Informazione
BASKET: JUGOSLAVIA CAMPIONE, NOTTE DI FOLLIE NEI BALCANI
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 9 SET - Un momento di assoluto silenzio mentre
l'orologio scandiva gli ultimi secondi della partita, poi
l'impressionante urlo liberatorio della folla: la vittoria della
nazionale jugoslava di basket ai campionati del mondo di Indianapolis
e' stata festeggiata a Belgrado da almeno 150.000 tifosi, con
caroselli di auto fino alle prime ore del mattino. ''(Vlade) Divac
presidente, (Svetislav) Pesic premier, i giocatori ministri'', era lo
slogan piu' scandito in Serbia, dove a giorni si votera' per eleggere
il capo di stato della repubblica. Molto gettonato anche il gioco di
parole ''Tutti hanno Dio (Boga in serbo), noi abbiamo (Dejan)
Bodiroga''. Come Belgrado, tutte le citta' serbe hanno passato una
notte insonne. Petardi e fuochi d'artificio spesso intervallati da
raffiche di armi da fuoco sparate in aria hanno provveduto a tenere
svegli anche i non interessati. In Montenegro, la piccola repubblica
jugoslava di tendenza secessionista, le divisioni tra fautori e
nemici della federazione sono state accantonate, almeno per qualche
ora. I media serbi e montenegrini parlano di vittoria storica, di una
sorta di rinascita nazionale per un paese in profonda crisi economica
e politica. Il contagio si e' esteso anche alle zone del Kosovo dove
restano comunita' serbe, in primo luogo Kosovska Mitrovica, e ad
altre nazioni dei Balcani, la Repubblica Sprpska (Rs, l'entita' serba
della Bosnia) e la Macedonia. Ma ancor piu' della vittoria nella
finale con l'Argentina, questo campionato mondiale di Indianapolis
restera' nel cuore degli jugoslavi e degli ex jugoslavi di etnia
serbo-montenegrina per la difficile ed entusiasmante vittoria dei
quarti di finale sul 'dream team' americano. (ANSA).
09/09/2002 18:58
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 9 SET - Un momento di assoluto silenzio mentre
l'orologio scandiva gli ultimi secondi della partita, poi
l'impressionante urlo liberatorio della folla: la vittoria della
nazionale jugoslava di basket ai campionati del mondo di Indianapolis
e' stata festeggiata a Belgrado da almeno 150.000 tifosi, con
caroselli di auto fino alle prime ore del mattino. ''(Vlade) Divac
presidente, (Svetislav) Pesic premier, i giocatori ministri'', era lo
slogan piu' scandito in Serbia, dove a giorni si votera' per eleggere
il capo di stato della repubblica. Molto gettonato anche il gioco di
parole ''Tutti hanno Dio (Boga in serbo), noi abbiamo (Dejan)
Bodiroga''. Come Belgrado, tutte le citta' serbe hanno passato una
notte insonne. Petardi e fuochi d'artificio spesso intervallati da
raffiche di armi da fuoco sparate in aria hanno provveduto a tenere
svegli anche i non interessati. In Montenegro, la piccola repubblica
jugoslava di tendenza secessionista, le divisioni tra fautori e
nemici della federazione sono state accantonate, almeno per qualche
ora. I media serbi e montenegrini parlano di vittoria storica, di una
sorta di rinascita nazionale per un paese in profonda crisi economica
e politica. Il contagio si e' esteso anche alle zone del Kosovo dove
restano comunita' serbe, in primo luogo Kosovska Mitrovica, e ad
altre nazioni dei Balcani, la Repubblica Sprpska (Rs, l'entita' serba
della Bosnia) e la Macedonia. Ma ancor piu' della vittoria nella
finale con l'Argentina, questo campionato mondiale di Indianapolis
restera' nel cuore degli jugoslavi e degli ex jugoslavi di etnia
serbo-montenegrina per la difficile ed entusiasmante vittoria dei
quarti di finale sul 'dream team' americano. (ANSA).
09/09/2002 18:58
Subject: D'Alema ed il 14 settembre
Date: Fri, 6 Sep 2002 13:28:08 +0200
From: Italo Slavetti
To: info@...
CC: ...
Cari amici e care amiche,
il problema che molti pongono sulla mancata partecipazione di D'Alema
alla nostra manifestazione e', io credo, assolutamente inconsistente. A
parte il fatto che Massimo ha dichiarato esplicitamente che "e' lecito"
scendere in piazza, cioe' che non ci arresteranno ne' ci inseriranno in
qualche lista di organizzazioni terroristiche, egli ha ragione a dire
che "ognuno e' libero di caratterizzare il suo impegno come vuole".
Di questo bisogna innanzitutto dare atto a D'Alema: egli ci riconosce
la liberta' di manifestare.
Ma c'e' dell'altro, che giustifica abbondantemente la posizione di
D'Alema. Egli usufruisce di fatto di un regime giuridico iper-
garantista in merito ai fatti della primavera del 1999. La magistratura
a tutti i livelli, per ultima la Corte di Cassazione (vedasi sentenza
Sezioni unite, ordinanza 8157/02; depositata il 5 giugno scorso),
ha provveduto a dichiarare il non luogo a procedere per le
denunce intentate contro di lui ed altri suoi colleghi da migliaia
di cittadini per strage, violazione della Costituzione,
crimini di guerra, eccetera, relativamente alla partecipazione
dell'Italia ai bombardamenti umanitari sui petrolchimici, i
convogli di profughi, i treni, le stazioni radiotelevisive, e cosi'
via. D'Alema gode dunque di uno status "super legibus" che gli
impedisce di calarsi nel contenzioso politico-giudiziario in corso,
sui temi garantismo-giustizialismo, e che viceversa gli impone
per correttezza di restare fuori da questa vicenda il piu' possibile.
A Massimo va dunque tutta la mia comprensione e gratitudine
giroondina.
Italo (Roma)
Date: Fri, 6 Sep 2002 13:28:08 +0200
From: Italo Slavetti
To: info@...
CC: ...
Cari amici e care amiche,
il problema che molti pongono sulla mancata partecipazione di D'Alema
alla nostra manifestazione e', io credo, assolutamente inconsistente. A
parte il fatto che Massimo ha dichiarato esplicitamente che "e' lecito"
scendere in piazza, cioe' che non ci arresteranno ne' ci inseriranno in
qualche lista di organizzazioni terroristiche, egli ha ragione a dire
che "ognuno e' libero di caratterizzare il suo impegno come vuole".
Di questo bisogna innanzitutto dare atto a D'Alema: egli ci riconosce
la liberta' di manifestare.
Ma c'e' dell'altro, che giustifica abbondantemente la posizione di
D'Alema. Egli usufruisce di fatto di un regime giuridico iper-
garantista in merito ai fatti della primavera del 1999. La magistratura
a tutti i livelli, per ultima la Corte di Cassazione (vedasi sentenza
Sezioni unite, ordinanza 8157/02; depositata il 5 giugno scorso),
ha provveduto a dichiarare il non luogo a procedere per le
denunce intentate contro di lui ed altri suoi colleghi da migliaia
di cittadini per strage, violazione della Costituzione,
crimini di guerra, eccetera, relativamente alla partecipazione
dell'Italia ai bombardamenti umanitari sui petrolchimici, i
convogli di profughi, i treni, le stazioni radiotelevisive, e cosi'
via. D'Alema gode dunque di uno status "super legibus" che gli
impedisce di calarsi nel contenzioso politico-giudiziario in corso,
sui temi garantismo-giustizialismo, e che viceversa gli impone
per correttezza di restare fuori da questa vicenda il piu' possibile.
A Massimo va dunque tutta la mia comprensione e gratitudine
giroondina.
Italo (Roma)
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date: 06/09/2002
ZASTAVA im zweiten Jahr der Vorbereitungen fuer
die Privatisierung
Ruzica Milosavljevic
Belgrad, 05 September 2002
infograf@...
Programm der Konsolidierung der Firma ZASTAVA ist
das Symbol der Aenderungen und Transition
geworden, schon in der Zeit, als alleinige seine
Ankuendigung geraeuschvolle Revolte der
kragujevaker Arbeiter hervorgerufen hat, wegen
der Status - und Organisations "Brueche", die auf
ihre Fabriken warteten. Neben den grossen
Anspannen, Protesten, Streicken und sogar
physischen Angriffen an die Minister Mitglieder
des Rates fuer die strategische Konsolidierung am
27.07.2001 ist letzlich das "Abkommen ueber die
Status-und Organisationsumwandlung und der
strategiaschen Konsolidierung der Gruppe
ZASTAVA", unterzeichnet worden.
Fuer die Begleitung und Realisierung dieses
Abkommens von der Seite der Regierung Serbiens
wurde der Rat fuer die strategische
Konsolidierung ZASTAVA.
Realisierung dieses Abkommens ist in zwei Phasen
vorgesehen : erste Phase versteht die Status -
und Organisationskonsolidierung und zweite Phase
versteht das Prozess der Restrukturierung und
schliesslich die Privatisierung.
In die Status - und Organisationskonsolidierung
ist ZASTAVA mit fast 16000 ueberschuessige
Arbeiter, mit grossen Verlusten und vollkommen
unvorbereitet fuer den Marktkampf.
Im Rahmen dieses Prozesses sind aus dem System
der ZASTAVA - Gruppe 24 Fabriken in denen 8439
Arbeiter taetig ist, selbststaendig gemacht
worden und der Rest ist in die Gestaltung des
neugebildeten Holding - ZASTAVA VOZILA( Zastava -
Fahrzeuge) eingegangen, wo 8303 Arbeiter
geblieben ist.
Das schwerste Segment der Realisierung der ersten
Phase dieses Abkommens ist die Loesung des Satus
von fast 16000 Arbeiter, die ohne Arbeitsplaetze
geblieben sind.
Zum Zwecke der Milderung der erwartenden grossen
Unzufriedenheit der Arbeiter, die ohne
Arbeitsplatz geblieben sind, ist im Rahmen von
ZASTAVA die neue Gesellschaft "Zastava
Beschaeftigung und Ausbildung", abgekurzt ZZO,
gebildet, wo die Ueberqualifizirung und
Ausbildung als auch Erfindung der neuen
Beschaeftigung durchgefuehrt werden.
Die uebernommene Ueberschusse an Arbeiter werden
das Status der Beschaeftigten in ZZO haben
(praktisch werden sie nicht arbeiten), und das im
Dauer von laengstens vier Jahre und sie werden
einen Ersatz in der Hoehe von 45 % vom Verdienst,
das er an seinem Arbeitsplatz bekommen wuerde,
erhalten. Die zweite Moeglichkeit ist die
einmalige Abfindung in der Hohe von 200 DM fuer
jeses Jahr der Dienstzeit zu erhalten. Solche
angebotene Loesungen und besonders die Zahl von
fast 16.000 Arbeiter, die ohne Arbeitsplaetze
geblieben sind, hat die Serie der Protesste der
unzufriedenen Arbeiter hervorgeruft, mit der
grossen Shance, dass das in den unkontrolirten
sozialen Aufstand uebergehet.
Zerstueckelte und getrennte Gewekschaften wollten
nicht, die Unzufriedenheit der Arbeiter und ihre
feste Entschlossenheit, in den Fabriken zu
bleiben, ausnuetzen fuer die beste Verhandlungs -
Position, im Sinne des erzielens der besseren
Loesungen fuer die Arbeiter, im Bezug darauf ,
was angeboten ist.
Schliesslich sah das als grosser,
gewerkschaftlicher Verrat aus, und die Arbeiter
sind ohne echten Kentnisse ueber ihre Rechte,
gezwungen gewesen, zwischen diesen zwei Uebel zu
waehlen.
Genau ein Jahr nach der Anwendung dieses
Abkommens, am 27.07.2002, haben republische
Minister und Mitglieder des Rates fuer die
Konsolidierung als auch die Geschaeftsfuehrung
aus ZASTAVA zufrieden an die Journalisten die
Ergebnisse der ersten Phase der Vorbereitung der
ZASTAVA fuer die Privatisierung, mitgeteilt.
Beide sind zum Schluss gekommen, dass das
Abkommen gemaess dem Plan und dem Programm
durchgefuehrt wird, worauf die Kontinuitaet und
die Steigerung der Produktion hinweisen, dann
dass die Bedingungen erfuellt sind, dass man mit
dem Auswahl des oekonomischen, finanziellen und
juristischen Beraters fuer die Privatisierung in
die zweite Phase der Privatisierung von "ZASTAVA
VOZILA" eingeht, und dass fuer neun selbsstaendig
gemachten Fabriken aus dem ZASTAVA -System, das
Prozess des schnellen Auktions - Verkaufs
geoeffnet wird. In die erste Phase der ZASTAVA -
Konsolidierungwurde 50.000.000 Euro investiert,
und zwar 42.000.000 Euro fuer die Abfindungen von
8000 Arbeiter, die Zastava verlassen haben und
Entschaedigungen fuer 7000 Arbeiter, die sich an
ZZO befinden, und im Namen der Umsatzmittel 6,2
Millionen Euro.
Im Gegenteil zur dieser Zufriedenheit ankuendigen
sich die Gewerkschaften mit der Bahauptung, dass
das unterzeichnete Abkommen nicht eingehalten
wird, dass es die ernsthaftere Produktion, als
auch die Eroeffnung der neuen Arbeitsplaetze kaum
gibt, und dass sich neben dem reinen Ueberleben
der Fabrik, gar nichts auf besseres geaendert
hat.
Der Schluss ist, dass die Entscheidung auf die
Bewegung der neuen Phase der Privatisierung
verfrueht ist, und dass inwieweit man bis Ende
August keine wahrnehmbare Vorschritte machen
wuerde, immer straengere Massnahmen der
Gewerschaft des gewerkschaftlichen Kampfes
angemeldet werden. Ungeachtet so widersprechenden
Stellungnahmen haben die Mitglieder des
staatlichen Rates fuer die Konsolidierung der
ZASTAVA haben den Beschluss gefasst und seit
Monat Juni ist in ZASTAVA der Prozess der zweiten
Phase der Restrukturierung und die Vorbereitung
fuer die endgueltige Privatisierung angefangen.
Durch diesen Prozess wird die kragujevaker
Kompanie von der Seite des Konsortiums der
Berater, "Citadel Finansial Adrisory", "Odien
Restructuring", "Ernst and Jung" und "Joksovic
partneri" gefuehrt werden. Der Chef der
Beratergruppe ist Bernard Hanon, langjaeriger
Vorsitzender des Verwaltungausschusses in
"RENAULT".
Man erwartet die Beendigung der Tender -
Unterlagen fuer die Privatisierung der ZASTAVA
VOZILA bis Ende des Jahres. Die Botschaft des
Ressort-Ministers fuer die Privatisierung ist
dass Tender nicht ausgeschrieben wird, bis sein
Erfolg nicht gebuergt wird.
Arbeiter teilen aber den Optimismus des Ministers
nicht. Im Gegenteil, sie haben Angst vor
endgueltigerem Schluss von ZASTAVA und sie wissen
ueber die Privatisierung nicht viel ausser
dessen, dass das, was bis jetzt passiert hat, sie
grob trifft.
office@...
Date: 06/09/2002
ZASTAVA im zweiten Jahr der Vorbereitungen fuer
die Privatisierung
Ruzica Milosavljevic
Belgrad, 05 September 2002
infograf@...
Programm der Konsolidierung der Firma ZASTAVA ist
das Symbol der Aenderungen und Transition
geworden, schon in der Zeit, als alleinige seine
Ankuendigung geraeuschvolle Revolte der
kragujevaker Arbeiter hervorgerufen hat, wegen
der Status - und Organisations "Brueche", die auf
ihre Fabriken warteten. Neben den grossen
Anspannen, Protesten, Streicken und sogar
physischen Angriffen an die Minister Mitglieder
des Rates fuer die strategische Konsolidierung am
27.07.2001 ist letzlich das "Abkommen ueber die
Status-und Organisationsumwandlung und der
strategiaschen Konsolidierung der Gruppe
ZASTAVA", unterzeichnet worden.
Fuer die Begleitung und Realisierung dieses
Abkommens von der Seite der Regierung Serbiens
wurde der Rat fuer die strategische
Konsolidierung ZASTAVA.
Realisierung dieses Abkommens ist in zwei Phasen
vorgesehen : erste Phase versteht die Status -
und Organisationskonsolidierung und zweite Phase
versteht das Prozess der Restrukturierung und
schliesslich die Privatisierung.
In die Status - und Organisationskonsolidierung
ist ZASTAVA mit fast 16000 ueberschuessige
Arbeiter, mit grossen Verlusten und vollkommen
unvorbereitet fuer den Marktkampf.
Im Rahmen dieses Prozesses sind aus dem System
der ZASTAVA - Gruppe 24 Fabriken in denen 8439
Arbeiter taetig ist, selbststaendig gemacht
worden und der Rest ist in die Gestaltung des
neugebildeten Holding - ZASTAVA VOZILA( Zastava -
Fahrzeuge) eingegangen, wo 8303 Arbeiter
geblieben ist.
Das schwerste Segment der Realisierung der ersten
Phase dieses Abkommens ist die Loesung des Satus
von fast 16000 Arbeiter, die ohne Arbeitsplaetze
geblieben sind.
Zum Zwecke der Milderung der erwartenden grossen
Unzufriedenheit der Arbeiter, die ohne
Arbeitsplatz geblieben sind, ist im Rahmen von
ZASTAVA die neue Gesellschaft "Zastava
Beschaeftigung und Ausbildung", abgekurzt ZZO,
gebildet, wo die Ueberqualifizirung und
Ausbildung als auch Erfindung der neuen
Beschaeftigung durchgefuehrt werden.
Die uebernommene Ueberschusse an Arbeiter werden
das Status der Beschaeftigten in ZZO haben
(praktisch werden sie nicht arbeiten), und das im
Dauer von laengstens vier Jahre und sie werden
einen Ersatz in der Hoehe von 45 % vom Verdienst,
das er an seinem Arbeitsplatz bekommen wuerde,
erhalten. Die zweite Moeglichkeit ist die
einmalige Abfindung in der Hohe von 200 DM fuer
jeses Jahr der Dienstzeit zu erhalten. Solche
angebotene Loesungen und besonders die Zahl von
fast 16.000 Arbeiter, die ohne Arbeitsplaetze
geblieben sind, hat die Serie der Protesste der
unzufriedenen Arbeiter hervorgeruft, mit der
grossen Shance, dass das in den unkontrolirten
sozialen Aufstand uebergehet.
Zerstueckelte und getrennte Gewekschaften wollten
nicht, die Unzufriedenheit der Arbeiter und ihre
feste Entschlossenheit, in den Fabriken zu
bleiben, ausnuetzen fuer die beste Verhandlungs -
Position, im Sinne des erzielens der besseren
Loesungen fuer die Arbeiter, im Bezug darauf ,
was angeboten ist.
Schliesslich sah das als grosser,
gewerkschaftlicher Verrat aus, und die Arbeiter
sind ohne echten Kentnisse ueber ihre Rechte,
gezwungen gewesen, zwischen diesen zwei Uebel zu
waehlen.
Genau ein Jahr nach der Anwendung dieses
Abkommens, am 27.07.2002, haben republische
Minister und Mitglieder des Rates fuer die
Konsolidierung als auch die Geschaeftsfuehrung
aus ZASTAVA zufrieden an die Journalisten die
Ergebnisse der ersten Phase der Vorbereitung der
ZASTAVA fuer die Privatisierung, mitgeteilt.
Beide sind zum Schluss gekommen, dass das
Abkommen gemaess dem Plan und dem Programm
durchgefuehrt wird, worauf die Kontinuitaet und
die Steigerung der Produktion hinweisen, dann
dass die Bedingungen erfuellt sind, dass man mit
dem Auswahl des oekonomischen, finanziellen und
juristischen Beraters fuer die Privatisierung in
die zweite Phase der Privatisierung von "ZASTAVA
VOZILA" eingeht, und dass fuer neun selbsstaendig
gemachten Fabriken aus dem ZASTAVA -System, das
Prozess des schnellen Auktions - Verkaufs
geoeffnet wird. In die erste Phase der ZASTAVA -
Konsolidierungwurde 50.000.000 Euro investiert,
und zwar 42.000.000 Euro fuer die Abfindungen von
8000 Arbeiter, die Zastava verlassen haben und
Entschaedigungen fuer 7000 Arbeiter, die sich an
ZZO befinden, und im Namen der Umsatzmittel 6,2
Millionen Euro.
Im Gegenteil zur dieser Zufriedenheit ankuendigen
sich die Gewerkschaften mit der Bahauptung, dass
das unterzeichnete Abkommen nicht eingehalten
wird, dass es die ernsthaftere Produktion, als
auch die Eroeffnung der neuen Arbeitsplaetze kaum
gibt, und dass sich neben dem reinen Ueberleben
der Fabrik, gar nichts auf besseres geaendert
hat.
Der Schluss ist, dass die Entscheidung auf die
Bewegung der neuen Phase der Privatisierung
verfrueht ist, und dass inwieweit man bis Ende
August keine wahrnehmbare Vorschritte machen
wuerde, immer straengere Massnahmen der
Gewerschaft des gewerkschaftlichen Kampfes
angemeldet werden. Ungeachtet so widersprechenden
Stellungnahmen haben die Mitglieder des
staatlichen Rates fuer die Konsolidierung der
ZASTAVA haben den Beschluss gefasst und seit
Monat Juni ist in ZASTAVA der Prozess der zweiten
Phase der Restrukturierung und die Vorbereitung
fuer die endgueltige Privatisierung angefangen.
Durch diesen Prozess wird die kragujevaker
Kompanie von der Seite des Konsortiums der
Berater, "Citadel Finansial Adrisory", "Odien
Restructuring", "Ernst and Jung" und "Joksovic
partneri" gefuehrt werden. Der Chef der
Beratergruppe ist Bernard Hanon, langjaeriger
Vorsitzender des Verwaltungausschusses in
"RENAULT".
Man erwartet die Beendigung der Tender -
Unterlagen fuer die Privatisierung der ZASTAVA
VOZILA bis Ende des Jahres. Die Botschaft des
Ressort-Ministers fuer die Privatisierung ist
dass Tender nicht ausgeschrieben wird, bis sein
Erfolg nicht gebuergt wird.
Arbeiter teilen aber den Optimismus des Ministers
nicht. Im Gegenteil, sie haben Angst vor
endgueltigerem Schluss von ZASTAVA und sie wissen
ueber die Privatisierung nicht viel ausser
dessen, dass das, was bis jetzt passiert hat, sie
grob trifft.
... The United States of America adopted so-called American
Servicemembers Protection Act - ASPA. President George Bush
signed it into law on August 2, 2002. In such a way the United
States definitely defined its stand on the International Criminal
Court, which was created at the diplomatic conference under the
auspices of the United Nations in Rome in July 1998. Its Statute
came into force on July 1, 2002 after receiving 6o ratifications.
Yugoslavia also ratified it ("Official Gazette of the FRY", No.5/2001).
(...)
Legally speaking, KFOR and UNMIK which are in Kosovo and Metohija,
are on the Yugoslav territory. Yugoslavia is a state party
to the ICC from the very first day of its existence, July 1, 2002.
Legally speaking, therefore, the members of KFOR and UNMIK
would be under the jurisdiction of the ICC if they commit some
of crimes in the competence of the ICC whether they are
Americans or not.
However, it seems that the position of KFOR is different from
the position of UNMIK. Namely, in the Military-technical
Agreement, which Yugoslavia had to sign, there is the following
more than the colonial provision: "The international security
force ("KFOR") nor any of its personnel or staff shall be liable
for any damages to public or private property that they may
cause in the course of duties related to the implementation
of this Agreement. The parties will agree a Status of Forces
Agreement (SOFA) as soon as possible". If the SOFA was not
concluded as was intended - and as far as I know this is the case -
the members of KFOR would be under the jurisdiction of the ICC
(for UNMIK it is undeniable). Probably, the U.S. will request
the conclusion of an agreement exempting the Americans from the
ICC's jurisdiction whether members of KFOR or UNMIK.
SFOR is in Bosnia-Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton
Accords. Annex 1A contains also so-called SOFA (Status of Forces
Agreement) containing classic standards of the status of foreign
troops on the territory of a foreign country. That status in
effect means that the troops remain under the jurisdiction of
a sending state, which means exemption from criminal
jurisdiction of the receiving state. If the article 98 of the
Statute of the ICC means that bilateral treaties prevail over
the Statute - it seems that that is the meaning of that article,
although it is not clear - then members of SFOR in
Bosnia-Herzegovina are not under the jurisdiction of the ICC
but are under the provisions of the SOFA.
(Excerpted from:
"UNITED STATES ADOPTED LAW AGAINST INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT"
by Dr. Milan Tepavac, Belgrade, 04 August 2002 - Published on
http://www.artel.co.yu
A serbocroation version is attached at the end.)
===*===
Kostunica: U.S. DEMANDS UNDERMINE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ORDER
BELGRADE, Aug 13 (Beta) - Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica said on
Aug. 12 that acceptance of the U.S. agreeement exempting U.S. citizens
from extradition to the new International Criminal Court would
seriously undermine the international legal order.
Kostunica said that signing such an agreement would undermine legal
systems of the countries which ratified the Rome treaty on establishing
the court.
He added that the issue would decide the future of the new international
legal institution.
Kostunica said that the establishment of a permanent court would prevent
selectivity so often ascribed to the Hague tribunal and that the new
court has to be able to put everyone on trial.
