giving good proof for to the world in many fields for
some time. One of these proofs is voting in the post-war Kosovo. For
me, the independence is the only solution to show how is peace and
security. To show that there will be no genocide anymore in Kosovo,
there will be no long lines of displaced people from their homes but
there will be peace and security for everybody living in Kosovo.

/Source: Balkan Report/
www.seeurope.net

1. Dr Zoran Vučinić: Četiri godine genocida nad Srbima
2. BEOGRADSKI FORUM: APEL za odbranu Kosova i Metohije
3. Vladislav Jovanovic: Kako ne izgubiti Kosovo i Metohiju

by ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA


=== 1 ===


Dr Zoran Vučinić: Četiri godine genocida nad Srbima

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-07-12.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Konferencija za štampu na temu "Kosovo i Metohija- opasnosti i mogući
izlazi"

Izlaganje Dr Zorana Vučinića, profesora medjunarodnog prava na
Fakultetu civilne odbrane u Beogradu

Medija centar - Beograd
11. juli 2003. godine

Danas smo culi frapantne cinjenice o položaju srpskog i drugog
nealbanskog življa na Kosmetu. Sve se to dešava na pocetku novog
milenijuma, na evropskom tlu, u vreme kada smo obasuti lavinama pouka i
lekcija o demokratiji, civilnom društvu, pravima i slobodama coveka,
bezbednosti itd. Da ironija bude veca, te pouke nam dolaze iz tzv.
civilizovanog sveta koji je vec pune cetiri godine prisutan na Kosmetu
radi izgradnje demokratskih institucija, zaštite i unapredenja ljudskih
prava i osiguranja bezbednog povratka svih izbeglica i raseljenih lica
u njihove domove, kako to stoji zapisano u Rezoluciji SB UN 1244.

Sve ovo se dešava i pored brojnih medunarodnih konvencija posvecenih
coveku i njegovim elementarnim pravima, na koje nas taj civilizovani
svet stalno podseca i upozorava. Pitamo se za koga one postoje i da li
imaju smisla ako ne važe za sve ljude podjednako? Srbima se sudi u Hagu
za najteže zlocine i po principu komandne odgovornosti, a za druge
strane taj princip ne važi. Taci nije ni stigao da bude uhapšen jer ga
je pre toga Evropa vec oslobodila, a ni Hag nema nameru da ga optuži.
Država koja slovi za najidealniju, preti odmazdom svakom ko cak i
pomisli da njene gradane izvede pred lice pravde za one iste zlocine
zbog kojih je ustanovljen haški tribunal. Ona porucuje da se mora
razumeti položaj njenih vojnika po belom svetu jer su oni tamo u misiji
mira i pravde. Ujedinjene nacije sve više servisiraju njene potrebe
pretvarajuci se tako u karikaturu savremene globalne istorije, a sve to
zarad "dobrobiti" covecanstva i njegove demokratizacije.

Ako je to cilj novih "demokratskih" reformi "nedemokratskih" delova
sveta, koji to argumenti mogu da objasne i opravdaju klasican genocid
koji se nad srpskim narodom na Kosmetu sprovodi upravo onoliko dugo
koliko je taj civilizovani svet u liku UN prisutan na ovom prostoru. Da
li je satiranje jednog naroda u njegovoj kolevci zarad uzdizanja jedne
nacionalne manjine, pa makar iza toga stajali interesi nekog treceg,
novi smisao demokratije.

Podsecanja radi, genocid je najteži zlocin protiv covecnosti, odnosno
kolektivni zlocin koji se vrši nad odredenom nacionalnom, verskom,
etnickom ili rasnom grupom u nameri da se ona delimicno ili potpuno
uništi. Dakle, napadni objekat je uvek odredena grupa ljudi, s tim što
se zahteva i postojanje namere da se ona delimicno ili potpuno uništi.
Ovakva definicija sadržana je u poznatoj Konvenciji o sprecavanju i
kažnjavanju zlocina genocida iz 1948. godine koja, medutim, genocid
posmatra samo kao delo fizickog uništenja. Ona pod genocidnim radnjama
podrazumeva sledece postupke:
a) ubistvo clanova grupe,
b) teške povrede fizickog ili mentalnog integriteta grupe,
c) namerno podvrgavanje grupe životnim uslovima koji treba da dovedu do
njenog potpunog ili delimicnog uništenja, d) sprecavanje radanja u
okviru grupe i
e) prinudno premeštanje dece iz jedne grupe u drugu. Istovremeno,
sankcioniše zaveru, podstrekavanje, pokušaj i saucesništvo u genocidu.

Izneti podaci o cetvorogodišnjem stradanju Srba na Kosmetu
nedvosmisleno pokazuju da se nad njima cini vecina genocidnih radnji
propisanih Konvecijom. Ubistva, teror, kidnapovanja, uzurpacija državne
i privatne imovine, razaranja verskih i istorijskih spomenika, etnicko
cišcenje gradova i naselja, osnovna su obeležja kosmetske tragike vec
pune cetiri godine. Sve se to cini sa ociglednom namerom da se ova
pokrajina definitivno ocisti od Srba, što objašnjava i uklanjanje svih
istorijskih dokaza srpskog postojanja. Konacan cilj se odavno zna -
Kosovo država. Tu nameru nema potrebe dokazivati, ona je istorijska
konstanta.

Ako se sve to dešava uz institucionalno prisustvo medunarodne zajednice
olicene u OUN, onda njeno saucesništvo u ovom zlocinu ne može biti
sporno, kao ni odgovornost njenih kljucnih aktera u tom procesu.
Porodica Stolic je masakrirana, ali je slucaj sa Tacijem proizveo
neuporedivo vece uzbudenje i reagovanje u nekim centrima evropske
demokratije. On je slobodan, a ubice nisu pronadene i kažnjene. Nije se
reagovalo ni kada su se desili masovni masakri nad Srbima još u prvim
mesecima prisustva medunarodne misije na Kosmetu. Tako je juna 1999.
godine 14 srpskih seljaka, žena i dece iz okoline Lipljana svirepo
ubijeno u neposrednoj blizini kontigenta KFOR-a. Avgusta iste godine u
selju Ugljare otkriveno je 15 srpskih leševa i izvršen masakr u selu
Drenovac nad 50 lica srpske i crnogorske nacionalnosti. Sledeceg meseca
tromblonskim minama gadana je pijaca u Bresju kod Kosova Polja, razume
se sa tragicnim posledicama. Krajem oktobra iste godine napadnut je
konvoj sa srpskim civilima (bolesnicima) iako je isti bio organizovan
od strane UNHCR-a. A od onda pa do danas slušamo kako se bezbedonosna
situacija na Kosmetu stalno poboljšava.

Još poraznija je cinjenica sistematskog kršenja suvereniteta i
teritorijalnog integriteta naše zemlje, koje ide u pravcu izgradnje
državnih institucija na Kosmetu izvan pravnog poretka Srbije, odnosno
SCG. To je protivno ne samo Rezoluciji 1244, nego i Povelji UN,
Helsinškom završnom aktu i Pariskoj povelji za novu Evropu koji
promovišu princip suvereniteta i nenasilne promene državnih granica,
ali i poštovanja ljudskih prava. Prema rezoluciji 1244, medunarodno
civilno prisustvo na Kosmetu je u iskljucivoj funkciji izgradnje
suštinske autonomije, ali u granicama SRJ (SCG), koja ce garantovati
miran i normalan život svih stanovnika. Medutim, svi dosadašnji
specijalni predstavnici gen.sekretara UN svojim odlukama su suprotno
delovali. To je još jedan dokaz mizerne pozicije UN koje, umesto da
cuvaju, ruše medunarodnopravni poredak koje su same decenijama
stvarale. U smislu tog istog poretka, to što se sada radi na Kosmetu,
odnosno stvaranje nove albanske države je oblik agresije koju su UN
odavno okvalifikovale kao zlocin protiv medunarodnog mira.

Razume se, za nas je kljucan problem kako spreciti ovakve planove i da
li je rešenje u pregovorima sa albanskom stranom. Oko toga danas
postoje razlicita mišljenja u našoj javnosti. Da bi se odgovorilo na to
pitanje, treba realno sagledati poziciju jedne i druge strane. Albanci
su homogeniji više neko ikad i na svojoj strani imaju kljucne faktore u
medunarodnim odnosima. Oni nastupaju sa pozicije sad ili nikad, odnosno
ubedenja da im je pružena istorijska šansa koja se više ne može
ponoviti. Opšte je poznato da je njihovo decenijsko secesionisticko
delovanje bilo zasnovano na strategiji neprimerenog demografskog
uvecanja, vremenu i stvaranju uticajnih lobija u svetu. Pošto su u tome
ocigledno uspeli, njihove današnje aspiracije su iskljucive, tako da je
iluzorno ocekivati da ce oni u eventualnim pregovorima prihvatiti
razgovore o bilo kakvoj autonomiji. Dakle, njihova koncepcija je
nezavisno Kosovo, što se vidi iz njihovih javnih nastupa. Njihovi
lideri se vec ponašaju državnicki, pa cak i postavljaju odredene uslove
za pregovore (npr.da Srbija prvo osudi ratne zlocince i isplati ratnu
odštetu).

S druge strane, srpska pregovaracka pozicija je oslabljena s obzirom na
dobro poznat medunarodni položaj SCG. Mi ni danas nemamo konsenzus oko
rešenja kosmetskog pitanja. Na politickoj sceni Srbije prisutne su
razne strategije u tom pogledu, što dodatno komplikuje njenu poziciju.
Obicnim jezikom receno, dok mi stalno kukamo i gložimo se, Albanci rade
za sebe. Svemu ovome treba dodati i lošu ekonomsku situaciju u zemlji
koja znacajno odvlaci pažnju široke javnosti od problema Kosmeta.
Ukoliko Srbija, a zašto ne i SCG, ostane dosledna jedinoj ispravnoj
opciji, a to je autonomija Kosmeta, pregovori sa albanskom stranom
postaju bezsmisleni s obzirom na njihov iskljuciv stav. Tu se javlja i
problem eticnosti s obzirom na kriminalnu pozadinu pojedinih vodecih
albanskih lidera. S toga sam mišljenja da adresa za pregovore nije
Priština, vec poznati centri medunarodne moci. To, razume se, nalaže
izradu politicke platforme iza koje ce stajati sve relevantne politicke
snage u zemlji. Ona sada mora biti prioritet, kako ne bi ponovo bili
iznenadeni. Pri tome, treba imati u vidu da pitanje Kosmeta implicira i
buducnost juga Srbije (Medveda, Bujanovac, Preševo).

I na kraju, Štajnerova veridba sa Albankom Bukurije Đombaljaj možda bi
mogla da bude i pouka za nas Srbe kojim se sve putevima ostvaruju
nacionalni interesi.


