Informazione
JUGOSLAVIA: ATTENTATO PARTITO KOSTUNICA, ALZATO GRADO ALLERTA
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 1 MAR - La polizia di Belgrado ha annunciato
che intende utilizzare tutti i mezzi di cui dispone per
garantire la sicurezza in citta' 24 ore su 24, dopo l'attentato
di ieri notte contro la sede del Partito democratico serbo (Dss) del
presidente jugislavo Vojislav Kostunica. Kostunica e il suo
partito hanno intanto definito l'accaduto come ''un tentativo di
destabilizzare ulteriormente la situazione nel paese''. In un
comunicato, i Dss hanno aggiunto che l'episodio ''e' un grave
esempio di crisi sociale e politica che sta scuotendo il nostro
paese''.
L'attentato, ha detto in una conferenza stampa il capo della
polizia di Belgrado Milan Obradovic, e' avvenuto cinque minuti
prima della mezzanotte di ieri, quando da un'automobile rossa,
una Audi 80 secondo testimoni oculari, ha lanciato due bombe a
mano contro il portone di ingresso dell'edificio dove il Dss ha
il suo quartier generale. Non ci sono stati feriti, solo qualche
danno e una pioggia di vetri rotti. L'ora scelta fa pensare che
gli attentatori non volessero commettere una strage, ma solo un
gesto dimostrativo. Kostunica ha ricevuto messaggi di solidarieta'
e di condanna per la vicenda da tutti i leader dei partiti serbi,
compreso il Partito socialista (Sps) di Slobodan Milosevic, un
cui alto rappresentante, Branislav Ivkovic, si e' anche recato
sul luogo. (ANSA). OT
01/03/2002 17:34
+++ Anschlag auf Kostunicas Partei +++
BELGRAD, 1.März 2002. Am späten gestrigen Abend wurde
in Belgrad auf den Sitz der Partei des jugoslawischen
Präsidenten Vojislav Kostunica ein Bombenanschlag verübt.
Unbekannte schleuderten einen Sprengsatz aus einem
fahrenden Auto. Verletzte waren nach dem Attentat
nicht zu beklagen. Der jugoslawische Präsident und
Vertreter aller politischen Parteien äußerten sich
entsetzt und verurteilten den Anschlag als feige Tat von
kriminellen Terroristen. Die Hintergründe der Tat
sind derzeit noch völlig unklar, ein Mordversuch am
jugoslawischen Präsidenten Kostunica, welcher in
unmittelbarer Nähe der Parteizentrale wohnt ist jedoch
nicht auszuschließen.
STIMME KOSOVOS / AMSELFELD.COM
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 1 MAR - La polizia di Belgrado ha annunciato
che intende utilizzare tutti i mezzi di cui dispone per
garantire la sicurezza in citta' 24 ore su 24, dopo l'attentato
di ieri notte contro la sede del Partito democratico serbo (Dss) del
presidente jugislavo Vojislav Kostunica. Kostunica e il suo
partito hanno intanto definito l'accaduto come ''un tentativo di
destabilizzare ulteriormente la situazione nel paese''. In un
comunicato, i Dss hanno aggiunto che l'episodio ''e' un grave
esempio di crisi sociale e politica che sta scuotendo il nostro
paese''.
L'attentato, ha detto in una conferenza stampa il capo della
polizia di Belgrado Milan Obradovic, e' avvenuto cinque minuti
prima della mezzanotte di ieri, quando da un'automobile rossa,
una Audi 80 secondo testimoni oculari, ha lanciato due bombe a
mano contro il portone di ingresso dell'edificio dove il Dss ha
il suo quartier generale. Non ci sono stati feriti, solo qualche
danno e una pioggia di vetri rotti. L'ora scelta fa pensare che
gli attentatori non volessero commettere una strage, ma solo un
gesto dimostrativo. Kostunica ha ricevuto messaggi di solidarieta'
e di condanna per la vicenda da tutti i leader dei partiti serbi,
compreso il Partito socialista (Sps) di Slobodan Milosevic, un
cui alto rappresentante, Branislav Ivkovic, si e' anche recato
sul luogo. (ANSA). OT
01/03/2002 17:34
+++ Anschlag auf Kostunicas Partei +++
BELGRAD, 1.März 2002. Am späten gestrigen Abend wurde
in Belgrad auf den Sitz der Partei des jugoslawischen
Präsidenten Vojislav Kostunica ein Bombenanschlag verübt.
Unbekannte schleuderten einen Sprengsatz aus einem
fahrenden Auto. Verletzte waren nach dem Attentat
nicht zu beklagen. Der jugoslawische Präsident und
Vertreter aller politischen Parteien äußerten sich
entsetzt und verurteilten den Anschlag als feige Tat von
kriminellen Terroristen. Die Hintergründe der Tat
sind derzeit noch völlig unklar, ein Mordversuch am
jugoslawischen Präsidenten Kostunica, welcher in
unmittelbarer Nähe der Parteizentrale wohnt ist jedoch
nicht auszuschließen.
STIMME KOSOVOS / AMSELFELD.COM
STIAMO CORRENDO UN RISCHIO TERRIBILE!!!
MILOSEVIC: REMONDINO (RAI), RISCHIO CHE NE ESCA 'VINCITORE'
(ANSA) - GORIZIA, 26 FEB - ''Corriamo il rischio di vedere
Slobodan Milosevic, uscire non soltanto indenne ma addirittura
vincitore sul piano della dialettica nel processo che lo vede
imputato di atroci crimini di guerra'': lo ha detto a Gorizia il
giornalista Ennio Remondino, inviato di guerra della Rai. Remondino,
intervenendo al convegno ''Comunicazione: il potere di ricostruire
realta'', organizzato dalle Universita' di Udine e Trieste, ha
spiegato che ''l' accusa, cioe' Carla Del Ponte, ha sbagliato scegliendo
di impostare l' istruttoria sul percorso della storia e quindi
della politica, perche' su questo terreno - ha aggiunto - Milosevic, che
e' anche un abile avvocato, e' senz' altro piu' bravo di lei''.
Remondino ha anche parlato del rapporto tra i mass media e la guerra,
definendo la televisione ''lo strumento della politica e dei
governi per manipolare l' opinione pubblica''. (ANSA). RED-BB/MA
26/02/2002 19:15
MILOSEVIC: REMONDINO (RAI), RISCHIO CHE NE ESCA 'VINCITORE'
(ANSA) - GORIZIA, 26 FEB - ''Corriamo il rischio di vedere
Slobodan Milosevic, uscire non soltanto indenne ma addirittura
vincitore sul piano della dialettica nel processo che lo vede
imputato di atroci crimini di guerra'': lo ha detto a Gorizia il
giornalista Ennio Remondino, inviato di guerra della Rai. Remondino,
intervenendo al convegno ''Comunicazione: il potere di ricostruire
realta'', organizzato dalle Universita' di Udine e Trieste, ha
spiegato che ''l' accusa, cioe' Carla Del Ponte, ha sbagliato scegliendo
di impostare l' istruttoria sul percorso della storia e quindi
della politica, perche' su questo terreno - ha aggiunto - Milosevic, che
e' anche un abile avvocato, e' senz' altro piu' bravo di lei''.
Remondino ha anche parlato del rapporto tra i mass media e la guerra,
definendo la televisione ''lo strumento della politica e dei
governi per manipolare l' opinione pubblica''. (ANSA). RED-BB/MA
26/02/2002 19:15
"Il Manifesto", 21 Febbraio 2002
All'Aja in difficoltà altri testimoni
Saltano i test d'accusa a Milosevic. Violenze, primo testimone diretto.
Libro nero anti-Uck
T. D. F.
Slobodan Milosevic continua a segnare punti sulla pubblica accusa
all'Aja. Dopo avere protestato perché il governo olandese non
dà il visto alla moglie, Mirjana Markovic, l'ex presidente jugoslavo
ieri mattina ha messo in difficoltà il secondo testimone, un
inquirente del procuratore Carla Del Ponte, il poliziotto australiano
Steven Spargo. Prima la corte aveva rifiutato la deposizione,
chiesta dalla Del Ponte, del capo degli investigatori della procura in
Kosovo, il britannico Kevin Curtis, che nel giugno del 2001
arrestò Milosevic a Belgrado. Secondo il Tribunale dell'Aja la
deposizione di Curtis sull'esecuzioni di civili in Kosovo si sarebbe
però basata sul "sentito dire", su testimonianze di altre persone, non
su prove dirette. Il sostituto Geoffrey Nice, indispettito, allora ha
chiamato a deporre Spargo per presentare mappe sulle vie di uscita dal
Kosovo dei profughi albanesi durante la guerra: Milosevic è
accusato di "deportazione" di 800mila civili albanesi; lui afferma
che sono fuggiti per i bombardamenti Nato.
Nel controinterrogatorio Milosevic lo ha costretto ad ammettere di avere
preparato le carte senza avere raccolto personalmente
una sola testimonianza di profughi e sulla base di documenti preparati
da altri inquirenti. Spargo ha anche dovuto confermare che
l'esodo dei profughi è intervenuto dal 26 marzo, due giorni dopo
l'inizio dei raid Nato, e si è interrotto due giorni prima
dell'ingresso della Nato in Kosovo, e di non avere indicazioni su
possibili punti di concentramento dei civili in fuga. Milosevic aveva
sottolineato poco prima che in caso di "deportazione" è inevitabile
che ci siano luoghi di concentramento dei civili, mentre "è
evidente che si tratta di profughi". Poi ha attaccato la Del Ponte:
"E' vostro dovere, anche in un processo illegale, parlare di
crimini solo se avete la minima prova che ero presente, che li ho
commessi o che sono stati commessi su mio ordine". Ieri
pomeriggio è iniziata, continuerà oggi, la deposizione del primo
testimone diretto di violenze in Kosovo. E' stato chiamato a
deporre un contadino kosovaro albanese di 49 anni, Agim Zegiri, di
Celina. Per il teste, all'indomani dei bonbardamenti della Nato,
il 25 marzo 1999, un distaccamento della polizia serba e dell'esercito
jugoslavo è entrato nel villaggio, ha incendiato alcune case è
ha iniziato a sparare sugli abitanti. Sono morte 75 persone. Milosevic
ha controinterrogato anche lui - il contadino gli ha girato le spalle -
e lo ha costretto a precisare che presso il villaggio stazionava
una unità di 300 guerriglieri dell'Uck, "gli abitanti del villaggio
- ha detto Zegiri - fornivano all'Uck cibo e vestiti". Il
controinterrogatorio continuerà oggi. Mentre a Belgrado è stato
presentato un "libro nero", subito inviato all'Aja, sulle vittime serbe
e non-albanesi in Kosovo: 1.835 uccisi e 1.441 rapiti e scomparsi (di
cui 1.154 sequestrati e scomparsi dall'ingresso della Nato), coin 360
testimonianze dirette, biografie, foto, verbali e autopsie.
===*===
"Il Manifesto" 22 Febbraio 2002
Milosevic controaccusa, è scontro
Un teste se ne va, un altro punta il dito: "Ho visto le tue stragi",
ma ammette legami con l'Uck
T. D. F.
Le cose che ha fatto sono inimmaginabili, signor Milosevic": Fehim
Elshani è seduto avvitato sulla poltrona dei testimoni e parla
dando le spalle all'ex presidente jugoslavo, che lo contro-interroga.
E' il secondo teste-vittima della giornata. Un osso piu' duro -
anche se non molto convicente anche lui - per Milosevic del primo,
Agim Tegiri, che in mattinata non aveva resistito al
contro-interrogatorio di Slobo che lo aveva messo in difficoltà: "Non
mi sento bene, non posso più rispondere" aveva detto al
presidente della corte Richard May. Ed era partito.
Elshani, ex impiegato comunale diventato contadino dopo essere stato
licenziato nel 1991 per avere appoggiato le manifestazioni
degli indipendentisti. Afferma che il 25 marzo 1999, all' indomani
dell'inizio dei bombardamenti Nato, il suo villaggio di Nagafc,
vicino alla frontiera albanese, è stato attaccato e parzialmente
incendiato dalle forze serbe. Il teste ha raccontato anche la fuga di
buona parte della popolazione civile dei villaggi della zona, circa
20.000 persone, verso l'Albania, la paura, la consegna dei
documenti alla frontiera. Ma prima ricorda due "forti esplosioni" che
nella notte del 2 aprile hanno causato la morte di almeno nove
persone nei dintorni della sua casa. Afferma che il governo di Belgrado
aveva avvertito che "se la Nato fosse intervenuta, si
sarebbero vendicati con noi'". Milosevic lo guarda incredulo e gli
contesta di avere parlato di cose da lui non viste personalmente
Elshani replica: "Ho visto con i miei occhi tre donne anziane
bruciate dalle sue forze, una l'ho perfino dovuta sotterrare io, con mio
figlio". Milosevic lo interroga sulle esplosioni del 2 aprile, tante
volte i profughi hanno raccontato di "aerei jugoslavi" che nessun jet
americano ha mai segnalato. Milosevic sottintende che sono state
provocate da bombe Nato, come accadde tragicamente al
convoglio albanese di Djakovica il 14 aprile 1999, ammise poi la Nato
dopo la testimonianza del giornalista britannico Robert Fisk
che era sul posto. Elshani ha ammesso a un certo punto di non avere
visto nulla "perché era notte" e si trovava a letto. Poi
incalzato da Milosevic conferma di avere sentito nella notte "un aereo".
Ma sostiene di non avere visto aerei Nato e di non avere
nulla a che vedere con l'Uck. Alla fine del contro-interrogatorio
ammette però che suo figlio faceva parte dell'Uck: "Ma io non
c'entravo nulla" afferma.
In mattinata c'era stato un colpo di scena. Milosevic riprendeva il
contro-interrogatorio del primo teste-vittima kosovaro, Agim
Tegiri, e aveva appena contestato la traduzione fatta ieri di quanto
aveva dichiarato Tegiri sui suoi rapporti con l'Uck. Il teste aveva
raccontato come anche il suo villaggio fosse stato attaccato dalle
forze serbe il 25 marzo 1999, di essere stato picchiato, di avere
visto una persona uccisa e di avere perso 16 membri della sua famiglia
su 18. Stando a Milosevic una frase pronunciata da Tegiri sui
suoi rapporti con l'Uck voleva dire "li ho ospitati", mentre la
traduzione è stata "li ho un po' aiutati". Il testimone ha insistito:
"Non mi sento bene, sono in dialisi, non ho altro da dire, ho i miei
problemi, la mia sofferenza". Il presidente gli ha chiesto se fosse in
grado di continuare per dieci minuti: "No". Prima di lasciarlo andare il
giudice sudcoreano O-Gon Kwon gli ha chiesto tuttavia di
precisare come fosse morta la sua famiglia. Ieri Tegiri non lo aveva
fatto: "Non me l'hanno detto" ha risposto il teste, e se n'è
andato. Milosevic ha protestato: "E' inaccettabile che l'accusa possa
ritirare il teste. Non ha detto la verita". Oggi niente udienza.
===*===
"Il Manifesto", 24 Febbraio 2002
Mesic pronto per l'Aja
Dal Tribunale penale internazionale dell'Aja per l'ex Jugoslavia non
è arrivata ancora una convocazione, ma se dovesse succedere il
presidente croato Stjepan Mesic è pronto a recarsi all'Aja per
deporre nel processo per genocidio e crimini di guerra a carico di
Slobodan Milosevic. Lo statista croato è stato chiamato direttamente
in causa dall'ex presidente jugoslavo, che l'ha accusato di
aver distrutto la Jugoslavia. Mesic fu l'ultimo presidente della
vecchia repubblica federale jugoslava, prima dell'inizio della
disgregazione, nel 1991. "Io - ha dichiarato all'agenzia Hina - feci
solo constatare che la Jugoslavia non esisteva più". "Non fui io
ma Milosevic - ha incalzato - che disintegrò la Lega dei Comunisti
della Jugoslavia... fu lui, non io, che creo' i campi di
concentramento nella Bosnia Erzegovina, e i campi per i croati in
Serbia". A Milosevic, ha affermato, non interessava la Jugoslavia,
né come federazione, né come confederazione, ma soltanto "una Grande
Serbia". Dopo il distacco della Croazia dalla vecchia
federazione jugoslava, Mesic collaborò con il defunto presidente
nazionalista Franjo Tudjman, col quale ruppe nel 1994, e nel 2000
venne eletto alla presidenza come candidato dell'opposizione.
===*===
"Il Manifesto" 26 Febbraio 2002
Milosevic alla Del Ponte: "Sono testimoni falsi"
"Ma devo dimostrare io la mia non-colpevolezza?". Shock a Belgrado per
l'intervista di Dijndijc a "Der Spiegel"
T. D. F.
All'apertura della terza settimana di udienza, l'ex-presidente
jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic ha accusato ieri all'Aja la procura del
tribunale penale internazionale (Tpi), cioè Carla Del Ponte, di
produrre "falsi testimoni" per "maltrattarlo" e costringerlo, in
violazione delle norme di giustizia internazionali sulla presunzione
di innocenza, a dimostrare la propria non colpevolezza.
Interrompendo il contro-interrogatorio del terzo "teste-vittima"
dell'accusa, il contadino kosovaro Halil Morina, Milosevic ha
detto al presidente della corte Richard May: "Vedo che qui una
persona che non è colpevole deve dimostrare che non è colpevole,
anche se non spetta a coloro che l'accusano dimostrare la sua
colpevolezza". Milosevic ha inoltre affermato, a proposito dei
testimoni presentati dall'accusa, che "sono dei falsi testimoni".
Prima Milosevic aveva a lungo contro-interrogato il terzo teste,
che ieri ha accusato le forze serbe di avere attaccato il 26 marzo
1999 il suo villaggio, Landovica, incendiando diverse case e
provocando la morte di una donna paralizzata "bruciata viva" in casa.
Il testimone ha risposto di non avere saputo nulla dei
bombardamenti Nato sul Kosovo, iniziati già da due giorni il 26 marzo
1999, né delle attività dell'Uck. Milosevic ha contestato
alcune dichiarazioni del teste, in particolare quando questi ha
riferito di avere visto bruciare un villaggio vicino ma di non sapere,
come indicato dall'imputato, che una stazione di benzina del villaggio
era stata colpita dalle bombe Nato il 25 marzo e che "a
Landovica tre soldati serbi erano stati uccisi dall'Uck". Dopo le
proteste di Milosevic il presidente della corte Richard May gli ha
risposto che "è escluso che lei o qualsiasi altro imputato debba
dimostrare qui la sua innocenza".