Kostunica speaks out against US immunity request
BELGRADE, Aug13(Reuters) Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
yesterday spoke out against a US request for a bilateral agreement
to prevent American citizens from being handed over to the new
International Criminal Court (ICC).
"Those who would enjoy immunity from prosecution would not only sleep
soundly, but would also be encouraged to keep committing crimes," was
quoted as saying yesterday evening. The US, which has some 5,000
peacekeepers in Kosovo, opposes the new court and has approached
countries to negotiate bilateral agreements to avoid prosecution of
American personnel. Kostunica, a lawyer by trade, claimed such an
agreement would undermine international law.
Sense news agency reported yesterday that Yugoslavia?s aspirations to
join NATO?s Partnership for Peace could hinge on its response to the
US request.
"The real question is whether this court will try everyone and really be
a court or try only some and, in that case, will not be a court," the
Yugoslav president argued.
Svilanovic: Yugoslavia supports work of International Criminal Court
BELGRADE, Aug 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslavia has received from the United
States a proposal to sign a bilateral agreement which would prevent the
extradition of US citizens to the new International Criminal Court, but
no definite decision has been made about this at this time, Yugoslav
Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic has said.
Speaking for prime-time news on national television RTS late Wednesday,
Svilanovic said the country's position was clear. "We support the work
of the International Criminal Court. I personally signed a document
stating that our parliament has ratified the agreement making us a
founder-country of that court," he said.
"We will discuss the US proposal, naturally, primarily with
member-states of the International Criminal Court, also in particular
with member-states of the European Union. That decision has not been
made at this time," Svilanovic said.
"We will carefully follow the dialogue under way at this time between
the European Union, actually the member-signatories and founders of the
International Criminal Court, and we are among them, and the United
States, and we shall see whether it is possible to arrive at a
compromise or not.
In any case, we will not hurry with this decision, bearing in mind our
obligations to the International Criminal Court and our expectations
about future cooperation both with the European Union and the United
States," Svilanovic said.
SVILANOVIC: Belgrade waiting on EU-US dialogue
BELGRADE/LJUBLJANA, Avg 15 (B92) Yugoslavia will wait for talks between
the EU and US before deciding whether to accept an American proposal for
indemnity for US citizens from prosecution by the International Criminal
Court, Yugoslavia's foreign minister told B92 yesterday.
"It is well-known that Yugoslavia welcomes the founding and work of the
International Criminal Court, and as far as the US proposal is concerned
we will consult with other members of the court, particularly with EU
members," said Goran Svilanovic.
The US is seeking a series of bilateral agreements guaranteeing American
civilians and military personnel serving abroad will not find themselves
before the new international court.
Svilanovic said Belgrade was "in no hurry" to make its decision. "This
is a serious and delicate question which concerns our country's
international obligations."
The foreign minister claimed the issue need not threaten relations
between Belgrade and Washington: "The delicacy of this issue relates
not only to bilateral relations between the US and Yugoslavia, but to a
broader global plan of defining relations between the leading political
actors," he said.
Belgrade will use the announced visit of US Ambassador-at-Large for War
Crimes Issues Pierre Richard Prosper to discuss the issue further, added
Svilanovic.
Slovenia has already rejected the proposal and Croatia is reported to be
considering also turning it down. Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
spoke out against the deal last week, claiming it flew in the face of
international law.
US plays down Kostunica opposition to immunity deal
WASHINGTON, Avg 15 (Sense) Washington sees the Yugoslav president's
rejection of its request for a bilateral agreement on US indemnity from
prosecution before the International Criminal Court as his personal
stance, and not Belgrade's official response, Sense news agency reports
today.
Sense quoted a White House official as saying talks with America's
"allies and partners are in their initial stages" and that it was too
early to draw any concrete conclusions.
Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica this week dismissed the deal as a
potential violation of international law. "Those who would enjoy
immunity from prosecution would not only sleep soundly, but would also
be encouraged to keep committing crimes," he was quoted as saying.
The US is said to be particularly keen on securing Yugoslavia's
agreement since almost half America's peacekeeping force is serving in
the Yugoslav province of Kosovo.
The US official said there was no link between the request for immunity
and Yugoslavia's bid to join the Partnership for Peace.
PRIME MINISTER: YUGOSLAVIA MUST NOT RUSH WITH SIGNING AGREEMENT WITH U.S
belgrade, aug 18 (Beta) -yugoslav prime minister Dragisa Pesic has said
that Yugoslavia must not rush with deciding on whether to sign a
bilateral agreement with the u.s. "for a simple reason -- a negative
answer could worsen our relations with America."
Pesic confirmed that Yugoslavia received an official proposal from the
u.s. for signing an inter-state agreement granting u.s. citizens
immunity
before the international criminal court.
He said he expected official Brussels to very quickly define "a final
stand on America's proposal on signing bilateral agreements, on the
basis
of which the most influential country of the world could avoid the
jurisdiction of the newly founded International Criminal Court."
"The federation of Serbia and Montenegro is striving towards EU
membership and, accordingly, we must be on the political course of the
organization we would like to join," Pesic said.
===*===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:08. avgust 2002.
SJEDINJENE DR?AVE USVOJILE ZAKON PROTIV ME?UNARODNOG
KRIVICNOG SUDA
Dr Milan Tepavac
miltep@...
Beograd, 05. avgust 2002. god.
Sjedinjene Americke Dr?ave usvojile su tzv. Zakon o
zastiti americkih pripadnika oru?anih snaga (American
Servicemembers Protection Act - ASPA). Predsednik Bus
potpisao ga je 2. avgusta 2002. Time su SAD
definitivno odredile svoj stav prema stalnom
Medjunarodnom krivicnom sudu ciji je Statut usvojen na
diplomatskoj konferenciji pod okriljem Ujedninjenih
nacija u julu mesecu 1998. godine, a koji je stupio na
snagu 1. jula 2002. godine nakon sto ga je
ratifikovalo 6o dr?ava, medu njima i Jugoslavija
("Slu?beni list SRJ" br. 5/2001). Dakle, s jedne
strane potpuno negiraju medunarodno krivicno sudovanje
u principu, a s druge strane vrse stalan pritisak na
Jugoslaviju i Republiku Srpsku radi "pune saradnje" sa
nelegalnim i nelegitimnim tzv. Haskim tribunalom!
I. AMERIKA U PRINCIPU NE PRIZNAJE ME?UNARODNO KRIVICNO
SUDOVANJE PA NI STALNI ME?UNARODNI KRIVICNI SUD
Sjedinjene Americke Dr?ave su odmah nakon diplomatske
konferencije u Rimu 1998. stavile do znanja da nece da
ratifikuju Statut Medunarodnog krivicnog suda (MKS)
usvojen na toj konferenciji, te, na taj nacin, nece
priznavati ovaj sud. Ni finansiranje tog suda niti
bilo kakav vid saradnje sa njim ne dolazi u obzir.
Americki vlastodrsci su ovu odluku saopstili
generalnom sekretaru Ujedinjenih nacija upravo nedavno
kada su ujedno pojacali svoj pritisak na Jugoslaviju
da mora da udovolji svim zahtevima njihovog ilegalnog
"suda", takozvanog Medunarodnog tribunala za prethodnu
Jugoslaviju, na prvom mestu isporucivanje svih koje
"tribunal" zahteva i predaju svih dokumenata koje
dr?ava Jugoslavija ima a relevantni su za "tribunal"!
Isti njihov ambasador koji vrslja po Jugoslaviji,
preti i ucenjuje tim haskim "sudom" , Pierre-Richard
Prosper, po svetu objasnjava zasto su SAD kategoricno
protiv MKS!!
Osnovne karakteristike ovog suda
Statut MKS usvojen je na diplomatskoj konferenciji UN
u Rimu 1998. godine. Posto je ovih dana polo?en
sezdeseti ratifikacioni instrument, Statut je stupio
na snagu 1. jula ove godine. Jugoslavija je Statut
ratifikovala 22.juna 2001, a objavljen je u "Slu?benom
listu SRJ", br. 5 od 27. juna 2001. Sediste suda bice
u Hagu.
Prema clanu 5 Statuta, ovaj sud ima nadle?nost u
pogledu sledecih krivicnih dela: genocida, zlocina
protiv covecnosti, ratnih zlocina i agresije kako su
ova medunarodna krivicna dela definisana u Statutu.
Ustvari, sud nema nadle?nosti u pogledu agresije, jer
je to pitanje odgodeno za sedam godina naokon stupanja
na snagu Statuta, posto se na diplomatskoj
konferenciji nije mogla postici saglasnost niti oko
definicije agresije, niti oko nadle?nosti suda u
pogledu ovog najte?eg medunarpodnog krivicnog dela iz
koga ustvari proisticu sva ostala navedena dela.
Ponovilo se, ustvari ono, sto su autori takozvanog
Medunarodnog krivicnog suda za prethodnu Jugoslaviju
(ICTY) zlonamerno - anticipirajuci agresiju na
Jugoslaviju - smislili: iskljuciti nadle?nost suda u
pogledu agresije! tako da velike sile, pre svih SAD,
mogu da rade sta hoce. Svidalo se to nekome ili ne,
Karla del Ponte je formalno u pravu kada veli da ICTY
nije nadle?an za agresiju NATO pakta na
Jugosaviju.Tako su hteli kreatori ICTY i tako su
zapisali u njegovom statutu!
Kada se govori o MKS treba imati na umu da je on,
prema clanu 11 Statuta, nadle?an samo u pogledu onih
navedenih medunarodnih krivicnih dela koja su ucinjena
nakon stupanja na snagu Statuta, to jest nakon 1. jula
2002. Ono sto se dogodilo pre toga nije u nadle?nosti
ovog suda. Pojela maca. Nema veze Hirosima, nema veze
Hagasaki, nema veze Drezden, nema veze Vijetnam, nema
veze Kambod?a, nema veze Indonezija, nema veze Istocni
Timor, nema veze Grenada, nema veze Panama, nema veze
agresija na Jugoslaviju, nema veze secesionisticki
ratovi u Jugoslaviji (unutrasnja agresija), nema veze
Avganistan, nema veze D?enin. Ima veze samo Srbi i
Ruanda! - Dakle, nije usvojen princip da je uslov za
krivicnu odgovornost pred ovim sudom opsti princip
krivicnog prava da je u vreme izvrsenja krivicnog dela
odredeno ponasanje bilo inkriminisano kao krivicno
delo, nego stupanje na snagu Statuta. Prema tome, oni
koji su do 1.jula 2002. pocinili bilo koje od
navedenih krivicnih dela ne treba da strahuju od ovog
suda!
Ponovimo da je sud nadle?an u pogledu genocida,
zlocina protiv covecnosti i ratnih zlocina onako kako
su ova krivicna dela formulisana u Statutu (clanovi 6,
7 i 8). Ali, clan 21 ovlascuje sud da primenjuje i
druge izvore medunarodnog prava kada sud nade da
formulacije iz Statuta nisu adekvatne. Ovo je, cini mi
se, dosta interesantna odredba koja omogucuje da sud,
ustvari, mo?e da primenjuje opste medunarodno kricno
pravo pri donosenju svojih odluka.
Razila?enje saveznika
Po pitanju ovog suda doslo je do otvorenog neslaganja,
pa i sukoba, izmedu Sjedinjenih Dr?ava s jedne, i
Kanade i dr?ava clanica Evropske unije s druge strane.
Kanada ne samo da je ratifikovala Statut nego je bila
jedan od inicijatora citavog nastojanja da se osnuje
jedan stalni medunarodni krivicni sud. Sve clanice EU
su takode medu prvima ratifikovale Statut, ukljucujuci
cak i Veliku Britaniju i Nemacku. Amerikanci su se
citavo vreme dr?ali rezervisano prema samoj ideji
osnivanja ovakvog suda. Oni su ucestvovali i na
osnivackoj konferenciji u Rimu, ali ne da bi doprineli
ostvarivanju ideje koja je stara par vekova medu
medunarodnim pravnicima, nego da bi minirali tu ideju.
Ali, to im je samo delimicno poslo za rukom (na primer
fakticno iskljucivanje agresije iz nadle?nosti suda).
Pod velikim pritiskom saveznika predsednik Klinton je
cak i potpisao Statut, ali je i tom prilikom dao na
znanje da ga nece slati na ratifikaciju u Senat ne
samo zato sto mu je bilo dobro poznato da Senat nece
ni da cuje za ratifikaciju, nego i zato sto ni njegova
administracija nije bila za ratifikaciju.
Predsednik Bus i njgova administracija ne samo da su
obavestile generalnog sekretara UN da ne nameravaju da
priznaju MKS, nego su ucinili i potez bez presedana u
medunarodnom pravu i medunarodnim odnosima: obavestili
su UN da "povlace potpis" Klintona sa Statuta! Ovo je
izazvalo pravi revolt saveznika, a narocito hiljada i
hiljada raznih medunarodnih organizacija "za zastitu
ljudskih prava" koje su bile glavni proponenti
osnivanja MKS, praveci pritisak na svoje dr?ave.
Amerikanci svoj odbojan stav objasnjavaju tako sto
vele da sud mo?e da ugrozi nacionalne interese SAD,
mo?e biti politicki motivisan, da mogu biti ugro?eni
americki funkcioneri i gradani, a narocito njihovi
vojnici. Zato su SAD ne samo protiv MKS, vec u
Kongresu je predlog zakona kojim se predvida mogucnost
da predsednik mo?e narediti i upotrebu sile protiv
svake one dr?ave koja bi za racun tog suda uhapsila
Amerikanca kao i mogucnost drugih mera protiv takve
dr?ave, kao sto je uskracivanje ekonomske i vojne
pomoci svakoj zamlji koja ratfikuje pristupanje ovom
sudu! Od svake dr?ave, na cijoj se teritoriji nalaze
trupe SAD po bilo kom osnovu tra?ice se da se obave?u
da nece saradivati sa MKS kada se radi o Amerikancima.
Rusija, Kina...
Rusija i Kina nisu tako kategoricno protiv MKS, ali
nisu ni za njega. Igraju nekakvu cudnu igru tako sto
ne nastupaju otvoreno protiv suda, ali ne predla?u
njegovu ratifikaciju. Putin se plasi da bi zbog
Cecenije mogao da do?ivi sudbinu Slobodana Milosevica,
a bogami i Kinezi imaju razloga za strahovanje zbog
pitanja ljudskih prava tamo kod njih...Dakle, sa
ovakvim odnosom SAD, Rusije i Kine prema ovom sudu
ostaje otvoreno pitanje kako ce uopste ta institucija
da proradi i kako ce u praksi funkcionisati. Ostaje,
dakle, da vreme poka?e da li su kreatori ove
institucije idealisti ili su ipak u kakvoj-takvoj
saglasnosti sa politickom realnoscu savremenog sveta.
II. USVAJANJE ZAKONA PROTIV ME?UNARODNOG KRIVICNOG
SUDA
Dakle, kao sledeci korak prema potpunom negiranju
prava medunarodne zajednice da organizuje svima
prihvatljivo organizovanje medunarodog krivicnog
sudovanja za najte?a medunarodna krivicna dela na
nacin kako je to predvideno za osnovani Medunarodni
krivicni sud SAD su pribegle zaista drakonskoj meri
koja je iznenadila cak i njihove najprivr?enije
prijatelje - kao sto su dr?ave clanice EU - usvajanjem
Zakona o zastiti pripadnika americkih oru?anih snaga.
U najkracem, ovim se zakonom:
- za branjuje SAD bilo kakva sradnja sa MKS,
- ogranicava ucesce SAD u mirovnim operacijama UN,
- zabranjuje vojna pomoc vecini zemalja koje su
ratifikovale Statut MKS,
- ovlascuje predsednik SAD da upotrebi "sva pogodna i
potrebna sredstva" da oslobodi svakog pripadnika
personala SAD i saveznika koji bi se nasli u vlasti
MKS ili u njegovo ime.
Zakonom se zabranjuje slanje americkih trupa u zemlje
koje saraduju sa Medunarodnim krivicnim sudom. Zabrana
se ne odnosi na zemlje NATO, Japan, Ju?nu Koreju i
druge glavne americke saveznike, kao ni na Tajvan (sto
je odmah izazvalo reakciju Pekinga).
Protivnici ovog zakona vec su ga nazvali "Zakon o
invaziji Haga". I to naravno sa razlogom. Jer, sta
drugo mo?e da znaci ovlascenje predsedniku da mo?e da
upotrebi "sva pogodna i potrebna sredstva" da oslobodi
Amerikance ili njihove saveznike koji bi se nasli u
rukama MKS organa ili organa koji rade za njihov racun
nego da je ovlasten da upotrebi i oru?anu silu.
Evropska unija je nasla za shodno da posebno uka?e na
ovu odredbu zakona, upozoravajuci na sve negativne
posledice koje ce ona imati po odnose EU-SAD.
Da bi se ubla?io u svetu negativan odjek ove mere SAD,
autori zakona su pribegli jednom upravo neshvatljivom
i nemoralnom triku time sto su u sam tekst zakona
uneli sledecu odredbu politicke prirode u najru?nijem
smislu ove reci: "Nothing in this title shall prohibit
the United States from rendering assistance to
international efforts to bring to justice Saddam
Hussein, Slobodan Milosovic, Osama bin Laden, other
members of Al Queda, leaders of Islamic Jihad, and
other foreign nationals accused of genocide, war
crimes or crimes against humanity", izjednacavajuci
tako Slobodana Milosevica sa Sadamom Huseinom, Osamom
bin Ladenom, pripadnicima Al Kaide i liderima
Islamskog D?ihada! U ovih poslednjih dvanaestak godina
navikli smo na mnoge zlocine, la?i i obmane od
americkih zakonodavaca, ali ovakvu i ovoliku podlost
nismo sigurno ocekivali.
Pritisci na Savet bezbednosti UN
Dvanaestog jula 2002. Amerikancima je poslo za rukom
da primoraju Savet bezbednosti UN da prihvati
rezoluciju po osnovu koje se za 12 meseci odla?e
nadle?nopst MKS, cime se znatno, na samom startu
njegovog postojanja, umanjuje njegov autoritet. Do
usvajanja ove rezolucije je doslo nakod visenedeljnih
pritisaka na clanove Saveta bezbednosti da se ovakva
rezolucija prihvati, medu njima dr?ave EU, Kanada i
Meksiko. Amerikanci su pretili da ce, ako se ovakva
rezolucija ne usvoji, SAD odmah povuci sve svoje snage
iz svih mirovnih misija u svetu. I ne samo to. U samoj
rezoluciji se navodi da ce ona, po potrebi, biti
produ?avana godisnje, sto znaci trajno umanjivanje
bilo kakvog prakticnog znacaja MKS. Rezolucija se
odnosi na sve mirovne misije za koje je Savet
bezbednosti dao svoj pristanak, ukljucujuci NATO
misiju u Avganistanu, a posebno na personal u ovim
misijama koji je iz zemalja koje nisu clanice MKS
(koje nisu ratifikovale njegov Statut).
Pritisci na dr?ave koje su ratifikovale Statut MKS
Sjedinjene Americke Dr?ave nisu se zaustavile na
pritiscima na Savet bezbednosti, nego su nastavile da
to cine pojedinacno prema onim dr?avama koje su
postale clanice MKS. U tu svrhu koriste clan 98
Statuta MKS predvida mogucnost zakljucivanja
bilateralnih ugovora o neizrucivanju. Za zakljucivanje
ovakvih ugovora, koji dalje umanjuju znacaj MKS, pod
posebnim pritiskom SAD su dr?ave clanice Evropska
unije. Evropska unija je formirala posebno telo koje
ima zadatak da predlo?i jednu zajednicku platformu
politike Unije na ovakve zahteve SAD.
Posebno je na udaru Holandija u kojoj se nalazi
sediste MKS. Holandija za sada pru?a otpor
nastojanjima SAD da s njom zakljuce bilaterlani ugovor
po osnovu clana 98 Statuta. "Nasa pozicija je u tom
pogledu ista kao pozicija EU i ona je potpuno jasna",
izjavljuje ministar inostranih poslova Holandije.
"Pristajanje na nekakav izuzetak znacilo bi
umanjivanje znacaja suda". Rumunija je, pak,
preduhitrila sve, i prva je zakljucila takav soprazum
sa SAD.
Upravo sada kada zavrsavam pisanje ovog teksta
(6.avgust 2002. ujutro) imam informaciju na Internetu
da su SAD i Izrael zakljuciliisti sporazum. Prema
izdatom saopstenju, "According to the pact, both
countries agreed not to extradite, transfer or
surrender the citizens of one another's country to the
ICC or to a third country, which might transfer them
to The Hague, where the court is located."
Polozaj KFOR i UNMIK u Jugoslaviji i SFOR u BiH
Pravno gledano, KFOR i UNMIK koji deluju na Kosovu i
Metohiji deluje na teritoriji Jugoslavije. Jugoslavija
je, rekli smo, ratifikovala Statut MKS i on je u
odnosu na nju stupio na snagu. 1. jula 2002.
Pripadnici KFOR i UNMIK, pravno gledano, podlo?ni su
nadle?nosti MKS ako bi pocinili neko od krivicnih dela
iz nadle?nosti MKS. To se odnosi na svakog pripadnika
KFOR-a i UNMIK-a, na Amerikance i sve ostale.
Medjutim, po svemu sudeci, polo?aj pripadnika KFOR
razlikuje se od polo?aja UNMIK-a. Naime, u
Vojno-tehnickom sporazumu, koji je Jugoslavija morala
da potpise, koji regulise polo?aj KFOR, ali ne i
UNMIK, ima jedna neverovatna kolonijalna odredba koja
glasi: "The international security force ("KFOR") nor
any of its personnel or staff shall be liable for any
damages to public or private property that they may
cause in the course of duties related to the
implementation of this Agreement. The parties will
agree a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) as soon as
possible". Buduci da sporazum o statusu KFOR-a (SOFA),
koliko je meni poznato, nije zakljucen izmedju
Jugoslavije i KFOR-a kao sto je to bilo planirano,
pripadnici KFOR-a bi mogli biti odgovorni pred MKS (za
UNMIK to je nesporno). Verovatno ce SAD ovo pitanje
pokrenuti, pa ce od Jugoslavije tra?iti potpisivanje
sporazuma o neizrucenju Amerikanaca, bili oni
pripadnici KFOR-a ili UNMIK-a.
Pripadnici SFOR-a u Bosni i Hercegovini su tamo na
osnovu Dejtonskog sporazuma. Aneks 1A tog sporazuma
sadrzi SOFA-u kojim je na klasican nacin regulisan
status pripadnika stranih oru?anih snaga na teritoriji
dr?ave koja ih je primila. Taj status se svodi na to
da vojnici ostaju u vlasti dr?ave koja ih je poslala,
to jest izuzeti su od krivicne jurisdikcije
teritorijalne drzave. Ako clan 98 Statuta MKS ustvari
znaci da bilateralni sporazumi imaju prevagu u odnosu
na Statut - izgleda da je to njegov smisao mada nije
jasno - onda pripadnici SFOR-a u BiH ne spadaju pod
jurisdikciju MKS vec pod odredbe SOFA koji cini
sastavni deo Dejtonskog sporazuma.
Servicemembers Protection Act - ASPA. President George Bush
signed it into law on August 2, 2002. In such a way the United
States definitely defined its stand on the International Criminal
Court, which was created at the diplomatic conference under the
auspices of the United Nations in Rome in July 1998. Its Statute
came into force on July 1, 2002 after receiving 6o ratifications.
Yugoslavia also ratified it ("Official Gazette of the FRY", No.5/2001).
(...)
Legally speaking, KFOR and UNMIK which are in Kosovo and Metohija,
are on the Yugoslav territory. Yugoslavia is a state party
to the ICC from the very first day of its existence, July 1, 2002.
Legally speaking, therefore, the members of KFOR and UNMIK
would be under the jurisdiction of the ICC if they commit some
of crimes in the competence of the ICC whether they are
Americans or not.
However, it seems that the position of KFOR is different from
the position of UNMIK. Namely, in the Military-technical
Agreement, which Yugoslavia had to sign, there is the following
more than the colonial provision: "The international security
force ("KFOR") nor any of its personnel or staff shall be liable
for any damages to public or private property that they may
cause in the course of duties related to the implementation
of this Agreement. The parties will agree a Status of Forces
Agreement (SOFA) as soon as possible". If the SOFA was not
concluded as was intended - and as far as I know this is the case -
the members of KFOR would be under the jurisdiction of the ICC
(for UNMIK it is undeniable). Probably, the U.S. will request
the conclusion of an agreement exempting the Americans from the
ICC's jurisdiction whether members of KFOR or UNMIK.
SFOR is in Bosnia-Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton
Accords. Annex 1A contains also so-called SOFA (Status of Forces
Agreement) containing classic standards of the status of foreign
troops on the territory of a foreign country. That status in
effect means that the troops remain under the jurisdiction of
a sending state, which means exemption from criminal
jurisdiction of the receiving state. If the article 98 of the
Statute of the ICC means that bilateral treaties prevail over
the Statute - it seems that that is the meaning of that article,
although it is not clear - then members of SFOR in
Bosnia-Herzegovina are not under the jurisdiction of the ICC
but are under the provisions of the SOFA.
(Excerpted from:
"UNITED STATES ADOPTED LAW AGAINST INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT"
by Dr. Milan Tepavac, Belgrade, 04 August 2002 - Published on
http://www.artel.co.yu
A serbocroation version is attached at the end.)
===*===
Kostunica: U.S. DEMANDS UNDERMINE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ORDER
BELGRADE, Aug 13 (Beta) - Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica said on
Aug. 12 that acceptance of the U.S. agreeement exempting U.S. citizens
from extradition to the new International Criminal Court would
seriously undermine the international legal order.