=== 2 ===


BEOGRADSKI FORUM: A P E L za odbranu Kosova i Metohije

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-07-14_1.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Konferencija za stampu na temu "Kosovo i Metohija- opasnosti i moguci
izlazi"
Medija centar - Beograd
Beograd, 11. jula 2003. godine

A P E L za odbranu Kosova i Metojihe

Beogradski forum za svet ravnopravnih, zabrinut sistematskim procesom
pretvaranja pokrajine Kosova i Metohije u samostalnu državu i alarmiran
sve otvorenijom i neprincipijelnijom podrškom koju albanski separatizam
dobija od sadašnjih medjunarodnih upravljaca te pokrajine, kao i od
uticajnih krugova u njihovim zemljama, organizovao je 12. 01.2002.
godine okrugli sto u Beogradu i održao konferenciju za štampu u
beogradskom Medija centru, 11.07.2003. godine, na kojima je
argumentovao istorijsko i politicko pravo Srbije i srpskog naroda na
Kosovo i Metohiju i pozvao sadašnje i buduce zvanicne vlasti Srbije da
to pravo nikada i nipošto ne otudjuju. Imajuci u vidu nemerljiv znacaj
te pokrajine za srpski narod i unutrašnju stabilnost Srbije i celog
regiona, Beogradski forum upucuje našoj javnosti sledeci

A P E L

Nad Kosovom i Metohijom se nadvija sve neposrednija i veca opasnost.
Medjunarodna zajednica, sa SAD kao njenim najuticajnijim delom,
užurbano privodi kraju proces podržavljenja te istorijske srpske
pokrajine, pripremajuci je za odlucnu fazu njenog potpunog i konacnog
odvajanja od Srbije. Sprovodjenje rezolucije Saveta bezbednosti OUN
1244. je u rukama sponsora nezavisnosti Kosova i Metohije. Ona se
primenjuje samo u korist Albanaca, dok se ljudska prava i osnovne
slobode srpskog i romskog stanovništva prakticno ignorišu. Za
obespravljene i bespomocne Srbe i Rome, Kosovo i Metohija je, pod
civilnom upravom OUN i vojnom kontrolom NATO, postao drugi Arhipelag
Gulag. Oni koji od pocetka jugoslovenske krize i antiteroristickog rata
na Kosovu i Metohiji podržavaju albanske maksimalisticke zahteve i
obecavaju im nezavisnost, nemaju za Srbe razumevanja ni sažaljenja.

Izlaz za Srbe na Kosovu i Metohiji i u ostalom delu Srbije je u
njihovom cvrstom jedinstvu i beskompromisnom otporu svakom pokušaju
trajnog otimanja pokrajine od Srbije. Sve dok su svi Srbi ujedinjeni po
pitanju Kosova i Metohije i dok Srbija cvrsto drži do svoje tapije na
tu pokrajinu, nema opasnosti da Kosovo i Metohija postane nezavisno.
Svako jednostrano proglašavanje njegove nezavisnosti, bez izricitog
pristanka Srbije, bila bi vulgarna otimacina, protivpravni akt i vrlo
opasno za situaciju u regionu.

Zagovornici i sponsori formule nezavisnosti to dobro znaju, zbog cega
sve cine da Srbiju raznim mamcima i pritiscima navedu na odricanje od
te svoje istorijske pokrajine.

Srbija mora odlucno da insistira na svom suverenitetu nad Kosovom i
Metohijom, što joj nedvosmisleno priznaje i spomenuta rezolucija SB, i
da brani univerzalni stav da suverenitet države ima prednost nad
separatistickom voljom nacionalne manjine.

Nužno je da novi Ustav Srbije, pored odredbe o neotudjivosti njene
teritorije, sadrži i posebnu odredbu o zabrani odricanja od Kosova i
Metohije.

Svoj ulazak u evroatlantske strukture državna zajednica Srbije i Crne
Gore treba da uslovi poštovanjem svojih avnojskih granica, koje im je
priznala Badinterova Arbitražna komisija, i na bazi kojih je SRJ bila
ponovo primljena u OUN i OEBS. Time se ne traži ništa više što druge
bivše jugoslovenske republike i istocnoevropske zemlje vec imaju,
naime, garantovani teritorijalni integritet i spoljne granice,
ravnopravni tretman i neokrnjeno nacionalno i državno dostojanstvo.

Forum se pridružuje zahtevima iz drugih sredina da se što hitnije održi
vanredna sednica Skupštine Srbije, na kojoj ce se usvojiti Deklaracija
o Kosovu i Metohiji prilagodjena sadašnjoj situaciji i politickim
potrebama.

S obzirom na zloslutno brzi razvoj dogadjaja u vezi sa Kosovom i
Metohijom, Forum ukazuje na imperativnu potrebu da Srbija što pre
izadje sa vlastitim projektom konacnog statusa Kosova i Metohije, kako
ne bi došla u situaciju da se izjašnjava o tudjim projektima, koji se
obicno nude u ultimativnoj formi "uzmi ili ostavi". Pritom je neophodno
da se podvuce da se o svemu može razgovarati, sem o suverenitetu Srbije
nad Kosovom i Metohijom. Najšira autonomija, pod medjunarodnim
garantijama i nadzorom, pružila bi albanskoj nacionalnoj zajednici
visok stepen samostalnosti u odnosu na maticnu suverenu državu Srbiju i
u isto vreme joj osigurala sve prednosti bržeg razvoja u jednoj široj
zajednici, sa kojom bi zajedno utirala put ka evropskim integracijama.


=== 3 ===


Vladislav Jovanovic: Kako ne izgubiti Kosovo i Metohiju

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-07-14_2.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Konferencija za stampu na temu "Kosovo i Metohija- opasnosti i moguci
izlazi"

Izlaganje Vladislava Jovanovica

Medija centar - Beograd
Beograd, 11. jula 2003. godine


Naspram Albanaca, koji su potpuno homogenizovani u zahtevu da KiM bude
nezavisna država, i njihovih zapadnih sponzora, pre svega SAD koje
nezavisnost te Pokrajine javno ne podržavaju, ali sve cine da razvoj
ide u tom pravcu, zvanicna vlast Srbije i njena politicka elita ne samo
da homogeno ne stoje iza stava o suverenitetu Srbije nad KiM, nego na
sudbinu KiM gledaju sa neverovatnom ležernošcu ili cak zauzimaju
stavove koji su ispod stava o suverenitetu Srbije nad tom Pokrajinom.

Zbog toga se moglo desiti da naša zvanicna vlast bude kooperativna sa
medjunarodnom zajednicom, tj. UNMIK-om daleko iznad zahteva koje
postavlja rezolucija SB 1244 (naterivanje kosmetskih Srba da glasaju na
lokalnim i pokrajinskim izborima, iako se osnovni uslovi za to nisu
bili stekli), dok Albanci na KiM sabotiraju saradnju sa UNMIK-om cak i
u okvirima spomenute rezolucije, što najrecitije pokazuje katastrofalno
nizak nivo stanja ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda tamošnjih Srba i
drugih nealbanaca.

Takvo stanje je posledica nedefinisanosti jasnog cilja i strategije
zvanicne politike prema KiM i nedopustive politicke i druge zavisnosti
Srbije od onih stranih cinilaca koji otvoreno ili jedva prikriveno
simpatišu i podržavaju albanske separatisticke ciljeve.

S obzirom na odmakao proces podržavljenja južne pokrajine Srbije i sve
alarmantnije približavanje rešavanja njenog konacnog statusa, vreme je
za povlacenje zvona na uzbunu, kako bi se sprecilo nastupanje
nepopravljive štete po naše nacionalne i državne interese.

Opasnost nije sadržana samo u rezoluciji SB 1244, u kojoj se isticanje
suvereniteta SRJ na KiM svesno i ciljno potkopava pozivanjem na pravno
nepostojece sporazume iz Rambujea (jer ih je potpisala samo albanska
separatisticka strana sa svojim zapadnim mentorima) i naglašavanjem
uloge medjunarodne zajednice u utvrdjivanju konacnog statusa KiM, nego
i u primamljivim politickim ponudama i materijalnim mamcima koji se
cine Srbiji u cilju njenog pridobijanja za odricanje od južne srpske
pokrajine u zamenu za lakše i brže prikljucenje Evropskoj uniji i NATO.

Jedna relativno samostalna i nacionalno odgovorna vlast znala bi da se
odupre takvim iskušenjima i pritiscima, ali kako se to ne može reci za
sadašnju zvanicnu vlast, onda se lako možemo naci pred prvim neslavnim
primerom da se jedna evropska država odrice znacajnog dela svoje
istorijske i nacionalne teritorije da bi udovoljila stranim
ocekivanjima i ucenjivanjima.

Odluku o izdvajanju KiM iz Srbije SAD su donele mnogo ranije, još pre
agresije NATO na SRJ, i sada se samo ceka da u Srbiji sazre svest o
njenom prihvatanju i da se oblikuje politicki i pravni okvir koji to
treba da olakša i omoguci.

Labava asocijacija države Srbije i države Crne Gore skrojena je od
strane EU (u saradnji sa SAD) upravo po meri takvog rešenja za KiM (a
perspektivno, možda, i za Vojvodinu).

Glavni cilj SAD i EU u tekucem periodu je da se obecanje ranije dato
Albancima o izdvajanju KiM iz Srbije izvede tako što ce se veštim
politickim manevrom izbeci formalno kršenje principa o daljem
nemenjanju granica na Balkanu i zadovoljiti zahtev kosovskih Albanaca
za osamostaljivanjem od Srbije.

Sva strategija SAD i EU u ovom trenutku usmerena je na ubrzano
opremanje KiM potrebnim državnim atributima i na pripremanje Srbije,
njene javnosti i vlade, da odustane od svog legitimnog i medjunarodno
priznatog prava na KiM i to pokrije smokvinim listom prikljucenja
države Kosovo sadašnjoj državnoj zajednici Srbije i Crne Gore.

Polazi se od toga da Srbija nece moci odmah da se saglasi sa
nezavisnošcu KiM, ali da bi to, uz odgovarajucu kompenzaciju (brži
ulazak u evroatlantske strukture i masovnije investicije) mogla da
ucini ako bi do "oslobadjanja" od KiM došlo na dvostepeni nacin. Na
takvu strategiju utice i prihvacena ocena da bi nezavisnost KiM
destabilizovala dejtonsku BiH i krhku Makedoniju, a možda i neke druge
evropske zemlje, s obzirom na skoro izvesan domino efekat takvog
presedana.

Prethodnica te strategije je naglašena proalbanska aktivnost raznih
americkih i evropskih nevladinih organizacija, analitickih centara i
lobistickih grupa u Kongresu i van njega (u ciju politicku povezanost
sa vladom SAD ne

treba sumnjati) koji otvoreno zagovaraju nezavisnost Kosova, odnosno
samoopredeljenje Albanaca u toj pokrajini.

Vlada SAD zvanicno ne stoji iza formule o nezavisnosti, vec je u ovoj
fazi naklonjenija statusu Kosovo Republika, koje bi se pridružilo
državnoj zajednici Srbije i Crne Gore na zajednickom putu ka
integrisanju u EU i NATO. Medjutim, SAD se ne bi protivile nezavisnosti
kao rešenju za KiM ako bi Srbija na to pristala.

Pristanak Srbije na amputaciju KiM lišio bi SAD i EU problema u BiH,
Makedoniji i drugde, jer više ne bi bilo reci o nagradjivanju
separatizma, vec o sporazumnom odvajanju KiM od Srbije. U tome leži
kljuc strategije SAD i EU u pitanju KiM. Srpsku javnost i zvanicnu
vlast treba ubediti da je u najboljem interesu same Srbije da se što
pre oslobodi tereta KiM, kako bi lakše i brže ušla u evroatlantske
organizacije. Pri tome se prelazi preko cinjenice da se u Evropi i na
Balkanu jedino od Srbije traži da ucini znatnu teritorijalnu žrtvu da
bi stekla licencu za integrisanje sa Zapadom. Iz toga proizlazi da se
samo Srbiji ne garantuje teritorijalna celokupnost u okviru avnojevskih
granica, na bazi kojih je izvršeno priznanje bivših jugoslovenskih
republika kao novih država. Jaci dokaz o neravnopravnom tretmanu Srbije
u odnosu na susedne i druge zemlje Istocne Evrope nije potreban. Srbija
se takvim proalbanskim ciljevima i strategiji SAD i EU u pitanju KiM
mora odlucno suprotstaviti sledecim argumentima:

1. Da se ni po koju cenu ne odrice KiM, jer je to najjaca i najveca
karta koju ima u rukama. Sve što bi se od sada pa nadalje cinilo sa KiM
bez izricite saglasnosti Srbije bilo bi nezakonito i "grbo", tj.
predstavljalo bi najobicniju nasilnu otimacinu. Sve dok cvrsto drži
tapiju na tu istorijsku pokrajinu, Srbija zadržava pravo na njen
povracaj kad tad u buducnosti. Ako bi se, pod pritiscima ili pod
dejstvom raznih podmicivanja, odrekla svoje tapije, izgubila bi KiM
zauvek, jer više ne bi imala pravni osnov da ga potražuje.