Si è dunque ripetuto il copione delle due settimane precedenti nelle
quali, sostanzialmente, l'imputato Milosevic è riuscito a
contraddire almeno cinque testimonianze, facendo entrare in
contraddizione più volte il testimone "chiave" dell'accusa, l'ex
governatore del Kosovo, Muhamat Bakalli; a rifiutare la deposizione
di Kevin Curtis, capo degli investigatori della procura in
Kosovo, e la corte gli ha dato ragione; ha messo in seria difficoltà
Steven Spargo, poliziotto australiano al quale ha fatto
ammettere di non avere raccolto una sola testimonianza diretta di
profughi; ha contraddetto tre kosovaro-albanesi,
dimostrandone spesso l'inattendibilità. Ioltre ha rovesciato le accuse
sull'Occidente e, con una chiamata di correo, ha chiesto di
venire a testimoniare all'Aja ai leader che lo acclamavano per la pace
di Dayton e non solo.
Ora il processo dell'Aja è lo specchio dei nodi irrisolti della crisi
a Belgrado (minaccia di secessione del Montenegro e irrisolto status
del Kosovo). I rapporti con il Tribunale dell'Aja - che i serbi non
amano perché lo considerano strumento politico e non giudiziario
- venivano presentati finora come un pedaggio inevitabile per
l'integrazione in Europa e per i finanziamenti. Dopo tre settimane di
udienza all'Aja, e dopo l'intervista del premier serbo Zoran Dijndic
- l'uomo che ha consegnato Milosevic all'Aja nel giugno 2001 -
di questi giorni al settimanle tedesco Der Spiegel, la versione è
impresentabile. Dijndijc dopo aver ricordato all'Occidente
l'impossibilità, pena la guerra civile, di arrestare Mladic e Karadzic
"del resto mai presi dalla Nato" ha detto: "Resto senza parole nel
vedere quanto denaro è stato dilapidato all'Aja solo per portare in aula
dopo 5 anni testimoni tanto insignificanti. Questo circo
pone su di me e sul mio governo riformista un enorme dilemma. Il 40%
della popolazione serba è affascinata dal comportamento del
suo ex presidente... perfino gli avversari di Milosevic mostrano
simpatia nei suoi confronti e mi chiedono: perché l'abbiamo
consegnato?". E Dijndijc ricorda che i due terzi dei 300milioni di
euro promessi, sono stati trattenuti. Qual è il punto? Ha scoperto
che con queste imputazioni della Del Ponte, Milosevic risulterà il
solo colpevole delle guerre nell'ex Jugoslavia, e che il suo governo
sarà costretto a pagare un mostruoso debito di guerra. Allora addio
premier Dijndijc.
===*===
TPI: CONSIGLIO EUROPA LO DIFENDE,INACCETTABILI PRESSIONI USA
(ANSA) - STRASBURGO, 1 MAR - Il presidente dell'assemblea parlamentare
del Consiglio d'Europa il socialista austriaco Peter Schieder ha
preso oggi le difese della Corte Onu dell'Aja contro quelkle
che ha definito le pressioni ''inaccettabili'' del governo Usa,
che ne propone la chiusura entro il 2008. ''Rappresentano un'ingerenza
politica in un processo giudiziario volto a rendere giustizia
alle centinaia di migliaia di vittime dei crimini commessi
nell'ex-Jugoslavia e in Ruanda'' ha affermato Schieder. Intervenendo
davanti al Congresso di Wasshington, un rappresentante
dell'amministrazione Bush, l'ambasciatore Pierre Richard Prosper,
delegato per i crimini di guerra, ha detto che il Tpi dovrebbe cessare
le sue attivita' entro il 2008, e ha proposto un trasferimento
delle sue competenze ai tribunali nazionali. Secondo Prosper ''ci
sono stati problemi che mettono in dubbio l'integrita' delle
procedure''. L'ambasciatore Usa ha affermato anche che ''e' stata
messa in questione la professionalita' di alcune delle persone
coinvolte, con accuse di abusi e di cattiva gestione''. Per Prosper
le procedure del Tpi - competente per i crimini di guerra
nell'ex-Jugoslavia e nel Ruanda - sono state a volte costose e
poco efficienti, lente e troppo distaccate dall'esperienza quotidiana
delle persone e delle vittime''. Il presidente dell'assemblea
dell'organizzazione di Strasburgo, di cui fanno parte tutti i paesi
euro-occidentali piu' la Turchia e 18 paesi postcomunisti fra cui
la Russia, ha affermato che ''i crimini di guerra piu' gravi ed i
crimini contro l'umanita' devono continuare ad essere giudicati da un
tribunale internazionale''. Schieder ha anche criticato ''i tribunali
speciali creati dal governo degli Usa per giudicare i presunti
terroristi internazionali, senza tutte le garanzie previste dal sistema
giuridico americano e dal diritto internazionale'' che, ha affermato,
''non sono una soluzione piu' soddisfacente''. (ANSA) CEF
01/03/2002 18:22
===*===
"Il Manifesto", 1 Marzo 2002
Milosevic: "Mi spiano"
L'ex-presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic ha accusato ieri la
procura del Tribunale dell'Aja guidata da Carla Del Ponte di
ascoltare le conversazioni telefoniche che ha dal carcere con i suoi
consiglieri legali. Milosevic ha chiesto al presidente della corte
Richard May di aprire un'inchiesta. Secondo l'ex-capo dello stato
jugoslavo le domande poste ieri mattina dall'accusa al teste
kosovaro Halit Barani riguardavano punti sollevati ieri dallo stesso
Milosevic in conversazioni telefoniche dal carcere con i suoi
consiglieri legali. Il sostituto procuratore Geoffrey Nice ha negato
tutto. Fonti del Tpi hanno però ammesso che le conversazioni
telefoniche di Milosevic dal carcere sono effettivamente registrate
"per ragioni di sicurezza" ma "la procura non ha accesso ai
nastri". Se risultasse "l'accesso ai nastri" il processo sarebbe
ancora più incredibile.
All'Aja in difficoltà altri testimoni
Saltano i test d'accusa a Milosevic. Violenze, primo testimone diretto.
Libro nero anti-Uck
T. D. F.
Slobodan Milosevic continua a segnare punti sulla pubblica accusa
all'Aja. Dopo avere protestato perché il governo olandese non
dà il visto alla moglie, Mirjana Markovic, l'ex presidente jugoslavo
ieri mattina ha messo in difficoltà il secondo testimone, un
inquirente del procuratore Carla Del Ponte, il poliziotto australiano
Steven Spargo. Prima la corte aveva rifiutato la deposizione,
chiesta dalla Del Ponte, del capo degli investigatori della procura in
Kosovo, il britannico Kevin Curtis, che nel giugno del 2001
arrestò Milosevic a Belgrado. Secondo il Tribunale dell'Aja la
deposizione di Curtis sull'esecuzioni di civili in Kosovo si sarebbe
però basata sul "sentito dire", su testimonianze di altre persone, non
su prove dirette. Il sostituto Geoffrey Nice, indispettito, allora ha
chiamato a deporre Spargo per presentare mappe sulle vie di uscita dal
Kosovo dei profughi albanesi durante la guerra: Milosevic è
accusato di "deportazione" di 800mila civili albanesi; lui afferma
che sono fuggiti per i bombardamenti Nato.
Nel controinterrogatorio Milosevic lo ha costretto ad ammettere di avere
preparato le carte senza avere raccolto personalmente
una sola testimonianza di profughi e sulla base di documenti preparati
da altri inquirenti. Spargo ha anche dovuto confermare che
l'esodo dei profughi è intervenuto dal 26 marzo, due giorni dopo
l'inizio dei raid Nato, e si è interrotto due giorni prima
dell'ingresso della Nato in Kosovo, e di non avere indicazioni su
possibili punti di concentramento dei civili in fuga. Milosevic aveva
sottolineato poco prima che in caso di "deportazione" è inevitabile
che ci siano luoghi di concentramento dei civili, mentre "è
evidente che si tratta di profughi". Poi ha attaccato la Del Ponte:
"E' vostro dovere, anche in un processo illegale, parlare di
crimini solo se avete la minima prova che ero presente, che li ho
commessi o che sono stati commessi su mio ordine". Ieri
pomeriggio è iniziata, continuerà oggi, la deposizione del primo
testimone diretto di violenze in Kosovo. E' stato chiamato a
deporre un contadino kosovaro albanese di 49 anni, Agim Zegiri, di
Celina. Per il teste, all'indomani dei bonbardamenti della Nato,
il 25 marzo 1999, un distaccamento della polizia serba e dell'esercito
jugoslavo è entrato nel villaggio, ha incendiato alcune case è
ha iniziato a sparare sugli abitanti. Sono morte 75 persone. Milosevic
ha controinterrogato anche lui - il contadino gli ha girato le spalle -
e lo ha costretto a precisare che presso il villaggio stazionava
una unità di 300 guerriglieri dell'Uck, "gli abitanti del villaggio
- ha detto Zegiri - fornivano all'Uck cibo e vestiti". Il
controinterrogatorio continuerà oggi. Mentre a Belgrado è stato
presentato un "libro nero", subito inviato all'Aja, sulle vittime serbe
e non-albanesi in Kosovo: 1.835 uccisi e 1.441 rapiti e scomparsi (di
cui 1.154 sequestrati e scomparsi dall'ingresso della Nato), coin 360
testimonianze dirette, biografie, foto, verbali e autopsie.
===*===
"Il Manifesto" 22 Febbraio 2002
Milosevic controaccusa, è scontro
Un teste se ne va, un altro punta il dito: "Ho visto le tue stragi",
ma ammette legami con l'Uck
T. D. F.
Le cose che ha fatto sono inimmaginabili, signor Milosevic": Fehim
Elshani è seduto avvitato sulla poltrona dei testimoni e parla
dando le spalle all'ex presidente jugoslavo, che lo contro-interroga.
E' il secondo teste-vittima della giornata. Un osso piu' duro -
anche se non molto convicente anche lui - per Milosevic del primo,
Agim Tegiri, che in mattinata non aveva resistito al
contro-interrogatorio di Slobo che lo aveva messo in difficoltà: "Non
mi sento bene, non posso più rispondere" aveva detto al
presidente della corte Richard May. Ed era partito.
Elshani, ex impiegato comunale diventato contadino dopo essere stato
licenziato nel 1991 per avere appoggiato le manifestazioni
degli indipendentisti. Afferma che il 25 marzo 1999, all' indomani
dell'inizio dei bombardamenti Nato, il suo villaggio di Nagafc,
vicino alla frontiera albanese, è stato attaccato e parzialmente
incendiato dalle forze serbe. Il teste ha raccontato anche la fuga di
buona parte della popolazione civile dei villaggi della zona, circa
20.000 persone, verso l'Albania, la paura, la consegna dei
documenti alla frontiera. Ma prima ricorda due "forti esplosioni" che
nella notte del 2 aprile hanno causato la morte di almeno nove
persone nei dintorni della sua casa. Afferma che il governo di Belgrado
aveva avvertito che "se la Nato fosse intervenuta, si
sarebbero vendicati con noi'". Milosevic lo guarda incredulo e gli
contesta di avere parlato di cose da lui non viste personalmente
Elshani replica: "Ho visto con i miei occhi tre donne anziane
bruciate dalle sue forze, una l'ho perfino dovuta sotterrare io, con mio
figlio". Milosevic lo interroga sulle esplosioni del 2 aprile, tante
volte i profughi hanno raccontato di "aerei jugoslavi" che nessun jet
americano ha mai segnalato. Milosevic sottintende che sono state
provocate da bombe Nato, come accadde tragicamente al
convoglio albanese di Djakovica il 14 aprile 1999, ammise poi la Nato
dopo la testimonianza del giornalista britannico Robert Fisk
che era sul posto. Elshani ha ammesso a un certo punto di non avere
visto nulla "perché era notte" e si trovava a letto. Poi
incalzato da Milosevic conferma di avere sentito nella notte "un aereo".
Ma sostiene di non avere visto aerei Nato e di non avere
nulla a che vedere con l'Uck. Alla fine del contro-interrogatorio
ammette però che suo figlio faceva parte dell'Uck: "Ma io non
c'entravo nulla" afferma.
In mattinata c'era stato un colpo di scena. Milosevic riprendeva il
contro-interrogatorio del primo teste-vittima kosovaro, Agim
Tegiri, e aveva appena contestato la traduzione fatta ieri di quanto
aveva dichiarato Tegiri sui suoi rapporti con l'Uck. Il teste aveva
raccontato come anche il suo villaggio fosse stato attaccato dalle
forze serbe il 25 marzo 1999, di essere stato picchiato, di avere
visto una persona uccisa e di avere perso 16 membri della sua famiglia
su 18. Stando a Milosevic una frase pronunciata da Tegiri sui
suoi rapporti con l'Uck voleva dire "li ho ospitati", mentre la
traduzione è stata "li ho un po' aiutati". Il testimone ha insistito:
"Non mi sento bene, sono in dialisi, non ho altro da dire, ho i miei
problemi, la mia sofferenza". Il presidente gli ha chiesto se fosse in
grado di continuare per dieci minuti: "No". Prima di lasciarlo andare il
giudice sudcoreano O-Gon Kwon gli ha chiesto tuttavia di
precisare come fosse morta la sua famiglia. Ieri Tegiri non lo aveva
fatto: "Non me l'hanno detto" ha risposto il teste, e se n'è
andato. Milosevic ha protestato: "E' inaccettabile che l'accusa possa
ritirare il teste. Non ha detto la verita". Oggi niente udienza.
===*===
"Il Manifesto", 24 Febbraio 2002
Mesic pronto per l'Aja
Dal Tribunale penale internazionale dell'Aja per l'ex Jugoslavia non
è arrivata ancora una convocazione, ma se dovesse succedere il
presidente croato Stjepan Mesic è pronto a recarsi all'Aja per
deporre nel processo per genocidio e crimini di guerra a carico di
Slobodan Milosevic. Lo statista croato è stato chiamato direttamente
in causa dall'ex presidente jugoslavo, che l'ha accusato di
aver distrutto la Jugoslavia. Mesic fu l'ultimo presidente della
vecchia repubblica federale jugoslava, prima dell'inizio della
disgregazione, nel 1991. "Io - ha dichiarato all'agenzia Hina - feci
solo constatare che la Jugoslavia non esisteva più". "Non fui io
ma Milosevic - ha incalzato - che disintegrò la Lega dei Comunisti
della Jugoslavia... fu lui, non io, che creo' i campi di
concentramento nella Bosnia Erzegovina, e i campi per i croati in
Serbia". A Milosevic, ha affermato, non interessava la Jugoslavia,
né come federazione, né come confederazione, ma soltanto "una Grande
Serbia". Dopo il distacco della Croazia dalla vecchia
federazione jugoslava, Mesic collaborò con il defunto presidente
nazionalista Franjo Tudjman, col quale ruppe nel 1994, e nel 2000
venne eletto alla presidenza come candidato dell'opposizione.
===*===
"Il Manifesto" 26 Febbraio 2002
Milosevic alla Del Ponte: "Sono testimoni falsi"
"Ma devo dimostrare io la mia non-colpevolezza?". Shock a Belgrado per
l'intervista di Dijndijc a "Der Spiegel"
T. D. F.
All'apertura della terza settimana di udienza, l'ex-presidente
jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic ha accusato ieri all'Aja la procura del
tribunale penale internazionale (Tpi), cioè Carla Del Ponte, di
produrre "falsi testimoni" per "maltrattarlo" e costringerlo, in
violazione delle norme di giustizia internazionali sulla presunzione
di innocenza, a dimostrare la propria non colpevolezza.
Interrompendo il contro-interrogatorio del terzo "teste-vittima"
dell'accusa, il contadino kosovaro Halil Morina, Milosevic ha
detto al presidente della corte Richard May: "Vedo che qui una
persona che non è colpevole deve dimostrare che non è colpevole,
anche se non spetta a coloro che l'accusano dimostrare la sua
colpevolezza". Milosevic ha inoltre affermato, a proposito dei
testimoni presentati dall'accusa, che "sono dei falsi testimoni".
Prima Milosevic aveva a lungo contro-interrogato il terzo teste,
che ieri ha accusato le forze serbe di avere attaccato il 26 marzo
1999 il suo villaggio, Landovica, incendiando diverse case e
provocando la morte di una donna paralizzata "bruciata viva" in casa.
Il testimone ha risposto di non avere saputo nulla dei
bombardamenti Nato sul Kosovo, iniziati già da due giorni il 26 marzo
1999, né delle attività dell'Uck. Milosevic ha contestato
alcune dichiarazioni del teste, in particolare quando questi ha
riferito di avere visto bruciare un villaggio vicino ma di non sapere,
come indicato dall'imputato, che una stazione di benzina del villaggio
era stata colpita dalle bombe Nato il 25 marzo e che "a
Landovica tre soldati serbi erano stati uccisi dall'Uck". Dopo le
proteste di Milosevic il presidente della corte Richard May gli ha
risposto che "è escluso che lei o qualsiasi altro imputato debba
dimostrare qui la sua innocenza".
Si è dunque ripetuto il copione delle due settimane precedenti nelle
quali, sostanzialmente, l'imputato Milosevic è riuscito a
contraddire almeno cinque testimonianze, facendo entrare in
contraddizione più volte il testimone "chiave" dell'accusa, l'ex
governatore del Kosovo, Muhamat Bakalli; a rifiutare la deposizione
di Kevin Curtis, capo degli investigatori della procura in
Kosovo, e la corte gli ha dato ragione; ha messo in seria difficoltà
Steven Spargo, poliziotto australiano al quale ha fatto
ammettere di non avere raccolto una sola testimonianza diretta di
profughi; ha contraddetto tre kosovaro-albanesi,
dimostrandone spesso l'inattendibilità. Ioltre ha rovesciato le accuse
sull'Occidente e, con una chiamata di correo, ha chiesto di
venire a testimoniare all'Aja ai leader che lo acclamavano per la pace
di Dayton e non solo.