Kostunica said that signing such an agreement would undermine legal
systems of the countries which ratified the Rome treaty on establishing
the court.
He added that the issue would decide the future of the new international
legal institution.
Kostunica said that the establishment of a permanent court would prevent
selectivity so often ascribed to the Hague tribunal and that the new
court has to be able to put everyone on trial.
Kostunica speaks out against US immunity request
BELGRADE, Aug13(Reuters) Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
yesterday spoke out against a US request for a bilateral agreement
to prevent American citizens from being handed over to the new
International Criminal Court (ICC).
"Those who would enjoy immunity from prosecution would not only sleep
soundly, but would also be encouraged to keep committing crimes," was
quoted as saying yesterday evening. The US, which has some 5,000
peacekeepers in Kosovo, opposes the new court and has approached
countries to negotiate bilateral agreements to avoid prosecution of
American personnel. Kostunica, a lawyer by trade, claimed such an
agreement would undermine international law.
Sense news agency reported yesterday that Yugoslavia?s aspirations to
join NATO?s Partnership for Peace could hinge on its response to the
US request.
"The real question is whether this court will try everyone and really be
a court or try only some and, in that case, will not be a court," the
Yugoslav president argued.
Svilanovic: Yugoslavia supports work of International Criminal Court
BELGRADE, Aug 15 (Tanjug) - Yugoslavia has received from the United
States a proposal to sign a bilateral agreement which would prevent the
extradition of US citizens to the new International Criminal Court, but
no definite decision has been made about this at this time, Yugoslav
Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic has said.
Speaking for prime-time news on national television RTS late Wednesday,
Svilanovic said the country's position was clear. "We support the work
of the International Criminal Court. I personally signed a document
stating that our parliament has ratified the agreement making us a
founder-country of that court," he said.
"We will discuss the US proposal, naturally, primarily with
member-states of the International Criminal Court, also in particular
with member-states of the European Union. That decision has not been
made at this time," Svilanovic said.
"We will carefully follow the dialogue under way at this time between
the European Union, actually the member-signatories and founders of the
International Criminal Court, and we are among them, and the United
States, and we shall see whether it is possible to arrive at a
compromise or not.
In any case, we will not hurry with this decision, bearing in mind our
obligations to the International Criminal Court and our expectations
about future cooperation both with the European Union and the United
States," Svilanovic said.
SVILANOVIC: Belgrade waiting on EU-US dialogue
BELGRADE/LJUBLJANA, Avg 15 (B92) Yugoslavia will wait for talks between
the EU and US before deciding whether to accept an American proposal for
indemnity for US citizens from prosecution by the International Criminal
Court, Yugoslavia's foreign minister told B92 yesterday.
"It is well-known that Yugoslavia welcomes the founding and work of the
International Criminal Court, and as far as the US proposal is concerned
we will consult with other members of the court, particularly with EU
members," said Goran Svilanovic.
The US is seeking a series of bilateral agreements guaranteeing American
civilians and military personnel serving abroad will not find themselves
before the new international court.
Svilanovic said Belgrade was "in no hurry" to make its decision. "This
is a serious and delicate question which concerns our country's
international obligations."
The foreign minister claimed the issue need not threaten relations
between Belgrade and Washington: "The delicacy of this issue relates
not only to bilateral relations between the US and Yugoslavia, but to a
broader global plan of defining relations between the leading political
actors," he said.
Belgrade will use the announced visit of US Ambassador-at-Large for War
Crimes Issues Pierre Richard Prosper to discuss the issue further, added
Svilanovic.
Slovenia has already rejected the proposal and Croatia is reported to be
considering also turning it down. Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
spoke out against the deal last week, claiming it flew in the face of
international law.
US plays down Kostunica opposition to immunity deal
WASHINGTON, Avg 15 (Sense) Washington sees the Yugoslav president's
rejection of its request for a bilateral agreement on US indemnity from
prosecution before the International Criminal Court as his personal
stance, and not Belgrade's official response, Sense news agency reports
today.
Sense quoted a White House official as saying talks with America's
"allies and partners are in their initial stages" and that it was too
early to draw any concrete conclusions.
Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica this week dismissed the deal as a
potential violation of international law. "Those who would enjoy
immunity from prosecution would not only sleep soundly, but would also
be encouraged to keep committing crimes," he was quoted as saying.
The US is said to be particularly keen on securing Yugoslavia's
agreement since almost half America's peacekeeping force is serving in
the Yugoslav province of Kosovo.
The US official said there was no link between the request for immunity
and Yugoslavia's bid to join the Partnership for Peace.
PRIME MINISTER: YUGOSLAVIA MUST NOT RUSH WITH SIGNING AGREEMENT WITH U.S
belgrade, aug 18 (Beta) -yugoslav prime minister Dragisa Pesic has said
that Yugoslavia must not rush with deciding on whether to sign a
bilateral agreement with the u.s. "for a simple reason -- a negative
answer could worsen our relations with America."
Pesic confirmed that Yugoslavia received an official proposal from the
u.s. for signing an inter-state agreement granting u.s. citizens
immunity
before the international criminal court.
He said he expected official Brussels to very quickly define "a final
stand on America's proposal on signing bilateral agreements, on the
basis
of which the most influential country of the world could avoid the
jurisdiction of the newly founded International Criminal Court."
"The federation of Serbia and Montenegro is striving towards EU
membership and, accordingly, we must be on the political course of the
organization we would like to join," Pesic said.
===*===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:08. avgust 2002.
SJEDINJENE DR?AVE USVOJILE ZAKON PROTIV ME?UNARODNOG
KRIVICNOG SUDA
Dr Milan Tepavac
miltep@...
Beograd, 05. avgust 2002. god.
Sjedinjene Americke Dr?ave usvojile su tzv. Zakon o
zastiti americkih pripadnika oru?anih snaga (American
Servicemembers Protection Act - ASPA). Predsednik Bus
potpisao ga je 2. avgusta 2002. Time su SAD
definitivno odredile svoj stav prema stalnom
Medjunarodnom krivicnom sudu ciji je Statut usvojen na
diplomatskoj konferenciji pod okriljem Ujedninjenih
nacija u julu mesecu 1998. godine, a koji je stupio na
snagu 1. jula 2002. godine nakon sto ga je
ratifikovalo 6o dr?ava, medu njima i Jugoslavija
("Slu?beni list SRJ" br. 5/2001). Dakle, s jedne
strane potpuno negiraju medunarodno krivicno sudovanje
u principu, a s druge strane vrse stalan pritisak na
Jugoslaviju i Republiku Srpsku radi "pune saradnje" sa
nelegalnim i nelegitimnim tzv. Haskim tribunalom!
I. AMERIKA U PRINCIPU NE PRIZNAJE ME?UNARODNO KRIVICNO
SUDOVANJE PA NI STALNI ME?UNARODNI KRIVICNI SUD
Sjedinjene Americke Dr?ave su odmah nakon diplomatske
konferencije u Rimu 1998. stavile do znanja da nece da
ratifikuju Statut Medunarodnog krivicnog suda (MKS)
usvojen na toj konferenciji, te, na taj nacin, nece
priznavati ovaj sud. Ni finansiranje tog suda niti
bilo kakav vid saradnje sa njim ne dolazi u obzir.
Americki vlastodrsci su ovu odluku saopstili
generalnom sekretaru Ujedinjenih nacija upravo nedavno
kada su ujedno pojacali svoj pritisak na Jugoslaviju
da mora da udovolji svim zahtevima njihovog ilegalnog
"suda", takozvanog Medunarodnog tribunala za prethodnu
Jugoslaviju, na prvom mestu isporucivanje svih koje
"tribunal" zahteva i predaju svih dokumenata koje
dr?ava Jugoslavija ima a relevantni su za "tribunal"!
Isti njihov ambasador koji vrslja po Jugoslaviji,
preti i ucenjuje tim haskim "sudom" , Pierre-Richard
Prosper, po svetu objasnjava zasto su SAD kategoricno
protiv MKS!!
Osnovne karakteristike ovog suda
Statut MKS usvojen je na diplomatskoj konferenciji UN
u Rimu 1998. godine. Posto je ovih dana polo?en
sezdeseti ratifikacioni instrument, Statut je stupio
na snagu 1. jula ove godine. Jugoslavija je Statut
ratifikovala 22.juna 2001, a objavljen je u "Slu?benom
listu SRJ", br. 5 od 27. juna 2001. Sediste suda bice
u Hagu.
Prema clanu 5 Statuta, ovaj sud ima nadle?nost u
pogledu sledecih krivicnih dela: genocida, zlocina
protiv covecnosti, ratnih zlocina i agresije kako su
ova medunarodna krivicna dela definisana u Statutu.
Ustvari, sud nema nadle?nosti u pogledu agresije, jer
je to pitanje odgodeno za sedam godina naokon stupanja
na snagu Statuta, posto se na diplomatskoj
konferenciji nije mogla postici saglasnost niti oko
definicije agresije, niti oko nadle?nosti suda u
pogledu ovog najte?eg medunarpodnog krivicnog dela iz
koga ustvari proisticu sva ostala navedena dela.
Ponovilo se, ustvari ono, sto su autori takozvanog
Medunarodnog krivicnog suda za prethodnu Jugoslaviju
(ICTY) zlonamerno - anticipirajuci agresiju na
Jugoslaviju - smislili: iskljuciti nadle?nost suda u
pogledu agresije! tako da velike sile, pre svih SAD,
mogu da rade sta hoce. Svidalo se to nekome ili ne,
Karla del Ponte je formalno u pravu kada veli da ICTY
nije nadle?an za agresiju NATO pakta na
Jugosaviju.Tako su hteli kreatori ICTY i tako su
zapisali u njegovom statutu!
Kada se govori o MKS treba imati na umu da je on,
prema clanu 11 Statuta, nadle?an samo u pogledu onih
navedenih medunarodnih krivicnih dela koja su ucinjena
nakon stupanja na snagu Statuta, to jest nakon 1. jula
2002. Ono sto se dogodilo pre toga nije u nadle?nosti
ovog suda. Pojela maca. Nema veze Hirosima, nema veze
Hagasaki, nema veze Drezden, nema veze Vijetnam, nema
veze Kambod?a, nema veze Indonezija, nema veze Istocni
Timor, nema veze Grenada, nema veze Panama, nema veze
agresija na Jugoslaviju, nema veze secesionisticki
ratovi u Jugoslaviji (unutrasnja agresija), nema veze
Avganistan, nema veze D?enin. Ima veze samo Srbi i
Ruanda! - Dakle, nije usvojen princip da je uslov za
krivicnu odgovornost pred ovim sudom opsti princip
krivicnog prava da je u vreme izvrsenja krivicnog dela
odredeno ponasanje bilo inkriminisano kao krivicno
delo, nego stupanje na snagu Statuta. Prema tome, oni
koji su do 1.jula 2002. pocinili bilo koje od
navedenih krivicnih dela ne treba da strahuju od ovog
suda!
Ponovimo da je sud nadle?an u pogledu genocida,
zlocina protiv covecnosti i ratnih zlocina onako kako
su ova krivicna dela formulisana u Statutu (clanovi 6,
7 i 8). Ali, clan 21 ovlascuje sud da primenjuje i
druge izvore medunarodnog prava kada sud nade da
formulacije iz Statuta nisu adekvatne. Ovo je, cini mi
se, dosta interesantna odredba koja omogucuje da sud,
ustvari, mo?e da primenjuje opste medunarodno kricno
pravo pri donosenju svojih odluka.
Razila?enje saveznika
Po pitanju ovog suda doslo je do otvorenog neslaganja,
pa i sukoba, izmedu Sjedinjenih Dr?ava s jedne, i
Kanade i dr?ava clanica Evropske unije s druge strane.
Kanada ne samo da je ratifikovala Statut nego je bila
jedan od inicijatora citavog nastojanja da se osnuje
jedan stalni medunarodni krivicni sud. Sve clanice EU
su takode medu prvima ratifikovale Statut, ukljucujuci
cak i Veliku Britaniju i Nemacku. Amerikanci su se
citavo vreme dr?ali rezervisano prema samoj ideji
osnivanja ovakvog suda. Oni su ucestvovali i na
osnivackoj konferenciji u Rimu, ali ne da bi doprineli
ostvarivanju ideje koja je stara par vekova medu
medunarodnim pravnicima, nego da bi minirali tu ideju.
Ali, to im je samo delimicno poslo za rukom (na primer
fakticno iskljucivanje agresije iz nadle?nosti suda).
Pod velikim pritiskom saveznika predsednik Klinton je
cak i potpisao Statut, ali je i tom prilikom dao na
znanje da ga nece slati na ratifikaciju u Senat ne
samo zato sto mu je bilo dobro poznato da Senat nece
ni da cuje za ratifikaciju, nego i zato sto ni njegova
administracija nije bila za ratifikaciju.
Predsednik Bus i njgova administracija ne samo da su
obavestile generalnog sekretara UN da ne nameravaju da
priznaju MKS, nego su ucinili i potez bez presedana u
medunarodnom pravu i medunarodnim odnosima: obavestili
su UN da "povlace potpis" Klintona sa Statuta! Ovo je
izazvalo pravi revolt saveznika, a narocito hiljada i
hiljada raznih medunarodnih organizacija "za zastitu
ljudskih prava" koje su bile glavni proponenti
osnivanja MKS, praveci pritisak na svoje dr?ave.
Amerikanci svoj odbojan stav objasnjavaju tako sto
vele da sud mo?e da ugrozi nacionalne interese SAD,
mo?e biti politicki motivisan, da mogu biti ugro?eni
americki funkcioneri i gradani, a narocito njihovi
vojnici. Zato su SAD ne samo protiv MKS, vec u
Kongresu je predlog zakona kojim se predvida mogucnost
da predsednik mo?e narediti i upotrebu sile protiv
svake one dr?ave koja bi za racun tog suda uhapsila
Amerikanca kao i mogucnost drugih mera protiv takve
dr?ave, kao sto je uskracivanje ekonomske i vojne
pomoci svakoj zamlji koja ratfikuje pristupanje ovom
sudu! Od svake dr?ave, na cijoj se teritoriji nalaze
trupe SAD po bilo kom osnovu tra?ice se da se obave?u
da nece saradivati sa MKS kada se radi o Amerikancima.
Rusija, Kina...
Rusija i Kina nisu tako kategoricno protiv MKS, ali
nisu ni za njega. Igraju nekakvu cudnu igru tako sto
ne nastupaju otvoreno protiv suda, ali ne predla?u
njegovu ratifikaciju. Putin se plasi da bi zbog
Cecenije mogao da do?ivi sudbinu Slobodana Milosevica,
a bogami i Kinezi imaju razloga za strahovanje zbog
pitanja ljudskih prava tamo kod njih...Dakle, sa
ovakvim odnosom SAD, Rusije i Kine prema ovom sudu
ostaje otvoreno pitanje kako ce uopste ta institucija
da proradi i kako ce u praksi funkcionisati. Ostaje,
dakle, da vreme poka?e da li su kreatori ove
institucije idealisti ili su ipak u kakvoj-takvoj
saglasnosti sa politickom realnoscu savremenog sveta.
II. USVAJANJE ZAKONA PROTIV ME?UNARODNOG KRIVICNOG
SUDA
Dakle, kao sledeci korak prema potpunom negiranju
prava medunarodne zajednice da organizuje svima
prihvatljivo organizovanje medunarodog krivicnog
sudovanja za najte?a medunarodna krivicna dela na
nacin kako je to predvideno za osnovani Medunarodni
krivicni sud SAD su pribegle zaista drakonskoj meri
koja je iznenadila cak i njihove najprivr?enije
prijatelje - kao sto su dr?ave clanice EU - usvajanjem
Zakona o zastiti pripadnika americkih oru?anih snaga.
U najkracem, ovim se zakonom:
- za branjuje SAD bilo kakva sradnja sa MKS,
- ogranicava ucesce SAD u mirovnim operacijama UN,
- zabranjuje vojna pomoc vecini zemalja koje su
ratifikovale Statut MKS,
- ovlascuje predsednik SAD da upotrebi "sva pogodna i
potrebna sredstva" da oslobodi svakog pripadnika
personala SAD i saveznika koji bi se nasli u vlasti
MKS ili u njegovo ime.
Zakonom se zabranjuje slanje americkih trupa u zemlje
koje saraduju sa Medunarodnim krivicnim sudom. Zabrana
se ne odnosi na zemlje NATO, Japan, Ju?nu Koreju i
druge glavne americke saveznike, kao ni na Tajvan (sto
je odmah izazvalo reakciju Pekinga).
Protivnici ovog zakona vec su ga nazvali "Zakon o
invaziji Haga". I to naravno sa razlogom. Jer, sta
drugo mo?e da znaci ovlascenje predsedniku da mo?e da
upotrebi "sva pogodna i potrebna sredstva" da oslobodi
Amerikance ili njihove saveznike koji bi se nasli u
rukama MKS organa ili organa koji rade za njihov racun
nego da je ovlasten da upotrebi i oru?anu silu.
Evropska unija je nasla za shodno da posebno uka?e na
ovu odredbu zakona, upozoravajuci na sve negativne
posledice koje ce ona imati po odnose EU-SAD.
Da bi se ubla?io u svetu negativan odjek ove mere SAD,
autori zakona su pribegli jednom upravo neshvatljivom
i nemoralnom triku time sto su u sam tekst zakona
uneli sledecu odredbu politicke prirode u najru?nijem
smislu ove reci: "Nothing in this title shall prohibit
the United States from rendering assistance to
international efforts to bring to justice Saddam
Hussein, Slobodan Milosovic, Osama bin Laden, other
members of Al Queda, leaders of Islamic Jihad, and
other foreign nationals accused of genocide, war
crimes or crimes against humanity", izjednacavajuci
tako Slobodana Milosevica sa Sadamom Huseinom, Osamom
bin Ladenom, pripadnicima Al Kaide i liderima
Islamskog D?ihada! U ovih poslednjih dvanaestak godina
navikli smo na mnoge zlocine, la?i i obmane od
americkih zakonodavaca, ali ovakvu i ovoliku podlost
nismo sigurno ocekivali.
Pritisci na Savet bezbednosti UN
Dvanaestog jula 2002. Amerikancima je poslo za rukom
da primoraju Savet bezbednosti UN da prihvati
rezoluciju po osnovu koje se za 12 meseci odla?e
nadle?nopst MKS, cime se znatno, na samom startu
njegovog postojanja, umanjuje njegov autoritet. Do
usvajanja ove rezolucije je doslo nakod visenedeljnih
pritisaka na clanove Saveta bezbednosti da se ovakva
rezolucija prihvati, medu njima dr?ave EU, Kanada i
Meksiko. Amerikanci su pretili da ce, ako se ovakva
rezolucija ne usvoji, SAD odmah povuci sve svoje snage
iz svih mirovnih misija u svetu. I ne samo to. U samoj
rezoluciji se navodi da ce ona, po potrebi, biti
produ?avana godisnje, sto znaci trajno umanjivanje
bilo kakvog prakticnog znacaja MKS. Rezolucija se
odnosi na sve mirovne misije za koje je Savet
bezbednosti dao svoj pristanak, ukljucujuci NATO
misiju u Avganistanu, a posebno na personal u ovim
misijama koji je iz zemalja koje nisu clanice MKS
(koje nisu ratifikovale njegov Statut).
Pritisci na dr?ave koje su ratifikovale Statut MKS
Sjedinjene Americke Dr?ave nisu se zaustavile na
pritiscima na Savet bezbednosti, nego su nastavile da
to cine pojedinacno prema onim dr?avama koje su
postale clanice MKS. U tu svrhu koriste clan 98
Statuta MKS predvida mogucnost zakljucivanja
bilateralnih ugovora o neizrucivanju. Za zakljucivanje
ovakvih ugovora, koji dalje umanjuju znacaj MKS, pod
posebnim pritiskom SAD su dr?ave clanice Evropska
unije. Evropska unija je formirala posebno telo koje
ima zadatak da predlo?i jednu zajednicku platformu
politike Unije na ovakve zahteve SAD.
Posebno je na udaru Holandija u kojoj se nalazi
sediste MKS. Holandija za sada pru?a otpor
nastojanjima SAD da s njom zakljuce bilaterlani ugovor
po osnovu clana 98 Statuta. "Nasa pozicija je u tom
pogledu ista kao pozicija EU i ona je potpuno jasna",
izjavljuje ministar inostranih poslova Holandije.
"Pristajanje na nekakav izuzetak znacilo bi
umanjivanje znacaja suda". Rumunija je, pak,
preduhitrila sve, i prva je zakljucila takav soprazum
sa SAD.
Upravo sada kada zavrsavam pisanje ovog teksta
(6.avgust 2002. ujutro) imam informaciju na Internetu
da su SAD i Izrael zakljuciliisti sporazum. Prema
izdatom saopstenju, "According to the pact, both
countries agreed not to extradite, transfer or
surrender the citizens of one another's country to the
ICC or to a third country, which might transfer them
to The Hague, where the court is located."
Polozaj KFOR i UNMIK u Jugoslaviji i SFOR u BiH
Pravno gledano, KFOR i UNMIK koji deluju na Kosovu i
Metohiji deluje na teritoriji Jugoslavije. Jugoslavija
je, rekli smo, ratifikovala Statut MKS i on je u
odnosu na nju stupio na snagu. 1. jula 2002.
Pripadnici KFOR i UNMIK, pravno gledano, podlo?ni su
nadle?nosti MKS ako bi pocinili neko od krivicnih dela
iz nadle?nosti MKS. To se odnosi na svakog pripadnika
KFOR-a i UNMIK-a, na Amerikance i sve ostale.
Medjutim, po svemu sudeci, polo?aj pripadnika KFOR
razlikuje se od polo?aja UNMIK-a. Naime, u
Vojno-tehnickom sporazumu, koji je Jugoslavija morala
da potpise, koji regulise polo?aj KFOR, ali ne i
UNMIK, ima jedna neverovatna kolonijalna odredba koja
glasi: "The international security force ("KFOR") nor
any of its personnel or staff shall be liable for any
damages to public or private property that they may
cause in the course of duties related to the
implementation of this Agreement. The parties will
agree a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) as soon as
possible". Buduci da sporazum o statusu KFOR-a (SOFA),
koliko je meni poznato, nije zakljucen izmedju
Jugoslavije i KFOR-a kao sto je to bilo planirano,
pripadnici KFOR-a bi mogli biti odgovorni pred MKS (za
UNMIK to je nesporno). Verovatno ce SAD ovo pitanje
pokrenuti, pa ce od Jugoslavije tra?iti potpisivanje
sporazuma o neizrucenju Amerikanaca, bili oni
pripadnici KFOR-a ili UNMIK-a.
Pripadnici SFOR-a u Bosni i Hercegovini su tamo na
osnovu Dejtonskog sporazuma. Aneks 1A tog sporazuma
sadrzi SOFA-u kojim je na klasican nacin regulisan
status pripadnika stranih oru?anih snaga na teritoriji
dr?ave koja ih je primila. Taj status se svodi na to
da vojnici ostaju u vlasti dr?ave koja ih je poslala,
to jest izuzeti su od krivicne jurisdikcije
teritorijalne drzave. Ako clan 98 Statuta MKS ustvari
znaci da bilateralni sporazumi imaju prevagu u odnosu
na Statut - izgleda da je to njegov smisao mada nije
jasno - onda pripadnici SFOR-a u BiH ne spadaju pod
jurisdikciju MKS vec pod odredbe SOFA koji cini
sastavni deo Dejtonskog sporazuma.
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m090502.html
ANTIWAR, Thursday, September 5, 2002
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
Illusions of Truth and Justice
The Hague Inquisition's Factory of Lies
After a month-long hiatus, Slobodan Milosevic's show trial before the
Hague
Inquisition reopened last week. As expected, no one looked back on the
prosecution's fiasco just before the recess, when their star witness
turned
around and exonerated Milosevic. Rade Markovic, former head of Serbian
State
Security, also accused the new Belgrade authorities of abuse and
suborning
perjury.
But there was no talk of forced testimonies when the "trial" resumed.
Markovic was disappeared down the memory hole, and no one in officialdom
seems concerned about his fate. Yet that would be a legitimate concern,
given the propensity of Inquisition's prisoners to end up dead or worse.
Having failed to bully Markovic into fingering his former president, the
Inquisition finds itself running both out of time and out of lies. With
only
a week or so remaining for the Kosovo stage of the process, they have
opted
to recycle old, debunked accusations in a last-ditch effort to sling
enough
mud so some of it would stick.
The Impossible Prison Massacre
Much of last week's proceedings revolved around the allegation, brought
forward by two KLA members, that Serbian police massacred the inmates of
Dubrava prison near Istok, just after NATO bombed the penitentiary. The
media had a field day with this. Not only did they describe Musa
Krasniqi,
the first KLA witness, as a "physics teacher" and buried the references
to
his KLA membership elsewhere in their dispatches, they also presented
his
allegations as factual. Similar treatment was given the other witness,
Gani
Beqaj, though his peacetime profession was never mentioned. Perhaps it
lacked that "instant credibility" of teaching physics?
According to Krasniqi and Beqaj, the prisoners were rounded up in the
courtyard, then machine-gunned. Those who escaped (how?) were hunted
down
with hand grenades for two days. Yet both of them, and many other
prisoners,
stayed alive and unharmed. They were later transferred to other prisons
and
"told to say all prisoners were killed by NATO."