2. Da cvrsto i nepokolebljivo insistira na rezoluciji SB 1244, a
narocito na clanu koji naglašava suverenitet SRJ (ciji je Srbija, kada
je rec o Kosovu, prihvaceni naslednik). Treba da brani stav da
suverenitet države ima prednost nad separatistickom voljom nacionalne
manjine

koja u njoj živi. Univerzalna deklaradija o ljudskim pravima, Finalni
akt iz Helsinkija, kao i svi dokumenti KEBS odnosno OEBS koji se odnose
na prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina, ne priznaju nacionalnim
manjinama pravo na secesiju. Sve dok bude odlucna i dosledna u odbrani
svog suvereniteta nad KiM, Srbija može racunati na podršku Rusije i
Kine u SB koje, zbog sopstvenih vitalnih interesa (Cecenija, Tibet,
Tajvan, Sinkjang), nece popuštati pred zahtevima SAD i NATO za
razbijanjem teritorijalne celokupnosti Srbije. Posle pada komunizma
nijednoj nacionalnoj manjini u evropskim zemljama, bez obzira na njenu
brojnost ili kompaktnost, nije dozvoljeno teritorijalno izdvajanje od
države u kojoj živi. Nepromenjivost republickih granica uzdignuta je na
nivo principa i aksioma u rešavanju jugoslovenske krize, pa tako
Republici Srpskoj Krajini, Republici Srpskoj i Albancima u Makedoniji
nije bilo dopušteno da razbiju teritorijalnu celokupnost Hrvatske, BiH
i Makedonije.

3. Da se, u argumentovanju rezolucije SB 1244, pozove na Finalni akt
KEBS iz Helsinkija, koji garantuje nepromenjivost spoljnih granica
država clanica, osim u slucaju njihovog pristanka, kao i na
Medjunarodnu konferenciju o SFRJ u Hagu koja je, usvajajuci nalaze
Badinterove Arbitražne komisije, priznala sve bivše republike SFRJ u
njihovim avnojevskim granicama.

4. Da se pozove na glasanje o prijemu SRJ u clanstvo OUN, kojim je
Generalna skupština ratifikovala stav Badinterove Arbitražne komisije o
suverenitetu Srbije nad KiM, buduci da se ta pokrajina nalazi u njenim
avnojevskim granicama.

5. Da se, u svrhu ucvršcivanja svoje tapije na KiM, pozove na Londonski
ugovor iz 1913, kojim je vracanje KiM pod suverenitet Srbije
medjunarodno priznato, kao i na Versajski ugovor o miru iz
1919. godine i Pariski ugovor o miru iz 1947. godine, u kojima je
suverenitet Srbije, odnosno Jugoslavije nad KiM implicitno potvrdjivan.

6. Da novi ustav Srbije, pored odredbe o neotudjivosti njene
teritorije, sadrži posebnu odredbu o zabrani odricanja od KiM i da se
ta odredba

notifikuje i naglasi svim ciniocima koji u sadašnjem
internacionalizovanom pitanju KiM imaju neku ulogu, a posebno OUN (SB i
GS), Savet Evrope, OEBS, EU, NATO i stalnim clanovima SB.

7. Da kategoricki naglasi da je njen ulazak u Savet Evrope, Evropsku
uniju, Svetsku trgovinsku organizaciju ili Partnerstvo za mir NATO,
jedino moguc u avnojevskim granicama Srbije i Crne Gore, što im
garantuju odluke Badinterove Arbitražne komisije, na bazi kojih je SRJ
bila ponovo primljena u OUN i OEBS.

8. Da u bilateralnim politickim kontaktima sa SAD, zemljama EU i NATO,
kao i u sedištima EU i NATO, insistira na njihovom javnom potvrdjivanju
da državnu zajednicu Srbije i Crne Gore vide i prihvataju u njenim
integralnim avnojevskim granicama i da to imaju u vidu kada s nama vode
ili ce voditi razgovore u vezi sa planiranim ulaskom Srbije i Crne Gore
u te organizacije. Time se za našu zajednicku državu ne traži ništa
više od onoga što druge bivše jugoslovenske republike i istocnoevropske
zemlje vec imaju, naime, garantovan teritorijalni integritet i spoljne
granice, ravnopravni tretman i neokrnjeno nacionalno i državno
dostojanstvo.

9. Da se povodom privatizacije imovine Srbije nad KiM, razmotri
mogucnost traženja od Stalnog medjunarodnog suda pravde u Hagu
savetodavnog mišljenja o tome da li je i koliko ona u skladu sa
rezolucijom SB 1244. i medjunarodnim javnim i privatnim pravom.

Paralelno sa ovim principijelnim stavovima, Srbija treba da što pre
izadje sa vlastitim projektom konacnog statusa KiM. Pritom je neophodno
da podvuce da se o suverenitetu Srbije nad KiM ne može razgovarati, a
da sve ostalo može biti predmet razgovora i dogovora. Suverenitet i
demokratija nisu
suprotstavljene vrednosti. Oni predstavljaju dovoljno široke i gipke
okvire u kojima je konacno rešenje statusa KiM moguce naci uz
uvažavanje legitimnih interesa obe strane. Najšira autonomija pod
medjunarodnim garantijama i nadzorom, pružila bi albanskoj nacionalnoj
zajednici visok stepen samostalnosti u odnosu na maticnu državu Srbiju
i u isto vreme joj osigurala sve prednosti bržeg razvoja u jednoj široj
zajednici, sa kojom bi zajedno utirala put ka evroatlanskim
strukturama. Radi olakšavanja albanskoj zajednici da brže predje

put od utopije o nezavisnosti KiM do suocavanja sa evropskom realnošcu
koja ne dopušta nasilnu promenu granica, Pokrajina KiM bi mogla postati
autonomna republika u okviru Srbije, s tim što bi srpska zajednica
dobila teritorijalnu i kulturnu autonomiju u okviru takvog entiteta.
Posle ulaska državne zajednice u EU, što bi trebalo da se dogodi u
nedalekoj buducnosti, psihološka stešnjenost sugerisanog konacnog
statusa KiM manje bi se osecala, pošto bi svi postali clanovi široke
evropske porodice, u kojoj nacionalne i državne granice nemaju više
onaj znacaj koji su dotle imale.

Da bi ovako zamišljen projekat konacnog statusa KiM bio ozbiljno
primljen u medjunarodnoj zajednici, neophodno je da Srbija cvrsto i
dosledno ostane pri stavu o svom suverenitetu nad KiM. Svoje tapije na
tu Pokrajinu ne sme nipošto da se odrice niti da je u celini ili u
delovima prenosi na druge. Sve dok tako postupa, ne postoji stvarna
opasnost da Pokrajina KiM postane nezavisna. Zapadni sponzori albanskog
separatizma nece smeti da podrže nezavisnost Kosova bez saglasnosti
Srbije. Kada bi to ucinili, stavili bi se van pozitivnog medjunarodnog
prava i rizikovali da se takav nasilni presedan okrene protiv njih.

Nažalost, sadašnja vlast Srbije i Državne zajednice, u žurbi koju
pokazuje za što brži ulazak Srbije i Crne Gore u evroatlantske
strukture, ne uvidja dovoljno znacaj i potrebu beskompromisnog
insistiranja na suverenitetu nad KiM, cime ostavlja opasan utisak da
Srbiji i Državnoj zajednici i nije apsolutno stalo do KiM i da bi one
mogle da prihvate i neko rešenje koje bi bilo ispod suvereniteta. U
javnim izjavama nekih predstavnika zvanicne vlasti izražava se sumnja u
konacnost sadašnjih granica Srbije ili se dopušta mogucnost podele KiM,
pa cak i napuštanje cele Pokrajine ako bi ona ostala bez srpskog
stanovništva. Realna je bojazan da sadašnja vlast, zbog spomenute
zainteresovanosti za što brži ulazak državne zajednice u EU i NATO, ne
pocne da gleda na KiM kao na prepreku za taj ulazak i teret kojeg se
što pre treba oslobadjati. Neki napisi u medijima, ciji autori
pripadaju vladajucoj politickoj eliti, vec otvoreno zagovaraju takvo
odricanje. Takvo odstupanje od nacionalnih i državnih prava Srbije i
poigravanje sa sudbinom njene istorijske južne Pokrajine, nanosi Srbiji
neprocenjivu štetu uoci otvaranja razgovora sa kosmetskim Albancima.
Ona jacaju njihove apetite i olakšavaju pritisak medjunarodne zajednice
da Srbija izadje u susret maksimalistickim zahtevima albanskih
separatista.

Utoliko je neophodnija hitna izrada projekta Srbije o konacnom statusu
KiM i njegovog promišljenog i argumentovanog objašnjavanja i
promovisanja u medjunarodnoj zajednici, a posebno kod faktora koji su
najviše involvirani na KiM i Balkanu.

http://www.ansa.it/balcani/fattidelgiorno/200307111317112689/
200307111317112689.shtml

ALBANIA: PETIZIONE A VELTRONI SU STATUA DI MADRE TERESA

(ANSA) - TIRANA, 11 LUG - Dieci fra i piu' noti intellettuali albanesi
hanno inviato una petizione al sindaco di Roma, Walter Veltroni, per
chiarire l'origine albanese di Madre Teresa.
Nella lettera, firmata anche da Ismail Kadare, si chiede di modificare
l'iscrizione che dovra' essere apposta su una statua della futura
santa, e nella quale si afferma che Madre Teresa e' ''figlia della
Macedonia''. La statua, in verita', non esiste ancora: essa infatti
dovra' essere realizzata dal governo macedone e poi donata al comune
di Roma nell'ambito di un accordo bilaterale. Ma nel progetto i
macedoni hanno specificato che sul busto sara' riportata quella frase
oggi contestata dagli albanesi.
Madre Teresa di Calcutta era nata a Skopje da una famiglia di origine
albanese e il suo vero nome era Gonxha Bojaxhiu. Alcuni suoi familiari
vivono tuttora in Albania e la madre della religiosa e' sepolta in un
cimitero alla periferia di Tirana. Dal 1948 prese la cittadinanza
indiana ma la suora ha piu' volte ribadito anche in pubblico che la
sua patria era l'Albania.
Circostanza contestata a Skopje dove si ricorda che Madre Teresa,
nata nella capitale della Macedonia, non puo' che essere macedone.
La polemica, che per gli albanesi ha un valore soprattutto culturale e
di immagine, in Macedonia assume invece anche connotati politici. Il
governo di Skopje e' alla continua ricerca di occasioni per
riaffermare il nome della Macedonia come proprio: i greci sostengono
infatti che quel nome appartiene a un'antica regione ellenica e sono
riusciti ad ottenere che l'ex repubblica jugoslava venga indicata
negli atti internazionali con la sigla di Fyrom. Per i macedoni
scrivere su una statua che Madre Teresa e' ''figlia della Macedonia''
appare cosi' anche un modo per ribadire la propria identita'
nazionale. (ANSA) BLL 11-LUG-03 13:08 NNNN
11/07/2003 13:17

Agenzia Non Sempre Affidabile

Ecco come la agenzia di stampa dello Stato italiano ti trasforma Hasim
Thaci - il responsabile della epurazione razziale in Kosovo, quello
soprannominato "il serpente" dai suoi compari dell'UCK, quello che
aveva portato con se le bustine di droga a Rambouillet (*) - in un
bravo ragazzo un po' ribelle, poverino ancora vittima delle
persecuzioni di "Milosevic":

http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/kosovo.shtml

KOSOVO: ARRESTATO EX LEADET UCK HASHIM THAQI, TV

(ANSA) - TIRANA, 30 GIU - L'ex leader politico dell'Uck, Hashim Thaqi,
e che ohggiu guida il Partito democratico del Kosovo(al governo) e'
stato arrestato oggi a Budapest. Lo ha riferito la Radio televisione
del Kosovo(Rtk).
Secondo la televisione, che cita fonti del Partito democratico a
Pristina, Hashim Thaqi e' stato catturato a Budapest dove si trovava in
transito, diretto in Francia.
Stando alle stesse fonti, Thaqi sarebbe stato tratto in arresto su
richieste delle autorita' di Belgrado che nel 1993 avevano spiccato nei
suoi confronti ordine di cattura internazionale. (ANSA). BLL
30/06/2003 19:15