Ora il processo dell'Aja è lo specchio dei nodi irrisolti della crisi
a Belgrado (minaccia di secessione del Montenegro e irrisolto status
del Kosovo). I rapporti con il Tribunale dell'Aja - che i serbi non
amano perché lo considerano strumento politico e non giudiziario
- venivano presentati finora come un pedaggio inevitabile per
l'integrazione in Europa e per i finanziamenti. Dopo tre settimane di
udienza all'Aja, e dopo l'intervista del premier serbo Zoran Dijndic
- l'uomo che ha consegnato Milosevic all'Aja nel giugno 2001 -
di questi giorni al settimanle tedesco Der Spiegel, la versione è
impresentabile. Dijndijc dopo aver ricordato all'Occidente
l'impossibilità, pena la guerra civile, di arrestare Mladic e Karadzic
"del resto mai presi dalla Nato" ha detto: "Resto senza parole nel
vedere quanto denaro è stato dilapidato all'Aja solo per portare in aula
dopo 5 anni testimoni tanto insignificanti. Questo circo
pone su di me e sul mio governo riformista un enorme dilemma. Il 40%
della popolazione serba è affascinata dal comportamento del
suo ex presidente... perfino gli avversari di Milosevic mostrano
simpatia nei suoi confronti e mi chiedono: perché l'abbiamo
consegnato?". E Dijndijc ricorda che i due terzi dei 300milioni di
euro promessi, sono stati trattenuti. Qual è il punto? Ha scoperto
che con queste imputazioni della Del Ponte, Milosevic risulterà il
solo colpevole delle guerre nell'ex Jugoslavia, e che il suo governo
sarà costretto a pagare un mostruoso debito di guerra. Allora addio
premier Dijndijc.
===*===
TPI: CONSIGLIO EUROPA LO DIFENDE,INACCETTABILI PRESSIONI USA
(ANSA) - STRASBURGO, 1 MAR - Il presidente dell'assemblea parlamentare
del Consiglio d'Europa il socialista austriaco Peter Schieder ha
preso oggi le difese della Corte Onu dell'Aja contro quelkle
che ha definito le pressioni ''inaccettabili'' del governo Usa,
che ne propone la chiusura entro il 2008. ''Rappresentano un'ingerenza
politica in un processo giudiziario volto a rendere giustizia
alle centinaia di migliaia di vittime dei crimini commessi
nell'ex-Jugoslavia e in Ruanda'' ha affermato Schieder. Intervenendo
davanti al Congresso di Wasshington, un rappresentante
dell'amministrazione Bush, l'ambasciatore Pierre Richard Prosper,
delegato per i crimini di guerra, ha detto che il Tpi dovrebbe cessare
le sue attivita' entro il 2008, e ha proposto un trasferimento
delle sue competenze ai tribunali nazionali. Secondo Prosper ''ci
sono stati problemi che mettono in dubbio l'integrita' delle
procedure''. L'ambasciatore Usa ha affermato anche che ''e' stata
messa in questione la professionalita' di alcune delle persone
coinvolte, con accuse di abusi e di cattiva gestione''. Per Prosper
le procedure del Tpi - competente per i crimini di guerra
nell'ex-Jugoslavia e nel Ruanda - sono state a volte costose e
poco efficienti, lente e troppo distaccate dall'esperienza quotidiana
delle persone e delle vittime''. Il presidente dell'assemblea
dell'organizzazione di Strasburgo, di cui fanno parte tutti i paesi
euro-occidentali piu' la Turchia e 18 paesi postcomunisti fra cui
la Russia, ha affermato che ''i crimini di guerra piu' gravi ed i
crimini contro l'umanita' devono continuare ad essere giudicati da un
tribunale internazionale''. Schieder ha anche criticato ''i tribunali
speciali creati dal governo degli Usa per giudicare i presunti
terroristi internazionali, senza tutte le garanzie previste dal sistema
giuridico americano e dal diritto internazionale'' che, ha affermato,
''non sono una soluzione piu' soddisfacente''. (ANSA) CEF
01/03/2002 18:22
===*===
"Il Manifesto", 1 Marzo 2002
Milosevic: "Mi spiano"
L'ex-presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic ha accusato ieri la
procura del Tribunale dell'Aja guidata da Carla Del Ponte di
ascoltare le conversazioni telefoniche che ha dal carcere con i suoi
consiglieri legali. Milosevic ha chiesto al presidente della corte
Richard May di aprire un'inchiesta. Secondo l'ex-capo dello stato
jugoslavo le domande poste ieri mattina dall'accusa al teste
kosovaro Halit Barani riguardavano punti sollevati ieri dallo stesso
Milosevic in conversazioni telefoniche dal carcere con i suoi
consiglieri legali. Il sostituto procuratore Geoffrey Nice ha negato
tutto. Fonti del Tpi hanno però ammesso che le conversazioni
telefoniche di Milosevic dal carcere sono effettivamente registrate
"per ragioni di sicurezza" ma "la procura non ha accesso ai
nastri". Se risultasse "l'accesso ai nastri" il processo sarebbe
ancora più incredibile.
DOPO CROAZIA, LITUANIA, CECENIA... MANCANO I SUDETI
Commento:
Ma guarda un po'?
Sapete che mi verrebbe da dire a tutti quei
"progressisti" cecoslovacchi ed europei che
tanto festeggiarono quando la Repubblica di
Cecoslovacchia fu smembrata?
Ve la siete cercata!
Ora la democratica Germania riuscira'
nell'intento di annettersi i Sudeti.
Domandina:
Chi era nel 1938 il Cancelliere tedesco che
promosse l'annessione dei Sudeti alla Germania?
(Luca)
Da Il Manifesto del 1 marzo 2002
Ombre tedesche su Praga
Le tensioni sui Sudeti, 57 anni dopo, investono la Ue
GUIDO AMBROSINO - BERLINO
Il riaprirsi della polemica sull'espulsione
dalla Cecoslovacchia di tedeschi e ungheresi,
decretata nel 1945 dall'allora presidente Eduard
Benes, ha indotto il cancelliere Gerhard SchrÖder a
annullare una sua visita a Praga. Nessun commento
ufficiale sui motivi del rinvio, ma non è difficile
ricondurlo al riacutizzarsi di una controversia in
cui ora interviene pesantemente anche il governo
ungherese.
Il presidente del parlamento ceco Vaklav Klaus
ha recentemente esortato il primo ministro Milos
Zeman a negoziare con l'Unione europea una clausola
di riconoscimento dei decreti di Benes, che
impedisca una "revisione" dei loro risultati, a
cominciare dalla confisca delle proprietà degli espulsi.
Klaus è il leader del partito democratico, che appoggia
dall'esterno il governo del socialdemocratico
Zeman.
Il primo ministro ungherese Viktor Orban ha
invece rivendicato una dichiarazione di nullità
di quei decreti come condizione per l'adesione
della Repubblica ceca nell'Unione europea. Il governo
di Budapest ha così fatta propria la posizione
sostenuta finora in Germania solo dall'associazione
dei tedeschi espulsi dai Sudeti e dal loro padrino
politico Edmund Stoiber, presidente dei
cristiano-sociali bavaresi e sfidante del
cancelliere SchrÖder alle elezioni del prossimo settembre.
In precedenza lo stesso primo ministro ceco
Milos Zeman aveva definito i tedeschi dei Sudeti
"quinta colonna di Hitler" e traditori, "che
hanno caldeggiato il genocidio perpetrato dai
nazionalsocialisti ai danni del nostro popolo".
In un'intervista al settimanale austriaco Profil
aveva aggiunto che la cacciata dei tedeschi dai
Sudeti, purtroppo accompagnata da omicidi e violenze,
fu una scelta "mite" in confronto alla pena di
morte prevista per il reato di tradimento del paese.
Nonostante lo sfogo di Zeman, il ministro degli
esteri Joschka Fischer non aveva rinunciato la
settimana scorsa a visitare Praga. I colloqui da
lui avuti sembravano aver calmato le acque. Ma la disputa
tra Klaus e il governo ungherese ha riaperto il
braccio di ferro.
I politici praghesi, a parte i calcoli retorici
a ridosso delle elezioni convocate per giugno,
temono che, annullando a posteriori i decreti di
Benes, si aprirebbero le porte a richieste di indennizzo:
richieste cui il governo tedesco non ha mai
esplicitamente rinunciato, e che l'associazione
dei tedeschi originari dai Sudeti apertamente rivendica.
Preferiscono dunque trincerarsi dietro la
constatazione che quei decreti furono l'inevitabile
conseguenza della decisione presa a Potsdam da Stalin,
Truman e Attlee di "trasferire in Germania la
popolazione tedesca rimasta in Polonia, in
Cecoslovacchia e in Ungheria".
Senza un'impegnativa rinuncia di Berlino a ogni
pretesa di compensazione, i rapporti con Praga
resteranno segnati da una giustificata ombra di
sospetto e di diffidenza. Ma anche in Germania
tira aria di elezioni, e SchrÖder non vuole
lasciare a Stoiber il monopolio della "fermezza".
Commento:
Ma guarda un po'?
Sapete che mi verrebbe da dire a tutti quei
"progressisti" cecoslovacchi ed europei che
tanto festeggiarono quando la Repubblica di
Cecoslovacchia fu smembrata?
Ve la siete cercata!
Ora la democratica Germania riuscira'
nell'intento di annettersi i Sudeti.
Domandina:
Chi era nel 1938 il Cancelliere tedesco che
promosse l'annessione dei Sudeti alla Germania?
(Luca)
Da Il Manifesto del 1 marzo 2002
Ombre tedesche su Praga
Le tensioni sui Sudeti, 57 anni dopo, investono la Ue
GUIDO AMBROSINO - BERLINO
Il riaprirsi della polemica sull'espulsione
dalla Cecoslovacchia di tedeschi e ungheresi,
decretata nel 1945 dall'allora presidente Eduard
Benes, ha indotto il cancelliere Gerhard SchrÖder a
annullare una sua visita a Praga. Nessun commento
ufficiale sui motivi del rinvio, ma non è difficile
ricondurlo al riacutizzarsi di una controversia in
cui ora interviene pesantemente anche il governo
ungherese.
Il presidente del parlamento ceco Vaklav Klaus
ha recentemente esortato il primo ministro Milos
Zeman a negoziare con l'Unione europea una clausola
di riconoscimento dei decreti di Benes, che
impedisca una "revisione" dei loro risultati, a
cominciare dalla confisca delle proprietà degli espulsi.
Klaus è il leader del partito democratico, che appoggia
dall'esterno il governo del socialdemocratico
Zeman.
Il primo ministro ungherese Viktor Orban ha
invece rivendicato una dichiarazione di nullità
di quei decreti come condizione per l'adesione
della Repubblica ceca nell'Unione europea. Il governo
di Budapest ha così fatta propria la posizione
sostenuta finora in Germania solo dall'associazione
dei tedeschi espulsi dai Sudeti e dal loro padrino
politico Edmund Stoiber, presidente dei
cristiano-sociali bavaresi e sfidante del
cancelliere SchrÖder alle elezioni del prossimo settembre.
In precedenza lo stesso primo ministro ceco
Milos Zeman aveva definito i tedeschi dei Sudeti
"quinta colonna di Hitler" e traditori, "che
hanno caldeggiato il genocidio perpetrato dai
nazionalsocialisti ai danni del nostro popolo".
In un'intervista al settimanale austriaco Profil
aveva aggiunto che la cacciata dei tedeschi dai
Sudeti, purtroppo accompagnata da omicidi e violenze,
fu una scelta "mite" in confronto alla pena di
morte prevista per il reato di tradimento del paese.
Nonostante lo sfogo di Zeman, il ministro degli
esteri Joschka Fischer non aveva rinunciato la
settimana scorsa a visitare Praga. I colloqui da
lui avuti sembravano aver calmato le acque. Ma la disputa
tra Klaus e il governo ungherese ha riaperto il
braccio di ferro.
I politici praghesi, a parte i calcoli retorici
a ridosso delle elezioni convocate per giugno,
temono che, annullando a posteriori i decreti di
Benes, si aprirebbero le porte a richieste di indennizzo:
richieste cui il governo tedesco non ha mai
esplicitamente rinunciato, e che l'associazione
dei tedeschi originari dai Sudeti apertamente rivendica.
Preferiscono dunque trincerarsi dietro la
constatazione che quei decreti furono l'inevitabile
conseguenza della decisione presa a Potsdam da Stalin,
Truman e Attlee di "trasferire in Germania la
popolazione tedesca rimasta in Polonia, in
Cecoslovacchia e in Ungheria".
Senza un'impegnativa rinuncia di Berlino a ogni
pretesa di compensazione, i rapporti con Praga
resteranno segnati da una giustificata ombra di
sospetto e di diffidenza. Ma anche in Germania
tira aria di elezioni, e SchrÖder non vuole
lasciare a Stoiber il monopolio della "fermezza".
Subject: "Breaking news" aus Südserbien, dem
Kosovo und Belgrad
Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 21:42:59 +0100
From: joesb@...
Organization: JOeSB Aktuell
To: jugocoord@...
Das Komitee der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien für
das Sammeln von Daten über Verbrechen gegen die
Menschlichkeit und gegen das Internationale
Recht, hat Mitte Februar das Buch ?Die Opfer des
albanischen Terrors in Kosovo und Metochien?
veröffentlicht. Das Buch fasst die Daten von
3.430 Menschen, die im Zeitraum vom Januar 1998
bis zum 10. Juni 1999 von albanischen Terroristen
entführt und getötet wurden, zusammen.
Ilija Simic, der das Buch vorgestellt hat,
erinnerte daran, dass in den Statistiken und
Aufzählungen auch Opfer aufgezählt sind, die nach
dem 10.Juni 1999, also nach dem Einmarsch der
KFOR, entführt und getötet wurden.
?Wir haben Daten von 1.835 getöteten und 441
entführten Menschen im Zeitraum vom Januar 1998
bis 10. Juni 1999 in ganz Kosovo und Metochien,
und Daten von 1.154 entführten oder
verschwundenen Menschen nach dem Einmarsch der
internationalen Truppen?, betonte Simic. Die
meisten der Opfer waren Serben und andere
Nichtalbaner.
Indessen geht der Terror der ?entwaffneten? UCK
weiter - sowohl in Kosovo und Metochien, als auch
in Mazedonien. Es folgt eine kurze
Zusammenfassung der traurigen Ereignisse vom 9.
bis 22. Februar 2002:
Prizren
Der UNMIK-Vertreter Marek Antoni Novicki hat die
albanische Bevölkerung aufgefordert, den Serben
Milos Nekic in Ruhe zu lassen. Nekic ist einer
der wenigen Serben, die noch in Prizren leben.
Novicki rief vor allem die albanischen
Jugendlichen auf, die Beachtung der
Menschenrechte einzuhalten. Der 70-jährige Serbe
Milos Nekic darf aus Angst vor den albanischen
Extremisten sein Haus nicht verlassen. Auf sein
Haus wurden schon mehrere Anschläge verübt. Die
UNMIK-Verwaltung wird es wohl nur bei einer
?Aufforderung? belassen.
Lipljan
Bewaffnete albanische Terroristen stürmten das
Haus der serbischen Familie Kovacevic in Lipljan,
im Osten des Amselfeldes, an und erschossen die
Eheleute Ljubica und Tomislav Kovacevic. Die
einzige Schuld der ermordeten Serben bestand
darin, dass sie dem Druck der albanischen
Gewalttäter nicht nachgeben und ihr Haus und ihre
Heimat Kosovo verlassen wollten. Die
NATO-Soldaten entdeckten bei den ethnischen
Albanern in der Umgebung von Lipljan größere
Mengen von Schusswaffen und Munition. Ob diese
Waffen auch beschlagnahmt wurden, ist nicht
bekannt.
Skoplje
Albanische Terroristen haben mehrfach
Kontrollposten der mazedonischen Polizei unweit
der Hauptstadt Skopje beschossen, teilte ein
Regierungssprecher mit. Eine Polizeistellung im
Vorort Aracinovo sei an einem Tag zwei Mal
beschossen, niemand sei aber bei den Angriffen
verletzt worden. Albanische Terroristen
beschossen mazedonischen Sicherheitskräfte auch
aus Dörfern um die Stadt Tetovo nahe der Grenze
zur südserbischen Provinz Kosovo und Metochien
an.
Quellen: TANJUG, INET NEWS
Weitere Artikel:
1.Return to sender - Seltsame "Stilblüten"
während des Prozesses gegen Slobodan Milosevic:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014927639
2. Hier werden ein paar Medienmärchen aufgedeckt:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014486250
3. "Die Brücke von Varvarin": Skandal im Erfurter
Landtag:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014926381
4. Südserbien mit Bomben und Granaten:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014927060
5. Kosovska Mitrovica, ein "kleines gallisches
Dorf":
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014723252
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014926793
**************************************
Jugoslawisch Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung
JÖSB
PF 217
A-1040 Wien
Tel&Fax: (+43 1) 924 31 61
joesb@...
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
**************************************
Kosovo und Belgrad
Date: Thu, 28 Feb 2002 21:42:59 +0100
From: joesb@...
Organization: JOeSB Aktuell
To: jugocoord@...
Das Komitee der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien für
das Sammeln von Daten über Verbrechen gegen die
Menschlichkeit und gegen das Internationale
Recht, hat Mitte Februar das Buch ?Die Opfer des
albanischen Terrors in Kosovo und Metochien?
veröffentlicht. Das Buch fasst die Daten von
3.430 Menschen, die im Zeitraum vom Januar 1998
bis zum 10. Juni 1999 von albanischen Terroristen
entführt und getötet wurden, zusammen.
Ilija Simic, der das Buch vorgestellt hat,
erinnerte daran, dass in den Statistiken und
Aufzählungen auch Opfer aufgezählt sind, die nach
dem 10.Juni 1999, also nach dem Einmarsch der
KFOR, entführt und getötet wurden.
?Wir haben Daten von 1.835 getöteten und 441
entführten Menschen im Zeitraum vom Januar 1998
bis 10. Juni 1999 in ganz Kosovo und Metochien,
und Daten von 1.154 entführten oder
verschwundenen Menschen nach dem Einmarsch der
internationalen Truppen?, betonte Simic. Die
meisten der Opfer waren Serben und andere
Nichtalbaner.