One can be forgiven for thinking this story somewhat less than
plausible,
and it's obvious as to why. Even the dumbest criminal out there would
never
tell his intended victims they were about to be killed as part of a
frame-up, then leave many of them alive and unharmed. And Milosevic is
accused of being a criminal mastermind who "covered up his crimes" so
well
that the Inquisition can't find any evidence of it!
Wisdom of the BBC
The triumphant Inquisitors next referred to a Human Rights Watch report
about the incident. The report was, naturally, based on interviews with
"NATO and former Dubrava inmates," and not those evil, deceptive Serbs,
so
it must be true, right?
The highlight of the show was Jackie Rowland of the BBC, who volunteered
to
testify even as many of her colleagues were protesting the decision to
subpoena (Western) journalists against their will. In a passionate
recounting of her testimony for the Guardian, Rowland reveals her
arrogance
and ignorance. She mistook sarcasm for praise, proudly spouted
inaccurate
"history," and provided the entire sordid affair with a delightfully
quotable but utterly meaningless "expert opinion":
"If I look at you now, Mr Milosevic, I can see that you have both your
arms.
I can see the features on your face. I can see that your body is intact.
If
however, you were hit by a bomb - heaven forbid - I think I would be
able to
tell by looking at your body whether that was the manner of your death."
But neither Milosevic, nor anyone in the Serbian government, ever
claimed
that each and every prisoner at Dubrava was killed by a direct hit of a
NATO
bomb. Fewer people are killed by direct bomb hits than by lightning.
When a
building is bombed, people are killed by debris, shockwave, shrapnel,
even
airburst. Rowland was making a dumb statement and being snooty about it.
Absent Men and Albanian Songs
The process continued this week with a witness who claimed only Albanian
houses in his town were burned. Behar Haxhiavdija told a sordid tale of
arson in his home town, but no one seemed to correct his geography:
"Gjakova," the town mentioned in agency reports, is the Albanian name
for
occupied Djakovica. Language aside, one glaring inconsistency found its
way
to an AP report of Haxhiavdija's tale:
"Most of the victims were dragged from the basement and shot, but his
5-year-old son was put in a cupboard and burned alive, said a witness
who
was hiding in a house nearby." [emphasis added]
Was this Haxhiavdija speaking, or another witness? The indefinite
article
suggests him quoting someone else, i.e. hearsay evidence. If he was
present,
how did he survive? Such questions are not expected to come up, given
the
shocking image of a 5-year-old burning in a cupboard.
Another testimony featured a bereaved Lirij Imeraj, who claimed Serb
soldiers "singing in Serb-Croat language and Albanian," came to her
house in
March 1999, and shot her husband and six children. Imeraj and her three
children survived and ran off to Montenegro (part of Yugoslavia).
Why would soldiers on a murder spree spare a woman and three children,
but
kill her husband and the other six? More to it, why would they be
singing in
Albanian? Milosevic asked the same question, but Imeraj said it was
"impossible, not at all possible" that the killers were KLA. She claims
the
murderers were Serbs, and that she knew them - yet she named no names,
at
least none that appeared in the AP story covering the testimony.
The Incredibly Elusive Fridge Trucks
Finally, this Tuesday, the prosecutors resurrected the accusation used
to
abduct Milosevic and send him to The Hague: refrigerator trucks filled
with
Albanians' bodies.
One Caslav Golubovic, whose position in the Serbian police hierarchy
agency
reports never properly clarified, said a truck with 30 bodies was pulled
out
of the Danube river in April 1999 (during the bombing). Golubovic
claimed
the truck was blown up and the bodies removed under orders from Vlajko
Stojiljkovic, Serbia's Interior Minister. He also said the orders came
to
him through General Vlastimir Djordjevic.
There are several problems with Golubovic's story. It conveniently
blames
people who can't be questioned: Djordjevic has disappeared, and
Stojiljkovic
publicly committed suicide in April. Then there is an exhaustive study
by an
American scholar, showing that the "refrigerator truck" story was never
more
than a malicious, unsubstantiated rumor: there has been no evidence to
it
whatsoever.
But the Inquisition certainly doesn't care. Lack of evidence is by
itself
evidence of Milosevic's criminal mastermind, right? As long as they can
find
some patsy to say the lines, they don't need no stinkin' evidence!
Perhaps one shouldn't be so harsh on Golubovic. It's hard to tell what
he
actually said, given the agencies' habit of printing out-of-context
snippets
in a sea of drivel. But that doesn't change the fact that the
refrigerator
truck story is bogus.
Burden of Proof
In a recent interview with a pro-NATO journalist and a leader of the
International Committee to Defend Milosevic (ICDSM), a BBC journalist
claimed the war crimes have been "proven." But where is the evidence?
All
the world has heard so far have been the testimonies of dozens of
coached
Albanian villagers, KLA leaders and sympathizers, NATO officials,
pro-NATO
diplomats and journalists, and the Inquisition's own "experts". The
"evidence" they produced would have been thrown out of any American
court
any day of the week, and twice on Sunday.
Systematic Crimes
Now no one even remotely sane would dispute that the Yugoslav Succession
Wars (1991-95) and the conflict in Kosovo were rife with atrocities. The
real question is, were those atrocities systematic?
It is obvious from the Inquisition's indictments that the "international
community" (the Empire and its allies) believes that Serb atrocities
were
systematic, while others were random. Only Serb government leaders, in
Bosnia as well as Serbia, stand accused of war crimes. Only Serbs are
charged with genocide - by definition, a systematic crime. Only Serbs
are
accused of a "joint criminal enterprise."
Methods employed, or allegedly employed, by Milosevic's government or
the
Bosnian Serbs are routinely deemed genocidal and criminal, but when
employed
by NATO, there is "no need for investigation." Same with the U.S.,
Croatians, Bosnian Muslims or the KLA.
This makes sense only if seen through the logic of total war, where the
"righteous" can employ any means necessary to defeat the "evil."
Naturally,
the definition of "righteous" and "evil" depends on who has more bombs
and
better press coverage.
Monsters' Ball
Of course, the state itself is a criminal institution, using coercion to
deprive its residents of their liberty, property and life (when it
fights
wars, as most states do). So essentially, every head of state is a
criminal.
>From that standpoint, Slobodan Milosevic is clearly guilty of being
head of
state, and doing what any head of state would do in his place. And those
persecuting him are no less guilty, of the same infractions and then
some.
Yet they claim absolute innocence and the right to judge others, as some
sort of über-government.
Milosevic's regime at least prosecuted several hundred soldiers and
militia
who were accused of looting, murder, arson and other atrocities. The
world
is yet to see any Imperial troops answer for their deeds: not because
there
weren't any - for there were, and plenty - but because the Empire
considers
itself above the law. The Hague may be a monster's ball, but the monster
is
not Milosevic.
A Factory of Lies
Power needs no justification to act as it wishes, just as its "courts"
need
no evidence to proclaim guilt. It does need, however, to manufacture
consent
for its continued survival by creating perceptions of righteousness and
legitimacy.
An amazing number of people still misguidedly believe that the Hague
Inquisition is a legitimate court, staffed by impartial prosecutors and
judges, which seeks to punish perpetrators of war crimes for the sake of
peace, justice and individualized guilt.
But as real, not manufactured, evidence shows each day the charade
continues, the so-called "court" in the Netherlands is nothing more than
Empire's vicious factory of lies.
ANTIWAR, Thursday, September 5, 2002
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
Illusions of Truth and Justice
The Hague Inquisition's Factory of Lies
After a month-long hiatus, Slobodan Milosevic's show trial before the
Hague
Inquisition reopened last week. As expected, no one looked back on the
prosecution's fiasco just before the recess, when their star witness
turned
around and exonerated Milosevic. Rade Markovic, former head of Serbian
State
Security, also accused the new Belgrade authorities of abuse and
suborning
perjury.
But there was no talk of forced testimonies when the "trial" resumed.
Markovic was disappeared down the memory hole, and no one in officialdom
seems concerned about his fate. Yet that would be a legitimate concern,
given the propensity of Inquisition's prisoners to end up dead or worse.
Having failed to bully Markovic into fingering his former president, the
Inquisition finds itself running both out of time and out of lies. With
only
a week or so remaining for the Kosovo stage of the process, they have
opted
to recycle old, debunked accusations in a last-ditch effort to sling
enough
mud so some of it would stick.
The Impossible Prison Massacre
Much of last week's proceedings revolved around the allegation, brought
forward by two KLA members, that Serbian police massacred the inmates of
Dubrava prison near Istok, just after NATO bombed the penitentiary. The
media had a field day with this. Not only did they describe Musa
Krasniqi,
the first KLA witness, as a "physics teacher" and buried the references
to
his KLA membership elsewhere in their dispatches, they also presented
his
allegations as factual. Similar treatment was given the other witness,
Gani
Beqaj, though his peacetime profession was never mentioned. Perhaps it
lacked that "instant credibility" of teaching physics?
According to Krasniqi and Beqaj, the prisoners were rounded up in the
courtyard, then machine-gunned. Those who escaped (how?) were hunted
down
with hand grenades for two days. Yet both of them, and many other
prisoners,
stayed alive and unharmed. They were later transferred to other prisons
and
"told to say all prisoners were killed by NATO."
One can be forgiven for thinking this story somewhat less than
plausible,
and it's obvious as to why. Even the dumbest criminal out there would
never
tell his intended victims they were about to be killed as part of a
frame-up, then leave many of them alive and unharmed. And Milosevic is
accused of being a criminal mastermind who "covered up his crimes" so
well
that the Inquisition can't find any evidence of it!
Wisdom of the BBC
The triumphant Inquisitors next referred to a Human Rights Watch report
about the incident. The report was, naturally, based on interviews with
"NATO and former Dubrava inmates," and not those evil, deceptive Serbs,
so
it must be true, right?
The highlight of the show was Jackie Rowland of the BBC, who volunteered
to
testify even as many of her colleagues were protesting the decision to
subpoena (Western) journalists against their will. In a passionate
recounting of her testimony for the Guardian, Rowland reveals her
arrogance
and ignorance. She mistook sarcasm for praise, proudly spouted
inaccurate
"history," and provided the entire sordid affair with a delightfully
quotable but utterly meaningless "expert opinion":
"If I look at you now, Mr Milosevic, I can see that you have both your
arms.
I can see the features on your face. I can see that your body is intact.
If
however, you were hit by a bomb - heaven forbid - I think I would be
able to
tell by looking at your body whether that was the manner of your death."
But neither Milosevic, nor anyone in the Serbian government, ever
claimed
that each and every prisoner at Dubrava was killed by a direct hit of a
NATO
bomb. Fewer people are killed by direct bomb hits than by lightning.
When a
building is bombed, people are killed by debris, shockwave, shrapnel,
even
airburst. Rowland was making a dumb statement and being snooty about it.
Absent Men and Albanian Songs
The process continued this week with a witness who claimed only Albanian
houses in his town were burned. Behar Haxhiavdija told a sordid tale of
arson in his home town, but no one seemed to correct his geography:
"Gjakova," the town mentioned in agency reports, is the Albanian name
for
occupied Djakovica. Language aside, one glaring inconsistency found its
way
to an AP report of Haxhiavdija's tale:
"Most of the victims were dragged from the basement and shot, but his
5-year-old son was put in a cupboard and burned alive, said a witness
who
was hiding in a house nearby." [emphasis added]
Was this Haxhiavdija speaking, or another witness? The indefinite
article
suggests him quoting someone else, i.e. hearsay evidence. If he was
present,
how did he survive? Such questions are not expected to come up, given
the
shocking image of a 5-year-old burning in a cupboard.
Another testimony featured a bereaved Lirij Imeraj, who claimed Serb
soldiers "singing in Serb-Croat language and Albanian," came to her
house in
March 1999, and shot her husband and six children. Imeraj and her three
children survived and ran off to Montenegro (part of Yugoslavia).
Why would soldiers on a murder spree spare a woman and three children,
but
kill her husband and the other six? More to it, why would they be
singing in
Albanian? Milosevic asked the same question, but Imeraj said it was
"impossible, not at all possible" that the killers were KLA. She claims
the
murderers were Serbs, and that she knew them - yet she named no names,
at
least none that appeared in the AP story covering the testimony.
The Incredibly Elusive Fridge Trucks
Finally, this Tuesday, the prosecutors resurrected the accusation used
to
abduct Milosevic and send him to The Hague: refrigerator trucks filled
with
Albanians' bodies.
One Caslav Golubovic, whose position in the Serbian police hierarchy
agency
reports never properly clarified, said a truck with 30 bodies was pulled
out
of the Danube river in April 1999 (during the bombing). Golubovic
claimed
the truck was blown up and the bodies removed under orders from Vlajko
Stojiljkovic, Serbia's Interior Minister. He also said the orders came
to
him through General Vlastimir Djordjevic.
There are several problems with Golubovic's story. It conveniently
blames
people who can't be questioned: Djordjevic has disappeared, and
Stojiljkovic
publicly committed suicide in April. Then there is an exhaustive study
by an
American scholar, showing that the "refrigerator truck" story was never
more
than a malicious, unsubstantiated rumor: there has been no evidence to
it
whatsoever.
But the Inquisition certainly doesn't care. Lack of evidence is by
itself
evidence of Milosevic's criminal mastermind, right? As long as they can
find
some patsy to say the lines, they don't need no stinkin' evidence!
Perhaps one shouldn't be so harsh on Golubovic. It's hard to tell what
he
actually said, given the agencies' habit of printing out-of-context
snippets
in a sea of drivel. But that doesn't change the fact that the
refrigerator
truck story is bogus.
Burden of Proof
In a recent interview with a pro-NATO journalist and a leader of the
International Committee to Defend Milosevic (ICDSM), a BBC journalist
claimed the war crimes have been "proven." But where is the evidence?
All
the world has heard so far have been the testimonies of dozens of
coached
Albanian villagers, KLA leaders and sympathizers, NATO officials,
pro-NATO
diplomats and journalists, and the Inquisition's own "experts". The
"evidence" they produced would have been thrown out of any American
court
any day of the week, and twice on Sunday.
Systematic Crimes
Now no one even remotely sane would dispute that the Yugoslav Succession
Wars (1991-95) and the conflict in Kosovo were rife with atrocities. The
real question is, were those atrocities systematic?
It is obvious from the Inquisition's indictments that the "international
community" (the Empire and its allies) believes that Serb atrocities
were
systematic, while others were random. Only Serb government leaders, in
Bosnia as well as Serbia, stand accused of war crimes. Only Serbs are
charged with genocide - by definition, a systematic crime. Only Serbs
are
accused of a "joint criminal enterprise."
Methods employed, or allegedly employed, by Milosevic's government or
the
Bosnian Serbs are routinely deemed genocidal and criminal, but when
employed
by NATO, there is "no need for investigation." Same with the U.S.,
Croatians, Bosnian Muslims or the KLA.
This makes sense only if seen through the logic of total war, where the
"righteous" can employ any means necessary to defeat the "evil."
Naturally,
the definition of "righteous" and "evil" depends on who has more bombs
and
better press coverage.
Monsters' Ball
Of course, the state itself is a criminal institution, using coercion to
deprive its residents of their liberty, property and life (when it
fights
wars, as most states do). So essentially, every head of state is a
criminal.
>From that standpoint, Slobodan Milosevic is clearly guilty of being
head of
state, and doing what any head of state would do in his place. And those
persecuting him are no less guilty, of the same infractions and then
some.
Yet they claim absolute innocence and the right to judge others, as some
sort of über-government.
Milosevic's regime at least prosecuted several hundred soldiers and
militia
who were accused of looting, murder, arson and other atrocities. The
world
is yet to see any Imperial troops answer for their deeds: not because
there
weren't any - for there were, and plenty - but because the Empire
considers
itself above the law. The Hague may be a monster's ball, but the monster
is
not Milosevic.
A Factory of Lies
Power needs no justification to act as it wishes, just as its "courts"
need
no evidence to proclaim guilt. It does need, however, to manufacture
consent
for its continued survival by creating perceptions of righteousness and
legitimacy.
An amazing number of people still misguidedly believe that the Hague
Inquisition is a legitimate court, staffed by impartial prosecutors and
judges, which seeks to punish perpetrators of war crimes for the sake of
peace, justice and individualized guilt.
But as real, not manufactured, evidence shows each day the charade
continues, the so-called "court" in the Netherlands is nothing more than
Empire's vicious factory of lies.
URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/audio/bbc823.htm
Join our email list at http://emperors-clothes.com/f.htm
Receive articles from Emperor's Clothes Website
www.tenc.net * [Emperor's Clothes]
=======================================
Jared Israel Interviewed On BBC About Milosevic 'Trial'
Page set up by John Flaherty
[Posted 29 August 2002]
=======================================
The BBC's Bill Hayton interviewed Jared Israel on August 23rd. Excerpts
from
the interview were used in a BBC feature story which can be read at
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
The feature story is balanced for the most part. But it leaves out much
of
the interview. To hear the whole original interview on RealPlayer audio,
go
to http://emperor.vwh.net/Audio/bbc823.rm
Below Is Full Tanscript of BBC Interview
BBC - 23 August 2002
BILL HAYTON: Can I credit you as from the International Committee?
JARED ISRAEL: I'm the vice-chairman of the international committee. One
of
the vice-chairmen.
BILL HAYTON: Right
JARED ISRAEL: And I edit the website - www.icdsm.org
BILL HAYTON: Who do you think's winning in the courtroom?
JARED ISRAEL: Well, I think everybody thinks Milosevic is winning. The
question is whether it's a rigged battle. That is, if the fix is in, in
a
prizefight, it doesn't really, then, mean that because one person is
winning
that he will necessarily win, right? Because the judges have already
decided.
And the judge in this case is manifestly on the prosecution side. That
was
very clear on the 26th, on the last day's testimony when Mr. Markovic
was
asked by Mr. Milosevic, "Is it true that you were tortured?" And he
said,
"Yes." And judge May said this doesn't have any relevance to the
evidence,
which this witness has given here, none at all. Whether he was tortured.
Now that's a trial-stopping issue. In other words, it's our position
that,
since their main prosecution witness - because he's not in the KLA and
he's
not Paddy Ashdown, that is an operative of the British special forces
and the
special representative of the British government 10 times going to
Yugoslavia, and he's not one of the leaders of the Kosovo verification
mission, and he's not in the CIA and he's not therefore William Walker,
but
he was actually the leader of the Serbian security police - was brought
in to
testify and said he was tortured to give false evidence...that's what he
said....
BILL HAYTON: ....right
JARED ISRAEL: Now, how can you continue the trial then? And they
continued.
So the trial is now a dead thing walking. That is our position.
BILL HAYTON: I mean...you accept that war crimes were committed in
Kosovo...
JARED ISRAEL: Yeah, by NATO and the KLA on a grand scale
BILL HAYTON: But you're confident there were no war crimes committed at
all
by any Yugoslav security forces in Kosovo?
JARED ISRAEL: I'm not, nobody in the world could ever make a statement
like
that about any security force in any war.
And as a matter of fact one of the points that Milosevic and Rade
Markovic,
who was the leader of that force and who is the prosecution witness,
made is
that several hundred people in the army and I assume in the security
forces
were prosecuted by the Yugoslav government for committing atrocities.
Now. Does the fact that they prosecuted members of the security forces
and
the army for committing atrocities mean that there were no atrocities?
No, it
means there were. But, since that happens in every war, the crucial
question
is whether an army prosecutes those people who do such things. And I
would
hold that against the record of Britain in the Falklands [Islands]; I
would
hold it against the record of Britain and the US in Afghanistan. Who's
being
prosecuted for atrocities in Afghanistan? What pilots in the US, Britain
or
Germany were prosecuted for bombing civilians during the attack on
Yugoslavia? Why haven't Blair and Clinton been prosecuted for launching
an
aggressive war? But Yugoslav soldiers and members of the security
forces,
according to Rade Markovic, were prosecuted.
So, yes, of course, atrocities occur, but that is the opposite of an
official
policy of having them, isn't it? When you prosecute the people who do
it, you
discourage it.
BILL HAYTON: The prosecution is now trying to prove that the orders to
commit
those atrocities, such as they were, came from the top
JARED ISRAEL: But that would be remarkable, wouldn't it? To order people
to
commit atrocities and then prosecute several hundred people who did? As
far
as I know, one person was prosecuted in the Vietnam War for committing
atrocities. Two and a half million people were killed, atrociously.
BILL HAYTON: Ok, but...
JARED ISRAEL: Now in the case of Kosovo, when the US attacked the
country,
the only people who have been prosecuted for committing atrocities, were
prosecuted by Yugoslavia. Where has the US prosecuted anyone?
BILL HAYTON: Ok. So, do you think the prosecution has or has so far -
looking
at the trial - proved a link between Milosevic and the action of the
troops
on the ground ...
JARED ISRAEL: First of all, the actions of the troops on the ground,
from
everything that has come out in the testimony, have been remarkable and
a
model of how you combat terrorism without flattening the country as the
US
has been doing in Afghanistan - and mark you *not* it's own country -
whereas
this Kosovo *is* part of Serbia - that's point one. So, secondly, of
course
he's connected with the [action of the troops on the ground] - he was
the
head of the country - that doesn't mean that he oversaw every action.
But
[in] setting general policy, the president of the country is the
commander
and chief; in Yugoslavia, [he] is the commander and chief of the armed
forces.
Milosevic has not denied in fact he's affirmed that he had a large role
in
setting policy, he and the people who are also in the government with
him.
And one of the policies he set was to prosecute people who committed
atrocities.
Now, we have a book on the website I edit which is emperor's clothes at
www.tenc.net; we have a book written by two Yugoslav army generals,
including
Yugoslav army orders which are very strict in calling for the immediate
arrest of any soldier who violates the strict - the "treasuring" - and
they
use the word, "sacred" - of prisoners and the treasuring of civilians.
That's
the opposite of an official policy of persecuting and atrocities. So, in
answer to your question, yes there is a connection between Milosevic and
the
policies of his government, which includes the army.
---NOTE: The book, "The Other Side of the Story," can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/book/book1.htm
As for the specific command structure, no, he was not involved in
day-to- day
specific decisions about specific people; that's absurd.
So, I'm saying, number 1, what they're saying happened, didn't happen.
There
was not an official policy of atrocities. There was an official policy
of
opposing them. He was responsible, in part, for that policy. Therefore
he's a
hero. That's what they've shown so far. Their witness, their prosecution
witness, whom they tortured to get him to say Milosevic was guilty, came
in
and said this. And said he was tortured.
And Judge May said that's irrelevant.
You know what Gandhi said about Western Civilization? He said it would
be a
good idea.
BILL HAYTON: Ok. Thank you very much.
JARED ISRAEL: Thank you.
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by accusing the Yugoslav Navy of destroying historic Dubrovnik.
Remarkably,
one newspaper accused the Serbs of completely destroying the city...on
several different occasions.
And yet, despite this miracle of multiple total destruction, when Prof.
Petar
Maher shot video footage of the Old City in March 1992, it was still
standing, virtually unharmed.
If you would like Emperor's Clothes to remain standing, and to produce
this
important movie (on the lowest budget ever!) please help with a
contribution
of whatever you can afford.
Every contribution will help! $20, $50, $100, or more - or less. True,
more
is nice, but lots of less is good too. We know money is hard to come by,
and
when you contribute any of your hard-earned cash to Emperor's Clothes
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=======================================
Jared Israel Interviewed On BBC About Milosevic 'Trial'
Page set up by John Flaherty
[Posted 29 August 2002]
=======================================
The BBC's Bill Hayton interviewed Jared Israel on August 23rd. Excerpts
from
the interview were used in a BBC feature story which can be read at
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
The feature story is balanced for the most part. But it leaves out much
of
the interview. To hear the whole original interview on RealPlayer audio,
go
to http://emperor.vwh.net/Audio/bbc823.rm
Below Is Full Tanscript of BBC Interview
BBC - 23 August 2002
BILL HAYTON: Can I credit you as from the International Committee?
JARED ISRAEL: I'm the vice-chairman of the international committee. One
of
the vice-chairmen.
BILL HAYTON: Right
JARED ISRAEL: And I edit the website - www.icdsm.org
BILL HAYTON: Who do you think's winning in the courtroom?
JARED ISRAEL: Well, I think everybody thinks Milosevic is winning. The
question is whether it's a rigged battle. That is, if the fix is in, in
a
prizefight, it doesn't really, then, mean that because one person is
winning
that he will necessarily win, right? Because the judges have already
decided.
And the judge in this case is manifestly on the prosecution side. That
was
very clear on the 26th, on the last day's testimony when Mr. Markovic
was
asked by Mr. Milosevic, "Is it true that you were tortured?" And he
said,
"Yes." And judge May said this doesn't have any relevance to the
evidence,
which this witness has given here, none at all. Whether he was tortured.
Now that's a trial-stopping issue. In other words, it's our position
that,
since their main prosecution witness - because he's not in the KLA and
he's
not Paddy Ashdown, that is an operative of the British special forces
and the
special representative of the British government 10 times going to
Yugoslavia, and he's not one of the leaders of the Kosovo verification
mission, and he's not in the CIA and he's not therefore William Walker,
but
he was actually the leader of the Serbian security police - was brought
in to
testify and said he was tortured to give false evidence...that's what he
said....
BILL HAYTON: ....right
JARED ISRAEL: Now, how can you continue the trial then? And they
continued.
So the trial is now a dead thing walking. That is our position.
BILL HAYTON: I mean...you accept that war crimes were committed in
Kosovo...
JARED ISRAEL: Yeah, by NATO and the KLA on a grand scale
BILL HAYTON: But you're confident there were no war crimes committed at
all
by any Yugoslav security forces in Kosovo?