KOSOVO: THAQI RIMESSO IN LIBERTA', FONTI TIRANA

(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - Il leader del Partito democratico del
Kosovo (Pdk) ed ex comandante politico dell'Uck, Hashim Thaqi,
arrestato oggi a Budapest, e' stato rimesso in liberta'. Lo hanno detto
all'Ansa fonti informate a Tirana.
La notizia del rilascio di Hashim Thaqi e' stata successivamente
confermata anche da Jakup Kransiqi, segretario generale del partito.
Secondo fonti politiche a Pristina il rilascio e' avvenuto anche in
seguito all'intervento del governatore Onu del Kosovo, Michail Steiner,
che ha preso personalmente contatti con il ministero degli esteri
dell'Ungheria.
L'arresto di Thaqi era avvenuto sulla base di un ordine di arresto
emesso nel 1993 dalle autorita' di Belgrado con l'accusa di terrorismo,
ma evidentemente il provvedimento restrittivo non era piu' valido.
Thaqi sarebbe gia' in procinto di lasciare Budapest in direzione di
Parigi dove aveva in programma una visita politica di due giorni.
(ANSA).
BLL 30/06/2003 20:11

KOSOVO: HASHIM THAQI, DA GUERRIGLIERO A CAPO POLITICO / ANSA

(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - Hashim Thaqi, 34 anni, e' nato a Buroje,
un piccolo villaggio nella valle della Drenica, regione del Kosovo
centrale che e' stata la roccaforte dell'irredentisimo albanese.
Nel 1992 si e' laureato in storia presso la facolta' di Pristina, ma
in quello stesso anno e' fuggito dal Kosovo per rifugiarsi in
Svizzera, dove si e' in seguito laureato in scienze politiche,
specializzandosi in rapporti internazionali. Dal 1993, dopo che le
autorita' di Belgrado lo incriminarono per terrorismo, Thaqi ha
raggiunto il Kosovo solo clandestinamente, diventando poi comandante
politico dell'Esercito di liberazione(Uck). Pupillo di Madeleine
Albright, nel 1999 e' stato capo della delegazione albanese a
Rambouillet dove ha partecipato ai negoziati con Belgrado il cui
fallimento ha provocato l'intervento della Nato contro il regime di
Slobodan Milosevic. Con la fine della guerra e lo scioglimento
dell'Uck, Thaqi ha fondato il Partito dmeocratico del Kosovo (Pdk) in
aperto antagonismo con la Lega democratica del leader moderato
Ibrahim Rugova. Dopo essere stato a capo del governo provvisorio
(1999), oggi Thaqi e' deputato e presidente del secondo piu'
importante partito della provincia. (ANSA) BLL
30/06/2003 20:42

KOSOVO: ARRESTATO PER ERRORE E SCARCERATO EX LEADER UCK/ANSA

(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 GIU - La storia e il suo passato gli si sono
parati di fronte inattesi, all'aeroporto di Budapest, mentre si
preparava a raggiungere Parigi in visita ufficiale, nei suoi nuovi
abiti di politico e diplomatico. Hashim Thaqi, 34 anni, ex comandante
della guerriglia albanese in Kosovo (Uck) e oggi capo del secondo
piu' importante partito della provincia, e' finito in manette per un
ordine di arresto firmato nel 1993 dalle autorita' di Belgrado che a
quel tempo lo accusavano di terrorismo. Un disguido chiarito in poche
ore, anche grazie all'intervento del governatore Onu della provincia,
Michail Steiner, che ha immediatamente preso contatti con il ministro
degli esteri dell'Ungheria. Secondo fonti di Pristina e'
intervenuto anche il ministero degli esteri francese che aveva
invitato il leader albanese. Thaqi e' stato liberato ed ha potuto
proseguire il suo viaggio per la Francia. L'arresto sarebbe avvenuto
per un errore del computer presso lo scalo di Budapest il cui
database non era stato evidentemente aggiornato. Due anni fa il
leader albanese era stato in Ungheria per un vertice internazionale,
ma trattandosi di una visita di Stato nessuno si curo' di
controllare il suo passaporto. L'imbarazzante errore informatico ha
cosi' riportato alla luce un pezzo della storia del Kosovo che lo
stesso Thaqi sembrava aver dimenticato. Era il 1992, e la provincia
serba a maggioranza albanese viveva sotto il tallone delle milizie di
Slobodan Milosevic che tre anni prima aveva cancellato l'autonomia
per decreto. Thaqi si era appena laureato con il massimo dei voti in
storia, ma gia' covava il sogno dell'indipendenza. La polizia segreta
di Belgrado lo individuo' come uno dei possibili leader di una
resistenza armata che a quei tempi era ancora in embrione, e cosi'
Thaqi fuggi' in Svizzera. Un anno dopo venne incriminato per
terrorismo e nei suoi confronti venne emesso ordine di cattura
internazionale, lo stesso che gli e' stato notificato oggi. Nel 1997
Thaqi sulla base di quelle accuse era stato condannato in contumacia
a dieci anni di reclusione. Rientrato in Kosovo clandestinamente, lo
studente ribelle nato nella famigerata valle della Drenica, culla
dell'irredentismo albanese, ha cominciato a organizzare la lotta
armata che pero' solo nel 1998 ha iniziato a manifestarsi in vera e
propria guerriglia contro le forze serbe. La svolta avvenne in quegli
stessi mesi, quando Thaqi si fece conoscere dai primi diplomatici
statunitensi che fino ad allora avevano definito l'Esercito di
liberazione del Kosovo (Uck) un ''movimento terrorista''. Lui li
convinse che la resistenza passiva del leader moderato Ibrahim Rugova
era destinata a fallire. L'allora segretario di stato Usa Madeleine
Albright credette in lui e lo volle a capo della delegazione albanese
che negozio' la pace con Belgrado a Rambouillet. Per Milosevic quei
negoziati furono un fallimento, per Hashim Thaqi il trionfo: la Nato
dichiaro' guerra a Belgrado e sostenne l'Uck. Il risultato e' il
Kosovo di oggi, ancora sotto protettorato delle Nazioni Unite e della
Nato, con Thaqi che guida il secondo partito politico della provincia
ma che non e' riuscito a strappare quel consenso popolare che
sperava. Ne' l'indipendenza della provincia, che sogna ancora.(ANSA)
BLL
30/06/2003 21:17

(*) Sulla vicenda delle buste piene di droga scoperte nelle valigie
della delegazione UCK a Rambouillet si legga Ennio Remondino, "La
televisione va alla guerra", ed. ERI/RAI.

E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq!
E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq???


1. COMUNICATI STAMPA dalla newsletter di "Un Ponte per...":
* IRAQ: aiuti umanitari e affari
* IRAQ: Da settembre a Baghdad osservatorio internazionale
sull’occupazione militare

2. Nell'Iraq invaso UN DESERTO CHIAMATO PACE
Il nuovo video di Fulvio Grimaldi... Ed il link alle corrispondenze da
Bagdad censurate da "Liberazione"

3. IAC / International ANSWER - Call to Action
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25
INTERNATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC
- Bring the troops home now
- End the occupation of Iraq
- Money for jobs, education & healthcare - Not war


LINKS:

*** The looters of Iraq:

Names and surnames of the looters of the Iraqi cultural heritage
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2457

The Looting of Iraq
http://english.pravda.ru/printed.html?news_id=9834

How and why the US encouraged looting in Iraq (by Patrick Martin)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/iraq-a15_prn.shtml

*** Some more links:

Analysis: Kosovo's Iraqi lessons - I (by Sam Vaknin)
http://www.upi.com/print.cfm?StoryID=20030410-055943-8531r

Analysis: Kosovo's Iraqi lessons - II (by Sam Vaknin)
http://www.upi.com/print.cfm?StoryID=20030410-060126-7086r

The stage-managed events in Baghdad's Firdos Square:
image-making, lies and the "liberation" of Iraq (by Patrick Martin)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/fird-a12_prn.shtml

Killing the "Unembedded Truth" (by Michel Chossudovsky)
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO304B.html

Biblical Vengeance in the 21st Century (by John Stanton)
http://english.pravda.ru/printed.html?news_id=9574
 
Chinese Paper Sees Media Manipulation in Iraq War
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200304/07/print20030407_114710.html

Arab News War: Western Journalists Beaten, Starved by Americans (by
Essam Al-Ghalib)
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/GHA304A.html

Washington's colonial regime in waiting for Baghdad (by Peter Symonds)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/iraq-a07_prn.shtml
 
Who Are the Real Criminals?
http://fpeng.peopledaily.com.cn/200304/09/print20030409_114824.html

A Report on United States War Crimes Against Iraq (by Ramsey Clark   -
1992)
http://www.deoxy.org/wc/wc-toc.htm

American "free press" in action (by Henry Michaels)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/med-a15_prn.shtml

The Attack on Iraq from the Perspective of a Serbian Woman
(english+deutsch)
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2482


=== 1 ===


Dalla lista: <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>
Per contatti: <posta@...>
 

COMUNICATO STAMPA

Iraq: aiuti umanitari e affari

Dichiarazione di Fabio Alberti, presidente del "Tavolo di solidarietà
con le popolazioni dell'Iraq"

"Che l'Italia, dopo aver sostenuto la distruzione dell'Iraq, sostenga
un intervento umanitario è il minimo che si possa pretendere. Si
tratterebbe di un risarcimento per il danno
arrecato. Ma un minimo di buon gusto avrebbe voluto che ci si astenesse
dall'inviare altri militari che si aggiungeranno alle già numerose
truppe di occupazione e che si demandasse alle
Nazioni Unite il compito di distribuire gli aiuti.
Non è bello che chi divide la responsabilità di tante vittime si faccia
poi bello del soccorso portato agli scampati.
Invece ci sembra che il Governo italiano stia mettendo in atto un
intervento abborracciato, fuori dal coordinamento Onu e politicamente
finalizzato.
Non sono i militari a servire da protezione agli aiuti, ma sono
piuttosto gli aiuti a servire da copertura all'invio di truppe che
serviranno per sedersi al tavolo su cui si spartiranno i lucrosi
contratti della ricostruzione.
Come Tavolo di solidarietà con le popolazioni dell'Iraq, ci uniamo alla
richiesta di gran parte delle ONG a livello mondiale chiedendo che gli
interventi umanitari non siano gestiti dagli eserciti e dalle nazioni
belligeranti, ma dalle Nazioni Unite. Ci opponiamo all'invio dei
militari.
Chiediamo che tutti i fondi stanziati siano inviati alle agenzie Onu e
alla Croce Rossa e che l'Italia si astenga da ogni intervento diretto. "
 
(16/4/2003)


COMUNICATO STAMPA

IRAQ: Da settembre a Baghdad osservatorio internazionale
sull’occupazione militare