Indessen geht der Terror der ?entwaffneten? UCK
weiter - sowohl in Kosovo und Metochien, als auch
in Mazedonien. Es folgt eine kurze
Zusammenfassung der traurigen Ereignisse vom 9.
bis 22. Februar 2002:
Prizren
Der UNMIK-Vertreter Marek Antoni Novicki hat die
albanische Bevölkerung aufgefordert, den Serben
Milos Nekic in Ruhe zu lassen. Nekic ist einer
der wenigen Serben, die noch in Prizren leben.
Novicki rief vor allem die albanischen
Jugendlichen auf, die Beachtung der
Menschenrechte einzuhalten. Der 70-jährige Serbe
Milos Nekic darf aus Angst vor den albanischen
Extremisten sein Haus nicht verlassen. Auf sein
Haus wurden schon mehrere Anschläge verübt. Die
UNMIK-Verwaltung wird es wohl nur bei einer
?Aufforderung? belassen.
Lipljan
Bewaffnete albanische Terroristen stürmten das
Haus der serbischen Familie Kovacevic in Lipljan,
im Osten des Amselfeldes, an und erschossen die
Eheleute Ljubica und Tomislav Kovacevic. Die
einzige Schuld der ermordeten Serben bestand
darin, dass sie dem Druck der albanischen
Gewalttäter nicht nachgeben und ihr Haus und ihre
Heimat Kosovo verlassen wollten. Die
NATO-Soldaten entdeckten bei den ethnischen
Albanern in der Umgebung von Lipljan größere
Mengen von Schusswaffen und Munition. Ob diese
Waffen auch beschlagnahmt wurden, ist nicht
bekannt.
Skoplje
Albanische Terroristen haben mehrfach
Kontrollposten der mazedonischen Polizei unweit
der Hauptstadt Skopje beschossen, teilte ein
Regierungssprecher mit. Eine Polizeistellung im
Vorort Aracinovo sei an einem Tag zwei Mal
beschossen, niemand sei aber bei den Angriffen
verletzt worden. Albanische Terroristen
beschossen mazedonischen Sicherheitskräfte auch
aus Dörfern um die Stadt Tetovo nahe der Grenze
zur südserbischen Provinz Kosovo und Metochien
an.
Quellen: TANJUG, INET NEWS
Weitere Artikel:
1.Return to sender - Seltsame "Stilblüten"
während des Prozesses gegen Slobodan Milosevic:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014927639
2. Hier werden ein paar Medienmärchen aufgedeckt:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014486250
3. "Die Brücke von Varvarin": Skandal im Erfurter
Landtag:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014926381
4. Südserbien mit Bomben und Granaten:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014927060
5. Kosovska Mitrovica, ein "kleines gallisches
Dorf":
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014723252
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/
news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=1014926793
**************************************
Jugoslawisch Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung
JÖSB
PF 217
A-1040 Wien
Tel&Fax: (+43 1) 924 31 61
joesb@...
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
**************************************
DANAS (Beograd) - http://www.danas.co.yu/
TERAZIJE utorak, 26. februar 2002.
INTERVJU
Mirko Marjanovic o sudjenju Slobodanu Milosevicu
Mnogi u svetu su prvi put culi istinu
Beograd - Predsednik Milosevic je pokazao da je kao
drzavnik, politicar i istorijski vodja ovog naroda
za klasu iznad svih , ne samo na ovim prostorima.
On je pokazao kako se treba braniti, ali i kako se
mogu odbraniti nacionalni interesi i nacionalno
dostojanstvo - istice Mirko Marjanovic, nekadasnji
predsednik Vlade Srbije, danas predsedavajuci u
Socijalistickoj partiji Srbije, odgovarajuci na nase
pitanje o pocetku sudjenja Slobodanu Miosevicu u Hagu.
- Sa druge strane, nastavlja Marjanovic, nelegalni
"tribunal" je potvrdio da mu dometi nisu veci od
poiticke paskvile. To se videlo i u nastupu tzv.
"tuzilastva", koje je specijlno za ovu priliku angazovalo
navodno glasovitog britanskog advokata Dzefri Najsa
samo za rad na ovoj iskonstruisanoj optuznici. A
covek koga dobro znamo, koga su odabrali da bude
prvi svedok koji ce potkrepiti njihove izmisljotine,
mogao je samo da izaziva podsmeh pred snaznim
argumentima predsednika Milosevica.
Mnogi u svetu su iz usta predsednika Milosevica, dakle
na najbolji moguci nacin, prvi put culi istinu.
Reakcije u svetu su izuzetno snazne. Ruska Duma
zahteva od predsednika Putina da predsedniku Milosevicu
odmah bude ukinut pritvor. Bivsi ruski premijer Jevgenij
Primakov, covek koji je "okrenuo avion" iznad Atlantika,
na putu za Ameriku, kada je cuo za pocetak NATO
bombardovanja Jugoslavije, nudi se da svedoci u
korist predsednika Milosevoca. Delegacija grckog
Parlamenta u kojoj je predstavnik vladajuceg PASOK,
zahteva od UN da joj se omoguci poseta predsedniku
Milosevicu, posto je "tribunal" odbio saglasnost za
posetu nekoliko grckih organizacija i institucija.
Aktivnosti Medjunarodnog komiteta za odbranu
Slobodana Milosevica, koje podrzavaju takve licnosti
kao Harold Pinter, Mikis Teodorakis, Aleksandar
Zinovjev, Peter Handke imaju sve veci odjek sirom sveta.
Gradjevina "tribunala" i pozicija onih koji su
je stvorili moze lako da se srusi pred snaznim optuzbama
i argumentima predsednika Milosevica. Verujemo da je
to moguce i cinimo sve da doprinesemo da se to sto
pre desi. Predsednik Slobodan Milosevic je preuzeo
ulogu tuzioca u ovom procesu jasno i argumentovano
optuzivsi NATO pakt i njegove drzave clanice za zlocin,
ubistva Jugoslavije. Oni su nas narod i nasu zemlju
ubijali ne samo 78 dana i noci tokom agresije na SRJ,
vec od 1990. godine sa naoruzavanjem i ratnim huskanjem
paravojnih separatistuckih formacija u Sloveniji i
Hrvatskoj, zatim priznavanjem njihove nezavisnosti,
preko uvodjenja najbrutalnijih sankcija protiv jedne
zemlje u istoriji, do direktnog uzrokovanja gradjanskog
rata u bivsoj BiH i bombardovanja Jugoslavije.
Izgleda da "haska pravda" ima najupornije
zagovornike bas u Beogradu - u DOS vladi. Posto su
svi nasi gradjani videli i culi naseg Predsednika,
ubedjen sam da je ovoj vlasti kraj blizu, i da nikome
vise nece moci da proda lazi o tome da nam buducnost
zavisi od saradnje sa Hagom, navodi Mirko Marjanovic.
Uporedite rad Vase Vlade narodnog jedinstva sa radom
vlade DOS.
- To se ne moze ni porediti. Vlada narodnog jedinstva
bila efikasna i ozbiljna, i sastavljena pre svega od
ljudi potpuno posvecenih opstem interesu. Svi to znaju
- u najtezim uslovima blokade od strane Zapada, ratova
u okruzenju i agresije na nasu zemlju, obezbedjivali
smo visok stepen socijalne sigurnosti, najvisu stopu
rasta u Evropi, a kupovna moc gradjana je bila tri
puta veca nego danas.
A ova grupa stranih drzavljana i cinovnika stranih
kompanija, kojoj su se prikljucili oni iz nasih redova
koji su spremni da sluze svakome, ova grupa koja sebe
naziva novom vlascu, koja je u stvari ispostava i
operativni centar onih koji ovu zemlju hoce da pretvore
u Bantustan i sirotiste u kojem ce stranci biti vlasnici
svega i o svemu odlucivati, ta tzv. vlast ne verujem da
moze biti duzeg veka.
Kakva je situacija u SPS?
- U clanstvu SPS je veliko jedinstvo, velika snaga i
potencijal. Mladi koji su se dokazali u teskoj borbi
sa ovom marionetskom vlascu, nasa su garancija za
buducnost. Liderske ambicije pojedinaca zasnovane na
samohvalisanju i samopromociji ne mogu da poremete
stabilnost partije koja pociva na podrsci predsedniku
Milosevicu, na izvornim principima svoga programa i
koja okuplja najsire narodne mase.
Nova Deklaracija znaci i novu organizaciju partije,
ozbiljne pripreme za naredne izbora. Sta to konkretno
znaci?
- Programska deklaracija je bila sredstvo za budjenje
kreativnih potencijala u clanstvu. U diskusiji o njoj,
culi smo mnogo korisnih ideja i otkrili mnoge pojedince
spremne za ozbiljan politicki rad, ali sama Deklaracija
i diskusija o njoj, pre svega su afirmisale izvorne
vrednosti i programska opredeljenja socijalista i
potvrdile istinu da je SPS od svog osnivanja bio i
ostao partija ozbiljnih drustvenih reformi u interesu
svih. Ipak, ono sto je najsnaznije obelezilo ovu siroku
diskusiju u nasem clanstvu, jeste zahtev da partija
odlucno povede akciju za smenu sadasnje vlasti i tako
ispuni ocekivanja gradjana. Ispoljena je snazna i
nepodeljena podrska Slobodanu Milosevicu.
Bilo je retkih pojedinaca ali i narucenih zahteva za
nekavim organizcionim promenama. Medjutim, njihov glas
se gotovo nije cuo u moru onih koji su u prvi plan
stavljali politicka pitanja trenutka neophodnosti
hitne akcije da se otklone pogubne posledice rada
sadasnje vlasti i , naravno, spreci nastavak novih.
Na osnovu svega ovog, mi smo na opstenarodnom mitingu
9. februara pozvali na stvaranje opstedrzavnog saveza,
u koji bi usle sve partije, institucije i pojedinci,
spremni da daju svoj doprinos da se petooktobarski
mrak i agonija okoncaju i da na celo ove drzave
konacno dodju odgovorni, kompetentni i moralni ljudi.
To je najveca tema ovog politickog trenutka i SPS ce
u ostvarivanje ovog projekta uloziti sve svoje snage.
I, ponavljam, ne da bi "nasi" ljudi bili na vlasti,
vec da na vlasti budu oni koji su najbolji i koji
ce, kao u svakoj normalnoj zemlji, nacionalne
potencijale, materijalne i ljudske, staviti u pogon
u nacionalnom interesu.
Vasi nekadasnji, ali i sadasnji partijski saradnici
nalaze se na listi putnika za Hag. Kako to ocenjujete?
- "Tribunal" pravi listu zelja, a njihovi beogradski
saradnici samo zamisljaju da prave liste putnika.
Mislim da je mnogo nagadjanja, ali i svesnog plasiranja
laznih informacija inace, svaki tzv. insajder, a nasa
rec bi bila potkazivac, lazni svedok iz okruzenja ili,
kao u vreme IB-a revidirac, bice vecno obelezen u
nasem narodu i ne bio mu niko u kozi.
Premijer Srbije i ministar pravosudja pozvali su sve
koji su na listama da se dobrovoljno predaju, a da im
za uzvrat Srbija da garancije.
- Kao direktni ucesnici otmice predsednika Milosevica
i krsenja Ustava, morace da odgovaraju kad-tad. Neka
nas vise postede pokusaja da svoj problem - obvaveze
koje su licno preuzeli, pa ih sada pritiskaju da ih
ispune- prodaju narodu kao pitanje opstanka svih nas.
Narod je progledao i probudio se, uocio istinu, tesko
ga je vise prevariti.
Koliko je i da li je SPS oslabljen odlaskom nekih
clanova partije u DOS odmah posle 5. oktobra?
- Naprotiv. To je jedina pozitivna posledica 5.oktobra.
Time je SPS ojacan, a DOS oslabljen.
Da li ce delegacija SPS najzad dobiti vizu da poseti
Slobodana Milosevica u Hagu?
- Krsenje ljudskih prava predsednika Milosevica od
strane " tribunala" i njegovih mentora je nedopustivo.
Uskracivanje ili ogranicavanje njegovog prava da se
vidi sa mnogima iz zemlje i sveta koji bi zeleli da
ga posete, ukljucujuci njegovu porodicu i advokate,
je samo jedno od pitanja o kojima presudu treba da
donese Evropski sud za ljudska prava u Strazburu. Ne
mislim nista dobro o nastojanju da nase kontakte
ogranice na jednu posetu od par casova mesecno, pa
cak i da oni prosudjuju ko od clanova delegacije koju
partija odredi zaista ima interes da ga poseti.
Osim toga, to spresavanje njegove komunikacije sa
porodicom i drugovima ima za cilj da pojaca psiholoski
pritisak na njega i da mu skrsi volju i odlucnost
sa kojom on danas citavom svetu prezentira istinu o
Srbiji i Jugoslaviji. Da podsetim da je on u tu svrhu
vec bio podvrgnt torturi 24 casa nadzora i upaljenog
reflektora u celiji, a u cetvrtak je, po okoncanju
postupaka za taj dan ostavljen da vise od tri sata
ceka prevoz od zgrade takozvanog "tribunala" do
Seveningena.
Da li je tesko biti zamenik predsednika u odsustvu?
- Po odluci predsednika Milosevica, koji je podrzao
Glavni odbor i cela partija, ja sam predsednik u
njegovom odsustvu. Posao je slozen i odgovornost
velika - za buducnost, ne samo SPS. Nasa svakodnevica
okupirane i obezlicene zemlje, koju rastrzaju i
rasprodaju, cini da postoji ogroman motiv da se
to promeni, odmah i na bolje, ali postoji i
ogromno zadovoljstvo zajednicke borbe sa mladim
ljudima koji su toj borbi i tom cilju posveceni.
Sta znaci izjava Vojislava Kostunice da se u
Hagu brani drzava, nasuprot stavu republicke
vlade da ne pruzi garancije da se Slobodan
Milosevic brani sa slobode?
- Ko bi razuman ocekivao od onih koji su ga oteli
i isporucili zarad licne koristi, da sada daju
garancije za njega? S druge strane, mislim da
je krajnje vreme da gospodin Kostunica bar neke
od svojih reci pretvori u dela, ako ne misli da
bude zabelezen kao najbledja licnost koja se ikada
nasla na celu ove zemlje. Inace, delegacija SPS
jos uvek ceka na prijem kod njega i saveznog
premijera Pesica, upravo u vezi sa pitanjem uloge
drzave SRJ u tom kvazi - procesu, Gospodin Kostunica
nam je pismom odgovorio da ce nas primiti jos prosle
nedelje, a evo protekla je i citava ova sedmica, a
sastanka nema.
Tanja Kovacevic
TERAZIJE utorak, 26. februar 2002.
INTERVJU
Mirko Marjanovic o sudjenju Slobodanu Milosevicu
Mnogi u svetu su prvi put culi istinu
Beograd - Predsednik Milosevic je pokazao da je kao
drzavnik, politicar i istorijski vodja ovog naroda
za klasu iznad svih , ne samo na ovim prostorima.
On je pokazao kako se treba braniti, ali i kako se
mogu odbraniti nacionalni interesi i nacionalno
dostojanstvo - istice Mirko Marjanovic, nekadasnji
predsednik Vlade Srbije, danas predsedavajuci u
Socijalistickoj partiji Srbije, odgovarajuci na nase
pitanje o pocetku sudjenja Slobodanu Miosevicu u Hagu.
- Sa druge strane, nastavlja Marjanovic, nelegalni
"tribunal" je potvrdio da mu dometi nisu veci od
poiticke paskvile. To se videlo i u nastupu tzv.
"tuzilastva", koje je specijlno za ovu priliku angazovalo
navodno glasovitog britanskog advokata Dzefri Najsa
samo za rad na ovoj iskonstruisanoj optuznici. A
covek koga dobro znamo, koga su odabrali da bude
prvi svedok koji ce potkrepiti njihove izmisljotine,
mogao je samo da izaziva podsmeh pred snaznim
argumentima predsednika Milosevica.
Mnogi u svetu su iz usta predsednika Milosevica, dakle
na najbolji moguci nacin, prvi put culi istinu.
Reakcije u svetu su izuzetno snazne. Ruska Duma
zahteva od predsednika Putina da predsedniku Milosevicu
odmah bude ukinut pritvor. Bivsi ruski premijer Jevgenij
Primakov, covek koji je "okrenuo avion" iznad Atlantika,
na putu za Ameriku, kada je cuo za pocetak NATO
bombardovanja Jugoslavije, nudi se da svedoci u
korist predsednika Milosevoca. Delegacija grckog
Parlamenta u kojoj je predstavnik vladajuceg PASOK,
zahteva od UN da joj se omoguci poseta predsedniku
Milosevicu, posto je "tribunal" odbio saglasnost za
posetu nekoliko grckih organizacija i institucija.
Aktivnosti Medjunarodnog komiteta za odbranu
Slobodana Milosevica, koje podrzavaju takve licnosti
kao Harold Pinter, Mikis Teodorakis, Aleksandar
Zinovjev, Peter Handke imaju sve veci odjek sirom sveta.
Gradjevina "tribunala" i pozicija onih koji su
je stvorili moze lako da se srusi pred snaznim optuzbama
i argumentima predsednika Milosevica. Verujemo da je
to moguce i cinimo sve da doprinesemo da se to sto
pre desi. Predsednik Slobodan Milosevic je preuzeo
ulogu tuzioca u ovom procesu jasno i argumentovano
optuzivsi NATO pakt i njegove drzave clanice za zlocin,
ubistva Jugoslavije. Oni su nas narod i nasu zemlju
ubijali ne samo 78 dana i noci tokom agresije na SRJ,
vec od 1990. godine sa naoruzavanjem i ratnim huskanjem
paravojnih separatistuckih formacija u Sloveniji i
Hrvatskoj, zatim priznavanjem njihove nezavisnosti,
preko uvodjenja najbrutalnijih sankcija protiv jedne
zemlje u istoriji, do direktnog uzrokovanja gradjanskog
rata u bivsoj BiH i bombardovanja Jugoslavije.
Izgleda da "haska pravda" ima najupornije
zagovornike bas u Beogradu - u DOS vladi. Posto su
svi nasi gradjani videli i culi naseg Predsednika,
ubedjen sam da je ovoj vlasti kraj blizu, i da nikome
vise nece moci da proda lazi o tome da nam buducnost
zavisi od saradnje sa Hagom, navodi Mirko Marjanovic.
Uporedite rad Vase Vlade narodnog jedinstva sa radom
vlade DOS.