JARED ISRAEL: I'm not, nobody in the world could ever make a statement
like
that about any security force in any war.
And as a matter of fact one of the points that Milosevic and Rade
Markovic,
who was the leader of that force and who is the prosecution witness,
made is
that several hundred people in the army and I assume in the security
forces
were prosecuted by the Yugoslav government for committing atrocities.
Now. Does the fact that they prosecuted members of the security forces
and
the army for committing atrocities mean that there were no atrocities?
No, it
means there were. But, since that happens in every war, the crucial
question
is whether an army prosecutes those people who do such things. And I
would
hold that against the record of Britain in the Falklands [Islands]; I
would
hold it against the record of Britain and the US in Afghanistan. Who's
being
prosecuted for atrocities in Afghanistan? What pilots in the US, Britain
or
Germany were prosecuted for bombing civilians during the attack on
Yugoslavia? Why haven't Blair and Clinton been prosecuted for launching
an
aggressive war? But Yugoslav soldiers and members of the security
forces,
according to Rade Markovic, were prosecuted.
So, yes, of course, atrocities occur, but that is the opposite of an
official
policy of having them, isn't it? When you prosecute the people who do
it, you
discourage it.
BILL HAYTON: The prosecution is now trying to prove that the orders to
commit
those atrocities, such as they were, came from the top
JARED ISRAEL: But that would be remarkable, wouldn't it? To order people
to
commit atrocities and then prosecute several hundred people who did? As
far
as I know, one person was prosecuted in the Vietnam War for committing
atrocities. Two and a half million people were killed, atrociously.
BILL HAYTON: Ok, but...
JARED ISRAEL: Now in the case of Kosovo, when the US attacked the
country,
the only people who have been prosecuted for committing atrocities, were
prosecuted by Yugoslavia. Where has the US prosecuted anyone?
BILL HAYTON: Ok. So, do you think the prosecution has or has so far -
looking
at the trial - proved a link between Milosevic and the action of the
troops
on the ground ...
JARED ISRAEL: First of all, the actions of the troops on the ground,
from
everything that has come out in the testimony, have been remarkable and
a
model of how you combat terrorism without flattening the country as the
US
has been doing in Afghanistan - and mark you *not* it's own country -
whereas
this Kosovo *is* part of Serbia - that's point one. So, secondly, of
course
he's connected with the [action of the troops on the ground] - he was
the
head of the country - that doesn't mean that he oversaw every action.
But
[in] setting general policy, the president of the country is the
commander
and chief; in Yugoslavia, [he] is the commander and chief of the armed
forces.
Milosevic has not denied in fact he's affirmed that he had a large role
in
setting policy, he and the people who are also in the government with
him.
And one of the policies he set was to prosecute people who committed
atrocities.
Now, we have a book on the website I edit which is emperor's clothes at
www.tenc.net; we have a book written by two Yugoslav army generals,
including
Yugoslav army orders which are very strict in calling for the immediate
arrest of any soldier who violates the strict - the "treasuring" - and
they
use the word, "sacred" - of prisoners and the treasuring of civilians.
That's
the opposite of an official policy of persecuting and atrocities. So, in
answer to your question, yes there is a connection between Milosevic and
the
policies of his government, which includes the army.
---NOTE: The book, "The Other Side of the Story," can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/book/book1.htm
As for the specific command structure, no, he was not involved in
day-to- day
specific decisions about specific people; that's absurd.
So, I'm saying, number 1, what they're saying happened, didn't happen.
There
was not an official policy of atrocities. There was an official policy
of
opposing them. He was responsible, in part, for that policy. Therefore
he's a
hero. That's what they've shown so far. Their witness, their prosecution
witness, whom they tortured to get him to say Milosevic was guilty, came
in
and said this. And said he was tortured.
And Judge May said that's irrelevant.
You know what Gandhi said about Western Civilization? He said it would
be a
good idea.
BILL HAYTON: Ok. Thank you very much.
JARED ISRAEL: Thank you.
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Remarkably,
one newspaper accused the Serbs of completely destroying the city...on
several different occasions.
And yet, despite this miracle of multiple total destruction, when Prof.
Petar
Maher shot video footage of the Old City in March 1992, it was still
standing, virtually unharmed.
If you would like Emperor's Clothes to remain standing, and to produce
this
important movie (on the lowest budget ever!) please help with a
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> http://globalresearch.ca/articles/GOW208A.html
Centre for Research on Globalisation - www.globalresearch.ca
Prosecution's witness refutes charges against Milosevic,
says he was tortured
by Stephen Gowans
Media Monitors , 30 July 2002.
Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG), globalresearch.ca ,
10 August 2002
Picture this. A man is on trial, accused of horrible crimes.
The prosecution calls a former subordinate of the accused to give
testimony.
The witness is hailed as a key prosecution asset, a member of the
accused's inner circle, who will help nail the lid shut on the
prosecution's case.
The witness takes the stand and the prosecutor begins his
examination.
Reporters prepare to take down the damning testimony, secure in
the knowledge the accused -- who they've already convicted --
will soon be brought to justice.
Then a bombshell. Rather than corroborating the prosecution's
case, the witness refutes it. No, the accused did not commit the crimes
he's charged with, the key witness testifies.
And then another bombshell: The witness says he was tortured to
provide false testimony.
Astonishingly, the judge rules the witness's revelations about
torture irrelevant.
The next day, reporters write nothing about the witness's torture
claim. And the reporter from the newspaper of record says nothing of
the witness exploding the prosecution's case, writing instead that
"the prosecutors and observers (were) anxious to see (the
accused) brought to justice."
A 1930's era show trial, complete with suborned witnesses,
torture, contrived charges, and press propaganda?
No. But it is a show trial. And it does feature suborned
witnesses, contrived charges, and press propaganda. And torture.
But it's taking place right now, at The Hague. And the accused is
former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
This is explosive, court room drama. And you've probably heard
nothing of it.
Last week, Rade Markovic, former head of the Department of State
Security of the Serbian Ministry of the Interior, was called to
testify as "a key prosecution witness." [1]
Milosevic has been accused of:
ordering the Serb police and Yugoslav army to commit war crimes;
ordering the expulsion of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo;
hiding evidence of mass executions of ethnic Albanians.
In short, Milosevic is accused of ethnic cleansing, and Markovic
was to confirm the charges.
Instead "Markovic...told the trial of former Yugoslav president
Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague that no policy of ethnic cleansing
existed during the 1999 conflict." [2]
On the contrary, testified Markovic, "I told (local officials )
that presidential orders are that the flow of refugees must be stopped"
[3] adding that "the Yugoslav army and Serbian police had strict
orders to protect Albanian civilians during NATO bombing" [4] - hardly
what you'd expect from an ethnic cleanser.
"I never got any order, nor did I hear about any order or plan to
expel Albanians," Markovic told the tribunal. [5]
If this were Milosevic's witness, you might expect him to say
something like this. But this was the prosecution's witness!
"Markovic said he had no knowledge of bodies transferred from
Kosovo, a reference to mass graves near Belgrade discovered by Serb
police in 2001, after Milosevic's ouster." [6]
"He also denied...that his former boss (Mr. Milosevic) had ordered
Serb forces to hide evidence of mass executions of Albanians." [7]
While crimes were committed by Serb police and the army, a charge
Milosevic has never denied, Markovic testified that "Milosevic
himself said several times that 'every crime must be immediately
punished.?" [8]
"More than 200 criminal charges were filed against members of the
police, and I think a similar figure stands for the army," [9]
Markovic told the tribunal.
Under cross-examination, the prosecution's key witness "confirmed
the suggestion that (ethnic Albanian refugees) had fled NATO
bombing and the risk of being drafted by Kosovo Albanian rebels."
[10]
That's detrimental enough to the case, but what followed is even
more damming:
"Markovic testified that he was tortured in (a Belgrade) jail to
force him to agree to give false testimony against Slobodan Milsoevic."
[11]
Judge Richard May interrupted the cross-examination of Markovic,
to argue that Markovic's allegations of torture were "irrelevant." [12]
The torture bombshell was ignored by the media. [13]
Why?
One of the big problems of the tribunal is that it's controlled by
NATO, [14] the very same organization that bombed Yugoslavia, and
engineered Milosevic's ouster. The very same organization that,
according to Markovic's testimony, is responsible for the
displacement of 800,00 ethnic Albanians.
The United States, which effectively controls the tribunal,
recently rejected the International Criminal Court on grounds it could
be subverted for political ends.
Who would know better than Washington?
Notes:
[1] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[2] Ibid.
[3] AP, 26 July, 2002
[4] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[5] Ibid.
[6] Milosevic Master Spy Says No Expulsion from Kosovo, Yahoo!
News, 28 July, 2002
[7] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[8] Ibid., Milosevic Master Spy Says No Expulsion from Kosovo,
Yahoo! News, 28 July, 2002
[9] AP, 26 July, 2002
[10] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[11] Jared Israel & Nico Varkevisser, Milosevic trial blows up in
Hague prosecutor's face, 27 July, 2002
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/rade.htm
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] "Official Statements Prove Hague 'Tribunal' Belongs to NATO"
at http://www.icdsm.org/more/belongs.htm , cited in Jared Israel
& Nico Varkevisser, Milosevic trial blows up in Hague prosecutor's
face, 27 July, 2002 http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/rade.htm
Steve Gowans is a writer and political activist who lives in
Ottawa, Canada. Copyright © Stephan Gowans, Media Monitors 2002. For
fair use only
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/GOW208A.html
===*===
If This Man is a War Criminal Where is All the Evidence?
As the prosecution's star witness gives testimony, how Milosevic is
making fools of Blair and the West
by John Laughland
The Mail on Sunday
8/27/02
In the great film with Marlene Dietrich and Charles Laughton, the
"Witness for the Prosecution" appears in court and gives exactly the
opposite testimony from what was expected. You would not know it from
our media - which passed over the event in silence - but the same
thing happened at The Hague recently, in the most important war crimes
trial since Nuremberg, that of the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan
Milosevic. One of the prosecution's star witnesses said precisely the
opposite of what he was supposed to say, dealing what seemed like a
fatal blow to a prosecution case which was already reeling from
several previous blunders.
The star witness in question was Rade Markovic, the former head of the
Yugoslav secret services. Before he appeared in the witness box, the
media universally hailed him as the insider who would finally give the
clinching testimony that Milosevic had personally ordered the
persecution of the ethnic Albanian population of Kosovo. This is the
single issue which NATO uses to justify its otherwise illegal attacks
on Yugoslavia: without it, the moral justification for NATO's war in
1999 completely disappears.
The urge to hear Markovic's testimony was all the greater because the
prosecution's last "star witness" had been a severe embarrassment.
Ratomir Tanic had presented himself as another "insider", and had
claimed that he had actually been present when Milosevic gave the
genocidal order. Under cross-examination, however, Tanic was shown to
be an agent of the secret services of various Western countries, and
to be so unfamiliar with the corridors of power that he could not even
say what floor in the presidential palace Milosevic's office had been
on.
The embarrassment over Tanic was equalled only by that caused when an
Albanian witness produced a list of names, which he alleged was of
Albanians whom the Serb police were to execute. On closer examination,
the list turned out to be a fake: the spelling mistakes were so
numerous that only an Albanian could have written them.
Enter, therefore, Radomir Markovic, the secret police chief who knew
more about what was going on in Yugoslavia than anyone else. But, in
painstakingly detailed testimony lasting nearly three hours, he told
the court that Milosevic had never ordered the expulsion of the
Albanian population of Kosovo; that the former president had
repeatedly issued instructions to the police and the army to respect
the laws of war, and to protect the civilian population, even if it
meant compromising the battle against Albanian terrorists; and that
the mass exodus of Albanians during the Nato bombing was caused not by
Serb forces but instead by the Kosovo Liberation Army itself, which
needed a constant flow of refugees to maintain the support of Western
public opinion for the Nato campaign.
"Did you ever get any kind of report," Milosevic asked him,"or have
you ever heard of an order, to expel Albanians from Kosovo?" "No, I
never heard of such an order. Nobody ever ordered for Albanians from
Kosovo to be expelled," Markovic replied. "Did you receive any
information about any plan, suggestion or de facto influence that
Albanians were to be expelled?" asked Milosevic. Reply: "No, I never
heard of such a suggestion to expel Albanians from Kosovo." "At the
meetings you attended, is it true that completely the opposite is
said, namely that we always insisted that civilians be protected, and
that they not be hurt in the process of anti-terrorist operations?"
"Certainly," said the witness. "The task was not only to protect Serbs
but also Albanian civilians." "Is it not true that we tried to
persuade the flow of refugees to stay at home, and that the army and
police would protect them?" the former president asked. "Yes, that was
the instruction and those were the assignments." "Do you know that the
Kosovo Liberation Army told people to leave, and to stage an exodus?"
"Yes," said Markovic. "I am aware of that."
The media greeted this stunning evidence with complete silence.
Indeed, it even failed to report the most extraordinary assertion of
all made by Markovic, namely that he had effectively been tortured by
the new pro-Western authorities in Belgrade, in order to make him
testify against Milosevic. Markovic claimed that the new Minister of
the Interior in the Western-backed government in Belgrade had taken
him out to dinner and offered him release from prison - where he has
been incarcerated for over a year now - and a new identity in a
country of his choice, if only he would agree to testify against his
former boss at The Hague. As Slobodan Milosevic tried to point out in
his cross-examination - until he was interrupted by the judge, that is
- it clearly falls under the terms of the United Nations' definition
of "torture" to imprison someone in order to force them to co-operate.
Markovic also alleged that the Tribunal's own prosecutors had
falsified and embellished the written statement he had given them.
These were amazing allegations. With them, the whole prosecution case
seemed to crumble. But even more stunning was the reaction of the
British presiding judge, Sir Richard May. A judge is supposed to be a
neutral arbiter between the prosecution and the defence: May, by
contrast, has distinguished himself throughout the trial by his
belligerence towards Milosevic, who is conducting his own defence, and
in particular for his habit of interrupting Milosevic, even sometimes
switching off his microphone, whenever the former Yugoslav leader's
cross-examination shows up inconsistencies in a witness' evidence.
As May listened to Markovic, he tried desperately to stop him making
these allegations against the Prosecutors and their allies in
Belgrade. When Markovic began to describe his ordeal at the hands of
the new Yugoslav government, May silenced him, saying to Milosevic,
"This does not appear to have relevance to the evidence which the
witness has given here. We are not going to litigate here with what
happened to him (i.e. Markovic) in Yugoslavia when he was arrested."
And when Milosevic insisted that the Tribunal's own investigators had
falsified Markovic's written evidence, May interrupted him tartly by
saying, "That is not a comment which it is proper for you to make." In
Judge May's book, therefore, it is irrelevant if the prosecution is
lying, or if it is an accomplice to torture.
Judge Richard May is no stranger to political activity, like the
prosecutor, Geoffrey Nice, he is a committed Socialist: he stood as a
Labour Party candidate for Finchley in the general election in 1979,
where his Conservative opponent was none other than Margaret Thatcher.
As a judge on the Midlands Circuit in the 1980s, he would dine out on
this story, for which he enjoyed the admiration of his left-wing
colleagues. But even this happy admission of political bias could not
have prepared anyone for the way he would react to Markovic's shocking
claims.
It gets worse. The Tribunal's priorities now seem so distorted that
they see Milosevic's "political crime" of resisting NATO as worse than
the crimes of physically torturing people to death. On 31st July, the
Tribunal ordered the release from custody of a man called Milojica
Kos. Kos had served four years of a six-year sentence for murder,
torture and persecution as a guard at the notorious Omarska camp in
Bosnia, which was compared at the time to a Nazi concentration camp.
But the president of the Tribunal, Claude Jorda, said that Kos would
be released early because of "his wish to reintegrate himself into
society, his determination not to re-offend, his irreproachable
conduct in detention, his attachment to his family, and the
possibility of exercising a profession again." No such tolerance will
be shown to Milosevic.
These events have provided spectacular proof of what critics have
always said - that the International Criminal Tribunal is a political
kangaroo court in the hands of the West. But political manipulation
can work both ways. Tony Blair has been a vigorous supporter of a
clone of the Yugoslav tribunal, the new International Criminal Court.
But why shouldn't the new court be as politicised as the present one?
Plenty of anti-Western countries, like Iran, Sudan and Zimbabwe, have
signed the new ICC treaty. If they decided to prosecute Tony Blair for
attacking Iraq, say, there is little to stop them - especially since
the ICC defines "aggression" as a war crime. On his next trip abroad,
therefore, Mr. Blair might be wise to pack his toothbrush.
http://www.antiwar.com/rep/laughland14.html
===*===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:07 Aout 2002
ZORAN LILIC SHOULD NOT GIVE EVIDENCE AS A WITNESS
Dr. Milan Tepavac
miltep@...
Belgrade, 02 August 2002
Since he appeared a few days ego in the witness box of
the so-called International Criminal Tribunal for
former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague and did not claim
immunity, it seems that it never crossed the mind
neither of Mr. Zoran Lilic nor his attorney, neither
Yugoslav federal government nor anybody else that he,
under international law, is not obliged to give
evidence, to testify, in court, because he, as a former
head of state of Yugoslavia, enjoys absolute immunity
with respect to all acts performed in the exercise of
his functions as a head of state. Under the subpoena of
the ICTY he was, as a matter of fact, forcefully taken
on the territory of Yugoslavia to The Hague by ICTY's
officials to give evidence in the "trial" of Slobodan
Milosevic there, and, thus, his inviolability was also
violated by both the Yugoslav authorities (for not
protecting him) and ICTY's officials. Also, ICTY's
judge, the Korean O-Gon Kvon, who signed the subpoena,
had no right to do it; the learned judge thus committed
crime against international law.
Without precedence
It is a "sacred" rule (ius cogens) of international
law, as old as international law itself, that former
heads of state enjoy absolute immunity and
inviolability with regard to their functions in the
capacity of being heads of state. Slobodan Milosevic is
also a former head of state (Yugoslavia) and, thus,
under immunity and inviolability with regard to his
acts in that capacity. But, as it is known, that there
is a provision in the Statute of the illegal ICTY (thus
the Statute also being illegal) (Article 7) which says:
"The official position of any accused person, whether
as Head of State or Government or as responsible
Government official, shall not relieve such person of
criminal responsibility nor mitigate punishment". Now,
even if we take this provision as a true reflection of
the rule of contemporary international law (which in my
opinion it is not), still there is nowhere similar rule
concerning testimony of former heads of state. So, the
appearance of a former head of state of Yugoslavia
before a criminal court, although illegal, is, as far
as I am aware, without precedence in international law
and international relations.
Vienna accords
When I categorically maintain that former heads of
state enjoy absolute immunity and inviolability with
regard to their acts in official capacity I have in
mind customary rules of international law and, as far
as I know, hitherto unchallenged if we do not regard
the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials as serious precedents.
Thre are also two recent decisions - one French and one
Belgian - which affirm this anciant rule. Now, we see,
illegal so-called ICTY, under the authority of the
Security Council of the UN, "creates" "new law". But,
having in mind that Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations and Vienna Convention on Consular Relations -
which are universally accepted and ratified by almost
all states in the world! - recognize immunity, during
the function and after, not only to diplomats but also
to members of administrative and technical staff - then
the decision of the Security Council to strip the
former heads of state of their immunity, which is older
then international law itself (it was recognized in
ancient Greece and Rome; even in primitive tribal
societies!) - is silly and utterly irresponsible. It
introduced the chaos in international relations! The
great humanitarians already started to chase Henry
Kissinger...
If the fifteen bureaucrats sitting in the so-called
Security Council fancy that they can do whatever they
wish, including to make international law upside down,
then the "accused" before the ICTY Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic has every right to call as witnesses all the
heads of state, former and present, with whom he was
dealing during the bloody dismemberment of the Yugoslav
federation which was planned, instigated, ordered,
financed and committed by them in close cooperation
with the domestic secessionists and criminals. The ICTY
must, on the request of Mr. Milosevic, issue subpoenas
to all those criminals to be not only witnesses but the
accused too in front of their creation - the ICTY.
Centre for Research on Globalisation - www.globalresearch.ca
Prosecution's witness refutes charges against Milosevic,
says he was tortured
by Stephen Gowans
Media Monitors , 30 July 2002.
Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG), globalresearch.ca ,
10 August 2002
Picture this. A man is on trial, accused of horrible crimes.
The prosecution calls a former subordinate of the accused to give
testimony.
The witness is hailed as a key prosecution asset, a member of the
accused's inner circle, who will help nail the lid shut on the
prosecution's case.
The witness takes the stand and the prosecutor begins his
examination.
Reporters prepare to take down the damning testimony, secure in
the knowledge the accused -- who they've already convicted --
will soon be brought to justice.
Then a bombshell. Rather than corroborating the prosecution's
case, the witness refutes it. No, the accused did not commit the crimes
he's charged with, the key witness testifies.
And then another bombshell: The witness says he was tortured to
provide false testimony.
Astonishingly, the judge rules the witness's revelations about
torture irrelevant.
The next day, reporters write nothing about the witness's torture
claim. And the reporter from the newspaper of record says nothing of
the witness exploding the prosecution's case, writing instead that
"the prosecutors and observers (were) anxious to see (the
accused) brought to justice."
A 1930's era show trial, complete with suborned witnesses,
torture, contrived charges, and press propaganda?
No. But it is a show trial. And it does feature suborned
witnesses, contrived charges, and press propaganda. And torture.
But it's taking place right now, at The Hague. And the accused is
former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
This is explosive, court room drama. And you've probably heard
nothing of it.
Last week, Rade Markovic, former head of the Department of State
Security of the Serbian Ministry of the Interior, was called to
testify as "a key prosecution witness." [1]
Milosevic has been accused of:
ordering the Serb police and Yugoslav army to commit war crimes;
ordering the expulsion of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo;
hiding evidence of mass executions of ethnic Albanians.
In short, Milosevic is accused of ethnic cleansing, and Markovic
was to confirm the charges.
Instead "Markovic...told the trial of former Yugoslav president
Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague that no policy of ethnic cleansing
existed during the 1999 conflict." [2]
On the contrary, testified Markovic, "I told (local officials )
that presidential orders are that the flow of refugees must be stopped"
[3] adding that "the Yugoslav army and Serbian police had strict
orders to protect Albanian civilians during NATO bombing" [4] - hardly
what you'd expect from an ethnic cleanser.
"I never got any order, nor did I hear about any order or plan to
expel Albanians," Markovic told the tribunal. [5]
If this were Milosevic's witness, you might expect him to say
something like this. But this was the prosecution's witness!
"Markovic said he had no knowledge of bodies transferred from
Kosovo, a reference to mass graves near Belgrade discovered by Serb
police in 2001, after Milosevic's ouster." [6]
"He also denied...that his former boss (Mr. Milosevic) had ordered
Serb forces to hide evidence of mass executions of Albanians." [7]
While crimes were committed by Serb police and the army, a charge
Milosevic has never denied, Markovic testified that "Milosevic
himself said several times that 'every crime must be immediately
punished.?" [8]
"More than 200 criminal charges were filed against members of the
police, and I think a similar figure stands for the army," [9]
Markovic told the tribunal.
Under cross-examination, the prosecution's key witness "confirmed
the suggestion that (ethnic Albanian refugees) had fled NATO
bombing and the risk of being drafted by Kosovo Albanian rebels."
[10]
That's detrimental enough to the case, but what followed is even
more damming:
"Markovic testified that he was tortured in (a Belgrade) jail to
force him to agree to give false testimony against Slobodan Milsoevic."
[11]
Judge Richard May interrupted the cross-examination of Markovic,
to argue that Markovic's allegations of torture were "irrelevant." [12]
The torture bombshell was ignored by the media. [13]
Why?
One of the big problems of the tribunal is that it's controlled by
NATO, [14] the very same organization that bombed Yugoslavia, and
engineered Milosevic's ouster. The very same organization that,
according to Markovic's testimony, is responsible for the
displacement of 800,00 ethnic Albanians.
The United States, which effectively controls the tribunal,
recently rejected the International Criminal Court on grounds it could
be subverted for political ends.
Who would know better than Washington?
Notes:
[1] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[2] Ibid.
[3] AP, 26 July, 2002
[4] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[5] Ibid.
[6] Milosevic Master Spy Says No Expulsion from Kosovo, Yahoo!
News, 28 July, 2002
[7] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[8] Ibid., Milosevic Master Spy Says No Expulsion from Kosovo,
Yahoo! News, 28 July, 2002
[9] AP, 26 July, 2002
[10] Milosevic witness: No Serb threats, CNN.com, 26 July, 2002
[11] Jared Israel & Nico Varkevisser, Milosevic trial blows up in
Hague prosecutor's face, 27 July, 2002
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/rade.htm
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] "Official Statements Prove Hague 'Tribunal' Belongs to NATO"
at http://www.icdsm.org/more/belongs.htm , cited in Jared Israel
& Nico Varkevisser, Milosevic trial blows up in Hague prosecutor's
face, 27 July, 2002 http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/rade.htm
Steve Gowans is a writer and political activist who lives in
Ottawa, Canada. Copyright © Stephan Gowans, Media Monitors 2002. For
fair use only
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/GOW208A.html
===*===
If This Man is a War Criminal Where is All the Evidence?