"Occupation Watch", un osservatorio internazionale sull’occupazione
militare sarà attivo, a partire da settembre, a Baghdad per denunciare
le violazioni dei diritti umani da parte delle forze occupanti,
monitorare la ricostruzione, l’utilizzo del petrolio, il comportamento
delle aziende straniere, il processo democratico in Iraq.
Lo hanno annunciato nella capitale irachena un gruppo di organizzazioni
pacifiste internazionali, tra cui l'italiana "Un Ponte per ..."
Fra i compiti specifici dell’osservatorio, la denuncia dei
comportamenti illegittimi dei militari, degli arresti e delle
detenzioni arbitrarie, dell'uso della forza non necessaria.
Esso dovrà inoltre monitorare gli appalti e i contratti per la
ricostruzione fino ad oggi assegnati tutti a multinazionali
statunitensi "senza gara di appalto e senza trasparenza", come è stato
denunciato da Medea Benjamin di "United for Peace and Justice", una
coalizione di 600 associazioni e comitati pacifisti americani.
"Sinora le forze occupanti – ha affermato Ted Lewis di Global Exchange,
organizzazione di San Francisco - non hanno rispettato gli obblighi
internazionali di assicurare cibo e servizi essenziali alla
popolazione. Non possiamo credere che un paese che ha una tecnologia
così avanzata, che può permettersi di spendere 500 miliardi di dollari
all'anno in armamenti, non sia in grado di riattivare l’energia
elettrica in due mesi"
Per l’associazione "Un Ponte per .... che è tra i promotori
dell’osservatorio, Fabio Alberti ha affermato che: "le forze di
occupazione agiscono in una paese apertamente ostile non tanto perchè
la popolazione ha nostalgia del passato regime , che nessuno rimpiange,
ma quanto perché ogni giorno che passa gli intenti dell'occupazione
militare - il controllo del petrolio e di un area strategica, gli
affari della ricostruzione - appaiono più evidenti".
Nei giorni scorsi il "Tavolo di solidarietà con le popolazioni
dell'Iraq" presieduto da Alberti ha lanciato una petizione popolare per
il ritiro immediato delle truppe italiane.
"L’osservatorio – ha continuato Alberti – avrà grande attenzione nel
monitorare i contratti di subappalto a cui aspirano centinaia di
aziende italiane e degli altri paesi occupanti quali Gran Bretagna e
Polonia".
"Occupation Watch", basato esclusivamente sul volontariato e totalmente
finanziato da associazioni pacifiste, sarà frutto del lavoro di un
gruppo di ricercatori internazionali (tra cui un italiano) e iracheni
che opereranno a Baghdad. I risultati delle ricerche saranno pubblicati
su un sito dedicato.

Roma, 10 luglio 2003


=== 2 ===


Fulvio Grimaldi

nell'Iraq invaso un deserto chiamato pace
 
Il nuovo video che documenta l'aggressione angloamericana e la
resistenza irachena. Una verità negata dall'informazione ufficiale.
Insieme a  Chi vivrà...IRAQ! , il video che illustra vita, storia,
cultura, società dell'Iraq prima dell'invasione, in un'unica cassetta.

Per ordinazioni e presentazioni con l'autore:
e-mail visionando@... tel/fax 06 5896991.

Alla fine di aprile sarà disponibile, al costo di 17 euro, il nuovo
video di  FULVIO GRIMALDI
             
"UN DESERTO CHIAMATO PACE"

Si tratta di un documentario di 45 minuti che testimonia l'invasione e
la resistenza ed è stato messo in testa a "Chi vivrà...IRAQ" (50
minuti), il  video che, unico in Italia, illustra la storia, la
cultura, la società dell'Iraq senza pregiudizi, stereotipi, categorie
prefabbricate, eminentemente dal punto di vista negato, quello del
popolo iracheno.


Anche le "lettere dall'Iraq" di Fulvio Grimaldi, censurate da
Liberazione, sono presenti nel "Diario di guerra" che il sito
provinciale della federazione di Savona espone in home page.

L'url è: http://www.rifondazione.it/savona/pigudi00.html


=== 3 ===


Da: <ActionCenter.balkan@...> (Action Center)
Data: Ven 11 Lug 2003 04:22:00 Europe/Rome
A: <ActionCenter.balkan@...>
Oggetto: [IAC]Oct. 25: March on Washington DC

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25
INTERNATIONAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON DC

CALL TO ACTION

MASS MARCH ON WASHINGTON TO SAY:
- Bring the troops home now
- End the occupation of Iraq
- Money for jobs, education & healthcare - Not war

To ENDORSE the October 25 International March on Washington, fill out
the easy-to-use form at
http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/o25/index.html#endo

The people in Iraq want the U.S. occupation to end. The U.S. soldiers
in Iraq want to come home. On Saturday, October 25, tens of thousands
of people in the U.S., joined by delegations from countries around the
world, will go back into the streets to demand End the Occupation,
Bring the Troops Home Now! Under the banner, "The World Unites Against
U.S. Militarism," the demonstration, marching from the Justice
Department to the White House to the Pentagon, will also demand an end
to the looting and destruction of social programs by the Bush
Administration.

The Bush Administration lied to the people, to the Congress, and to the
United Nations as it raced to wage war against Iraq. The Bush
administration is now carrying out a cover up of its lies and
deceptions.

Every day, people are dying as a consequence of this illegal
occupation. Every day human misery expands in the drive for world
Empire and corporate globalization. Every day, vital social programs
that serve and protect working people in the U.S. are being destroyed
as the Bush administration cynically manipulates the slogan of the "war
on terrorism" to carry out the social transfer of wealth from the
bottom to the top. It has served as a public relations ploy for their
Robin-Hood-in-reverse politics. Stopping Bush's war abroad and his war
at home is a matter of life and death. None of us has the luxury of
waiting. The time to act is now.

Tens of thousands of Iraqis and hundreds of U.S. GIs have been killed
and maimed. As the anger of the Iraqi people will inevitably grow, the
body count on both sides will sharply increase.

As the anti-war movement predicted, the Iraqi people view U.S. forces
as colonial occupiers, not liberators. U.S. troops, frightened by the
hostile environment and encouraged by the racist climate created by the
military brass, are killing and being killed in a war that serves only
the interests of U.S. oil monopolies and corporate elites - George W.
Bush's real constituents. U.S. soldiers and their families are now
realizing that high government officials, mostly millionaires who
shuttle between corporate boardrooms and government posts, are using
U.S. troops as a private security detachment for Corporate America's
plunder of Iraq's oil riches.

The October 25 International March on Washington will include
delegations invited from countries around the world whose banners will
represent resistance to the threat posed by the Bush Administration's
hyper-aggressive "preemptive war" strategy. The Bush Administration
has also just won approval from Congress to proceed with the creation
of a new generation of tactical nuclear weapons explicitly designed to
be used in the Third World in coming conflicts. The march will demand
an immediate end to this new nuclear arms race.

As we continue the movement in opposition to the occupation of Iraq, we
must also oppose the daily threats against the people of Palestine,
Afghanistan, Iran, Korea, Cuba, the Philippines, Colombia, Liberia,
Zimbabwe, and all others that are targets of the Bush administration.

The demonstration will be followed on October 26 by an assembly with
international delegates from the global anti-war movement to assess and
strategize challenging the Bush Administration's war drive and the
component assault on civil rights and civil liberties taking place in
many countries under the cloak of "national security" laws, including
the Patriot Act in the U.S.

THE WAR AT HOME

The Bush administration will spend $2.7 trillion in a vast expansion of
the U.S. military-industrial apparatus, while eliminating or severely
cutting taxes for Corporate America and the one percent of the richest
part of the United States population to the tune of $1 trillion. The
administration is pursuing a calculated strategy to create a fiscal
crisis inside the United States so that lawmakers will be compelled to
cut or eliminate social programs for which there will no longer be
funds.

Pentagon officials now admit that they intend for the U.S. to maintain
at least 150,000 troops in Iraq for the "foreseeable future," while the
cost of the U.S. war in and occupation of Iraq is nearly $4 billion a
month, a "burn rate" that will also continue.

The government of the richest country in human history is spending more
for war than any government in human history and has its troops
stationed in more than 750 military installations and bases located in
more than 130 countries all over the world. This is the means by which
the Bush administration, the Pentagon and Corporate America are
advancing the goal of Empire.

The rapid expansion of U.S. militarism under the Bush administration is
not only a threat to the people of the world, it is a calculated
assault on the standard of living and rights of working people. Bush,
Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz have a plan to destroy every social reform
that has been achieved since the 1930s. What are they seeking to
destroy or privatize? Social security, medicare, medicaid, public
education, affirmative action, civil rights, women's rights,
reproductive health, l/g/b/t rights, environmental protections, and any
other programs or social rights that are perceived as either a
restriction on corporate power and profits or are a focus of attack by
the ultra-right's political program. Under the Bush Administration, the
war at home has also meant a rise in attacks against communities of
color. Police brutality against the African American and Latino
communities in particular have escalated, from New York City to Ohio
and across the country.

The October 25-26 weekend is also the second anniversary of the signing
of the so-called Patriot Act authorizing political arrests, indefinite
detentions and domestic spying. As the Bush administration - which only
came to power due to massive racist disenfranchisement and voting fraud
-- violates international law it has been systematically engaged in a
campaign of division and repression in the United States including a
wholesale assault on the Bill of Rights, institutionalization of racial
profiling, and aggregation of near dictatorial powers to the Executive
branch. The demonstration will be a political challenge to the attack
on civil rights and civil liberties and the expansion of the system of
repression in the U.S. and in countries around the world which have
also adopted new repressive National Security laws.

The people of the world went into the streets unparalleled global
mobilizations before the war started. On October 25, we will go into
the streets again. The anti-war, civil rights and social justice
movement, whose ranks are being joined in ever increasing numbers by
the family members of military personnel and U.S. veterans, can create
the effective political force that will end the occupation of Iraq and
bring the troops home immediately. It was only the people's movement
that ended the invasion and occupation of Vietnam and it will be the
global people's anti-war movement that will help end the U.S.
occupation of Iraq.

To ENDORSE the October 25 International March on Washington, fill out
the easy-to-use form at
http://www.internationalanswer.org/campaigns/o25/index.html#endo

***************

The A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition was formed in the days after September 11 by
progressive organizations and people in the United States who
recognized the need to take immediate action in response to the Bush
administration's headlong rush to war and the racist attacks against
the Arab and Muslim communities in the U.S. The Coalition organized the
first national demonstration against war and racism following September
11 on September 29, 2001, which brought 25,000 people into the streets
of Washington DC and 15,000 in San Francisco. The Coalition has worked
to build an anti-racist, peace and social justice movement, including
mass mobilizations on April 20, 2002 (in support of justice for
Palestine) and October 26, 2002 (the first demonstration in opposition
to the war drive against Iraq), and the first global day of action
against the war in Iraq, January 18, 2003, when millions of people
around the world took part in simultaneous demonstrations, including a
half a million people in Washington DC. The Coalition coinued to
organize mass demonstrations in February and March and began the
campaign against U.S. occupation of Iraq in April, 2003.

Its national steering committee represents major national organizations
that have campaigned against U.S. militarism and intervention in Latin
America, the Caribbean, the Middle East and Asia, and organizations
that work towards social and economic justice and civil rights for
people inside the United States.

-------------------------------------

FOR MORE INFORMATION:
http://www.InternationalANSWER.org
http://www.VoteNoWar.org
info@...
New York 212-633-6646
Washington 202-544-3389
Los Angeles 213-487-2368
San Francisco 415-821-6545

To make a tax-deductible donation, go to
http://www.internationalanswer.org/donate.html

Sign up to receive updates (low volume):
http://www.internationalanswer.org/subscribelist.html

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We will never give up asking for
JUSTICE FOR YUGOSLAVIA !


1. How the battle lies were drawn (Neil Clark)

The current furor in Britain over Iraq's missing WMD has a precedent in
the Blair administration's justifications for war against Yugoslavia...

2. Kosovo Déjà Vu (James Bovard)

As the world looks on at the growing mess in postwar Iraq, it is time
to recall the U.S. government’s bombing campaign against Serbia.
There are many similarities to the recent campaign in Iraq...


MORE LINKS:

March 24, 1999: NATO's Humanitarian Trigger
(by Diana Johnstone)
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/Kosovo/Kosovo-controversies16.html

The Rational Destruction of Yugoslavia
(by Michael Parenti)
http://www.michaelparenti.org/yugoslavia.html


VERY IMPORTANT WEB PAGES
ABOUT THE 1999 NATO DESTRUCTION OF YUGOSLAVIA:

http://otan99.chiffonrouge.org
les deux volumes du livre blanc des crimes de l’OTAN en Yougoslavie
1999

http://www.justiceyugoslavia.org
http://www.sramota.com/nato
two summaries of NATO destructions, with many photos


=== 1 ===


http://www.infowar-monitor.net/
modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=356&mode=thread&order=
0&thold=0

The current furor in Britain over Iraq's missing WMD has a precedent in
the Blair administration's justifications for war against Yugoslavia,
argues Neil Clark in The Spectator.