- To se ne moze ni porediti. Vlada narodnog jedinstva
bila efikasna i ozbiljna, i sastavljena pre svega od
ljudi potpuno posvecenih opstem interesu. Svi to znaju
- u najtezim uslovima blokade od strane Zapada, ratova
u okruzenju i agresije na nasu zemlju, obezbedjivali
smo visok stepen socijalne sigurnosti, najvisu stopu
rasta u Evropi, a kupovna moc gradjana je bila tri
puta veca nego danas.
A ova grupa stranih drzavljana i cinovnika stranih
kompanija, kojoj su se prikljucili oni iz nasih redova
koji su spremni da sluze svakome, ova grupa koja sebe
naziva novom vlascu, koja je u stvari ispostava i
operativni centar onih koji ovu zemlju hoce da pretvore
u Bantustan i sirotiste u kojem ce stranci biti vlasnici
svega i o svemu odlucivati, ta tzv. vlast ne verujem da
moze biti duzeg veka.
Kakva je situacija u SPS?
- U clanstvu SPS je veliko jedinstvo, velika snaga i
potencijal. Mladi koji su se dokazali u teskoj borbi
sa ovom marionetskom vlascu, nasa su garancija za
buducnost. Liderske ambicije pojedinaca zasnovane na
samohvalisanju i samopromociji ne mogu da poremete
stabilnost partije koja pociva na podrsci predsedniku
Milosevicu, na izvornim principima svoga programa i
koja okuplja najsire narodne mase.
Nova Deklaracija znaci i novu organizaciju partije,
ozbiljne pripreme za naredne izbora. Sta to konkretno
znaci?
- Programska deklaracija je bila sredstvo za budjenje
kreativnih potencijala u clanstvu. U diskusiji o njoj,
culi smo mnogo korisnih ideja i otkrili mnoge pojedince
spremne za ozbiljan politicki rad, ali sama Deklaracija
i diskusija o njoj, pre svega su afirmisale izvorne
vrednosti i programska opredeljenja socijalista i
potvrdile istinu da je SPS od svog osnivanja bio i
ostao partija ozbiljnih drustvenih reformi u interesu
svih. Ipak, ono sto je najsnaznije obelezilo ovu siroku
diskusiju u nasem clanstvu, jeste zahtev da partija
odlucno povede akciju za smenu sadasnje vlasti i tako
ispuni ocekivanja gradjana. Ispoljena je snazna i
nepodeljena podrska Slobodanu Milosevicu.
Bilo je retkih pojedinaca ali i narucenih zahteva za
nekavim organizcionim promenama. Medjutim, njihov glas
se gotovo nije cuo u moru onih koji su u prvi plan
stavljali politicka pitanja trenutka neophodnosti
hitne akcije da se otklone pogubne posledice rada
sadasnje vlasti i , naravno, spreci nastavak novih.
Na osnovu svega ovog, mi smo na opstenarodnom mitingu
9. februara pozvali na stvaranje opstedrzavnog saveza,
u koji bi usle sve partije, institucije i pojedinci,
spremni da daju svoj doprinos da se petooktobarski
mrak i agonija okoncaju i da na celo ove drzave
konacno dodju odgovorni, kompetentni i moralni ljudi.
To je najveca tema ovog politickog trenutka i SPS ce
u ostvarivanje ovog projekta uloziti sve svoje snage.
I, ponavljam, ne da bi "nasi" ljudi bili na vlasti,
vec da na vlasti budu oni koji su najbolji i koji
ce, kao u svakoj normalnoj zemlji, nacionalne
potencijale, materijalne i ljudske, staviti u pogon
u nacionalnom interesu.
Vasi nekadasnji, ali i sadasnji partijski saradnici
nalaze se na listi putnika za Hag. Kako to ocenjujete?
- "Tribunal" pravi listu zelja, a njihovi beogradski
saradnici samo zamisljaju da prave liste putnika.
Mislim da je mnogo nagadjanja, ali i svesnog plasiranja
laznih informacija inace, svaki tzv. insajder, a nasa
rec bi bila potkazivac, lazni svedok iz okruzenja ili,
kao u vreme IB-a revidirac, bice vecno obelezen u
nasem narodu i ne bio mu niko u kozi.
Premijer Srbije i ministar pravosudja pozvali su sve
koji su na listama da se dobrovoljno predaju, a da im
za uzvrat Srbija da garancije.
- Kao direktni ucesnici otmice predsednika Milosevica
i krsenja Ustava, morace da odgovaraju kad-tad. Neka
nas vise postede pokusaja da svoj problem - obvaveze
koje su licno preuzeli, pa ih sada pritiskaju da ih
ispune- prodaju narodu kao pitanje opstanka svih nas.
Narod je progledao i probudio se, uocio istinu, tesko
ga je vise prevariti.
Koliko je i da li je SPS oslabljen odlaskom nekih
clanova partije u DOS odmah posle 5. oktobra?
- Naprotiv. To je jedina pozitivna posledica 5.oktobra.
Time je SPS ojacan, a DOS oslabljen.
Da li ce delegacija SPS najzad dobiti vizu da poseti
Slobodana Milosevica u Hagu?
- Krsenje ljudskih prava predsednika Milosevica od
strane " tribunala" i njegovih mentora je nedopustivo.
Uskracivanje ili ogranicavanje njegovog prava da se
vidi sa mnogima iz zemlje i sveta koji bi zeleli da
ga posete, ukljucujuci njegovu porodicu i advokate,
je samo jedno od pitanja o kojima presudu treba da
donese Evropski sud za ljudska prava u Strazburu. Ne
mislim nista dobro o nastojanju da nase kontakte
ogranice na jednu posetu od par casova mesecno, pa
cak i da oni prosudjuju ko od clanova delegacije koju
partija odredi zaista ima interes da ga poseti.
Osim toga, to spresavanje njegove komunikacije sa
porodicom i drugovima ima za cilj da pojaca psiholoski
pritisak na njega i da mu skrsi volju i odlucnost
sa kojom on danas citavom svetu prezentira istinu o
Srbiji i Jugoslaviji. Da podsetim da je on u tu svrhu
vec bio podvrgnt torturi 24 casa nadzora i upaljenog
reflektora u celiji, a u cetvrtak je, po okoncanju
postupaka za taj dan ostavljen da vise od tri sata
ceka prevoz od zgrade takozvanog "tribunala" do
Seveningena.
Da li je tesko biti zamenik predsednika u odsustvu?
- Po odluci predsednika Milosevica, koji je podrzao
Glavni odbor i cela partija, ja sam predsednik u
njegovom odsustvu. Posao je slozen i odgovornost
velika - za buducnost, ne samo SPS. Nasa svakodnevica
okupirane i obezlicene zemlje, koju rastrzaju i
rasprodaju, cini da postoji ogroman motiv da se
to promeni, odmah i na bolje, ali postoji i
ogromno zadovoljstvo zajednicke borbe sa mladim
ljudima koji su toj borbi i tom cilju posveceni.
Sta znaci izjava Vojislava Kostunice da se u
Hagu brani drzava, nasuprot stavu republicke
vlade da ne pruzi garancije da se Slobodan
Milosevic brani sa slobode?
- Ko bi razuman ocekivao od onih koji su ga oteli
i isporucili zarad licne koristi, da sada daju
garancije za njega? S druge strane, mislim da
je krajnje vreme da gospodin Kostunica bar neke
od svojih reci pretvori u dela, ako ne misli da
bude zabelezen kao najbledja licnost koja se ikada
nasla na celu ove zemlje. Inace, delegacija SPS
jos uvek ceka na prijem kod njega i saveznog
premijera Pesica, upravo u vezi sa pitanjem uloge
drzave SRJ u tom kvazi - procesu, Gospodin Kostunica
nam je pismom odgovorio da ce nas primiti jos prosle
nedelje, a evo protekla je i citava ova sedmica, a
sastanka nema.
Tanja Kovacevic
JUGOSLAVIA: PER AMORE TENTA TRAVERSATA ADRIATICO A NUOTO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 21 FEB - L'amore, vuole un detto, scavalca
mari e monti: ma non e' andata esattamente cosi' al povero
Igor Stojiljkovic, un serbo di 26 anni innamorato di una
connazionale che vive in Italia, che voleva raggiungere l'amata per
festeggiare con lei il giorno di San Valentino. Privo di visto,
racconta il quotidiano jugoslavo 'Vecernje Novosti', ha tentato di
attraversare a nuoto l'Adriatico ed e' stato recuperato semi-
congelato da una corvetta di passaggio. Per raggiungere la sua bella,
Radmila Jordanovski, che lavora in un caffe' milanese, il giovane
ha prima tentato di imbarcarsi su un traghetto che fa regolarmente
la sponda fra il porto montenegrino di Bar e Bari, senza visto e
con soli dieci euro in tasca. Respinto, si e' tuffato dal traghetto, da
una notevole altezza, e ha iniziato le sue bracciate verso l'altra,
lontanissima sponda, mettendosi in bocca il prezioso sacchettino
con i dieci euro. L'acqua freddissima di febbraio e le alte onde
non gli hanno consentito di arrivare lontano. Una corvetta della
polizia che transitava nei paraggi lo ha soccorso e lo ha tirato
fuori dall'acqua quasi in fin di vita. Poi un breve soggiorno in
ospedale e infine l'ultima beffa: dieci giorni di prigione per
tentativo illegale d'espatrio. Tutto cio' non basta a fermare la
passione di Stojiljkovic: il giovane ha giurato che se non otterra'
il visto, ci riprovera' appena fuori. (ANSA). OT
21/02/2002 13:07
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 21 FEB - L'amore, vuole un detto, scavalca
mari e monti: ma non e' andata esattamente cosi' al povero
Igor Stojiljkovic, un serbo di 26 anni innamorato di una
connazionale che vive in Italia, che voleva raggiungere l'amata per
festeggiare con lei il giorno di San Valentino. Privo di visto,
racconta il quotidiano jugoslavo 'Vecernje Novosti', ha tentato di
attraversare a nuoto l'Adriatico ed e' stato recuperato semi-
congelato da una corvetta di passaggio. Per raggiungere la sua bella,
Radmila Jordanovski, che lavora in un caffe' milanese, il giovane
ha prima tentato di imbarcarsi su un traghetto che fa regolarmente
la sponda fra il porto montenegrino di Bar e Bari, senza visto e
con soli dieci euro in tasca. Respinto, si e' tuffato dal traghetto, da
una notevole altezza, e ha iniziato le sue bracciate verso l'altra,
lontanissima sponda, mettendosi in bocca il prezioso sacchettino
con i dieci euro. L'acqua freddissima di febbraio e le alte onde
non gli hanno consentito di arrivare lontano. Una corvetta della
polizia che transitava nei paraggi lo ha soccorso e lo ha tirato
fuori dall'acqua quasi in fin di vita. Poi un breve soggiorno in
ospedale e infine l'ultima beffa: dieci giorni di prigione per
tentativo illegale d'espatrio. Tutto cio' non basta a fermare la
passione di Stojiljkovic: il giovane ha giurato che se non otterra'
il visto, ci riprovera' appena fuori. (ANSA). OT
21/02/2002 13:07
TUTTA LA SVENDITA DELLA SERBIA IN UN CD-ROM
L'intero database delle imprese finora privatizzate in Serbia dal
governo fantoccio-coloniale di Djindjic - circa 800 - e' contenuto in un
CD edito dalla Euro-Balkan Enterprise in collaborazione con la
multinazionale Price Waterhouse Coopers, specializzata in investimenti
all'estero. Il CD, che e' stato presentato in una conferenza stampa a
Belgrado il 27 febbraio, costa la modica cifra di 950 euro.
DATABASE ON SERBIA'S PRIVATIZED ENTERPRISES PUBLISHED ON ONE CD
BELGRADE, Feb 27 (Tanjug) - Data on nearly 800 privatized enterprises in
Serbia have been collected on a single CD, issued by the Euro-Balkan
Enterprise and presented at a news conference in Belgrade on Wednesday.
The CD, to be used by foreign bankers and investors who wish to invest
in the Serbian economy, contains details on the privatized enterprises
in Serbian and English.
The CD will be available for purchase on Monday at the price of 950
euros.
The Euro-Balkan Enterprise compiled the CD in cooperation with the
international investment company Price Waterhouse Coopers, which has its
office in Belgrade.
L'intero database delle imprese finora privatizzate in Serbia dal
governo fantoccio-coloniale di Djindjic - circa 800 - e' contenuto in un
CD edito dalla Euro-Balkan Enterprise in collaborazione con la
multinazionale Price Waterhouse Coopers, specializzata in investimenti
all'estero. Il CD, che e' stato presentato in una conferenza stampa a
Belgrado il 27 febbraio, costa la modica cifra di 950 euro.
DATABASE ON SERBIA'S PRIVATIZED ENTERPRISES PUBLISHED ON ONE CD
BELGRADE, Feb 27 (Tanjug) - Data on nearly 800 privatized enterprises in
Serbia have been collected on a single CD, issued by the Euro-Balkan
Enterprise and presented at a news conference in Belgrade on Wednesday.
The CD, to be used by foreign bankers and investors who wish to invest
in the Serbian economy, contains details on the privatized enterprises
in Serbian and English.
The CD will be available for purchase on Monday at the price of 950
euros.
The Euro-Balkan Enterprise compiled the CD in cooperation with the
international investment company Price Waterhouse Coopers, which has its
office in Belgrade.
"Il Manifesto", 24 Febbraio 2002
Nuove idee a Belgrado
Il premier serbo Zoran Djindjic, il massimo artefice a Belgrado
dell'arresto e della consegna di Slobodan Milosevic al Tribunale
dell'Aja, sotto pressioni euro-americane, si è pentito. Ieri in
una intervista a der Spiegel ha dichiarato di essere allarmato
per la quantità di soldi che il tribunale ha speso e sta spendendo
per "raccogliere testimoni inefficaci e prove debolissime",
lasciando in compenso a Milosevic "una tribuna straordinaria per
la sua demagogia". Djindjic ha detto di essere preoccupato perché
sa che un gran numero di cittadini jugoslavi "sta guardando
affascinato le esibizioni" dell'ex presidente. Non basta: per
il premier serbo, la cattura dell'ex capo militare dei serbo-
bosniaci, generale Ratko Mladic, insistentemente chiesta dal
procuratore del Tribunale dell'Aja Carla Del Ponte, è fuori
discussione. "Devo rischiare la vita dei miei poliziotti per
prendere Mladic e i 100 uomini della sua scorta e servirli su
un piatto all'Aja, quando per anni gli americani e la Nato non
sono riusciti a prenderli? Da noi ci sono 200mila rifugiati
bosniaci, molti dei quali armati: devo rischiare una guerra
civile? Il prezzo è troppo alto". Un'ultima stoccata di Djindjic
è per l'Unione europea: "Un altro scandalo. I due terzi dei fondi
che ci sono stati promessi sono stati poi trattenuti per ripagare
i debiti del tempo di Milosevic... Questi sono trucchi volgari".
===*===
LA POLIZIA NON ARRESTERA' I GENERALI DELLA RS,
HA DETTO DJINDJIC ALLO "SPIEGEL"
Amburgo (Beta, AFP) - Il primo ministro serbo Z. Djindjic:
"Il Tpi permette a Milosevic di far ricorso alla propria
demagogia e di condurre lui stesso il processo. Resto senza
parole davanti ai dati sulle somme spese dal TPI in cinque
anni per procurarsi questi testimoni senza valore. Tutto
questo circo per me e per il mio governo rappresenta un
grave problema."
"In Serbia tanta gente è convinta che Milosevic abbia
dimostrato la originaria colpevolezza della Nato. Dunque,
quali argomenti potrei io ora trovare per decidere
l'estradizione delle altre persone e la collaborazione
con il TPI?"
Secondo Djindjic, la polizia serba non puo' arrestare il
generale serbo Mladic nella Republika Srpska e consegnarlo
ai procuratori del TPI. E se il suo arresto provocasse la
guerra civile? Noi in Serbia abbiamo 200 mila rifugiati
bosniaci, dei quali moltissimi armati. Il prezzo della
cattura è troppo alto, ha dichiarato Djindjic.
Policija neæe da hapsi generala VRS, rekao Ðinðiæ za "Spigl"
Hapsenje Mladiæa izazvalo bi rat!
HAMBURG (Beta-AFP) - Srpski premijer Zoran Ðinðiæ ocenio je
suðenje bivsem predsedniku SRJ pred Haskim tribunalom kao
skupi "cirkus".
- Tribunal dozvoljava Miloseviæu da koristi svoju demagogiju
i vodi suðenje. Zanemim kada vidim koliko je novca baèeno,
da bi Tribunalu bilo omoguæeno da tokom pet godina tra?i
tako beznaèajne svedoke. Mene i moju vladu taj cirkus
stavlja pred tesku dilemu - izjavio je Ðinðiæ u intervjuu
nemaèkom nedeljniku "Spigl" koji izlazi u ponedeljak.
- Mnogi ljudi (u Srbiji) su ubeðeni da je (Miloseviæ)
uspeo da predstavi NATO kao glavnog krivca. S kakvim
argumentima ja sada mogu da odluèim o ekstradiciji nekih
drugih ljudi i da tra?im jaèu saradnju s Tribunalom -
upitao je Ðinðiæ.
Ðinðiæ je odbacio moguænost da srpska policija uhapsi
bivseg srpskog generala u Republici Srpskoj Ratka Mladiæa
i da ga izruèi istra?iteljima Haskog tribunala.
- Sta bi se desilo da njegovo hapsenje izazove graðanski
rat? Mi imamo u Srbiji vise od 200.000 izbeglica iz Bosne
od kojih su mnogi naoru?ani. Cena (hapsenja) bila bi suvise
velika - rekao je Ðinðiæ.
(IZ: GLAS JAVNOSTI, Nedelja, 24. februar 2002.)
===*===
DJINDJIC SURPRISED BY START OF MILOSEVIC'S TRIAL
BELGRADE, Feb. 24 (Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic said on Feb.
24, following cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), that "10 million people in Serbia should
not be the hostages of five or six individuals. We believe that they
should prove their innocence in a legal process before the eyes of the
entire world public," the Serbian premier said, adding that it will
"become clear during the trial "whether the indictees are not guilty and
whether there is no evidence of their guilt."
He also said that he was "slightly surprised" by the beginning of
Milosevic's trial.
"We expect a legal process in which evidence for individual
responsibility is presented and not a historic-political seminar on how
the autonomy of Kosovo was changed, when it was introduced, who played
what role in the central committee (of the Alliance of Communists),"
Djindjic said.