As the prosecution's star witness gives testimony, how Milosevic is
making fools of Blair and the West
by John Laughland
The Mail on Sunday
8/27/02
In the great film with Marlene Dietrich and Charles Laughton, the
"Witness for the Prosecution" appears in court and gives exactly the
opposite testimony from what was expected. You would not know it from
our media - which passed over the event in silence - but the same
thing happened at The Hague recently, in the most important war crimes
trial since Nuremberg, that of the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan
Milosevic. One of the prosecution's star witnesses said precisely the
opposite of what he was supposed to say, dealing what seemed like a
fatal blow to a prosecution case which was already reeling from
several previous blunders.
The star witness in question was Rade Markovic, the former head of the
Yugoslav secret services. Before he appeared in the witness box, the
media universally hailed him as the insider who would finally give the
clinching testimony that Milosevic had personally ordered the
persecution of the ethnic Albanian population of Kosovo. This is the
single issue which NATO uses to justify its otherwise illegal attacks
on Yugoslavia: without it, the moral justification for NATO's war in
1999 completely disappears.
The urge to hear Markovic's testimony was all the greater because the
prosecution's last "star witness" had been a severe embarrassment.
Ratomir Tanic had presented himself as another "insider", and had
claimed that he had actually been present when Milosevic gave the
genocidal order. Under cross-examination, however, Tanic was shown to
be an agent of the secret services of various Western countries, and
to be so unfamiliar with the corridors of power that he could not even
say what floor in the presidential palace Milosevic's office had been
on.
The embarrassment over Tanic was equalled only by that caused when an
Albanian witness produced a list of names, which he alleged was of
Albanians whom the Serb police were to execute. On closer examination,
the list turned out to be a fake: the spelling mistakes were so
numerous that only an Albanian could have written them.
Enter, therefore, Radomir Markovic, the secret police chief who knew
more about what was going on in Yugoslavia than anyone else. But, in
painstakingly detailed testimony lasting nearly three hours, he told
the court that Milosevic had never ordered the expulsion of the
Albanian population of Kosovo; that the former president had
repeatedly issued instructions to the police and the army to respect
the laws of war, and to protect the civilian population, even if it
meant compromising the battle against Albanian terrorists; and that
the mass exodus of Albanians during the Nato bombing was caused not by
Serb forces but instead by the Kosovo Liberation Army itself, which
needed a constant flow of refugees to maintain the support of Western
public opinion for the Nato campaign.
"Did you ever get any kind of report," Milosevic asked him,"or have
you ever heard of an order, to expel Albanians from Kosovo?" "No, I
never heard of such an order. Nobody ever ordered for Albanians from
Kosovo to be expelled," Markovic replied. "Did you receive any
information about any plan, suggestion or de facto influence that
Albanians were to be expelled?" asked Milosevic. Reply: "No, I never
heard of such a suggestion to expel Albanians from Kosovo." "At the
meetings you attended, is it true that completely the opposite is
said, namely that we always insisted that civilians be protected, and
that they not be hurt in the process of anti-terrorist operations?"
"Certainly," said the witness. "The task was not only to protect Serbs
but also Albanian civilians." "Is it not true that we tried to
persuade the flow of refugees to stay at home, and that the army and
police would protect them?" the former president asked. "Yes, that was
the instruction and those were the assignments." "Do you know that the
Kosovo Liberation Army told people to leave, and to stage an exodus?"
"Yes," said Markovic. "I am aware of that."
The media greeted this stunning evidence with complete silence.
Indeed, it even failed to report the most extraordinary assertion of
all made by Markovic, namely that he had effectively been tortured by
the new pro-Western authorities in Belgrade, in order to make him
testify against Milosevic. Markovic claimed that the new Minister of
the Interior in the Western-backed government in Belgrade had taken
him out to dinner and offered him release from prison - where he has
been incarcerated for over a year now - and a new identity in a
country of his choice, if only he would agree to testify against his
former boss at The Hague. As Slobodan Milosevic tried to point out in
his cross-examination - until he was interrupted by the judge, that is
- it clearly falls under the terms of the United Nations' definition
of "torture" to imprison someone in order to force them to co-operate.
Markovic also alleged that the Tribunal's own prosecutors had
falsified and embellished the written statement he had given them.
These were amazing allegations. With them, the whole prosecution case
seemed to crumble. But even more stunning was the reaction of the
British presiding judge, Sir Richard May. A judge is supposed to be a
neutral arbiter between the prosecution and the defence: May, by
contrast, has distinguished himself throughout the trial by his
belligerence towards Milosevic, who is conducting his own defence, and
in particular for his habit of interrupting Milosevic, even sometimes
switching off his microphone, whenever the former Yugoslav leader's
cross-examination shows up inconsistencies in a witness' evidence.
As May listened to Markovic, he tried desperately to stop him making
these allegations against the Prosecutors and their allies in
Belgrade. When Markovic began to describe his ordeal at the hands of
the new Yugoslav government, May silenced him, saying to Milosevic,
"This does not appear to have relevance to the evidence which the
witness has given here. We are not going to litigate here with what
happened to him (i.e. Markovic) in Yugoslavia when he was arrested."
And when Milosevic insisted that the Tribunal's own investigators had
falsified Markovic's written evidence, May interrupted him tartly by
saying, "That is not a comment which it is proper for you to make." In
Judge May's book, therefore, it is irrelevant if the prosecution is
lying, or if it is an accomplice to torture.
Judge Richard May is no stranger to political activity, like the
prosecutor, Geoffrey Nice, he is a committed Socialist: he stood as a
Labour Party candidate for Finchley in the general election in 1979,
where his Conservative opponent was none other than Margaret Thatcher.
As a judge on the Midlands Circuit in the 1980s, he would dine out on
this story, for which he enjoyed the admiration of his left-wing
colleagues. But even this happy admission of political bias could not
have prepared anyone for the way he would react to Markovic's shocking
claims.
It gets worse. The Tribunal's priorities now seem so distorted that
they see Milosevic's "political crime" of resisting NATO as worse than
the crimes of physically torturing people to death. On 31st July, the
Tribunal ordered the release from custody of a man called Milojica
Kos. Kos had served four years of a six-year sentence for murder,
torture and persecution as a guard at the notorious Omarska camp in
Bosnia, which was compared at the time to a Nazi concentration camp.
But the president of the Tribunal, Claude Jorda, said that Kos would
be released early because of "his wish to reintegrate himself into
society, his determination not to re-offend, his irreproachable
conduct in detention, his attachment to his family, and the
possibility of exercising a profession again." No such tolerance will
be shown to Milosevic.
These events have provided spectacular proof of what critics have
always said - that the International Criminal Tribunal is a political
kangaroo court in the hands of the West. But political manipulation
can work both ways. Tony Blair has been a vigorous supporter of a
clone of the Yugoslav tribunal, the new International Criminal Court.
But why shouldn't the new court be as politicised as the present one?
Plenty of anti-Western countries, like Iran, Sudan and Zimbabwe, have
signed the new ICC treaty. If they decided to prosecute Tony Blair for
attacking Iraq, say, there is little to stop them - especially since
the ICC defines "aggression" as a war crime. On his next trip abroad,
therefore, Mr. Blair might be wise to pack his toothbrush.
http://www.antiwar.com/rep/laughland14.html
===*===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:07 Aout 2002
ZORAN LILIC SHOULD NOT GIVE EVIDENCE AS A WITNESS
Dr. Milan Tepavac
miltep@...
Belgrade, 02 August 2002
Since he appeared a few days ego in the witness box of
the so-called International Criminal Tribunal for
former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague and did not claim
immunity, it seems that it never crossed the mind
neither of Mr. Zoran Lilic nor his attorney, neither
Yugoslav federal government nor anybody else that he,
under international law, is not obliged to give
evidence, to testify, in court, because he, as a former
head of state of Yugoslavia, enjoys absolute immunity
with respect to all acts performed in the exercise of
his functions as a head of state. Under the subpoena of
the ICTY he was, as a matter of fact, forcefully taken
on the territory of Yugoslavia to The Hague by ICTY's
officials to give evidence in the "trial" of Slobodan
Milosevic there, and, thus, his inviolability was also
violated by both the Yugoslav authorities (for not
protecting him) and ICTY's officials. Also, ICTY's
judge, the Korean O-Gon Kvon, who signed the subpoena,
had no right to do it; the learned judge thus committed
crime against international law.
Without precedence
It is a "sacred" rule (ius cogens) of international
law, as old as international law itself, that former
heads of state enjoy absolute immunity and
inviolability with regard to their functions in the
capacity of being heads of state. Slobodan Milosevic is
also a former head of state (Yugoslavia) and, thus,
under immunity and inviolability with regard to his
acts in that capacity. But, as it is known, that there
is a provision in the Statute of the illegal ICTY (thus
the Statute also being illegal) (Article 7) which says:
"The official position of any accused person, whether
as Head of State or Government or as responsible
Government official, shall not relieve such person of
criminal responsibility nor mitigate punishment". Now,
even if we take this provision as a true reflection of
the rule of contemporary international law (which in my
opinion it is not), still there is nowhere similar rule
concerning testimony of former heads of state. So, the
appearance of a former head of state of Yugoslavia
before a criminal court, although illegal, is, as far
as I am aware, without precedence in international law
and international relations.
Vienna accords
When I categorically maintain that former heads of
state enjoy absolute immunity and inviolability with
regard to their acts in official capacity I have in
mind customary rules of international law and, as far
as I know, hitherto unchallenged if we do not regard
the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials as serious precedents.
Thre are also two recent decisions - one French and one
Belgian - which affirm this anciant rule. Now, we see,
illegal so-called ICTY, under the authority of the
Security Council of the UN, "creates" "new law". But,
having in mind that Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations and Vienna Convention on Consular Relations -
which are universally accepted and ratified by almost
all states in the world! - recognize immunity, during
the function and after, not only to diplomats but also
to members of administrative and technical staff - then
the decision of the Security Council to strip the
former heads of state of their immunity, which is older
then international law itself (it was recognized in
ancient Greece and Rome; even in primitive tribal
societies!) - is silly and utterly irresponsible. It
introduced the chaos in international relations! The
great humanitarians already started to chase Henry
Kissinger...
If the fifteen bureaucrats sitting in the so-called
Security Council fancy that they can do whatever they
wish, including to make international law upside down,
then the "accused" before the ICTY Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic has every right to call as witnesses all the
heads of state, former and present, with whom he was
dealing during the bloody dismemberment of the Yugoslav
federation which was planned, instigated, ordered,
financed and committed by them in close cooperation
with the domestic secessionists and criminals. The ICTY
must, on the request of Mr. Milosevic, issue subpoenas
to all those criminals to be not only witnesses but the
accused too in front of their creation - the ICTY.
VLADE DIVAC FOR PRESIDENT !
Ai quarti di finale del Campionato Mondiale di Pallacanestro, ad
Indianapolis, la RF di Jugoslavia ha battutto gli USA con il punteggio
di 81:78. A Belgrado era l'alba, eppure decine di migliaia di persone
sono scese nelle strade a festeggiare.
http://espn.go.com/nba/news/2002/0905/1427913.html#
Thursday, September 5
Updated: September 6, 10:44 AM ET
Americans won't medal, best possible finish fifth
Associated Press
INDIANAPOLIS -- Peja Stojakovic, Vlade Divac and the Yugoslavian team
danced, hugged and celebrated at the center of Conseco Fieldhouse. More
than 1,000 of their flag-waving, chanting supporters serenaded them with
cheers and applause.
Pulling off one of the biggest victories in its history, Yugoslavia
defeated the United States 81-78 Thursday night in the quarterfinals of
the World Championships.
The Yugoslavs weren't the first to beat a U.S. team of NBA players --
the Americans lost 87-80 to Argentina a night earlier -- but that really
didn't matter.
Yugoslavia had been looking forward to playing the U.S. team for months,
and the manner in which they won validated all their hard work and bold
talk.
"You can't imagine how happy my people are. They feel so good right
now,'' Stojakovic said. "They've been up at 3 a.m., getting out of bed
and watching this thing. They love this. We wanted to win for them.''
In Belgrade, Yugoslavs fired shots into the air and danced and sang to
celebrate their team's victory.
"Vlade Divac for President,'' fans in the streets of the capital
shouted. Serbia has presidential elections later this month.
Several thousand people celebrated the victory at a downtown square. The
fans took to the streets in cars and on foot, honking horns and setting
off firecrackers. In New Belgrade, residents set off fireworks and lit
flares.
Yugoslavia fought back from a 10-point deficit in the fourth quarter to
send the U.S. team to yet another loss.
The semifinals of this topsy-turvy tournament will be played Saturday,
and the American team will not be participating.
The best the U.S. team can do now is finish in fifth place.
"It's embarrassing, on our home turf,'' Miller said. "We have to walk
away from it as a learning experience.''
Yugoslavia advanced to a semifinal matchup with New Zealand, which
surprised Puerto Rico 65-63. Also in contention for the gold medal are
Germany, which defeated Spain 70-62, and Argentina, a 78-67 victor over
Brazil.
The Americans will play in the consolation round against Puerto Rico on
Friday night.
Losing for a second straight night was devastating to the Americans.
George Karl sighed as he dug his fingers into his forehead, struggling
to find the correct words to express his disappointment. Next to him sat
Michael Finley, his chin resting on his fist and his eyes barely open.
"You're seeing the rest of the world playing better basketball, special
basketball. I'm not sure it's the end of an era so much as it's a
celebration of basketball,'' Karl said.
Stojakovic, one of five NBA players on Yugoslavia's roster, scored 20
points. Vlade Divac added 16 -- all in the first half -- and Milan
Gurovic had 15.
Gurovic hit his third 3-pointer of the fourth quarter to give Yugoslavia
a 77-73 lead with 56 seconds left, capping an 18-4 run.
Andre Miller answered with a 3-pointer 18 seconds later, and Marko Jaric
sank two free throws with 23 seconds left to restore a three-point lead.
Reggie Miller got open underneath for a layup with 13 seconds left, and
the Americans quickly fouled Jaric. He sank both, and the Americans --
out of timeouts -- were forced to try to tie it from behind the 3-point
arc.
Andre Miller's long attempt came up short.
"This is a great victory for us,'' said Divac, who stated a week ago his
team knew it could beat the United States. "It's not fair for the U.S.
team because there is so much pressure on them, and the international
game is a different game than they're used to.''
The Yugoslavian players hugged, kissed and high-fived their supporters
for almost an hour after the game; the Americans left the arena in
shock.
"It's so brand new, we'll have to evaluate what we'll do for '04,'' USA
Basketball executive director Jim Tooley said. "We'll go qualify (for
the Olympics) next year and think about what our next move is.''
Ai quarti di finale del Campionato Mondiale di Pallacanestro, ad
Indianapolis, la RF di Jugoslavia ha battutto gli USA con il punteggio
di 81:78. A Belgrado era l'alba, eppure decine di migliaia di persone
sono scese nelle strade a festeggiare.
http://espn.go.com/nba/news/2002/0905/1427913.html#
Thursday, September 5
Updated: September 6, 10:44 AM ET
Americans won't medal, best possible finish fifth
Associated Press
INDIANAPOLIS -- Peja Stojakovic, Vlade Divac and the Yugoslavian team
danced, hugged and celebrated at the center of Conseco Fieldhouse. More
than 1,000 of their flag-waving, chanting supporters serenaded them with
cheers and applause.
Pulling off one of the biggest victories in its history, Yugoslavia
defeated the United States 81-78 Thursday night in the quarterfinals of
the World Championships.
The Yugoslavs weren't the first to beat a U.S. team of NBA players --
the Americans lost 87-80 to Argentina a night earlier -- but that really
didn't matter.
Yugoslavia had been looking forward to playing the U.S. team for months,
and the manner in which they won validated all their hard work and bold
talk.
"You can't imagine how happy my people are. They feel so good right
now,'' Stojakovic said. "They've been up at 3 a.m., getting out of bed
and watching this thing. They love this. We wanted to win for them.''
In Belgrade, Yugoslavs fired shots into the air and danced and sang to
celebrate their team's victory.
"Vlade Divac for President,'' fans in the streets of the capital
shouted. Serbia has presidential elections later this month.
Several thousand people celebrated the victory at a downtown square. The
fans took to the streets in cars and on foot, honking horns and setting
off firecrackers. In New Belgrade, residents set off fireworks and lit
flares.
Yugoslavia fought back from a 10-point deficit in the fourth quarter to
send the U.S. team to yet another loss.
The semifinals of this topsy-turvy tournament will be played Saturday,
and the American team will not be participating.
The best the U.S. team can do now is finish in fifth place.
"It's embarrassing, on our home turf,'' Miller said. "We have to walk
away from it as a learning experience.''
Yugoslavia advanced to a semifinal matchup with New Zealand, which
surprised Puerto Rico 65-63. Also in contention for the gold medal are
Germany, which defeated Spain 70-62, and Argentina, a 78-67 victor over
Brazil.
The Americans will play in the consolation round against Puerto Rico on
Friday night.
Losing for a second straight night was devastating to the Americans.
George Karl sighed as he dug his fingers into his forehead, struggling
to find the correct words to express his disappointment. Next to him sat
Michael Finley, his chin resting on his fist and his eyes barely open.
"You're seeing the rest of the world playing better basketball, special
basketball. I'm not sure it's the end of an era so much as it's a
celebration of basketball,'' Karl said.
Stojakovic, one of five NBA players on Yugoslavia's roster, scored 20
points. Vlade Divac added 16 -- all in the first half -- and Milan
Gurovic had 15.
Gurovic hit his third 3-pointer of the fourth quarter to give Yugoslavia
a 77-73 lead with 56 seconds left, capping an 18-4 run.
Andre Miller answered with a 3-pointer 18 seconds later, and Marko Jaric
sank two free throws with 23 seconds left to restore a three-point lead.
Reggie Miller got open underneath for a layup with 13 seconds left, and
the Americans quickly fouled Jaric. He sank both, and the Americans --
out of timeouts -- were forced to try to tie it from behind the 3-point
arc.
Andre Miller's long attempt came up short.
"This is a great victory for us,'' said Divac, who stated a week ago his
team knew it could beat the United States. "It's not fair for the U.S.
team because there is so much pressure on them, and the international
game is a different game than they're used to.''
The Yugoslavian players hugged, kissed and high-fived their supporters
for almost an hour after the game; the Americans left the arena in
shock.
"It's so brand new, we'll have to evaluate what we'll do for '04,'' USA
Basketball executive director Jim Tooley said. "We'll go qualify (for
the Olympics) next year and think about what our next move is.''
PIOVE, GOVERNO LADRO
Sabato 31 agosto 2002 sul quotidiano "Liberazione" appare un articolo
sulle terribili alluvioni in Cina, nel quale la colpa dei disastri
viene attribuita al governo cinese, colpevole di "minimizzare" sulla
situazione... Più avanti "Liberazione" si contraddice sostenendo che
il governo cinese ha schierato militari, civili e "paramilitari" -
proprio così vengono chiamati i volontari della Protezione Civile!
Il quotidiano ufficiale del PRC, impegnato nella battaglia interna
contro gli elementi ancora comunisti presenti nel partito, per eccesso
di zelo parla male della Cina pure quando piove - cosa che non farebbe
nemmeno quando ci sono i tifoni negli USA, di dare la colpa al
governo! Ciononostante, lo splendido esempio del popolo cinese,
schierato in squadre di centinaia di migliaia di persone a difesa del
territorio, grazie alla organizzazione del partito e delle istituzioni
nazionali preposte, difficilmente potrebbe essere seguito in paesi
come il nostro, dove predominano l'individualismo e l'egocentrismo e
la vita umana vale proporzionalmente al premio di assicurazione, o
come quelli capitalistici del Terzo Mondo, nei quali la vita umana
vale zero.
(riadattato da una segnalazione di A.M.)
Sabato 31 agosto 2002 sul quotidiano "Liberazione" appare un articolo
sulle terribili alluvioni in Cina, nel quale la colpa dei disastri
viene attribuita al governo cinese, colpevole di "minimizzare" sulla
situazione... Più avanti "Liberazione" si contraddice sostenendo che
il governo cinese ha schierato militari, civili e "paramilitari" -
proprio così vengono chiamati i volontari della Protezione Civile!
Il quotidiano ufficiale del PRC, impegnato nella battaglia interna
contro gli elementi ancora comunisti presenti nel partito, per eccesso
di zelo parla male della Cina pure quando piove - cosa che non farebbe
nemmeno quando ci sono i tifoni negli USA, di dare la colpa al
governo! Ciononostante, lo splendido esempio del popolo cinese,
schierato in squadre di centinaia di migliaia di persone a difesa del
territorio, grazie alla organizzazione del partito e delle istituzioni
nazionali preposte, difficilmente potrebbe essere seguito in paesi
come il nostro, dove predominano l'individualismo e l'egocentrismo e
la vita umana vale proporzionalmente al premio di assicurazione, o
come quelli capitalistici del Terzo Mondo, nei quali la vita umana
vale zero.
(riadattato da una segnalazione di A.M.)
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/20020806134532299263.html
KOSOVO: VOLONTARI TRENTINI FONDANO GRUPPO ALPINISTICO
(ANSA) - TRENTO, 6 AGO - Recuperare un clima di
pace anche attraverso la promozione di attivita'
di cui ormai si era quasi persa la memoria: e' con
questo obiettivo che il ''Tavolo trentino con il
Kosovo'' ha favorito la nascita di un Club
alpinistico, i 'Ragni della val Rugova', a Pec-Peja,
nella zona occidentale del paese. Il progetto e' unico
in tutti i Balcani. E' nato per promuovere sia
l'aggregazione sia la tutela ambientale, e vede
25 ragazzi ritrovarsi piu' volte alla settimana
per allenarsi. Il fine settimana e' poi interamente
dedicato alle uscite in Val Rugova.
Il gruppo si e' gia' dato un nome: ''Marimangat'',
i ragni. ''Ma non abbiamo copiato i piu' famosi 'Ragni
di Lecco' - spiegano i ragazzi - il nome e' nato
spontaneamente da una discussione interna al gruppo''.
L'ambizione del progetto non e' solo di creare un
gruppo di alpinisti che poi possa essere primo garante
della salvaguardia della Val Rugova (questo anche
grazie ad uno sforzo per far conoscere alla cittadinanza
le attivita' dei 'Ragni' ed aprire questa esperienza al
maggior numero di persone possibile) ma intende
anche di favorire l'apertura di un dialogo tra i
vari gruppi etnici. Si sta cercando infatti di fare
in modo che ragazzi di tutti i gruppi etnici (serbo,
rom, albanese) possano prendere parte alle attivita'
del Club alpino.
''Attraverso la passione per la montagna si
inizia a parlare di problemi ambientali e non
solo'', racconta Mauro Barisone, rappresentante a
Pec/Peja del Tavolo e promotore del progetto.
''Inoltre avvicinare piu' giovani possibile alla
pratica sportiva e al contatto con la natura li
stimola e aiuta ad uscire dai soliti problemi
quotidiani. In un paese dove praticamente non
esistono gruppi che fanno e propongono delle
iniziative anche sociali - continua -, andare in
montagna insieme, progettare e proporre delle
iniziative, lavorare e decidere in gruppo, essere
legati su di una parete di roccia insieme,
responsabilizza l'individuo e fa comprendere
che con il lavoro di squadra si possono ottenere
grossi risultati''. ''E' particolare, ad esempio -
spiega Mauro Barisone - come alcuni dei ragazzi
con i quali lavoriamo si siano dimostrati molto
attenti a problemi bellici o post bellici al di
fuori del Kossovo: il conflitto in Pakistan-India,
in Tibet, in Afghanistan, in Sierra Leone. Forse
provare ad analizzare una situazione di crisi lontana
da loro (e quindi che non li coinvolga cosi'
intensamente dal punto di vista emotivo), ma
simile a quella in Kossovo, potrebbe aiutarli a
capire meglio anche la realta' che stanno
vivendo''. Sono molte le attivita' previste per i
prossimi mesi. E' gia' iniziato un corso di primo
soccorso tenuto dal personale dell'Ospedale
civile di Pec/Peja. E poi sono previsti brevi corsi
formativi di meteorologia, preparazione atletica,
tutela ambientale e naturalmente tutto cio' che e'
direttamente legato all'alpinismo: progressione su
roccia, tecniche generali di sicurezza in montagna,
tecniche di attrezzatura e disgaggio di pareti
rocciose, ecc. Questa prima fase formativa verra'
realizzata interamente attraverso la collaborazione
di associazioni, enti e professionisti locali ed
internazionali del settore alpinistico reperibili
in loco. ''Sono sicuro che vedere un gruppo di ragazzi
albanesi, rom e serbi promuovere e realizzare insieme
iniziative volte al miglioramento delle condizioni
generali della zona avra' un impatto notevole e
positivo sulla popolazione locale '' - ribadisce
Mauro, aggiungendo che tra qualche mese ''il miglioramento
della situazione ambientale della Val Rugova sara'
gia' visibile e documentabile''. Di Pec-Peja si
ricordano le immagini trasmesse in Italia mentre vi
entravano i militari italiani poco dopo la firma
degli Accordi di Kumanovo. Le strade ingombre di
macerie, la maggior parte delle case distrutte o
severamente danneggiate. Anche il paesaggio attorno
era pesantemente segnato dalla guerra. Eppure il
paesaggio attorno alla citta', benche' deturpato
dalla guerra e da anni di incuria, e' bello. Come
la Val Rugova, la valle che s'incunea nel massiccio
montuoso che separa il Kossovo dal Montenegro e alla
cui entrata vi e' ancora, intatto e difeso dai
militari della Kfor, uno dei patrimoni artistici
piu' rilevanti della cristianita' ortodossa, il
Patriarcato di Pec/Peja. Si tratta di una valle
ricca di corsi d' acqua, foreste, montagne, pareti
rocciose, flora e fauna particolari. La grande affluenza
nella valle, la mancanza di educazione ambientale,
la forte deforestazione stanno rovinando questo
patrimonio naturale unico.