From The Spectator
http://www.spectator.co.uk/
article.php3?table=old§ion=current&issue=2003-
06-14&id=3195

The Spectator
June 14, 2003

How the battle lies were drawn
Neil Clark

The WMDs haven’t turned up. In 1999 there was no genocide in Kosovo.
But, says Neil Clark, Tony Blair has never allowed the facts to get in
the way of a good war.

If you ever get to Belgrade Zoo, don’t miss the snake house. There, in
nicely heated tanks, you will see two rather fearsome-looking pythons,
one named Warren and the
other Madeleine. The names of Bill Clinton’s secretaries of state —
Warren Christopher and Madeleine Albright — will not be forgotten
quickly in the capital of the former Yugoslavia. Seeing the two pythons
slithering in their tanks reminded me
of the murderous foreign policy of the Clinton administration and the
enthusiastic support it received from New Labour.

For amid the present furore over the no-show of Iraqi WMDs, let us
remember that in Kosovo our humanitarian Prime Minister dragged this
country into an illegal, US- sponsored war on grounds which later
proved to be fraudulent. In 2003 Tony’s Big Whopper was that Saddam’s
WMDs ‘could be activated within 45 minutes’.

In 1999 it was that Slobodan Milosevic’s Yugoslavia was ‘set on a
Hitler-style genocide equivalent to the extermination of the Jews
during World War Two’.

Clare Short now complains that the Prime Minister ‘duped’ the public
over the non-existent Iraqi threat.

But four years ago, Short and her fellow Cabinet resigner Robin Cook
were enthusiastic collaborators in Blair’s equally squalid campaign to
‘dupe’ the British public over Kosovo. Cook’s role in the war on
Yugoslavia was described by the late
Auberon Waugh as a ‘national disgrace’.

A closer examination of the part played by the former foreign secretary
in the military conflict makes you wonder why he too did not end up
commemorated in a Belgrade snake house.

Consider his role in the farcical ‘peace negotiations’ at Rambouillet —
the successful conclusion of which Washington and London desired as
much as they wanted Hans Blix’s weapons inspectors to be able to
complete their mission in Iraq.

Cook claimed that ‘the reason they [the Serbs] refused to agree to the
peace process was that they were not willing to agree to the autonomy
of Kosovo, or for that autonomy to be guaranteed by an international
military presence at all’.

In fact, the Yugoslavs had by February 1999 already agreed to most of
the autonomy proposals and had assented to a UN (but not Nato)
peacekeeping team entering Kosovo.

It was the unwelcome prospect of Milosevic signing up to a peace deal
and thereby depriving the US of its casus belli that caused Secretary
of State Albright, with the connivance of Cook, to insert new terms
into the Rambouillet accord purposely designed to be rejected by
Belgrade.

Appendix B to chapter seven of the document provided not only for the
Nato occupation of Kosovo, but also for ‘unrestricted access’ for Nato
aircraft, tanks and troops throughout Yugoslavia. The full text of the
Rambouillet document was kept secret from the public and came to light
only when published in Le Monde Diplomatique on 17 April. By this
time, the war was almost a month old and the asting of Milosevic as
the ‘aggressor’ had lready successfully been achieved.

The Kosovan war was, we were repeatedly old, fought ‘to stop a
humanitarian catastrophe’. ‘It is no exaggeration to say that what is
happening is racial genocide’ — claimed the British Prime Minister
‘something we had hoped we would never again experience in Europe.
Thousands have been murdered, 100,000 men are missing and hundreds
forced to flee their homes and the country.’

The Serbs were, according to the US State Department, ‘conducting a
campaign of forced population movement not seen in Europe since WW2’.
One US Information Agency ‘fact’ sheet claimed that the number of
Albanians massacred could be as high as 400,000. Undeterred by the
complete lack of evidence to back up the claims of Washington and
London, political pundits, from Lady Thatcher to Ken Livingstone,
weighed in with op-ed pieces comparing Slobodan Milosevic to Adolf
Hitler.

But despite its overwhelming military superiority, Nato’s assault on
Yugoslavia did not go according to plan. The second week of April was
a particularly bad news week for the humanitarian interventionists. On
12 April Nato bombers hit a passenger train in southern Serbia,
killing 10 civilians and injuring 16 others.

It was also revealed that the alliance was, despite earlier denials,
using depleted uranium. And, worst of all for the hawks in the US and
Britain, EU leaders were due to meet to discuss a German peace plan
which would involve a 24-hour suspension of bombing and UN
peacekeepers entering Kosovo.

With public support for war faltering, and a Downing Street spokesman
talking of a ‘public-relations meltdown’, it was time for the Lie
Machine to go into overdrive. Dr. Johnson believed patriotism to be
the last refuge of the scoundrel. He clearly hadn’t considered the
invention of enemy rape camps. On 13 April an ashen-faced Robin Cook
told journalists of ‘fresh evidence’ that ‘young women are being
separated from the refugee columns and forced to undergo systematic
rape in an army camp at Djakovica near the Albanian border’.

In fact, Cook’s ‘evidence’ (which was founded solely on uncorroborated
claims by Albanian refugees) was not ‘fresh’ at all, but had first been
presented by US defense spokesman Kenneth Bacon at a press conference
the week before. Not to be outdone by her Cabinet colleague, Clare
Short also joined in enthusiastically to add breaches of women’s rights
to the long litany of Serb sins.

‘The actual rape reports are still in the hundreds‚’ claimed the
International Development Secretary, ‘but they’re deliberate and
organised and designed to humiliate, often in front of fathers and
husbands and children, you know, just to give
anguish and humiliation to the whole family.’ For the record, the UNHCR
found no evidence of a rape camp at Djakovica and even Human Rights
Watch, the George Soros-financed NGO hardly known for its pro-Yugoslav
stance, announced that it was ‘concerned that Nato’s use of rape camps
to bolster support for the war relied on unconfirmed accounts’. The
hysteria over Serb rape camps rallied support for the war,
even though the next day an attack by a Nato plane on a convoy of
Albanians killed 64 and wounded 20.

Apologists for the government now claim that we should not jump to
hasty conclusions over the failure of coalition forces to find any
Iraqi WMD. But as far as Kosovo is concerned, we have already had
plenty of time to discover the truth. When
John Laughland, writing in The Spectator in November 1999, claimed that
the mass graves in Kosovo were a ‘myth’, he was loudly denounced by
Francis Wheen, Noel Malcolm and a whole host of Nato apologists and
lap-top bombardiers.

Four years on, it is Wheen and the supporters of intervention in Kosovo
who have the explaining to do.

At the Trepca mine, where Nato told us that up to 700 bodies had been
dumped in acid and whose name the Daily Mirror predicted would ‘live
alongside those of Belsen, Auschwitz and Treblinka’, UN investigators
found absolutely nothing, a pattern
repeated at one Nato mass-grave site after another. To date, the total
body count of civilians killed in Kosovo in the period 1997–99 is
still fewer than 3,000, a figure that includes not only those killed
in open fighting and during Nato air strikes, but also an unidentified
number of Serbs. Clearly it was an exaggeration — of Munchausenian
proportions — for the Prime Minister to describe what happened in
Kosovo as ‘racial
genocide’.

In both Kosovo and Iraq, the government’s war strategy seems to have
been threefold:

1. In order to whip up public support for war, tell lies so outrageous
that most people will believe that no one would have dared to make
them up.

2. When the conflict is over, dismiss questions about the continued
lack of evidence as ‘irrelevant’ and stress alternative ‘benefits’
from the military action, e.g., ‘liberation’ of the people.

3. Much later on, when the truth is finally revealed, rely on the fact
that most people have lost interest and are now concentrating on the
threat posed by the next new Hitler.

An admission of the government’s culpability for the Kosovan war only
slipped out in July 2000, when Lord Gilbert, the ex-defence minister,
told the House of Commons that the Rambouillet terms offered to the
Yugoslav delegation had been ‘absolutely intolerable’ and expressly
designed to rovoke war. Gilbert’s bombshell warranted scarcely line
in the mainstream British media, which ad been so keen to label the
Yugoslavs the uilty party a year before.

Last week, to the party’s eternal shame, only 1 Labour MPs voted for an
independent judicial investigation into the way the British rime
Minister led us into war against Iraq.
But, important as such an inquiry would be, it will not be enough. What
is also needed is a similar, concurrent investigation into how the
Blair government also deceived the
nation over Kosovo. New Labour, of course, would rather we all forgot
about non-existent mass graves, mythical rape camps and phantom WMDs.
The interests of democracy and accountable government — to say nothing
of those killed in two
shameful conflicts — mean that we must never do so.


=== 2 ===


http://www.fff.org/freedom/fd0307d.asp

Freedom Daily

Kosovo Déjà Vu

by James Bovard, May 16, 2003

As the world looks on at the growing mess in postwar Iraq, it is time
to recall the U.S. government’s bombing campaign against Serbia.
There are many similarities to the recent campaign in Iraq. President
Bill Clinton’s war against Serbia epitomized his moralism, his
arrogance, his refusal to respect law, and his fixation on proving his
virtue by using deadly force, regardless of how many innocent people
died in the
process.

Ethnic conflicts exploded throughout the former Yugoslavia in the
early 1990s. The casualty toll was highest in Bosnia. In 1995, the
Clinton administration backed a sweep by the U.S.-trained Croatian
army to recapture Serb-held territory in Croatia.
More than a quarter-million Serb civilians were turned into refugees
by this attack; much of Croatia was ethnically cleansed in the
process, as journalist Doug Bandow
reported at the time. The U.S. government made no protest and refused
to recognize the plight of Serb refugees.

By 1998, full-scale civil war was raging in Kosovo, a province of
Serbia the size of Connecticut. The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
controlled about 40 percent of the territory of the province. Both
sides used brutal tactics. For instance, at the State Department daily
press briefing for March 4, 1998, department spokesman James Rubin
announced that the U.S. government “called on the leaders of the
Kosovar-Albanians to condemn terrorist action by the so-called Kosovo
Liberation Army.”
The KLA was known to be heavily involved in drug trafficking and had
close ties to Osama bin Laden, allegedly the worst terrorist
mastermind in the world.

A cease-fire was negotiated between the Serbian government and the KLA
in late 1998, but it did not stop the fighting. According to former
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, 80 percent of the cease-fire
violations in the months before the NATO bombing campaign began were
committed by the KLA.

The United States and its NATO partners pressured the Serbian
government to agree to a set of demands that purported to end the
ethnic violence in Kosovo. When
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic refused, NATO bombed. In a speech
on March 24, 1999, the day the bombing began, Clinton denounced
Milosevic for rejecting “the balanced and fair peace accords that our
allies and partners, including Russia, proposed last month, a peace
agreement that Kosovo’s ethnic Albanians courageously accepted.”

However, at negotiations in Rambouillet, France, NATO effectively
demanded the equivalent of unconditional surrender from the
Yugoslavian government. As John Pilger reported in the British New
Statesman,
Anyone scrutinizing the Rambouillet document is left in little doubt
that the excuses given for the subsequent bombing were fabricated.
The peace negotiations were stage-managed, and the Serbs were told:
Surrender and be occupied, or don’t surrender and be destroyed. The
impossible terms, published in full in Le Monde Diplomatique, but not
in Britain, show that NATO’s aim was the occupation not only of
Kosovo, but effectively all of Yugoslavia.

A moral imperative to kill

Launching the bombing of Serbia was a family affair in the Clinton
White House.
Hillary Clinton revealed to an interviewer in the summer of 1999, “I
urged him to bomb. You cannot let this go on at the end of a century
that has seen the major holocaust of our time. What do we have NATO
for if not to defend our way of life?”