"I think that it is a bit unusual and we see it as a small political
difficulty to explain to our people that we should cooperate with the
ICTY, if the trials resemble Milosevic's," Djindjic concluded.
DJINDJIC UNWILLING TO ARREST MLADIC
BERLIN, Feb. 24 (B92) An attempt to arrest former Bosnian Serb military
commander Ratko Mladic could result in civil war, Serbia's prime
minister said today.
Zoran Djindjic, noting that 50,000 NATO troops in Bosnia had failed to
capture Mladic, said he was unwilling to risk the lives of Serb police
in order to serve Mladic up at the table in The Hague.
"We have more than 200,000 Bosnian refugees, many of them armed. The
price is too high," Djindjic told German weekly Der Spiegel.
COUNCIL OF EUROPE PROTESTS OVER DJINDJIC STATEMENT ON THE HAGUE
TRIBUNAL
STRASBOURG, Feb 25 (Tanjug) - The President of the Council of Europe
Parliamentary Assembly, Peter Schieder, on Monday protested over the
recent statements by Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic regarding the trial
before the war crimes tribunal in The Hague, saying that, regardless of
what the Serbian premier or anyone else thinks, it is Yugoslavia's
obligation to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal and a
condition for its Council of Europe membership.
"I object to the recent statements by the Serbian Premier with regard to
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The
Hague," Schieder said in a statement sent to Tanjug from Strasbourg.
The statement said that "it is Yugoslavia's obligation to cooperate with
the Tribunal which, first foremost, includes the handing over of any
indicted persons who are currently in its territory, and does not depend
on what the Premier or anybody else thinks about the way the trial has
been proceeding so far."
In an interview to German weekly Der Spiegel, parts of which were
published on Saturday, Djindjic described the start of the trial of
Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague as an
expensive circus and that the testimonies of insignificant
witnesses place him and his government in a serious dilemma about the
continuation of cooperation with the Tribunal and the extradition of the
remaining indictees.
Schieder said that Yugoslavia's obligation to "fully and unequivocally"
cooperate with the Tribunal is based on its membership in the United
Nations and the honoring of this obligation, "up to now and in the
future, will be closely scrutinized by the reporters examining
Yugoslavia's request for Council of Europe membership."
Schieder believes that "full cooperation with The Hague Tribunal is in
the interest of the Yugoslav people, because it rejects the notion of
collective responsibility for the crimes that have been committed."
He concluded that "those indicted will receive a fair trial" and "if the
case against them is proved according to the required standard of
evidence, they will be found guilty, if not, they will be acquitted."
PRIME MINISTER BACKS DOWN ON HAGUE CRITICISM
BELGRADE, Feb. 25 (B92) Serbia's prime minister has today defended the
transparency of the Hague Tribunal, little more than hours after
condemning the international court as an expensive circus.
Zoran Djindjic told media in the central Serbian city of Uzice that,
although he had a number of objections to the conduct of the trial, it
was certain that the Hague proceedings were not staged.
"If they are, then the entire world is staged," he said.
The prime minister added that although there were many criticisms to be
made of the prosecution in the Milosevic trial, it was not within the
jurisdiction of Serbia to assess whether the Hague Tribunal was good or
not.
Djindjic, whose government defied Yugoslavia's federal authorities to
extradite the former Yugoslav president to The Hague last year, told
German weekly Der Spiegel yesterday that the court was allowing full
rein to Milosevic's demagoguery and allowing him to control the trial.
"I am speechless when I see how much money has gone up in smoke to allow
the court to take five years to unearth such insignificant witnesses,"
he said, adding that the trial made it difficult to justify further
extradition.
This circus has left both myself and my government facing an awkward
dilemma," said Djindjic, claiming that he had been left without any
arguments to convince others in Belgrade that greater cooperation with
the court was needed.He took advantage of this morning's press
conference in Uzice to call on indicted suspects in Serbia to surrender
to the Tribunal.
"I think these individuals face far less risk than that faced by the
nation if they stay in the country and we risk the future of ten million
people by protecting and defending them," said Djindjic.
SERBIAN PREMIER SAYS EU DECISION TO REDUCE AID TO YUGOSLAVIA UNJUSTIFIED
BELGRADE, Feb 25 (Tanjug) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic described
Tuesday as unjustified the idea of the European Commission to reduce
financial aid to Yugoslavia by 15 million euros a year in the coming
three years, since the situation in this country is no longer as
critical as before and reforms are underway.
This is unjustified, Djindjic told the press, underlining his conviction
that a country which is successfully implementing reforms should be
rewarded, not be told it now needs less as it is managing to resolve its
budget problems.
This is not a good approach, Djindjic said, adding he intends to appeal
to the public opinion in Europe and the world to urge their politicians
to look into the work of the EC.
===*===
Subject: Djindjic Blasts Hague - For Putting Him In Hot Seat
Date: Sat, 23 Feb 2002 15:06:05 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
[Hereafter the name Djindjic will supplant the
derogatory epithet quisling; as in "Vidkun Quisling,
the Norwegian djindjic, was executed in 1945."
This bought-and-paid-for US/NATO traitor, as a careful
reading of the BBC report reveals, is only concerned
about one thing: Preserving his own precious hide at
the expense of his country, his people and their
well-being.
May he have more and more reason to worry.]
BBC News
February 23, 2002
Serb PM attacks Milosevic trial
The Serbian Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic, has
condemned the war crimes trial of former Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic as an expensive "circus".
Mr Djindjic's government decided last June to hand Mr
Milosevic over to the international tribunal in The
Hague. His trial began on 12 February.
Speaking in an interview with the Germany weekly Der
Spiegel, Mr Djindjic also ruled out any Serbian police
operation to capture Ratko Mladic, a top Bosnian Serb
war crimes suspect.
Mr Djindjic said the court in The Hague was "allowing
Milosevic to behave like a demagogue and to control
the trial".
'Insignificant witnesses'
"I am speechless when I see how much money has gone up
in smoke to allow the court to take five years to
unearth such insignificant witnesses.
"This circus has left both myself and my government
facing an awkward dilemma," he said, arguing that the
trial made it hard to justify further extraditions.
Many Serbs believe that in court Mr Milosevic has
exposed Nato as the guilty party in the 1999 Kosovo
conflict, Mr Djindjic said.
"What arguments can I now use to convince other people
to push for greater co-operation with the court?" he
said.
Mr Milosevic is accused of crimes against humanity,
war crimes and genocide in connection with atrocities
committed by Serb forces in Kosovo in 1999, Croatia
between 1991 and 1992 and Bosnia-Hercegovina between
1992 and 1995.
No hunt for Mladic
Mr Djindjic said the price of trying to arrest the
Bosnian Serb wartime military commander, Ratko Mladic,
would be "too high".
"What would happen if his arrest unleashed a civil
war? We have 200,000 Bosnian refugees in Serbia, many
of whom possess weapons," he said.
The chief prosecutor of the UN war crimes tribunal,
Carla del Ponte, says Mr Mladic is living in
Yugoslavia protected by the Yugoslav army - a charge
denied by the military.
The Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, has also
criticised the Milosevic trial and has accused the
tribunal of an anti-Serb bias.
===*===
DJINDJIC ED I SERVIZI SEGRETI FILO-NATO ISOLANO
I COLLABORATORI DI MILOSEVIC
SLOBO DEFENDERS UNDER ATTACK
Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 22:05:20 -0000
Source Beta
Beograd - Vladimir Krsljanin (SPS) reports that the
authorities have cut the phone
lines of all Milosevic associates in order to make his
defence at the Hague
more difficult.
TAGLIATE LE COMUNICAZIONI TELEFONICHE AI PROFESSORI
Belgrado, 27 febbraio 2002 - Il servizio segreto jugoslavo
ha tagliato le linee telefoniche a cinque professori della
Facolta' di Legge di Belgrado. Questa informazione e' stata
confermata anche dal Professor Branko Rakic. Al gruppo di
professori, che procuravano informazioni a Milosevic aiutandolo
a difendersi all'Aia, il servizio di sicurezza jugoslavo ha
interrotto le comunicazioni per impedire i contatti con
Milosevic.
Si tratta tra l'altro dei professori Kosta Cavoski, Branko
Rakic, e Stefanovski.
Paradossalmente, i tre professori suddetti erano grandi
oppositori di Milosevic. Essi si sono decisi ad aiutarlo
in quanto intendono l'accusa contro Milosevic come una
accusa contro tutta la Serbia, mirata a gravare ulteriormente
su tutto il paese.
In una intervista recentemente rilasciata allo "Spiegel"
dal premier serbo Zoran Djindjic, costui ha affermato:
"Non mi piace vedere come Milosevic abbia trasformato il
processo contro di lui in un processo contro la NATO!"
+++ Professoren werden die Telefonleitungen gekappt +++
BELGRAD, 27. Februar 2002. Der jugoslawische Geheimdienst
hat fünf Professoren der Rechtsuniversität in Belgrad die
Telefonleitungen gekappt. Diese Information bestätigte
auch Professor Branko Rakic. Der Gruppe von Professoren
die Slobodan Milosevic Informationen zukommen ließen, wie
er sich in Den Haag verteidigen soll, hat der jugoslawische
Sicherheitsdienst die Leitungen unterbrochen um den
Professoren es unmöglich zu machen mit Slobodan Milosevic
in Kontakt zu bleiben. Hierbei handelt es sich um die
Professoren, Kosta Cavoski, Branko Rakic und Prof. Stefanovski.
Um die Ironie an der ganzen Sache zu verdeutlichen, die
drei oben genannten Professoren, waren große Gegner
von Milosevic. Sie haben sich entschieden Slobodan
Milosevic zu helfen, weil sie mit der Anklage gegen ihn,
eine Anklage gegen ganz Serbien sehen, die das Land noch mehr
belastet.
In einem vor kurzem, dem Spiegel, gegebenen Interview vom
MinisterPräsidenten von Serbien, Zoran Djindic, sagte der
"Mir gefällt es nicht, das Milosevic einen Prozess gegen
ihn, in einen Prozess gegen die NATO gedreht hat!"
STIMME KOSOVOS / AMSELFELD.COM
ATTI MIRATI A RENDERE IMPOSSIBILE LA AUTODIFESA DI MILOSEVIC
Belgrado, 27 febbraio 2002. Vladimir Krsljanin, esponente dell'SPS, ha
comunicato che il governo serbo ha ordinato la interruzione di tutte le
linee telefoniche dei collaboratori di Milosevic, impegnati ad aiutarlo
nella difesa. Questo mira a rendergli sensibilmente piu' difficile la
difesa stessa.
+++ Um Milosevic Verteidigung unmöglich zu machen +++
BELGRAD, 27. Februar 2002. Vladimir Krsljanin, ein Mitglied der SPS,
berichtete das die Regierung Serbiens angeordnet hat, alle
Telefonleitungen zu Milosevics Verbündeten zu unterbrechen, die ihm bei
seiner Verteidigung helfen. Das erschwert ihm seine Verteidigung
bedeutend.
BETA / AMSELFELD.COM
Nuove idee a Belgrado
Il premier serbo Zoran Djindjic, il massimo artefice a Belgrado
dell'arresto e della consegna di Slobodan Milosevic al Tribunale
dell'Aja, sotto pressioni euro-americane, si è pentito. Ieri in
una intervista a der Spiegel ha dichiarato di essere allarmato
per la quantità di soldi che il tribunale ha speso e sta spendendo
per "raccogliere testimoni inefficaci e prove debolissime",
lasciando in compenso a Milosevic "una tribuna straordinaria per
la sua demagogia". Djindjic ha detto di essere preoccupato perché
sa che un gran numero di cittadini jugoslavi "sta guardando
affascinato le esibizioni" dell'ex presidente. Non basta: per
il premier serbo, la cattura dell'ex capo militare dei serbo-
bosniaci, generale Ratko Mladic, insistentemente chiesta dal
procuratore del Tribunale dell'Aja Carla Del Ponte, è fuori
discussione. "Devo rischiare la vita dei miei poliziotti per
prendere Mladic e i 100 uomini della sua scorta e servirli su
un piatto all'Aja, quando per anni gli americani e la Nato non
sono riusciti a prenderli? Da noi ci sono 200mila rifugiati
bosniaci, molti dei quali armati: devo rischiare una guerra
civile? Il prezzo è troppo alto". Un'ultima stoccata di Djindjic
è per l'Unione europea: "Un altro scandalo. I due terzi dei fondi
che ci sono stati promessi sono stati poi trattenuti per ripagare
i debiti del tempo di Milosevic... Questi sono trucchi volgari".
===*===
LA POLIZIA NON ARRESTERA' I GENERALI DELLA RS,
HA DETTO DJINDJIC ALLO "SPIEGEL"
Amburgo (Beta, AFP) - Il primo ministro serbo Z. Djindjic:
"Il Tpi permette a Milosevic di far ricorso alla propria
demagogia e di condurre lui stesso il processo. Resto senza
parole davanti ai dati sulle somme spese dal TPI in cinque
anni per procurarsi questi testimoni senza valore. Tutto
questo circo per me e per il mio governo rappresenta un
grave problema."
"In Serbia tanta gente è convinta che Milosevic abbia
dimostrato la originaria colpevolezza della Nato. Dunque,
quali argomenti potrei io ora trovare per decidere
l'estradizione delle altre persone e la collaborazione
con il TPI?"
Secondo Djindjic, la polizia serba non puo' arrestare il
generale serbo Mladic nella Republika Srpska e consegnarlo
ai procuratori del TPI. E se il suo arresto provocasse la
guerra civile? Noi in Serbia abbiamo 200 mila rifugiati
bosniaci, dei quali moltissimi armati. Il prezzo della
cattura è troppo alto, ha dichiarato Djindjic.
Policija neæe da hapsi generala VRS, rekao Ðinðiæ za "Spigl"
Hapsenje Mladiæa izazvalo bi rat!
HAMBURG (Beta-AFP) - Srpski premijer Zoran Ðinðiæ ocenio je
suðenje bivsem predsedniku SRJ pred Haskim tribunalom kao
skupi "cirkus".
- Tribunal dozvoljava Miloseviæu da koristi svoju demagogiju
i vodi suðenje. Zanemim kada vidim koliko je novca baèeno,
da bi Tribunalu bilo omoguæeno da tokom pet godina tra?i
tako beznaèajne svedoke. Mene i moju vladu taj cirkus
stavlja pred tesku dilemu - izjavio je Ðinðiæ u intervjuu
nemaèkom nedeljniku "Spigl" koji izlazi u ponedeljak.
- Mnogi ljudi (u Srbiji) su ubeðeni da je (Miloseviæ)
uspeo da predstavi NATO kao glavnog krivca. S kakvim
argumentima ja sada mogu da odluèim o ekstradiciji nekih
drugih ljudi i da tra?im jaèu saradnju s Tribunalom -
upitao je Ðinðiæ.
Ðinðiæ je odbacio moguænost da srpska policija uhapsi
bivseg srpskog generala u Republici Srpskoj Ratka Mladiæa
i da ga izruèi istra?iteljima Haskog tribunala.
- Sta bi se desilo da njegovo hapsenje izazove graðanski
rat? Mi imamo u Srbiji vise od 200.000 izbeglica iz Bosne
od kojih su mnogi naoru?ani. Cena (hapsenja) bila bi suvise
velika - rekao je Ðinðiæ.
(IZ: GLAS JAVNOSTI, Nedelja, 24. februar 2002.)
===*===
DJINDJIC SURPRISED BY START OF MILOSEVIC'S TRIAL
BELGRADE, Feb. 24 (Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic said on Feb.
24, following cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), that "10 million people in Serbia should
not be the hostages of five or six individuals. We believe that they
should prove their innocence in a legal process before the eyes of the
entire world public," the Serbian premier said, adding that it will
"become clear during the trial "whether the indictees are not guilty and
whether there is no evidence of their guilt."
He also said that he was "slightly surprised" by the beginning of
Milosevic's trial.
"We expect a legal process in which evidence for individual
responsibility is presented and not a historic-political seminar on how
the autonomy of Kosovo was changed, when it was introduced, who played
what role in the central committee (of the Alliance of Communists),"
Djindjic said.
"I think that it is a bit unusual and we see it as a small political
difficulty to explain to our people that we should cooperate with the
ICTY, if the trials resemble Milosevic's," Djindjic concluded.
DJINDJIC UNWILLING TO ARREST MLADIC
BERLIN, Feb. 24 (B92) An attempt to arrest former Bosnian Serb military
commander Ratko Mladic could result in civil war, Serbia's prime
minister said today.
Zoran Djindjic, noting that 50,000 NATO troops in Bosnia had failed to
capture Mladic, said he was unwilling to risk the lives of Serb police
in order to serve Mladic up at the table in The Hague.
"We have more than 200,000 Bosnian refugees, many of them armed. The
price is too high," Djindjic told German weekly Der Spiegel.
COUNCIL OF EUROPE PROTESTS OVER DJINDJIC STATEMENT ON THE HAGUE
TRIBUNAL
STRASBOURG, Feb 25 (Tanjug) - The President of the Council of Europe
Parliamentary Assembly, Peter Schieder, on Monday protested over the
recent statements by Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic regarding the trial
before the war crimes tribunal in The Hague, saying that, regardless of
what the Serbian premier or anyone else thinks, it is Yugoslavia's
obligation to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal and a
condition for its Council of Europe membership.
"I object to the recent statements by the Serbian Premier with regard to
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The
Hague," Schieder said in a statement sent to Tanjug from Strasbourg.
The statement said that "it is Yugoslavia's obligation to cooperate with
the Tribunal which, first foremost, includes the handing over of any
indicted persons who are currently in its territory, and does not depend
on what the Premier or anybody else thinks about the way the trial has
been proceeding so far."
In an interview to German weekly Der Spiegel, parts of which were
published on Saturday, Djindjic described the start of the trial of
Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague as an
expensive circus and that the testimonies of insignificant
witnesses place him and his government in a serious dilemma about the
continuation of cooperation with the Tribunal and the extradition of the
remaining indictees.
Schieder said that Yugoslavia's obligation to "fully and unequivocally"
cooperate with the Tribunal is based on its membership in the United
Nations and the honoring of this obligation, "up to now and in the
future, will be closely scrutinized by the reporters examining
Yugoslavia's request for Council of Europe membership."