Esiste un ente forestale ed e' in progetto l'istituzione
di un parco naturale. Tutto pero' rimane per ora a
livello teorico. La prima azione e' quella dei
''Marimangat''. (ANSA). DEC 06/08/2002 13:45
KOSOVO: VOLONTARI TRENTINI FONDANO GRUPPO ALPINISTICO
(ANSA) - TRENTO, 6 AGO - Recuperare un clima di
pace anche attraverso la promozione di attivita'
di cui ormai si era quasi persa la memoria: e' con
questo obiettivo che il ''Tavolo trentino con il
Kosovo'' ha favorito la nascita di un Club
alpinistico, i 'Ragni della val Rugova', a Pec-Peja,
nella zona occidentale del paese. Il progetto e' unico
in tutti i Balcani. E' nato per promuovere sia
l'aggregazione sia la tutela ambientale, e vede
25 ragazzi ritrovarsi piu' volte alla settimana
per allenarsi. Il fine settimana e' poi interamente
dedicato alle uscite in Val Rugova.
Il gruppo si e' gia' dato un nome: ''Marimangat'',
i ragni. ''Ma non abbiamo copiato i piu' famosi 'Ragni
di Lecco' - spiegano i ragazzi - il nome e' nato
spontaneamente da una discussione interna al gruppo''.
L'ambizione del progetto non e' solo di creare un
gruppo di alpinisti che poi possa essere primo garante
della salvaguardia della Val Rugova (questo anche
grazie ad uno sforzo per far conoscere alla cittadinanza
le attivita' dei 'Ragni' ed aprire questa esperienza al
maggior numero di persone possibile) ma intende
anche di favorire l'apertura di un dialogo tra i
vari gruppi etnici. Si sta cercando infatti di fare
in modo che ragazzi di tutti i gruppi etnici (serbo,
rom, albanese) possano prendere parte alle attivita'
del Club alpino.
''Attraverso la passione per la montagna si
inizia a parlare di problemi ambientali e non
solo'', racconta Mauro Barisone, rappresentante a
Pec/Peja del Tavolo e promotore del progetto.
''Inoltre avvicinare piu' giovani possibile alla
pratica sportiva e al contatto con la natura li
stimola e aiuta ad uscire dai soliti problemi
quotidiani. In un paese dove praticamente non
esistono gruppi che fanno e propongono delle
iniziative anche sociali - continua -, andare in
montagna insieme, progettare e proporre delle
iniziative, lavorare e decidere in gruppo, essere
legati su di una parete di roccia insieme,
responsabilizza l'individuo e fa comprendere
che con il lavoro di squadra si possono ottenere
grossi risultati''. ''E' particolare, ad esempio -
spiega Mauro Barisone - come alcuni dei ragazzi
con i quali lavoriamo si siano dimostrati molto
attenti a problemi bellici o post bellici al di
fuori del Kossovo: il conflitto in Pakistan-India,
in Tibet, in Afghanistan, in Sierra Leone. Forse
provare ad analizzare una situazione di crisi lontana
da loro (e quindi che non li coinvolga cosi'
intensamente dal punto di vista emotivo), ma
simile a quella in Kossovo, potrebbe aiutarli a
capire meglio anche la realta' che stanno
vivendo''. Sono molte le attivita' previste per i
prossimi mesi. E' gia' iniziato un corso di primo
soccorso tenuto dal personale dell'Ospedale
civile di Pec/Peja. E poi sono previsti brevi corsi
formativi di meteorologia, preparazione atletica,
tutela ambientale e naturalmente tutto cio' che e'
direttamente legato all'alpinismo: progressione su
roccia, tecniche generali di sicurezza in montagna,
tecniche di attrezzatura e disgaggio di pareti
rocciose, ecc. Questa prima fase formativa verra'
realizzata interamente attraverso la collaborazione
di associazioni, enti e professionisti locali ed
internazionali del settore alpinistico reperibili
in loco. ''Sono sicuro che vedere un gruppo di ragazzi
albanesi, rom e serbi promuovere e realizzare insieme
iniziative volte al miglioramento delle condizioni
generali della zona avra' un impatto notevole e
positivo sulla popolazione locale '' - ribadisce
Mauro, aggiungendo che tra qualche mese ''il miglioramento
della situazione ambientale della Val Rugova sara'
gia' visibile e documentabile''. Di Pec-Peja si
ricordano le immagini trasmesse in Italia mentre vi
entravano i militari italiani poco dopo la firma
degli Accordi di Kumanovo. Le strade ingombre di
macerie, la maggior parte delle case distrutte o
severamente danneggiate. Anche il paesaggio attorno
era pesantemente segnato dalla guerra. Eppure il
paesaggio attorno alla citta', benche' deturpato
dalla guerra e da anni di incuria, e' bello. Come
la Val Rugova, la valle che s'incunea nel massiccio
montuoso che separa il Kossovo dal Montenegro e alla
cui entrata vi e' ancora, intatto e difeso dai
militari della Kfor, uno dei patrimoni artistici
piu' rilevanti della cristianita' ortodossa, il
Patriarcato di Pec/Peja. Si tratta di una valle
ricca di corsi d' acqua, foreste, montagne, pareti
rocciose, flora e fauna particolari. La grande affluenza
nella valle, la mancanza di educazione ambientale,
la forte deforestazione stanno rovinando questo
patrimonio naturale unico.
Esiste un ente forestale ed e' in progetto l'istituzione
di un parco naturale. Tutto pero' rimane per ora a
livello teorico. La prima azione e' quella dei
''Marimangat''. (ANSA). DEC 06/08/2002 13:45
Immigrazione serba a Trieste
La testimonianza di tre lavoratori
di Renato Kneipp
Segretario Fillea-Cgil di Trieste
(da "L' Ernesto", numero 5/2000)
Dalla caduta del Muro di Berlino sono passati oltre dieci anni e i più
ricorderanno a malapena che Trieste confinava con un Paese, la
Jugoslavia, non allineato e non facente parte del Patto di Varsavia,
un Paese considerato comunista. Ciò comportò non pochi problemi e
momenti di forti tensioni in queste terre di confine; tuttavia, con il
passare degli anni, pur in presenza di grosse difficoltà nei rapporti
politici tra i due paesi confinanti, gli interscambi economici
cominciarono ad intensificarsi e a radicarsi in diversi settori. Tutto
ciò fu merito anche dell'impegno dei cittadini italiani appartenenti
alla minoranza slovena, che da sempre vivono nella nostra città e che
hanno saputo con grande intelligenza avviare in modo corretto questo
rapporto di reciproca convenienza ed utilità.
In questa prima fase furono le aziende di "import-export" ad essere le
apri- pista di tali scambi, che permisero di superare una barriera
confinaria (più mentale che fisica) che fino ad allora sembrava
insormontabile. Non tutto però fu così facile, anche perché le forze
reazionarie, nazionaliste e fasciste presenti massicciamente a
Trieste, si erano da sempre contraddistinte nell'opporsi a qualsiasi
tipo di apertura e di collaborazione con la Jugoslavia.
Ma la carenza di determinate figure professionali, aprì la porta a
centinaia di cittadini jugoslavi, provenienti dalla fascia confinaria
che in virtù degli "Accordi di Udine" attraversavano giornalmente il
confine tra i due stati, esibendo semplicemente il famoso e tuttora
esistente "lascipassare", che riconosce pari diritti anche ai
cittadini italiani. In tal modo centinaia e poi migliaia di donne e di
uomini attraversarono il confine per venire in Italia a cercare
lavoro. In particolare, le donne trovarono occupazione presso le
famiglie come collaboratrici domestiche o come commesse nei negozi
triestini, data la conoscenza di almeno due lingue, requisito
indispensabile per lavorare in una zona di confine, dove la clientela
proveniente dall'estero raramente conosce l'italiano. Gli uomini
furono inseriti in quei comparti dove maggiore era la fatica fisica,
come l'edilizia.
In quella fase vi fu un miglioramento delle condizioni economiche
generali, che non riguardava solo i paesi occidentali, ma anche i
paesi dell'est europeo e le Repubbliche della Jugoslavia più vicine al
nostro confine, ove iniziò a manifestarsi il problema della carenza di
manodopera, problema al quale si cercò di dare risposta facendo
affluire i lavoratori dalle realtà più povere della Jugoslavia. Tale
politica portò in queste terre di confine centinaia di lavoratori
serbi, montenegrini, bosniaci e macedoni, parte dei quali gradualmente
iniziò ad entrare in Italia, dove si poteva guadagnare di più. Da
allora il numero di questi lavoratori è costantemente aumentato,
portando Trieste ad essere, nel contesto italiano, una delle realtà
con la percentuale più alta di stranieri rispetto alla popolazione
residente. Attualmente la stragrande maggioranza degli immigrati
proviene dalla Jugoslavia, ovvero dalla Serbia e più precisamente
dalla zona di Pozarevac, nota in quanto città natia dell'ex presidente
Jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic. Quasi tutti sono in possesso di un
regolare permesso di soggiorno, che permette loro di poter lavorare in
regola sotto il profilo assicurativo. Però, come del resto succede
anche a molti nostri connazionali, non tutti riescono a trovare un
lavoro regolare, pertanto sono spesso costretti ad accettare lavori in
nero e sottopagati. Per capire cosa significa per l'economia triestina
l'apporto di questi lavoratori è sufficiente evidenziare che, ormai,
oltre la metà degli occupati nel settore delle costruzioni sono
stranieri.
Una discreta parte di questi si è pienamente integrata nella vita
sociale della città: oltre il lavoro, frequentano associazioni e
circoli culturali, mandando i figli nelle scuole di ogni ordine e
grado, iscrivendoli nelle varie società sportive. Ma al di la di
questi casi "felici", tanti sono i problemi che comunque tutti gli
stranieri devono affrontare. Senza considerare l'aspetto burocratico
per ottenere - rinnovare il permesso di soggiorno, o i vari documenti
da dover esibire per avere diritto all'assistenza medica, la questione
più critica è rappresentata dalla ricerca di una casa. Oggi un
appartamento decente, ad un prezzo onesto, è quasi impossibile
trovarlo e questo ha costretto i cittadini stranieri e le loro
famiglie a doversi accontentare di alloggi spesso del tutto
inabitabili. Non a caso agli stranieri che risiedono in città vengono
offerti quei vani dove gli italiani non vogliono più abitare, in cui i
servizi spesso sono in comune, dove spesso vi è un solo rubinetto con
la sola acqua fredda, oppure vengono affittate soffitte, cantine o
magazzini trasformati abusivamente in alloggi ma per i quali si pagano
prezzi spropositati Si sta verificando lo stesso fenomeno degli anni
'60 e '70 nelle grandi città del nord industrializzato, quando gli
immigrati che provenivano dal sud Italia non riuscivano a trovare
delle sistemazioni civili. Il fatto che i mariti ed i padri abbiano
portato in Italia mogli e figli, ha contribuito a favorire quella
integrazione di cui sopra parlavamo. Ormai alcuni immigrati sono nella
nostra città da quasi trent'anni, ed erano arrivati quando a governare
la Jugoslavia c'era il Maresciallo Josip Broz Tito e non esistevano
assolutamente tensioni di alcuna natura tra le popolazioni delle varie
Repubbliche che formavano quel Paese. Altri sono arrivati dopo la
morte di Tito, quando purtroppo la Jugoslavia incominciò a
sgretolarsi; gli ultimi sono giunti quando la loro terra veniva
bombardata dagli aerei della Nato che dalle nostre basi partivano alla
volta di Belgrado, di Kragujevac, di Pancevo o di Novi Sad, portando
distruzione e morte. Pertanto ho ritenuto opportuno ed utile sentire
tre lavoratori serbi, che sono giunti a Trieste in tre distinte fasi,
ed attraverso le loro testimonianze capire che cosa li ha spinti a
venire in Italia, quali siano stati i maggiori problemi che hanno
dovuto affrontare e cosa ne pensano della loro condizione di immigrati
in Italia.
L'incontro con i lavoratori serbi
Per fare ciò, mi sono recato al "Club associazione culturale serba Vuk
Karadzic", luogo fondato ed autogestito da un gruppo di lavoratori
serbi, i quali hanno in questo modo dato la possibilità a tanti loro
connazionali di potersi ritrovare in una sala e non per strada o in
una piazza, potendo magari bere un caffè alla turca, giocando una
partita a scacchi o a domino e guardando (grazie all'antenna
satellitare) la televisione jugoslava e sentirsi un po' come a casa.
Particolari e drammatiche furono quelle serate segnate dagli attacchi
aerei della Nato contro la Jugoslavia. Alle 19.30, ora del
telegiornale di Belgrado, il Club si riempiva di gente che in profondo
silenzio e con il cuore in gola aspettava di sapere dove erano cadute
le ultime bombe o i missili e quali danni avevano provocato. Le
immagini che arrivavano via satellite erano come un pugno nello
stomaco per tutti, ma per loro che si trovavano a centinaia di
chilometri di distanza dalla propria martoriata terra e che con
difficoltà riuscivano a malapena a mettersi in contatto telefonico con
le proprie famiglie, quella esperienza fu una cosa veramente
traumatica. Diversi decisero di rientrare in Jugoslavia, perdendo in
alcuni casi anche il lavoro, altri portarono in Italia la famiglia,
altri parteciparono assieme a noi alle innumerevoli manifestazioni
contro la vile aggressione della Nato.
Ed è proprio qui, in questo luogo, che incontro i nostri tre
interlocutori, che con grande disponibilità hanno accettato di fare
quattro chiacchiere con noi. Dopo aver ordinato un caffè alla turca,
accompagnato da un tipico dolce, il ratlog, inizia la conversazione
con Zile, Zivorad e Dejan.
Il racconto di Zile
Zile racconta che ormai sono passati 25 anni da quando è arrivato a
Trieste e che oggi può ritenersi abbastanza soddisfatto di come sta
vivendo nella nostra città. Ma prima di arrivare qui, appena finito il
servizio militare, aveva avuto una breve esperienza nella "democratica
Austria", dove trovò lavoro in una piccola fabbrica che produceva
pezzi di ricambio in gomma per automobili. Una notte, nella casa dove
assieme ad altri dormiva, irruppe la polizia che, dopo aver
identificato i presenti, rinchiuse in carcere tutti coloro che erano
sprovvisti di un regolare permesso e Zile tra questi. Comunque fu
"fortunato", visto che dopo una "sola" settimana, assieme ad altri
cinquanta, fu rimpatriato alla volta della Jugoslavia. Meno fortunati
furono quelli che dovettero aspettare anche un mese in galera, prima
di essere rispediti nel loro paese.
Dopo questa non certo felice esperienza, Zile ritentò nuovamente ed
arrivato a Trieste, nel tempo di alcune settimane, riuscì a trovare
lavoro presso l'impresa dove tuttora svolge la propria attività.
All'epoca tutta la documentazione e le relative autorizzazioni del
Ministero, indispensabili per l'ottenimento del permesso di soggiorno
per motivi di lavoro, le procurava l'impresa stessa e al lavoratore
non rimaneva altro che recarsi al Consolato italiano di
Koper-Capodistria, dove gli veniva rilasciato il visto. Inizialmente
la sistemazione alloggiativa gli fu garantita dal datore di lavoro,
che gli mise a disposizione una baracca (attrezzata) dove visse per
oltre tre anni.
Successivamente, una volta arrivata la moglie, affittò una stanza di
un appartamento nel quale, in spazi ristretti, vivevano assieme
quattro famiglie, le quali avevano a disposizione un unico gabinetto
ed una unica cucina, dove il padrone di casa controllava che l'uso del
gas fosse limitato. Anche l'intimità coniugale veniva in tal modo
limitata e ciò contribuì ad accelerare la ricerca di una sistemazione
più consona alle giuste esigenze di una famiglia. Poi, passando da una
finita locazione ad uno sgombero forzato causa l'inabitabilità di una
casa pericolante e ad uno sfratto esecutivo, Zile e sua moglie
trovarono, grazie anche all'interessamento del datore di lavoro di
quest'ultima, un appartamento che finalmente offrì quelle
caratteristiche abitative e contrattuali che da tempo cercavano.
Zile ricorda di essere stato tra i primi o addirittura il primo
lavoratore jugoslavo ad aver superato a Trieste l'esame per la patente
di guida italiana, il che gli permise di acquistare la sua prima
automobile, di seconda mano. Zile però si contraddistinse da subito
anche sul versante sindacale, pretendendo il rispetto dei propri
diritti di lavoratore. Innanzitutto chiarì con l'impresa che gli
straordinari dovevano essere fatti solo in casi specifici e non come
un normale prolungamento dell'orario di lavoro o addirittura come un
obbligo. Pertanto rifiutò in tal senso di lavorare tutti i sabati,
come era ormai diventata abitudine consolidata in azienda. Il suo
esempio fu a questo punto ripreso anche da altri compagni di lavoro,
che presero grazie a lui maggior coraggio nel far valere diritti
troppo spesso dimenticati.
Per quanto concerne i rapporti tra lavoratori italiani e stranieri
egli stesso conferma che raramente ci sono stati dei problemi e
comunque quasi mai derivanti dal loro status di stranieri. Anzi il
fatto di aver da sempre lavorato gomito a gomito, ha notevolmente
contribuito alla reciproca conoscenza ed al superamento delle
diffidenze iniziali.
Il racconto di Zivorad
Zivorad inizia ricordando che nel paesino dal quale è partito per
cercare maggiore fortuna in Italia, l'unica fonte di reddito era ed è
ancora oggi l'agricoltura e l'allevamento di bestiame(bovini e suini).
Già suo padre emigrò in Svezia dove lavorò per ben 28 anni e anche
lui, sebbene a malincuore, dovette, dieci anni fa, fare le valige e
partire. Essendo riservista dell'esercito jugoslavo, quando iniziarono
gli scontri tra serbi e croati, volle in tutti i modi evitare di dover
combattere contro chi fino a ieri gli era stato amico e fratello.
Ancora oggi non riesce a dare un senso al disfacimento della
Jugoslavia e alle migliaia di morti che hanno insanguinato un Paese
dove la fratellanza tra popoli diversi per nazionalità, religione,
lingua o per tradizioni, avevano trovato nella convivenza e nel
reciproco arricchimento culturale la migliore risposta alle divisioni.
All'epoca Zivorad, attraverso un familiare che viveva a Trieste,
ottenne un permesso di soggiorno turistico che gli dette modo, uno
volta arrivato a Trieste, di chiedere di rimanere in Italia per motivi
"umanitari". Da prima fu ospitato presso questo parente e
successivamente, dopo aver trovato un lavoro in regola, si sistemò in
un appartamento non certo di lusso, situato in un palazzo dove
risiedono esclusivamente cittadini non italiani. In Jugoslavia ha
lasciato la moglie, due figlie e l'anziana madre, che quando il lavoro
glielo permette va a trovare, dovendosi sobbarcare oltre 1200 km
all'andata ed altrettanti al ritorno. Prima che il suo Paese venisse
smembrato bastava farne 800 di km per arrivare a casa, ora però deve
attraversare prima l'Austria, poi l'Ungheria per arrivare in
Jugoslavia, anche perché per passare dalla Slovenia e dalla Croazia,
come si faceva una volta, bisogna ottenere dei visti di transito molto
onerosi (e le pratiche per ottenerli sono alquanto lunghe e
complicate). Anche lui vorrebbe ricongiungersi con la sua famiglia, ma
le ultime leggi italiane che regolano la materia sono alquanto rigide,
riguardo alla disponibilità alloggiativa del richiedente, il quale
deve poter disporre di una abitazione che sia in regola con i
parametri minimi di abitabilità previsti dalle normative vigenti. Con
i soldi che Zivorad guadagna non può permettersi attualmente niente di
meglio, il che gli nega ogni possibilità di far arrivare sua moglie e
le figlie a Trieste.
Anch'egli spera che la Jugoslavia possa finalmente uscire
dall'isolamento internazionale che negli ultimi dieci anni l'ha
fortemente indebolita, sia dal punto di vista economico che politico.
Ciò che però ha voluto alla fine sottolineare è l'auspicio che il
popolo jugoslavo, possa decidere del proprio futuro senza subire
condizionamenti, sia esterni che interni.
Il racconto di Dejan
L'ultima testimonianza è quella del più giovane dei tre, Dejan, che ha
36 anni, è sposato, ha due figli di 9 e 14 anni che sono rimasti in
Jugoslavia assieme alla madre.
Dejan è arrivato a Trieste nell'aprile di quest'anno, grazie alla
richiesta di assunzione fatta da un'impresa artigiana edile, che non
trovando manodopera disponibile in loco ha ottenuto l'autorizzazione
ad assumere un lavoratore "extra comunitario". Quando gli aerei della
Nato iniziarono a colpire la Jugoslavia non scappò, come altri fecero,
ma restò nel suo Paese a coltivare la terra, sfamando la sua famiglia
e garantendo in questo modo che il raccolto venisse utilizzato per dar
da mangiare a tutto il Paese, martoriato dai bombardamenti e
dall'embargo. Proprio l'embargo appesantì ulteriormente la già
difficile situazione economica di migliaia e migliaia di famiglie
jugoslave e costrinse tanti come Dejan ad emigrare per sopravvivere. A
differenza di altri Dejan aveva già un lavoro in Italia che lo
aspettava, non aveva però un posto dove poter dormire.
Da prima si arrangiò a casa di amici, poi trovò un "buco" di 25 metri
quadrati al costo di 400.000 al mese, senza servizi, senza
riscaldamento e con un'umidità tale che i muri sono spesso bagnati.
Spera di poter quanto prima risolvere il problema della casa, anche
perché vorrebbe comunque che la sua famiglia lo raggiungesse e
certamente non potrebbe farlo con l'attuale sistemazione.
Anche Dejan fa alcune battute sulle ultime novità politiche che il suo
Paese sta attraversando. Analogamente alla stragrande maggioranza dei
suoi connazionali, che vivono e lavorano all'estero, non ha potuto
recarsi a votare, in quanto sia la proibitiva distanza che l'elevato
costo del viaggio, glielo hanno di fatto proibito. Il risultato del
voto non lo ha particolarmente sorpreso, anzi ritiene logico che la
gente si sia espressa in tal modo, considerando le promesse che i
paesi occidentali avevano fatto in caso Milosevic avesse perso.
Contestualmente ribadisce che la popolazione ha voluto anche dare un
chiaro segnale di volontà di cambiamento per una Jugoslavia più
democratica, ma soprattutto per una politica che sia più vicina alle
loro aspettative ed alle loro esigenze.
Un ultimo accenno hanno voluto farlo sulla guerra che l'anno scorso
devastò tutta la Jugoslavia e tutti e tre hanno più o meno espresso le
stesse opinioni e valutazioni.
1) Le bombe ed i missili hanno colpito principalmente i punti
strategici economici e viari, lasciando quasi intatti gli obiettivi
militari, a dimostrazione che gli Stati Uniti ed i paesi della Nato
volevano soprattutto devastare la loro terra e distruggere la loro
economia, oltre che ferire mortalmente l'orgoglio di un popolo
abituato a combattere per la difesa dei propri diritti.
2) L'inquinamento dell'acqua, dell'aria e della terra provocata dai
bombardamenti e dall'uso di proiettili all'uranio impoverito stanno
già causando immensi problemi sanitari, non solo ai popoli della
Jugoslavia, ma a tutti coloro che vivono nei paesi confinanti,
pertanto sarà necessario che la comunità scientifica internazionale
trovi quanto prima delle risposte concrete.
3) La così detta "guerra umanitaria", scatenata per "aiutare" gli
albanesi del Kossovo, non ha minimamente risolto i problemi di
convivenza di quella regione: viceversa, dopo i bombardamenti e
l'arrivo delle forze militari della Nato, le divisioni etniche si sono
ancor più approfondite e le varie mafie che si stanno impossessando
del territorio stanno a loro volta condizionando il futuro di quelle
popolazioni.
4) Sperano ora che l'intelligenza degli uomini riporti la pace in
tutta i territori della Jugoslavia, e che la loro tragedia non si
ripeta mai più.
http://www.lernesto.it/5-00/Kneipp-9i.htm
La testimonianza di tre lavoratori
di Renato Kneipp
Segretario Fillea-Cgil di Trieste
(da "L' Ernesto", numero 5/2000)
Dalla caduta del Muro di Berlino sono passati oltre dieci anni e i più
ricorderanno a malapena che Trieste confinava con un Paese, la
Jugoslavia, non allineato e non facente parte del Patto di Varsavia,
un Paese considerato comunista. Ciò comportò non pochi problemi e
momenti di forti tensioni in queste terre di confine; tuttavia, con il
passare degli anni, pur in presenza di grosse difficoltà nei rapporti
politici tra i due paesi confinanti, gli interscambi economici
cominciarono ad intensificarsi e a radicarsi in diversi settori. Tutto
ciò fu merito anche dell'impegno dei cittadini italiani appartenenti
alla minoranza slovena, che da sempre vivono nella nostra città e che
hanno saputo con grande intelligenza avviare in modo corretto questo
rapporto di reciproca convenienza ed utilità.
In questa prima fase furono le aziende di "import-export" ad essere le
apri- pista di tali scambi, che permisero di superare una barriera
confinaria (più mentale che fisica) che fino ad allora sembrava
insormontabile. Non tutto però fu così facile, anche perché le forze
reazionarie, nazionaliste e fasciste presenti massicciamente a
Trieste, si erano da sempre contraddistinte nell'opporsi a qualsiasi
tipo di apertura e di collaborazione con la Jugoslavia.