There was no fact that could not be brushed aside or twisted to
sanctify the bombing. In a March 27, 1999, radio address, Clinton
announced,
Through two world wars and a long cold war we saw that it was a short
step from a small brush fire to an inferno, especially in the
tinderbox of the Balkans. The time to put out a fire is before it
spreads and burns down the neighborhood.

The implication that World War II started in the Balkans would
surprise Poles who recalled the Nazi invasion of September 1, 1939.

In a special videotape address to the Serbian people on March 25,
1999, Clinton declared that the Serbian attack “was not simply a war
against armed Kosovar forces but also a campaign of violence in which
tanks and artillery were unleashed against unarmed civilians.” But a
campaign against unarmed civilians from planes far overhead was
different because NATO had a “moral imperative.”

The longer the bombing went on, the more brazenly NATO ignored the
limits it had initially imposed on its targets. The Los Angeles Times
detailed many of the “mistakes” made by U.S. and British war planes:

April 5 — An attack on a residential area in the mining town of
Aleksinac kills 17 people.

April 12 — NATO missiles striking a railroad bridge near the Serbian
town of Grdelica hit a passenger train, killing 17.

April 14 — 75 ethnic Albanian refugees die in an attack on a convoy
near Djakovica.

April 27 — A missile strike in the Serbian town of Surdulica kills at
least 20 civilians.

May 1 — A missile hits a bus crossing a bridge north of Pristina,
killing 47.

May 7 — A cluster bomb attack damages a marketplace and the grounds of
a hospital in Nis, killing at least 15.

May 8 — Fighter pilots using outdated maps attack the Chinese embassy
in Belgrade, killing 3 journalists and injuring 20 other people.

May 13 — 87 ethnic Albanian refugees are killed and more than 100
injured in a late-night NATO bombing of a Kosovo village, Korisa.

May 20 — At least 3 people are killed when NATO missiles hit a
hospital in Belgrade.

May 21 — NATO bombs a Kosovo jail, killing at least 19 people and
injuring scores.

May 31 — NATO missiles slam into a bridge crowded with market-goers
and cars in central Serbia, killing at least 9 people and wounding 28.

NATO spokesmen responded to each new fiasco by bragging even louder
about how smart the bombs were that they were dropping — like
defending some mass murderer by talking about his high SAT scores. If
Serbian terrorists had blown up
hospitals, bridges, neighborhoods, and old folks’ homes in the United
States at the same rate that NATO hit such targets in Serbia,
Americans would have viewed the war differently.

NATO repeatedly dropped cluster bombs into marketplaces, hospitals,
and other civilian areas. Cluster bombs are anti-personnel devices
designed to be scattered across enemy troop formations. NATO dropped
more than 1,300 cluster bombs on Serbia and Kosovo and each bomb
contained 208 separate bomblets that floated to earth by parachute.
Bomb experts estimated that more than 10,000 unexploded
bomblets were scattered around the landscape when the bombing ended.

NATO worked overtime to explain away its “mistakes.” On April 12, a
NATO pilot sent a missile into a passenger train on a railway bridge,
killing 14 people. Gen. Wesley Clark, supreme commander of NATO, took
to the press podium to show the video from the nose of the missile,
stressing that the pilot was focused on the bridge “when all of a
sudden, at the very last instant, with less than a second to go, he
caught a flash of movement that came into a screen and it was the
train coming in. Unfortunately, he couldn’t dump the bomb at that
point. It was locked, it was going into the target and it was an
unfortunate incident which he and the crew and all of us very much
regret.”

The video was endlessly replayed on Western television stations,
driving home the point that, with the speed of modern missiles, there
was sometimes nothing pilots could do to avoid catastrophe.

However, in January 2000, the Frankfurter Rundschau revealed that the
video was shown at the NATO press conference at triple the actual
speed, thus making the
attack on civilians look far more inevitable than it actually was.
NATO officials had become aware of the deceptive nature of the video
several months earlier but saw “no reason” to publicly admit the
error, according to a U.S. Air Force spokesman.

On April 14, 1999, NATO bombs repeatedly hit a column of ethnic
Albanian refugees a few miles from the Albanian border, killing 75
people. NATO spokesmen initially claimed that Serb planes carried out
the attack and used the incident to further inflame anti-Serbian
opinion. Five days later, NATO spokesmen admitted that the deaths had
been caused by NATO forces. NATO then released the audio tape from the
debriefing of a pilot identified as involved in the attack.

As Newsday reported,
According to officials, the American pilot was selected because he
gave a graphic account of Milosevic’s forces torching a series of
ethnic Albanian villages near the Kosovo town of Dakojvica Wednesday.
The pilot told how he selected a three-truck military convoy for a
laser-guided bomb strike when he saw it pulling away from a village
where fires were just starting.

However, this gambit backfired when high-ranking military officers
protested that NATO, at General Clark’s urging, had released the tape
of a pilot who had nothing to do with bombing the refugee column. The
pilot’s words were a red herring to distract attention from the
carnage inflicted on the refugees.

The main achievement of the war was that, instead of Serbs terrorizing
ethnic Albanians, ethnic Albanians terrorized Serbs; instead of
refugees fleeing south and west, refugees headed north. This result
may not have been entirely unwelcome to
NATO. British Defense Minister George Robertson declared in March 1999
that the goal of the operation was “Serbs out, NATO in, refugees
back.”

Unfortunately, few Americans paid close enough attention to the Kosovo
war to recognize the danger of permitting the U.S. government to go
crusading with bombs dropped from 15,000 feet.

President George W. Bush used similar rhetoric to justify the war
against Iraq. As White House senior advisor Karl Rove told Washington
Post editor Bob Woodward last year regarding the war on terrorism:
“Everything will be measured by results.
The victor is always right. History ascribes to the victor qualities
that may or may not actually have been there. And similarly to the
defeated.”

At some point, “history” is going to catch up with the U.S. government.

James Bovard is author of Lost Rights (1994) and the forthcoming
Terrorism and Tyranny: How Bush's Crusade is Sabotaging Peace, Justice,
and Freedom (St. Martin's Press, September 2003) and serves as a policy
advisor for The Future of Freedom Foundation.

E' arrivata la democrazia in Iraq! (3)

1. SKANDAL OKO “SADAMOVOG ORUZJA”
2. URAN, KOGA NIJE BILO

by ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA

=== 1 ===

SKANDAL OKO “SADAMOVOG ORUZJA”

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/krizna_zarista/2003-06-06_3.html

Moskva, 04. juna 2003.godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel-Geopolitiku

Vladimir SIMONOV, politicki komentator RIA “Novosti”

Vasington i London su zajednicki zapodenuli rat protiv Iraka. Danas su
oni prinudjeni da se zajednicki pravdaju pred javnoscu svojih zemalja,
koja trazi odgovor na jedno te isto, po mnogo cemu, najvaznije pitanje:
gde je to strassno oruzje za masovno unistavanje, kojim je Sadam
Husein, toboze, pretio celokupnom miroljubivom covecanstvu?

Skoro istovremeno dva senatska komiteta u SAD i dva parlamentarna u
Velikoj Britaniji pristupila su istrazi, koja bi trebalo da rasvetli da
li je bila falsifikovana, podmetnuta ili zlonamerno izvrnuta
obavestajna informacija o postojanju oruzja za masovno unistavanje u
Iraku. Zaista, ko se ne seca spektakla koji je priredio drzavni
sekretar SAD Kolin Pauel u Savetu bezbednosti OUN 5. februara. Drzavni
sekretar SAD tada je “bombardovao” prisutne dramaticnim multimedijalnim
ssouom u kome su se fotografije iz kosmosa smenjiale sa snimcima
uhvacenih telefonskih razgovora irackih vojnika i agenturnih izvestaja
CIA. Sa svoje strane, britanska MI6, “majka” Dzemsa Bonda i, kako kazu,
najbolja obavestajna sluzba sveta, satvorila je dosije sa jos
potpunijim kompleksom snimaka i analitickih upliva u djavolju sustinu
Sadama Huseina. Celokupni taj Everest, po prvi put iznetih u javnost na
obe strane Atlantika obavestajnih informacija imao je za cilj da
dokaze: eto to je ono oruzje irackog tiranina, to su one smrtonosne
rakete, gasovi i mikrobi. Tu strasnu opasnost po svet moze zaustaviti
jedino sila.

Danas je rat u proslosti, pobedjeni Irak je kao na dlanu, okupaciona
vojska vrslja po njegovim dvoristima i pesscanim dinama sa
mikroskopima, ali niceg sto bi makar liccilo na oruzje za masovno
unistavanje, sem dva razbijena teretnjaka vise nalik na pokretne
bravarske radionice nego na laboratorije, zasad ne mogu da otkriju. Cak
stavise, mnogi “korpus delikti” obavestajnih sluzbi SAD i Britanije su
razobliceni kao falsifikati.

Skandal ce postati predmet javnog razmatranja pred televizijskim
kamerama u komitetima Senata SAD za pitanja oruzanih snaga i
obavestajni rad krajem ovog meseca. Ton tih izlaganja vec je dalo pismo
koje je uputio poznati kalifornijski demokrata predsedniku SAD. “Ni do
dana danasnjeg, - pise kongresmen Henri Voksman, - vi niste predoccili
nikakva objasnjenja, zasto ste vi i vasi visokopostavljeni cinovnici
iznosili u vise navrata optuzbe (protiv Iraka), zasnovane na
falsifikovanim dokumentima.

Voksmen je malo u zabludi. Jedan visokopostavljeni savetnik ipak je
predoccio objasnjenja. U svom nedavnom intervjuu casopisu Vanity Fair
zamenik ministra odbrane Pol Vulfovic je sa njemu svojstvenom
poslovicnom otvorenoscu priznao: odluka americke administracije da
svoje pretenzije prema Bagdadu fokusira na oruzje za masovno
unistavanje doneta je delimicno i “iz birokratskih razloga”. U prevodu
na dostupni nam jezik to znaci, da je polazna obavestajna informacija
frizirana po ukusu neokonzervativnih birokrata u okruzenju Dzordza
Bussa, koji su bili zzedni Sadamove krvi.

Ocekuje se, da ce u senat biti pozvani u svojstvu svedoka Kolin Pauel i
ministar odbrane Donald Ramsfeld. Poslednji vec priprema odstupnicu,
stavljajuci na znanje u svojim govorima da je, kao, i bez oruzja za
masovno unistavanje bagdadski rezim kriv zbog tolikog broja tajnih
masovnih grobnica i da je zasluzio kaznjavanje ratom. Problem oruzja se
na taj nacin raskossno zamenjuje covekovim pravima.

Jos se burniji skandal oko irackog oruzja za masovno unistavanje
rasplamsava u Velikoj Britaniji. Preko 70 parlamentaraca vladajuce
Laburisticke partije potpisalo je zahtev da se objavi celokupna
informacija o irackom naoruzanju, kojom raspolaze vlada. Toni Bler i
dalje “stoprocentno” veruje u autenticnost tih podataka. To ipak nije
smetalo ministru za drustveni razvoj Kler Ssort da optuzi premijera za
“uvlacenje zemlje u rat obmanom”, a ministru inostranih poslova u senci
Majklu Ankramu da izjavi, da skandal oko oruzja za masovno unistavanje
“nanosi udarac poverenju kako prema vladi, tako i prema obavestajnim
sluzbama”.

Da li je rezim Sadama Huseina imao oruzje ili nije krajnje je vazno
znati makar iz dva razloga. Prvi, pretpostavljano postojanje oruzja za
masovno unistavanje, koje je Bagdad, toboze, mogao upotrebiti, prema
nezaboravnim recima Tonija Blera “u roku od 45 minuta”, koricseno je
kao impresionirajuci argument u korist rata.