Schieder believes that "full cooperation with The Hague Tribunal is in
the interest of the Yugoslav people, because it rejects the notion of
collective responsibility for the crimes that have been committed."
He concluded that "those indicted will receive a fair trial" and "if the
case against them is proved according to the required standard of
evidence, they will be found guilty, if not, they will be acquitted."
PRIME MINISTER BACKS DOWN ON HAGUE CRITICISM
BELGRADE, Feb. 25 (B92) Serbia's prime minister has today defended the
transparency of the Hague Tribunal, little more than hours after
condemning the international court as an expensive circus.
Zoran Djindjic told media in the central Serbian city of Uzice that,
although he had a number of objections to the conduct of the trial, it
was certain that the Hague proceedings were not staged.
"If they are, then the entire world is staged," he said.
The prime minister added that although there were many criticisms to be
made of the prosecution in the Milosevic trial, it was not within the
jurisdiction of Serbia to assess whether the Hague Tribunal was good or
not.
Djindjic, whose government defied Yugoslavia's federal authorities to
extradite the former Yugoslav president to The Hague last year, told
German weekly Der Spiegel yesterday that the court was allowing full
rein to Milosevic's demagoguery and allowing him to control the trial.
"I am speechless when I see how much money has gone up in smoke to allow
the court to take five years to unearth such insignificant witnesses,"
he said, adding that the trial made it difficult to justify further
extradition.
This circus has left both myself and my government facing an awkward
dilemma," said Djindjic, claiming that he had been left without any
arguments to convince others in Belgrade that greater cooperation with
the court was needed.He took advantage of this morning's press
conference in Uzice to call on indicted suspects in Serbia to surrender
to the Tribunal.
"I think these individuals face far less risk than that faced by the
nation if they stay in the country and we risk the future of ten million
people by protecting and defending them," said Djindjic.
SERBIAN PREMIER SAYS EU DECISION TO REDUCE AID TO YUGOSLAVIA UNJUSTIFIED
BELGRADE, Feb 25 (Tanjug) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic described
Tuesday as unjustified the idea of the European Commission to reduce
financial aid to Yugoslavia by 15 million euros a year in the coming
three years, since the situation in this country is no longer as
critical as before and reforms are underway.
This is unjustified, Djindjic told the press, underlining his conviction
that a country which is successfully implementing reforms should be
rewarded, not be told it now needs less as it is managing to resolve its
budget problems.
This is not a good approach, Djindjic said, adding he intends to appeal
to the public opinion in Europe and the world to urge their politicians
to look into the work of the EC.
===*===
Subject: Djindjic Blasts Hague - For Putting Him In Hot Seat
Date: Sat, 23 Feb 2002 15:06:05 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff
[Hereafter the name Djindjic will supplant the
derogatory epithet quisling; as in "Vidkun Quisling,
the Norwegian djindjic, was executed in 1945."
This bought-and-paid-for US/NATO traitor, as a careful
reading of the BBC report reveals, is only concerned
about one thing: Preserving his own precious hide at
the expense of his country, his people and their
well-being.
May he have more and more reason to worry.]
BBC News
February 23, 2002
Serb PM attacks Milosevic trial
The Serbian Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic, has
condemned the war crimes trial of former Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic as an expensive "circus".
Mr Djindjic's government decided last June to hand Mr
Milosevic over to the international tribunal in The
Hague. His trial began on 12 February.
Speaking in an interview with the Germany weekly Der
Spiegel, Mr Djindjic also ruled out any Serbian police
operation to capture Ratko Mladic, a top Bosnian Serb
war crimes suspect.
Mr Djindjic said the court in The Hague was "allowing
Milosevic to behave like a demagogue and to control
the trial".
'Insignificant witnesses'
"I am speechless when I see how much money has gone up
in smoke to allow the court to take five years to
unearth such insignificant witnesses.
"This circus has left both myself and my government
facing an awkward dilemma," he said, arguing that the
trial made it hard to justify further extraditions.
Many Serbs believe that in court Mr Milosevic has
exposed Nato as the guilty party in the 1999 Kosovo
conflict, Mr Djindjic said.
"What arguments can I now use to convince other people
to push for greater co-operation with the court?" he
said.
Mr Milosevic is accused of crimes against humanity,
war crimes and genocide in connection with atrocities
committed by Serb forces in Kosovo in 1999, Croatia
between 1991 and 1992 and Bosnia-Hercegovina between
1992 and 1995.
No hunt for Mladic
Mr Djindjic said the price of trying to arrest the
Bosnian Serb wartime military commander, Ratko Mladic,
would be "too high".
"What would happen if his arrest unleashed a civil
war? We have 200,000 Bosnian refugees in Serbia, many
of whom possess weapons," he said.
The chief prosecutor of the UN war crimes tribunal,
Carla del Ponte, says Mr Mladic is living in
Yugoslavia protected by the Yugoslav army - a charge
denied by the military.
The Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, has also
criticised the Milosevic trial and has accused the
tribunal of an anti-Serb bias.
===*===
DJINDJIC ED I SERVIZI SEGRETI FILO-NATO ISOLANO
I COLLABORATORI DI MILOSEVIC
SLOBO DEFENDERS UNDER ATTACK
Date: Tue, 26 Feb 2002 22:05:20 -0000
Source Beta
Beograd - Vladimir Krsljanin (SPS) reports that the
authorities have cut the phone
lines of all Milosevic associates in order to make his
defence at the Hague
more difficult.
TAGLIATE LE COMUNICAZIONI TELEFONICHE AI PROFESSORI
Belgrado, 27 febbraio 2002 - Il servizio segreto jugoslavo
ha tagliato le linee telefoniche a cinque professori della
Facolta' di Legge di Belgrado. Questa informazione e' stata
confermata anche dal Professor Branko Rakic. Al gruppo di
professori, che procuravano informazioni a Milosevic aiutandolo
a difendersi all'Aia, il servizio di sicurezza jugoslavo ha
interrotto le comunicazioni per impedire i contatti con
Milosevic.
Si tratta tra l'altro dei professori Kosta Cavoski, Branko
Rakic, e Stefanovski.
Paradossalmente, i tre professori suddetti erano grandi
oppositori di Milosevic. Essi si sono decisi ad aiutarlo
in quanto intendono l'accusa contro Milosevic come una
accusa contro tutta la Serbia, mirata a gravare ulteriormente
su tutto il paese.
In una intervista recentemente rilasciata allo "Spiegel"
dal premier serbo Zoran Djindjic, costui ha affermato:
"Non mi piace vedere come Milosevic abbia trasformato il
processo contro di lui in un processo contro la NATO!"
+++ Professoren werden die Telefonleitungen gekappt +++
BELGRAD, 27. Februar 2002. Der jugoslawische Geheimdienst
hat fünf Professoren der Rechtsuniversität in Belgrad die
Telefonleitungen gekappt. Diese Information bestätigte
auch Professor Branko Rakic. Der Gruppe von Professoren
die Slobodan Milosevic Informationen zukommen ließen, wie
er sich in Den Haag verteidigen soll, hat der jugoslawische
Sicherheitsdienst die Leitungen unterbrochen um den
Professoren es unmöglich zu machen mit Slobodan Milosevic
in Kontakt zu bleiben. Hierbei handelt es sich um die
Professoren, Kosta Cavoski, Branko Rakic und Prof. Stefanovski.
Um die Ironie an der ganzen Sache zu verdeutlichen, die
drei oben genannten Professoren, waren große Gegner
von Milosevic. Sie haben sich entschieden Slobodan
Milosevic zu helfen, weil sie mit der Anklage gegen ihn,
eine Anklage gegen ganz Serbien sehen, die das Land noch mehr
belastet.
In einem vor kurzem, dem Spiegel, gegebenen Interview vom
MinisterPräsidenten von Serbien, Zoran Djindic, sagte der
"Mir gefällt es nicht, das Milosevic einen Prozess gegen
ihn, in einen Prozess gegen die NATO gedreht hat!"
STIMME KOSOVOS / AMSELFELD.COM
ATTI MIRATI A RENDERE IMPOSSIBILE LA AUTODIFESA DI MILOSEVIC
Belgrado, 27 febbraio 2002. Vladimir Krsljanin, esponente dell'SPS, ha
comunicato che il governo serbo ha ordinato la interruzione di tutte le
linee telefoniche dei collaboratori di Milosevic, impegnati ad aiutarlo
nella difesa. Questo mira a rendergli sensibilmente piu' difficile la
difesa stessa.
+++ Um Milosevic Verteidigung unmöglich zu machen +++
BELGRAD, 27. Februar 2002. Vladimir Krsljanin, ein Mitglied der SPS,
berichtete das die Regierung Serbiens angeordnet hat, alle
Telefonleitungen zu Milosevics Verbündeten zu unterbrechen, die ihm bei
seiner Verteidigung helfen. Das erschwert ihm seine Verteidigung
bedeutend.
BETA / AMSELFELD.COM
BERLINO 2 MARZO 2002
Rathaus Schöneberg, stanza 195, ore 10-17
"IL CASO MILOSEVIC"
Discussione pubblica
su iniziativa di:
Partito del Socialismo Democratico (PDS) e
Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM)
con l'appoggio del
Forum Europeo per la Pace
Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic -
Sezione tedesca: http://www.free-slobo.de
---
L'iniziativa ha scatenato polemiche prevedibili, anche all'interno
della PDS, e sono state persino annunciate contromanifestazioni da
parte dei Verdi e settori affini.
Riportiamo in fondo una intervista in proposito a Ruediger Goebel
(in tedesco)
===*===
ANNOUNCEMENT :
THE "MILOSEVIC CASE" - INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL
JURISDICTION AND THE NEW WARS OF THE GREAT POWERS
A public colloquium on the "Milosevic Case" and its
meaning for current trends in international criminal
jurisdiction will be held in Berlin (Rathaus
Schöneberg, Room 195) on Saturday, March 2nd, 2002,
from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. The colloquium, including
lectures und discussions, is organized on the
invitation of the Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof Branch
of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) by the
German Section of the International Committee to
Defend Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM).
The key note speech will be given by Norman Paech, a
professor of international public law at the
University of Hamburg, who will address the issue of
international criminal jurisdiction in the context of
international law, defining legal criteria for its
proper use as well as exposing current abuses.
The improper use of international criminal
jurisdiction under the auspices of "humanitarian"
military action and the "war against terrorism" will
be the subject of a contribution by Peter Koch, a
lawyer from Heidelberg.
Another lawyer, Eberhard Schultz (Bremen/Berlin), will
cover the main features of Milosevic's struggle
against the Hague "Tribunal"
Excerpts from his latest book on "The Milosevic Case"
will be read by Ralph Hartmann (Berlin), a former
GDR-Ambassador to Yugoslavia and the author of two
previous books on the destruction of Yugoslavia.
Rolf Becker (Hamburg), a well known actor, who is also
a trade union activist having organized several
solidarity missions to Yugoslavia, will speak about
"Yugoslavia after Milosevic".
The meeting will be co-chaired by Gert Julius,
spokesman of the Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof Branch of
the Party of Democratic Socialism and by Klaus
Hartmann, vice-chairman of the International Committee
to Defend Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) and spokesman of
its German Section.
With the partcipation of Luc MICHEL, chairman of the
Frenchspeaking Section (Belgium, France, Switzerland,
Quebec) of ICDSM.
The colloquium is supported by the European Peace
Forum
ANNONCE :
LE "CAS MILOSEVIC" - LA JURIDICTION PÉNALE
INTERNATIONALE ET LES NOUVELLES GUERRES DES GRANDES
PUISSANCES
Un colloque public sur le "Cas Milosevic" et son
influence sur les tendances actuelles dans le domaine
de la juridiction pénale internationale sera organisé
à Berlin (Rathaus Schöneberg, Salle 195) le samedi 2
mars 2002, de 10 à 17 heures. Le colloque qui
comprendra des conférences et des discussions
publiques sera organisé à l'invitation de la Branche
Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof du «Parti du Socialisme
Démocratique» (PDS) par la Section allemande du
«Comité International pour la Défense de Slobodan
Milosevic» (ICDSM).
La conférence principale sera donnée par Norman Paech,
professeur de Droit international public à
l'université de Hambourg, qui parlera de la
juridiction pénale internationale dans le contexte du
Droit international, en définissant les critères
juridiques de son application normale et en exposant
les abus courants.
L'application abusive de la juridiction pénale
internationale sous les auspices d'actions militaires
soi-disant "humanitaires" et de "la guerre contre le
terrorisme" sera le sujet de l'intervention de Me.
Peter Koch, avocat à Heidelberg.
Un autre avocat, Me. Eberhard Schultz (Bremen/Berlin),
présentera les charactéristiques principales de la
lutte du président Milosevic contre le "Tribunal" de
La Haye
Une lecture d'extraits de son dernier livre "Le Cas
Milosevic" sera donnée par Ralph Hartmann (Berlin),
ancien ambassadeur de la RDA en Yougoslavie, et auteur
de deux autres livres sur la destruction de la
Yougoslavie.
Rolf Becker (Hamburg), un acteur très connu, et qui
s'est manifesté comme activiste syndicaliste en
organisant plusieurs missions de solidarité en
Yougoslavie, parlera de "La Yougoslavie après
Milosevic".
La séance sera co-présidée par Gert Julius,
porte-parole de la Branche Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof
du «Parti du Socialisme Démocratique» et Klaus
Hartmann, vice-président du «Comité International pour
la Défence de Slobodan Milosevic» (ICDSM).
Avec la participation de Luc MICHEL, président de la
Section francophone (Belgique, France, Suisse, Québec)
de l?ICDSM.
Le colloque est soutenu par le «Forum Européen de la
Paix».
DER "FALL MILOSEVIC" - DAS INTERNATIONALE STRAFRECHT
UND
DIE NEUEN KRIEGE DER GROSSMÄCHTE
Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus - Bezirksverband
Tempelhof & Schöneberg
Schöneberger Gespräche - Einladung
für Samstag, den 2. März 2002 von 10.00 bis 17.00 Uhr
ins
Rathaus Schöneberg, 10820 Berlin, Raum 195
(ab 09.30 Uhr Anmeldung der Teilnehmer)
zu Vorträgen und Diskussionen, organisiert vom
Internationalen Komitee für die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic - Deutsche Sektion - zum Thema:
DER "FALL MILOSEVIC" - DAS INTERNATIONALE STRAFRECHT
UND
DIE NEUEN KRIEGE DER GROSSMÄCHTE
Das Programm:
Gert Julius, Bezirksverordneter der PDS Tempelhof &
Schöneberg:
Begrüßung
Klaus Hartmann, Sprecher der Deutschen Sektion des
Internationalen Komitees
für die Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic:
Einleitung
Prof. Dr. Norman Paech, Professor für Völkerrecht an
der Hochschule für Wirtschaft und Politik, Hamburg:
Sinn und Missbrauch internationaler
Strafgerichtsbarkeit
Peter Koch, Rechtsanwalt, Heidelberg:
Internationale Strafjustiz vor dem Hintergrund
"humanitärer" Aktionen und des "Kampfes gegen den
Terrorismus"
Ralph Hartmann, Berlin, Autor der "Ehrlichen Makler"
und der "Glorreichen Sieger", liest Auszüge aus seinem
am 24. März, dem 3. Jahrestag des NATO-Überfalls auf
Jugoslawien, im Berliner Dietz-Verlag erscheinenden
Buch "Der Fall Milosevic".
Eberhard Schultz, Rechtsanwalt, Bremen:
Der Kampf des "Angeklagten" Slobodan Milosevic gegen
das Haager "Tribunal"
Rolf Becker, Schauspieler, Hamburg, ver.di (Medien):
Jugoslawien nach Milosevic
Statements und Diskussion
Die Veranstaltung wird unterstützt vom Europäischen
Friedensforum
===*===
"Junge Welt", 27.02.2002
Interview: Rüdiger Göbel
Das Ende der Unschuld: Solidarität mit Milosevic?
jW sprach mit Gert Julius, PDS-Abgeordneter in
der Bezirksversammlung in Berlin-Tempelhof/Schöneberg
F: Am Wochenende laden Sie ins Rathaus nach Berlin-
Schöneberg zum Kolloquium »Der Fall Milosevic -
Das internationale Strafrecht und die neuen
Kriege der Großmächte« ein. Wie solidarisch muß
man als Linker mit Slobodan Milosevic sein?
Für mich als Linker und meine politischen Freunde des
PDS-Bezirkverbandes Berlin-Tempelhof/Schöneberg gibt
es keinen Grund zur Solidarität mit Herrn
Milosevic. Jeder weiß jedoch, daß es von
den Medien und leider auch von Politikern
und Politikerinnen öffentliche Vorverurteilungen
gibt, die sich aus Anpassungszwängen an den
»Mainstream« um die auch im deutschen
Rechtswesen übliche grundsätzliche
Unschuldsvermutung wenig kümmern. Der
Bezirksverband nimmt mit diesem
Kolloquium sein Recht gemäß Artikel 21,
Absatz 1, Grundgesetz wahr, an der
politischen Willensbildung der
Bevölkerung mitzuwirken. Unser
Bezirksverband will dazu beitragen,
daß in der Öffentlichkeit ein objektives
Bild über die Rolle der USA, der NATO, der
deutschen Bundesregierung und des
ehemaligen Präsidenten Jugoslawiens
gezeichnet wird.
F: Halten Sie das UN-Tribunal in Den Haag für legitim?
Das ist eine schwierige Frage, die
letztlich Völkerrechtler entscheiden
müssen. Für mich ist jedoch schon
merkwürdig, daß es in einem angeblichen
Rechtsstaat wie Serbien möglich ist,
einen Beschuldigten gegen den Beschluß
des obersten Gerichtshofes auszuliefern.
Ich würde es begrüßen, wenn auch
die USA der Bildung eines Internationalen
Gerichts zustimmen würden.
F: Von den Grünen wurden bereits
Gegenproteste für Sonnabend angekündigt.
Was erregt die Gemüter so?
Meiner Ansicht nach ist die Ankündigung
von Protesten der Grünen insofern
scheinheilig, als es gerade diese
Partei ist, die in der Bundesregierung
durch ihre Beteiligung am NATO-Krieg
gegen Jugoslawien und Afghanistan dafür
verantwortlich ist, daß Tausende
schuldlose Menschen verletzt, verstümmelt
oder getötet wurden. Gerade in Jugoslawien
konnte ich mich im August 1999
selbst von der sinnlosen und
zielgerichteten Zerstörung von Krankenhäusern,
Chemiefabriken, Elektrizitätswerken,
Wohnhäusern, Kindergärten und Brücken
durch die NATO überzeugen.