Ma la carenza di determinate figure professionali, aprì la porta a
centinaia di cittadini jugoslavi, provenienti dalla fascia confinaria
che in virtù degli "Accordi di Udine" attraversavano giornalmente il
confine tra i due stati, esibendo semplicemente il famoso e tuttora
esistente "lascipassare", che riconosce pari diritti anche ai
cittadini italiani. In tal modo centinaia e poi migliaia di donne e di
uomini attraversarono il confine per venire in Italia a cercare
lavoro. In particolare, le donne trovarono occupazione presso le
famiglie come collaboratrici domestiche o come commesse nei negozi
triestini, data la conoscenza di almeno due lingue, requisito
indispensabile per lavorare in una zona di confine, dove la clientela
proveniente dall'estero raramente conosce l'italiano. Gli uomini
furono inseriti in quei comparti dove maggiore era la fatica fisica,
come l'edilizia.
In quella fase vi fu un miglioramento delle condizioni economiche
generali, che non riguardava solo i paesi occidentali, ma anche i
paesi dell'est europeo e le Repubbliche della Jugoslavia più vicine al
nostro confine, ove iniziò a manifestarsi il problema della carenza di
manodopera, problema al quale si cercò di dare risposta facendo
affluire i lavoratori dalle realtà più povere della Jugoslavia. Tale
politica portò in queste terre di confine centinaia di lavoratori
serbi, montenegrini, bosniaci e macedoni, parte dei quali gradualmente
iniziò ad entrare in Italia, dove si poteva guadagnare di più. Da
allora il numero di questi lavoratori è costantemente aumentato,
portando Trieste ad essere, nel contesto italiano, una delle realtà
con la percentuale più alta di stranieri rispetto alla popolazione
residente. Attualmente la stragrande maggioranza degli immigrati
proviene dalla Jugoslavia, ovvero dalla Serbia e più precisamente
dalla zona di Pozarevac, nota in quanto città natia dell'ex presidente
Jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic. Quasi tutti sono in possesso di un
regolare permesso di soggiorno, che permette loro di poter lavorare in
regola sotto il profilo assicurativo. Però, come del resto succede
anche a molti nostri connazionali, non tutti riescono a trovare un
lavoro regolare, pertanto sono spesso costretti ad accettare lavori in
nero e sottopagati. Per capire cosa significa per l'economia triestina
l'apporto di questi lavoratori è sufficiente evidenziare che, ormai,
oltre la metà degli occupati nel settore delle costruzioni sono
stranieri.
Una discreta parte di questi si è pienamente integrata nella vita
sociale della città: oltre il lavoro, frequentano associazioni e
circoli culturali, mandando i figli nelle scuole di ogni ordine e
grado, iscrivendoli nelle varie società sportive. Ma al di la di
questi casi "felici", tanti sono i problemi che comunque tutti gli
stranieri devono affrontare. Senza considerare l'aspetto burocratico
per ottenere - rinnovare il permesso di soggiorno, o i vari documenti
da dover esibire per avere diritto all'assistenza medica, la questione
più critica è rappresentata dalla ricerca di una casa. Oggi un
appartamento decente, ad un prezzo onesto, è quasi impossibile
trovarlo e questo ha costretto i cittadini stranieri e le loro
famiglie a doversi accontentare di alloggi spesso del tutto
inabitabili. Non a caso agli stranieri che risiedono in città vengono
offerti quei vani dove gli italiani non vogliono più abitare, in cui i
servizi spesso sono in comune, dove spesso vi è un solo rubinetto con
la sola acqua fredda, oppure vengono affittate soffitte, cantine o
magazzini trasformati abusivamente in alloggi ma per i quali si pagano
prezzi spropositati Si sta verificando lo stesso fenomeno degli anni
'60 e '70 nelle grandi città del nord industrializzato, quando gli
immigrati che provenivano dal sud Italia non riuscivano a trovare
delle sistemazioni civili. Il fatto che i mariti ed i padri abbiano
portato in Italia mogli e figli, ha contribuito a favorire quella
integrazione di cui sopra parlavamo. Ormai alcuni immigrati sono nella
nostra città da quasi trent'anni, ed erano arrivati quando a governare
la Jugoslavia c'era il Maresciallo Josip Broz Tito e non esistevano
assolutamente tensioni di alcuna natura tra le popolazioni delle varie
Repubbliche che formavano quel Paese. Altri sono arrivati dopo la
morte di Tito, quando purtroppo la Jugoslavia incominciò a
sgretolarsi; gli ultimi sono giunti quando la loro terra veniva
bombardata dagli aerei della Nato che dalle nostre basi partivano alla
volta di Belgrado, di Kragujevac, di Pancevo o di Novi Sad, portando
distruzione e morte. Pertanto ho ritenuto opportuno ed utile sentire
tre lavoratori serbi, che sono giunti a Trieste in tre distinte fasi,
ed attraverso le loro testimonianze capire che cosa li ha spinti a
venire in Italia, quali siano stati i maggiori problemi che hanno
dovuto affrontare e cosa ne pensano della loro condizione di immigrati
in Italia.
L'incontro con i lavoratori serbi
Per fare ciò, mi sono recato al "Club associazione culturale serba Vuk
Karadzic", luogo fondato ed autogestito da un gruppo di lavoratori
serbi, i quali hanno in questo modo dato la possibilità a tanti loro
connazionali di potersi ritrovare in una sala e non per strada o in
una piazza, potendo magari bere un caffè alla turca, giocando una
partita a scacchi o a domino e guardando (grazie all'antenna
satellitare) la televisione jugoslava e sentirsi un po' come a casa.
Particolari e drammatiche furono quelle serate segnate dagli attacchi
aerei della Nato contro la Jugoslavia. Alle 19.30, ora del
telegiornale di Belgrado, il Club si riempiva di gente che in profondo
silenzio e con il cuore in gola aspettava di sapere dove erano cadute
le ultime bombe o i missili e quali danni avevano provocato. Le
immagini che arrivavano via satellite erano come un pugno nello
stomaco per tutti, ma per loro che si trovavano a centinaia di
chilometri di distanza dalla propria martoriata terra e che con
difficoltà riuscivano a malapena a mettersi in contatto telefonico con
le proprie famiglie, quella esperienza fu una cosa veramente
traumatica. Diversi decisero di rientrare in Jugoslavia, perdendo in
alcuni casi anche il lavoro, altri portarono in Italia la famiglia,
altri parteciparono assieme a noi alle innumerevoli manifestazioni
contro la vile aggressione della Nato.
Ed è proprio qui, in questo luogo, che incontro i nostri tre
interlocutori, che con grande disponibilità hanno accettato di fare
quattro chiacchiere con noi. Dopo aver ordinato un caffè alla turca,
accompagnato da un tipico dolce, il ratlog, inizia la conversazione
con Zile, Zivorad e Dejan.
Il racconto di Zile
Zile racconta che ormai sono passati 25 anni da quando è arrivato a
Trieste e che oggi può ritenersi abbastanza soddisfatto di come sta
vivendo nella nostra città. Ma prima di arrivare qui, appena finito il
servizio militare, aveva avuto una breve esperienza nella "democratica
Austria", dove trovò lavoro in una piccola fabbrica che produceva
pezzi di ricambio in gomma per automobili. Una notte, nella casa dove
assieme ad altri dormiva, irruppe la polizia che, dopo aver
identificato i presenti, rinchiuse in carcere tutti coloro che erano
sprovvisti di un regolare permesso e Zile tra questi. Comunque fu
"fortunato", visto che dopo una "sola" settimana, assieme ad altri
cinquanta, fu rimpatriato alla volta della Jugoslavia. Meno fortunati
furono quelli che dovettero aspettare anche un mese in galera, prima
di essere rispediti nel loro paese.
Dopo questa non certo felice esperienza, Zile ritentò nuovamente ed
arrivato a Trieste, nel tempo di alcune settimane, riuscì a trovare
lavoro presso l'impresa dove tuttora svolge la propria attività.
All'epoca tutta la documentazione e le relative autorizzazioni del
Ministero, indispensabili per l'ottenimento del permesso di soggiorno
per motivi di lavoro, le procurava l'impresa stessa e al lavoratore
non rimaneva altro che recarsi al Consolato italiano di
Koper-Capodistria, dove gli veniva rilasciato il visto. Inizialmente
la sistemazione alloggiativa gli fu garantita dal datore di lavoro,
che gli mise a disposizione una baracca (attrezzata) dove visse per
oltre tre anni.
Successivamente, una volta arrivata la moglie, affittò una stanza di
un appartamento nel quale, in spazi ristretti, vivevano assieme
quattro famiglie, le quali avevano a disposizione un unico gabinetto
ed una unica cucina, dove il padrone di casa controllava che l'uso del
gas fosse limitato. Anche l'intimità coniugale veniva in tal modo
limitata e ciò contribuì ad accelerare la ricerca di una sistemazione
più consona alle giuste esigenze di una famiglia. Poi, passando da una
finita locazione ad uno sgombero forzato causa l'inabitabilità di una
casa pericolante e ad uno sfratto esecutivo, Zile e sua moglie
trovarono, grazie anche all'interessamento del datore di lavoro di
quest'ultima, un appartamento che finalmente offrì quelle
caratteristiche abitative e contrattuali che da tempo cercavano.
Zile ricorda di essere stato tra i primi o addirittura il primo
lavoratore jugoslavo ad aver superato a Trieste l'esame per la patente
di guida italiana, il che gli permise di acquistare la sua prima
automobile, di seconda mano. Zile però si contraddistinse da subito
anche sul versante sindacale, pretendendo il rispetto dei propri
diritti di lavoratore. Innanzitutto chiarì con l'impresa che gli
straordinari dovevano essere fatti solo in casi specifici e non come
un normale prolungamento dell'orario di lavoro o addirittura come un
obbligo. Pertanto rifiutò in tal senso di lavorare tutti i sabati,
come era ormai diventata abitudine consolidata in azienda. Il suo
esempio fu a questo punto ripreso anche da altri compagni di lavoro,
che presero grazie a lui maggior coraggio nel far valere diritti
troppo spesso dimenticati.
Per quanto concerne i rapporti tra lavoratori italiani e stranieri
egli stesso conferma che raramente ci sono stati dei problemi e
comunque quasi mai derivanti dal loro status di stranieri. Anzi il
fatto di aver da sempre lavorato gomito a gomito, ha notevolmente
contribuito alla reciproca conoscenza ed al superamento delle
diffidenze iniziali.
Il racconto di Zivorad
Zivorad inizia ricordando che nel paesino dal quale è partito per
cercare maggiore fortuna in Italia, l'unica fonte di reddito era ed è
ancora oggi l'agricoltura e l'allevamento di bestiame(bovini e suini).
Già suo padre emigrò in Svezia dove lavorò per ben 28 anni e anche
lui, sebbene a malincuore, dovette, dieci anni fa, fare le valige e
partire. Essendo riservista dell'esercito jugoslavo, quando iniziarono
gli scontri tra serbi e croati, volle in tutti i modi evitare di dover
combattere contro chi fino a ieri gli era stato amico e fratello.
Ancora oggi non riesce a dare un senso al disfacimento della
Jugoslavia e alle migliaia di morti che hanno insanguinato un Paese
dove la fratellanza tra popoli diversi per nazionalità, religione,
lingua o per tradizioni, avevano trovato nella convivenza e nel
reciproco arricchimento culturale la migliore risposta alle divisioni.
All'epoca Zivorad, attraverso un familiare che viveva a Trieste,
ottenne un permesso di soggiorno turistico che gli dette modo, uno
volta arrivato a Trieste, di chiedere di rimanere in Italia per motivi
"umanitari". Da prima fu ospitato presso questo parente e
successivamente, dopo aver trovato un lavoro in regola, si sistemò in
un appartamento non certo di lusso, situato in un palazzo dove
risiedono esclusivamente cittadini non italiani. In Jugoslavia ha
lasciato la moglie, due figlie e l'anziana madre, che quando il lavoro
glielo permette va a trovare, dovendosi sobbarcare oltre 1200 km
all'andata ed altrettanti al ritorno. Prima che il suo Paese venisse
smembrato bastava farne 800 di km per arrivare a casa, ora però deve
attraversare prima l'Austria, poi l'Ungheria per arrivare in
Jugoslavia, anche perché per passare dalla Slovenia e dalla Croazia,
come si faceva una volta, bisogna ottenere dei visti di transito molto
onerosi (e le pratiche per ottenerli sono alquanto lunghe e
complicate). Anche lui vorrebbe ricongiungersi con la sua famiglia, ma
le ultime leggi italiane che regolano la materia sono alquanto rigide,
riguardo alla disponibilità alloggiativa del richiedente, il quale
deve poter disporre di una abitazione che sia in regola con i
parametri minimi di abitabilità previsti dalle normative vigenti. Con
i soldi che Zivorad guadagna non può permettersi attualmente niente di
meglio, il che gli nega ogni possibilità di far arrivare sua moglie e
le figlie a Trieste.
Anch'egli spera che la Jugoslavia possa finalmente uscire
dall'isolamento internazionale che negli ultimi dieci anni l'ha
fortemente indebolita, sia dal punto di vista economico che politico.
Ciò che però ha voluto alla fine sottolineare è l'auspicio che il
popolo jugoslavo, possa decidere del proprio futuro senza subire
condizionamenti, sia esterni che interni.
Il racconto di Dejan
L'ultima testimonianza è quella del più giovane dei tre, Dejan, che ha
36 anni, è sposato, ha due figli di 9 e 14 anni che sono rimasti in
Jugoslavia assieme alla madre.
Dejan è arrivato a Trieste nell'aprile di quest'anno, grazie alla
richiesta di assunzione fatta da un'impresa artigiana edile, che non
trovando manodopera disponibile in loco ha ottenuto l'autorizzazione
ad assumere un lavoratore "extra comunitario". Quando gli aerei della
Nato iniziarono a colpire la Jugoslavia non scappò, come altri fecero,
ma restò nel suo Paese a coltivare la terra, sfamando la sua famiglia
e garantendo in questo modo che il raccolto venisse utilizzato per dar
da mangiare a tutto il Paese, martoriato dai bombardamenti e
dall'embargo. Proprio l'embargo appesantì ulteriormente la già
difficile situazione economica di migliaia e migliaia di famiglie
jugoslave e costrinse tanti come Dejan ad emigrare per sopravvivere. A
differenza di altri Dejan aveva già un lavoro in Italia che lo
aspettava, non aveva però un posto dove poter dormire.
Da prima si arrangiò a casa di amici, poi trovò un "buco" di 25 metri
quadrati al costo di 400.000 al mese, senza servizi, senza
riscaldamento e con un'umidità tale che i muri sono spesso bagnati.
Spera di poter quanto prima risolvere il problema della casa, anche
perché vorrebbe comunque che la sua famiglia lo raggiungesse e
certamente non potrebbe farlo con l'attuale sistemazione.
Anche Dejan fa alcune battute sulle ultime novità politiche che il suo
Paese sta attraversando. Analogamente alla stragrande maggioranza dei
suoi connazionali, che vivono e lavorano all'estero, non ha potuto
recarsi a votare, in quanto sia la proibitiva distanza che l'elevato
costo del viaggio, glielo hanno di fatto proibito. Il risultato del
voto non lo ha particolarmente sorpreso, anzi ritiene logico che la
gente si sia espressa in tal modo, considerando le promesse che i
paesi occidentali avevano fatto in caso Milosevic avesse perso.
Contestualmente ribadisce che la popolazione ha voluto anche dare un
chiaro segnale di volontà di cambiamento per una Jugoslavia più
democratica, ma soprattutto per una politica che sia più vicina alle
loro aspettative ed alle loro esigenze.
Un ultimo accenno hanno voluto farlo sulla guerra che l'anno scorso
devastò tutta la Jugoslavia e tutti e tre hanno più o meno espresso le
stesse opinioni e valutazioni.
1) Le bombe ed i missili hanno colpito principalmente i punti
strategici economici e viari, lasciando quasi intatti gli obiettivi
militari, a dimostrazione che gli Stati Uniti ed i paesi della Nato
volevano soprattutto devastare la loro terra e distruggere la loro
economia, oltre che ferire mortalmente l'orgoglio di un popolo
abituato a combattere per la difesa dei propri diritti.
2) L'inquinamento dell'acqua, dell'aria e della terra provocata dai
bombardamenti e dall'uso di proiettili all'uranio impoverito stanno
già causando immensi problemi sanitari, non solo ai popoli della
Jugoslavia, ma a tutti coloro che vivono nei paesi confinanti,
pertanto sarà necessario che la comunità scientifica internazionale
trovi quanto prima delle risposte concrete.
3) La così detta "guerra umanitaria", scatenata per "aiutare" gli
albanesi del Kossovo, non ha minimamente risolto i problemi di
convivenza di quella regione: viceversa, dopo i bombardamenti e
l'arrivo delle forze militari della Nato, le divisioni etniche si sono
ancor più approfondite e le varie mafie che si stanno impossessando
del territorio stanno a loro volta condizionando il futuro di quelle
popolazioni.
4) Sperano ora che l'intelligenza degli uomini riporti la pace in
tutta i territori della Jugoslavia, e che la loro tragedia non si
ripeta mai più.
http://www.lernesto.it/5-00/Kneipp-9i.htm
DUE ORE DI SPARATORIA TRA SOLDATI ITALIANI E TERRORISTI IN KOSOVO
E' successo il 29 agosto, quando i soldati delle truppe italiane della
KFOR sono dovuti intervenire per bloccare una aggressione in atto, da
parte di terroristi pan-albanesi, contro quattro contadini serbi
disarmati che erano al lavoro nei campi presso Gorazdevac, a 55
chilometri da Pristina.
I soldati italiani sono stati allora bersagliati dai terroristi per ben
due ore, in uno dei peggiori episodi di violenza in cui siano state
coinvolte le truppe di occupazione occidentali sin dal loro arrivo nella
provincia serba, nel giugno 1999. Fortunosamente lo scontro non ha
causato vittime, ed un solo terrorista e' stato fermato.
Non ci risulta che alcun media italiano abbia riportato la notizia. Lo
stesso sito dei dispacci ANSA sul Kosovo risulta non aggiornato proprio
dal 29 agosto, come se i giornalisti o i loro datori di lavoro siano
rimasti sotto shock per l'accaduto.
---
+++ UCK GREIFT SERBISCHEN KONVOI AN
GORAZDEVAC. Vorgestern griffen albanische UCK-Terroristen beim
metochischen Gorazdevac einen Konvoi der serbischen Zivilisten
an, der von der "internationalen Polizei" UNMIK geleitet wurde.
Mehr als zwei Stunden dauerte das Gefecht zwischen den
Terroristen und den italienischen Peacekeepers. STIMME KOSOVOS
+++ (http://www.amselfeld.com - 31. August 2002)
---
http://www.serbianna.com/news/09_02/06.shtml
Ethnic Albanians Fire on Peacekeepers
By GARENTINA KRAJA
The Associated Press
August 30, 2002
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - NATO peacekeepers and
ethnic Albanian gunmen traded gunfire for two hours
Thursday, after the troops were called in to protect
Serb farmers, officials said.
The fighting was some of the heaviest involving
peacekeepers since they arrived three years ago. But
there were no reports of any casualties, and one
ethnic Albanian was detained.
The Italian peacekeepers were called in after shots
were fired at four Serbs working their land under the
protection of U.N. forces and local police, United
Nations spokesman Andrea Angeli said. They came under
fire as they arrived in the village of Gorazdevac,
some 55 miles west of the provincial capital Pristina,
Angeli said.
Two military helicopters helped fight off the
attackers during the clash, which ended with one
suspect being detained, a NATO official said on
condition of anonymity.
The official did not specify how many peacekeepers and
U.N. police were involved, but said special forces
were called in after the regular peacekeeping
contingent responsible for the area asked for help.
The detained suspect was an ethnic Albanian, Angeli
said.
The firefight came as the U.N. administration has
increased efforts to repatriate Serbs who fled Kosovo
because of ethnic violence.
It was the first time peacekeepers guarding the Serb
minority were shot at since arriving after troops
loyal to former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
left in 1999.
Serbs have been targeted by ethnic Albanian extremists
seeking revenge for the crackdown under Milosevic that
left thousands dead, and dozens of Serbs have been
killed over the past three years. Tens of thousands
have fled.
---
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2002/08/4-SEE/see-300802.asp
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
September 1, 2002
GUNMEN PIN DOWN PEACEKEEPERS IN KOSOVA [RFE/RL's
preferred spelling]
UN civilian administration (UNMIK) police spokesman
Barry Fletcher told Reuters in Prishtina on 29 August
that unidentified gunmen shot at Serbian woodcutters
in the Peja district and "police responded with three
vehicles and a total of eight officers. When they
arrived, they were fired upon and they had to take
cover." Fletcher added that the police "were being
fired at from at least three different places, and
people who were shooting were too far away for the
range of pistols. [The police] couldn't move because
of the shooting." The police then called for KFOR
troops to come to the scene. "But the KFOR troops were
also fired at, and both UNMIK police and KFOR were
trapped for at least two hours." Italian peacekeepers
then brought up reinforcements and military vehicles,
which prompted the gunmen to flee. Italian military
police detained one suspect who refused to speak.
UNMIK spokeswoman Andrea Angeli said nonetheless that
he is an ethnic Albanian. AP described the attack as
one of the worst cases of violence since NATO troops
entered Kosova in June 1999. PM
E' successo il 29 agosto, quando i soldati delle truppe italiane della
KFOR sono dovuti intervenire per bloccare una aggressione in atto, da
parte di terroristi pan-albanesi, contro quattro contadini serbi
disarmati che erano al lavoro nei campi presso Gorazdevac, a 55
chilometri da Pristina.
I soldati italiani sono stati allora bersagliati dai terroristi per ben
due ore, in uno dei peggiori episodi di violenza in cui siano state
coinvolte le truppe di occupazione occidentali sin dal loro arrivo nella
provincia serba, nel giugno 1999. Fortunosamente lo scontro non ha
causato vittime, ed un solo terrorista e' stato fermato.
Non ci risulta che alcun media italiano abbia riportato la notizia. Lo
stesso sito dei dispacci ANSA sul Kosovo risulta non aggiornato proprio
dal 29 agosto, come se i giornalisti o i loro datori di lavoro siano
rimasti sotto shock per l'accaduto.
---
+++ UCK GREIFT SERBISCHEN KONVOI AN
GORAZDEVAC. Vorgestern griffen albanische UCK-Terroristen beim
metochischen Gorazdevac einen Konvoi der serbischen Zivilisten
an, der von der "internationalen Polizei" UNMIK geleitet wurde.
Mehr als zwei Stunden dauerte das Gefecht zwischen den
Terroristen und den italienischen Peacekeepers. STIMME KOSOVOS
+++ (http://www.amselfeld.com - 31. August 2002)
---
http://www.serbianna.com/news/09_02/06.shtml
Ethnic Albanians Fire on Peacekeepers
By GARENTINA KRAJA
The Associated Press
August 30, 2002
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - NATO peacekeepers and
ethnic Albanian gunmen traded gunfire for two hours
Thursday, after the troops were called in to protect
Serb farmers, officials said.
The fighting was some of the heaviest involving
peacekeepers since they arrived three years ago. But
there were no reports of any casualties, and one
ethnic Albanian was detained.
The Italian peacekeepers were called in after shots
were fired at four Serbs working their land under the
protection of U.N. forces and local police, United
Nations spokesman Andrea Angeli said. They came under
fire as they arrived in the village of Gorazdevac,
some 55 miles west of the provincial capital Pristina,
Angeli said.
Two military helicopters helped fight off the
attackers during the clash, which ended with one
suspect being detained, a NATO official said on
condition of anonymity.
The official did not specify how many peacekeepers and
U.N. police were involved, but said special forces
were called in after the regular peacekeeping
contingent responsible for the area asked for help.
The detained suspect was an ethnic Albanian, Angeli
said.
The firefight came as the U.N. administration has
increased efforts to repatriate Serbs who fled Kosovo
because of ethnic violence.
It was the first time peacekeepers guarding the Serb
minority were shot at since arriving after troops
loyal to former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
left in 1999.
Serbs have been targeted by ethnic Albanian extremists
seeking revenge for the crackdown under Milosevic that
left thousands dead, and dozens of Serbs have been
killed over the past three years. Tens of thousands
have fled.
---
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2002/08/4-SEE/see-300802.asp
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
September 1, 2002
GUNMEN PIN DOWN PEACEKEEPERS IN KOSOVA [RFE/RL's
preferred spelling]
UN civilian administration (UNMIK) police spokesman
Barry Fletcher told Reuters in Prishtina on 29 August
that unidentified gunmen shot at Serbian woodcutters
in the Peja district and "police responded with three
vehicles and a total of eight officers. When they
arrived, they were fired upon and they had to take
cover." Fletcher added that the police "were being
fired at from at least three different places, and
people who were shooting were too far away for the
range of pistols. [The police] couldn't move because
of the shooting." The police then called for KFOR
troops to come to the scene. "But the KFOR troops were
also fired at, and both UNMIK police and KFOR were
trapped for at least two hours." Italian peacekeepers
then brought up reinforcements and military vehicles,
which prompted the gunmen to flee. Italian military
police detained one suspect who refused to speak.
UNMIK spokeswoman Andrea Angeli said nonetheless that
he is an ethnic Albanian. AP described the attack as
one of the worst cases of violence since NATO troops
entered Kosova in June 1999. PM
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