Na taj nacin, opasnost koju je predstavljao Irak, bila je, izgleda,
namerno i grubo preuvelicana. Iraccani, Amerikanci i Englezi su ginuli
za datu ideju.

Drugo, vreme je da se najzad razjasni koliko su postene same pred sobom
i pred drustvom zapadne specijalne sluzbe. Drugim recima, u kojoj meri
se njihove metode prikupljanja informacija i analize determinisu
teznjama da se sazna tajna, a u kojoj meri da se saopsti vrhussci ono
sto ona zeli da ccuje.

Obavestajnim sluzbama danas se daje izuzetno vazna uloga u borbi protiv
medjunarodnog terorizma koja se nastavlja i u naporima svetske
zajednice da ojaca rezim nesirenja nuklearnog oruzja. Ne bismo zeleli
da dzejms bondovi saopste “patku” ratobornim birokratama iz okruzenja
predsednika i premijera, samo zato sto bi oni to zeleli da cuju.

=== 2 ===

URAN, KOGA NIJE BILO

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/krizna_zarista/2003-07-09_2.html

Moskva, 09. jula 2003.godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel-Geopoliitku

Vladimir SIMONOV, politiccki komentator RIA “Novosti”

Motiv rata protiv Iraka, koji su upotrebili Vasington i London,
umnogome je bio zasnovan na nespretnom, bezobzirnom falsifikatu

Zvaniccno priznanje Bele kuce s tim u vezi sustiglo je Dzordza Bussa u
toku njegove posete Africi. Zanimljivo pitanje sada se sastoji u
sledecem: da li je to novost za americckog predsednika, ili je on to
znao duzze od jedne godine i svesno ukljuccio evidentnu lazz u svoju
januarsku poruku “O situaciji u zemlji”?

U utorak su dvojica predstavnika administracije SAD slozzno priznala:
ccuvena Bussova izjava da je Irak, tobozze, pokussavao da kupi uran u
Nigeru, kako bi stvorio nuklearno oruzzje, zasnovana je na
falsifikovanim dokumentima, koje su dobile americcka i britanska
obavesstajna sluzzba.

Medjutim, priznajuci samu ccinjenicu falsifikata, Ari Flejsser,
portparol Bele kuce, i Majkl Anton, portparol Saveta za nacionalnu
bezbednost SAD, pokussali su stvoriti utisak da Buss sa tim nema
nikakve veze. Predsednik je, kao, bio zzrtva gresske dve obavesstajne
sluzzbe, koje su, opet, sa svoje strane, bile zzrtve nekog tamo
nedobronamernog izvora.

Flejsser je delovao narocito fatalisticcki: “Izjava predsednika
bazirala se na tvrdnji o “zzutom kolaccu” (uranu) iz Nigera, - kazao je
on. – Posto se saopstenje o “zzutom kolaccu” ispostavilo netaccnim, ta
ccinjenica se odrazila na ssirem planu na izjavu predsednika”.

Tojest, Bussa su prevarili. A to sto se ta ccinjenica – ako je ona i
zaista to – odrazila na ssirem planu na sudbinu 18-milionskog
stanovnisstva suverene drzave, zasute bombama i lissene muzejskih
vrednosti, na kraju krajeva, okupirane od strane tragaoca za
nepostojecim uranom, Flejsser je precutao.

Majkl Anton je bio jos precizniji. “Da smo mi tada znali ono sto sada
znamo, - priznao je on, - onda pominjanja o pokussajima Iraka da kupi
uran u Africi ne bi bilo u poruci “O situaciji u zemlji”.

Nije nego! Tek isplivala na povrsinu u americckoj i britanskoj stampi
otkrica omogucavaju ne samo da se posumnja u stvarnu neinformisanost
americcke administracije, nego bacaju tamnu senku podozrenja na Dzordza
Bussa licno. Sudeci po svemu, predsednik je morao znati da se obraca
zemlji, a u ssirem smislu celom svetu, koji je zamro u issccekivanju
ishoda iraccke krize sa obiccnom, banalnom i zato tako nezamislivom u
tom presudnom trenutku lazzi.

Reprodukujmo hronolosski sled dogadjaja. 28. januar 2003. godine.
Dzordz Buss u svoju poruku naciji stavlja sledecu frazu: “Britanska
vlada je saznala, da je Sadam Husein nedavno hteo da kupi u Africi
znaccajnu koliccinu urana”.

Trebalo je da bude jasno kao dan: djavolski rezzim pravi atomsku bombu.
Postavlja se pitanje: kakvi su joss potrebni dokazi o celishodnosti
hitnog preventivnog udara po Bagdadu, pre nego sto on udari po
ccoveccanstvu svojom nukleaernom rukotovorinom od africcke sirovine?

Medjutim, 7. marta 2003. godine direktor MAGATE Mohamed El Baradej
kategoriccki je demantovao glavnu pretpostavku te teze u svom
izvesstaju Savetu bezbdnosti OUN. “Oslanjajuci se na detaljnu analizu,
MAGATE se slozzila sa misljenjem nezavisnih eksperata u zakljuccku da
ti dokumenti, koji ccine osnovu saopstenja o nedavnoj isporuci urana iz
Nigera u Irak, u stvarnosti nisu autenticcni, - zakljuccuje Baradej.

Medjutim, Savet bezbednosti za Vasington u tom trenutku vec nije
merodavan. Sa vassingtonskog aspekta, recci koje stizzu iz nebodera na
njujorsskom Ist-riveru nisu nista visse od bespomocno brbljanje
medjunarodne zajednice, kojoj je doslo vreme da se podccini volji
visseg razuma u liku Sjedinjenih Drzzava. Vojna massinerija koalicije
se pokrece. Nezavisna zemlja postaje meta na mapama Pentagona.

Sada, u julu 2003. godine, mozze se i priznati da su ti nevessti
obavesstajci pomutili mozak predsedniku pa je on tako i dopustio da u
obracanju zemlji upotrebi frazu koja je sluccajno odigrala ulogu
temeljnog razloga za rat. Pobednicima se ne sudi, zar ne?

E, nije tako, smatra sve ssiri krug americckih demokrata i poneko od
uticajnih republikanaca.

Danas je isplivalo na povrssinu i joss nessto: ispostavilo se da je
joss prossle godine CIA tajno uputila u Niger bivseg americckog
ambasadora u Gabonu Dzozefa Vilsona, kako bi se on na licu mesta uverio
da li je zaista Irak pokussavao da dobije, ili je makar ssetkao okolo i
oblizivao se na ovdassnji uran. Vilson je imao na desetine razgovora sa
visokopostavljenim ccinovnicima Nigera, pustili su ga da poseti
zatvorene rudnike i skladissta, i on je nedvosmisleno zakljuccio: ma
nema tu mesta ni za ssta slicno.

Diplomata je svoj zakljuccak saopstio CIA. A dalje se dessava nessto
izuzetno znacajno za celokupnu tu uransku storiju. Kako je ovih dana
izjavio anonimni visokopostavljeni saradnik CIA dopisniku Bi-bi-si,
izvesstaj koji je pripremio Vilson bio je upuccen u Belu kucu jos marta
2002. godine.

E, sad, danas se mozze koliko hocete priccati, kako to ccine spasioci
imidza americcke administracije, da taj papir Vilsona “mozzda i nije ni
stigao” do predsednika. U to je tessko poverovati. Kada se ressavalo
pitanje rata ili mira, ssef SAD i njihovih oruzzanih snaga nije mogao
da ignorisse direktno obavesstajno saopsstenje o glavnom kriminalu,
koji je pripisivan Iraku: tezzi li on da nabavi oruzzje za masovno
unisstavanje.

Ne tezzi – saopstila je obavesstajna sluzzba i to prenela Beloj kuci.

Da, izjavio je predsdenik, koji je godinu dana pre svoje poruke naciji
“O situaciji u zemlji” bio informisan, dokumenti o uranskim isporukama
Iraku iz Nigera su stoprocentni falsifikat.

À VOIR ABSOLUMENT !!!

http://www.reseauvoltaire.net/presentations/voltaire/presentation.htm

RADIO B92 E' SEMPRE PIU' "INDIPENDENTE"

La nota "radio indipendente di Belgrado" B92 - il cui nome fu scelto
per ricalcare quello dei bombardieri statunitensi - e' stata
ufficialmente acquisita per il 30 per cento dalla compagnia USA Media
Development Loan Fund, con sede a New York. In questa maniera i
finanziamenti statunitensi a questa radio "indipendente" - che pote'
contare anche su Hillary Clinton nel novero dei suoi "testimonial" -
diventano una questione di profitti aziendali e non sono piu' solamente
generose contribuzioni per la vittoria della democrazia.
Lo statunitense Media Development Loan Fund gia' detiene sostanziosi
pacchetti azionari di testate dei Balcani, ad esempio delle croate
Vijesti, Novi List e Feral Tribune.


Southeast European Times

Amerièka kompanija kupila akcije beogradskog Radija B92

Kompanija Media Development Loan Fund (MDLF) iz Njujorka kupila je 26.
juna 30,04 odsto akcija beogradskog Radija B92. Ta stanica jedna je od
najuticajnijih u Srbiji i prva je u zemlji po slušanosti. Njeno
objektivno izveštavanje umnogome je doprinelo rušenju Slobodana
Miloševiæa sa vlasti. Za vreme njegove vladavine, Radio B92 bio je više
puta zabranjivan, ali je uvek iznova poèinjao da emituje program,
zahvaljujuæi pritisku zapadnih diplomata na srpske vlasti.

MDLF je za svoj paket akcija platio 63,829 dolara -- poèetna aukcijska
cena bila je 33 hiljade dolara. Od preostalih 70 odsto deonica, oko 13
procenata pripada zaposlenima, dok je ostatak u vlasništvu beogradske
firme KVS.

MDLF je meðunarodna korporacija sa filijalama u Pragu, Varšavi i
Moskvi, koja pomaže razvoj profesionalnih i odgovornih medija u
zemljama koje prolaze kroz proces tranzicije, time što im nudi kapital
pod povoljnim uslovima. Meðu novinama i listovima sa kojima je MDLF
saraðivao su i slovaèki SME, crnogorske Vijesti, hrvatski dnevnik Novi
List i splitski nedeljnik Feral Tribjun.

Radio B92 smatra se liderom na polju profesionalnog novinarstva od
ranih devedesetih godina i uživa veliku popularnost kako u inostranstvu
tako i u Srbiji, izjavio je zamenik direktora MDLF Harlan Mendel,
dodavši da su MDLF i B92 veæ saraðivali na nekim projektima.

Prema Mendelovim reèima, kupovinom nešto preko trideset procenata
akcija, MDLF planira da toj stanici pomogne da ostvari celokupni svoj
potencijal, doprinese jaèanju njene konkurentnosti i pomogne joj da
zadrži principe nezavisne ureðivaèke politike.

“Mi definitivno neæemo uticati na ureðivaèku politiku na bilo koji
naèin i devedesetdvojci æemo pomagati u raznim aktivnostima, naroèito u
upravljanju i tehnološkom razvoju,” rekao je on.

Direktor Radija B92 Saša Mirkoviæ rekao je da je zadovoljan rezultatima
aukcije koji æe, prema njegovim reèima, omoguæiti ostvarivanje
razvojnih planove te stanice. “Zbog ovakvog rezultata mogu da budem
optimista i èvrsto verujem da možemo nastaviti da radimo ono što smo
radili u proteklih 14 godina u još boljim uslovima i ostanemo verni
principima koje smo svih ovih godina sledili.”

Prodaja akcija B92 dva puta je odlagana zbog kriviènih prijava podnetih
protiv te stanice, ali one su na sudu odbaèene kao neosnovane. Prema
navodima predstavnika B92, prijave su podneli medijski rivali te
stanice. Dodela nacionalnih frekvencija u Srbiji je u toku, a B92 jedan
je od najozbiljnijih kandidata. Mnogi kažu da æe partnerstvo sa
amerièkom firmom znaèajno popraviti poziciju Radija B92.
 
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