F: Auch beim PDS-Landesverband stieß
die Veranstaltung auf Kritik. Gab es
nach Beginn des Verfahrens gegen
Slobodan Milosevic in Den Haag Druck von
der Berliner Parteiführung, die Konferenz
abzusagen?
Druck von der Parteiführung gab es nicht.
In der pluralistisch ausgerichteten PDS
hat der stellvertretende Vorsitzende eines
Landesverbandes, in diesem Falle Udo Wolf,
das Recht, Vermutungen über die
Auffassung des Landesvorstandes zu
äußern. Jeder Bezirksverband ist jedoch
autonom, seine Veranstaltungen selbst
zu planen und durchzuführen.
F: Kann jeder zu dem Kolloquium kommen
oder ist es nur für Juristen oder
andere Fachleute von Interesse?
Geplant ist, das internationale
Strafrecht und die neuen Kriege der
Großmächte am Fall Milosevic zu
diskutieren. Die Veranstaltung ist mit
Sicherheit von großem allgemeinen
Interesse, weil sich unter anderem der
bekannte Völkerrechtler Prof. Dr. Norman
Paech, der Schauspieler Rolf Becker
und der ehemalige Botschafter der DDR
in Jugoslawien, Ralph Hartmann, sowie
der Präsident des Deutschen Freidenkerverbandes,
Klaus Hartmann, und die
Rechtsanwälte Peter Koch und Eberhard
Schultz äußern. Die bisherige
Medienkampagne der Grünen in Berlin
hat zu vielen Anfragen und Anmeldungen
interessierter Bürgerinnen und Bürger
geführt, worüber wir uns sehr freuen.
Jeder ist eingeladen und hat die
Möglichkeit, an der Diskussion
teilzunehmen.
* Kolloquium »Der Fall Milosevic -
Das internationale Strafrecht und die
neuen Kriege der Großmächte«. 2. März,
10 bis 17 Uhr im Rathaus
Berlin-Schöneberg, Raum 195
Rathaus Schöneberg, stanza 195, ore 10-17
"IL CASO MILOSEVIC"
Discussione pubblica
su iniziativa di:
Partito del Socialismo Democratico (PDS) e
Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM)
con l'appoggio del
Forum Europeo per la Pace
Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic -
Sezione tedesca: http://www.free-slobo.de
---
L'iniziativa ha scatenato polemiche prevedibili, anche all'interno
della PDS, e sono state persino annunciate contromanifestazioni da
parte dei Verdi e settori affini.
Riportiamo in fondo una intervista in proposito a Ruediger Goebel
(in tedesco)
===*===
ANNOUNCEMENT :
THE "MILOSEVIC CASE" - INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL
JURISDICTION AND THE NEW WARS OF THE GREAT POWERS
A public colloquium on the "Milosevic Case" and its
meaning for current trends in international criminal
jurisdiction will be held in Berlin (Rathaus
Schöneberg, Room 195) on Saturday, March 2nd, 2002,
from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. The colloquium, including
lectures und discussions, is organized on the
invitation of the Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof Branch
of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) by the
German Section of the International Committee to
Defend Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM).
The key note speech will be given by Norman Paech, a
professor of international public law at the
University of Hamburg, who will address the issue of
international criminal jurisdiction in the context of
international law, defining legal criteria for its
proper use as well as exposing current abuses.
The improper use of international criminal
jurisdiction under the auspices of "humanitarian"
military action and the "war against terrorism" will
be the subject of a contribution by Peter Koch, a
lawyer from Heidelberg.
Another lawyer, Eberhard Schultz (Bremen/Berlin), will
cover the main features of Milosevic's struggle
against the Hague "Tribunal"
Excerpts from his latest book on "The Milosevic Case"
will be read by Ralph Hartmann (Berlin), a former
GDR-Ambassador to Yugoslavia and the author of two
previous books on the destruction of Yugoslavia.
Rolf Becker (Hamburg), a well known actor, who is also
a trade union activist having organized several
solidarity missions to Yugoslavia, will speak about
"Yugoslavia after Milosevic".
The meeting will be co-chaired by Gert Julius,
spokesman of the Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof Branch of
the Party of Democratic Socialism and by Klaus
Hartmann, vice-chairman of the International Committee
to Defend Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) and spokesman of
its German Section.
With the partcipation of Luc MICHEL, chairman of the
Frenchspeaking Section (Belgium, France, Switzerland,
Quebec) of ICDSM.
The colloquium is supported by the European Peace
Forum
ANNONCE :
LE "CAS MILOSEVIC" - LA JURIDICTION PÉNALE
INTERNATIONALE ET LES NOUVELLES GUERRES DES GRANDES
PUISSANCES
Un colloque public sur le "Cas Milosevic" et son
influence sur les tendances actuelles dans le domaine
de la juridiction pénale internationale sera organisé
à Berlin (Rathaus Schöneberg, Salle 195) le samedi 2
mars 2002, de 10 à 17 heures. Le colloque qui
comprendra des conférences et des discussions
publiques sera organisé à l'invitation de la Branche
Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof du «Parti du Socialisme
Démocratique» (PDS) par la Section allemande du
«Comité International pour la Défense de Slobodan
Milosevic» (ICDSM).
La conférence principale sera donnée par Norman Paech,
professeur de Droit international public à
l'université de Hambourg, qui parlera de la
juridiction pénale internationale dans le contexte du
Droit international, en définissant les critères
juridiques de son application normale et en exposant
les abus courants.
L'application abusive de la juridiction pénale
internationale sous les auspices d'actions militaires
soi-disant "humanitaires" et de "la guerre contre le
terrorisme" sera le sujet de l'intervention de Me.
Peter Koch, avocat à Heidelberg.
Un autre avocat, Me. Eberhard Schultz (Bremen/Berlin),
présentera les charactéristiques principales de la
lutte du président Milosevic contre le "Tribunal" de
La Haye
Une lecture d'extraits de son dernier livre "Le Cas
Milosevic" sera donnée par Ralph Hartmann (Berlin),
ancien ambassadeur de la RDA en Yougoslavie, et auteur
de deux autres livres sur la destruction de la
Yougoslavie.
Rolf Becker (Hamburg), un acteur très connu, et qui
s'est manifesté comme activiste syndicaliste en
organisant plusieurs missions de solidarité en
Yougoslavie, parlera de "La Yougoslavie après
Milosevic".
La séance sera co-présidée par Gert Julius,
porte-parole de la Branche Berlin-Schöneberg/Tempelhof
du «Parti du Socialisme Démocratique» et Klaus
Hartmann, vice-président du «Comité International pour
la Défence de Slobodan Milosevic» (ICDSM).
Avec la participation de Luc MICHEL, président de la
Section francophone (Belgique, France, Suisse, Québec)
de l?ICDSM.
Le colloque est soutenu par le «Forum Européen de la
Paix».
DER "FALL MILOSEVIC" - DAS INTERNATIONALE STRAFRECHT
UND
DIE NEUEN KRIEGE DER GROSSMÄCHTE
Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus - Bezirksverband
Tempelhof & Schöneberg
Schöneberger Gespräche - Einladung
für Samstag, den 2. März 2002 von 10.00 bis 17.00 Uhr
ins
Rathaus Schöneberg, 10820 Berlin, Raum 195
(ab 09.30 Uhr Anmeldung der Teilnehmer)
zu Vorträgen und Diskussionen, organisiert vom
Internationalen Komitee für die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic - Deutsche Sektion - zum Thema:
DER "FALL MILOSEVIC" - DAS INTERNATIONALE STRAFRECHT
UND
DIE NEUEN KRIEGE DER GROSSMÄCHTE
Das Programm:
Gert Julius, Bezirksverordneter der PDS Tempelhof &
Schöneberg:
Begrüßung
Klaus Hartmann, Sprecher der Deutschen Sektion des
Internationalen Komitees
für die Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic:
Einleitung
Prof. Dr. Norman Paech, Professor für Völkerrecht an
der Hochschule für Wirtschaft und Politik, Hamburg:
Sinn und Missbrauch internationaler
Strafgerichtsbarkeit
Peter Koch, Rechtsanwalt, Heidelberg:
Internationale Strafjustiz vor dem Hintergrund
"humanitärer" Aktionen und des "Kampfes gegen den
Terrorismus"
Ralph Hartmann, Berlin, Autor der "Ehrlichen Makler"
und der "Glorreichen Sieger", liest Auszüge aus seinem
am 24. März, dem 3. Jahrestag des NATO-Überfalls auf
Jugoslawien, im Berliner Dietz-Verlag erscheinenden
Buch "Der Fall Milosevic".
Eberhard Schultz, Rechtsanwalt, Bremen:
Der Kampf des "Angeklagten" Slobodan Milosevic gegen
das Haager "Tribunal"
Rolf Becker, Schauspieler, Hamburg, ver.di (Medien):
Jugoslawien nach Milosevic
Statements und Diskussion
Die Veranstaltung wird unterstützt vom Europäischen
Friedensforum
===*===
"Junge Welt", 27.02.2002
Interview: Rüdiger Göbel
Das Ende der Unschuld: Solidarität mit Milosevic?
jW sprach mit Gert Julius, PDS-Abgeordneter in
der Bezirksversammlung in Berlin-Tempelhof/Schöneberg
F: Am Wochenende laden Sie ins Rathaus nach Berlin-
Schöneberg zum Kolloquium »Der Fall Milosevic -
Das internationale Strafrecht und die neuen
Kriege der Großmächte« ein. Wie solidarisch muß
man als Linker mit Slobodan Milosevic sein?
Für mich als Linker und meine politischen Freunde des
PDS-Bezirkverbandes Berlin-Tempelhof/Schöneberg gibt
es keinen Grund zur Solidarität mit Herrn
Milosevic. Jeder weiß jedoch, daß es von
den Medien und leider auch von Politikern
und Politikerinnen öffentliche Vorverurteilungen
gibt, die sich aus Anpassungszwängen an den
»Mainstream« um die auch im deutschen
Rechtswesen übliche grundsätzliche
Unschuldsvermutung wenig kümmern. Der
Bezirksverband nimmt mit diesem
Kolloquium sein Recht gemäß Artikel 21,
Absatz 1, Grundgesetz wahr, an der
politischen Willensbildung der
Bevölkerung mitzuwirken. Unser
Bezirksverband will dazu beitragen,
daß in der Öffentlichkeit ein objektives
Bild über die Rolle der USA, der NATO, der
deutschen Bundesregierung und des
ehemaligen Präsidenten Jugoslawiens
gezeichnet wird.
F: Halten Sie das UN-Tribunal in Den Haag für legitim?
Das ist eine schwierige Frage, die
letztlich Völkerrechtler entscheiden
müssen. Für mich ist jedoch schon
merkwürdig, daß es in einem angeblichen
Rechtsstaat wie Serbien möglich ist,
einen Beschuldigten gegen den Beschluß
des obersten Gerichtshofes auszuliefern.
Ich würde es begrüßen, wenn auch
die USA der Bildung eines Internationalen
Gerichts zustimmen würden.
F: Von den Grünen wurden bereits
Gegenproteste für Sonnabend angekündigt.
Was erregt die Gemüter so?
Meiner Ansicht nach ist die Ankündigung
von Protesten der Grünen insofern
scheinheilig, als es gerade diese
Partei ist, die in der Bundesregierung
durch ihre Beteiligung am NATO-Krieg
gegen Jugoslawien und Afghanistan dafür
verantwortlich ist, daß Tausende
schuldlose Menschen verletzt, verstümmelt
oder getötet wurden. Gerade in Jugoslawien
konnte ich mich im August 1999
selbst von der sinnlosen und
zielgerichteten Zerstörung von Krankenhäusern,
Chemiefabriken, Elektrizitätswerken,
Wohnhäusern, Kindergärten und Brücken
durch die NATO überzeugen.
F: Auch beim PDS-Landesverband stieß
die Veranstaltung auf Kritik. Gab es
nach Beginn des Verfahrens gegen
Slobodan Milosevic in Den Haag Druck von
der Berliner Parteiführung, die Konferenz
abzusagen?
Druck von der Parteiführung gab es nicht.
In der pluralistisch ausgerichteten PDS
hat der stellvertretende Vorsitzende eines
Landesverbandes, in diesem Falle Udo Wolf,
das Recht, Vermutungen über die
Auffassung des Landesvorstandes zu
äußern. Jeder Bezirksverband ist jedoch
autonom, seine Veranstaltungen selbst
zu planen und durchzuführen.
F: Kann jeder zu dem Kolloquium kommen
oder ist es nur für Juristen oder
andere Fachleute von Interesse?
Geplant ist, das internationale
Strafrecht und die neuen Kriege der
Großmächte am Fall Milosevic zu
diskutieren. Die Veranstaltung ist mit
Sicherheit von großem allgemeinen
Interesse, weil sich unter anderem der
bekannte Völkerrechtler Prof. Dr. Norman
Paech, der Schauspieler Rolf Becker
und der ehemalige Botschafter der DDR
in Jugoslawien, Ralph Hartmann, sowie
der Präsident des Deutschen Freidenkerverbandes,
Klaus Hartmann, und die
Rechtsanwälte Peter Koch und Eberhard
Schultz äußern. Die bisherige
Medienkampagne der Grünen in Berlin
hat zu vielen Anfragen und Anmeldungen
interessierter Bürgerinnen und Bürger
geführt, worüber wir uns sehr freuen.
Jeder ist eingeladen und hat die
Möglichkeit, an der Diskussion
teilzunehmen.
* Kolloquium »Der Fall Milosevic -
Das internationale Strafrecht und die
neuen Kriege der Großmächte«. 2. März,
10 bis 17 Uhr im Rathaus
Berlin-Schöneberg, Raum 195
> http://www.swans.com/library/art8/gowans22.html
Munchausens At The Hague, Cowards At Woods Hole
by Stephen Gowans
February 25, 2002
Mun.chau.sen
After Baron K. F. H. von Münchhausen,
a proverbial teller of exaggerated
tales. A liar.
Cow.ard
One who shows or yields to ignoble fear.
If Carla del Ponte, The Hague's chief
prosecutor, were a piece of chocolate,
she wouldn't so much resemble the
chocolate of her native Switzerland as
she would a bar of Ex-Lax, the faux
chocolate laxative made in America, whose
sole purpose is to draw forth copious
quantities of shit. For what else is
The Hague Tribunal but shit? And
American?
Said del Ponte, "every individual
irrespective of his position, his rank
or the power he holds can be brought to
justice for war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide." (1) This, to
mark the opening of the trial of former
Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic,
who, illegally abducted and
transported to The Hague, (sparking
paeans in the Western press to how the
rule of law had been vindicated) faces
charges of war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide.
The fashion on the American Left, or
large parts of what's called the
American Left, is to say, "Were it
true that every leader could be brought
to justice, then Clinton, Blair,
Schroeder, Albright, Fischer, and a
long list of NATO supremos, would be
sitting in the dock with Milosevic."
That NATO leaders should be sitting in
the dock is true enough. As John
Laughland, writing in the February 16
Guardian put it, "It has always been
obvious that the NATO attacks on
Yugoslavia were illegal under the post-war
United Nations-based system. Not only
were the attacks not approved by the
security council, that body was not
even consulted."
Of course, NATO leaders aren't going
to be answering for their crimes
against peace. Who's going to make
them? For one, they created the tribunal,
appointed the prosecutors, provided
the staff, and furnished part of the
tribunal's budget. It's their creation.
The tribunal also gets help from
financier George Soros's Open Society
Institute. (2) That's "open" society,
as is in open markets, as in not
communist, as in not socialist, as in
not resembling the social ownership
model of the Yugoslav economy under
the communists and Milosevic's Socialist
Party. Milosevic's socialism is rarely
mentioned in the media, lest two and
two are put together, and four, rather
than five, is the answer, and the
name Allende suddenly springs to mind.
But there's another reason NATO
leaders won't ever have to answer for
violating the UN Charter, refusing to
consult the Security Council, and
elevating themselves above
international law. The Hague Tribunal
hasn't the jurisdiction to prosecute crimes
against peace. Indeed, there is no
longer any such thing as a crime against
peace, the basis of Nuremberg and the
UN Charter. That was tossed out by Blair
and Clinton, who declared a new world
order, one in which NATO, or more to
the point, the US, could intervene at
will in the internal affairs of
sovereign states.
John Laughland says this was
adumbrated by the Nazis. "Like today's
globalists," he points out, "the Nazis
argued that economic realities had
changed and that, therefore, the great
powers should have the legal right to
interfere in the internal affairs of
smaller nations in their sphere of
influence."
"According to Nazi theory of 'great
space'," continues Laughland, "state
sovereignty was a bogus invention of
materialistic liberalism." Or in
today's language, it's a bogus
invention of leaders who want a shelter
behind which to violate human rights,
build weapons of mass destruction, or
harbour Osama bin Laden.
The preferred view of the Chomsky Left
is that Milosevic is a little thug,
an unlikeable man who did some bad
things, but not as bad as what NATO
leaders did. The big thugs live in
Washington and London, we're told.
Is Milosevic a thug, even a little
one, as this view holds? I'll be
honest.
I don't know. But I do know it is
generally considered appropriate to
have a sound basis for alleging someone is a
thug, which means something more than
someone else's unsubstantiated
accusations. But all too often newspaper
reports are taken at face value, even
by those who've spent some
considerable time writing books on
media bias. And what I've seen so far
from del Ponte, resembles what Tony
Blair splattered across the public
record as "incontrovertible" evidence
of Osama bin Laden's masterminding
9/11 -- old newspaper stories based on
innuendo, hearsay, and illegitimate
inference. In other words,
accusations, without a lot of meat on
them.
Let's take the allegation that
Milosevic used his 1989 speech as
Kosovo Field to whip Serbs into an
ultra-nationalist frenzy. The tribunal's
prosecution made sure to trot this out
in its opening remarks. It's a good
story. But that's all it is. A story,
repeated by the press, and now picked
up by the tribunal. But it's fiction. (3)
Funny thing. The press originally
reported the story correctly, only later
to turn it on its head at a time NATO
was pounding Yugoslav hospitals,
factories, power stations, homes,
embassies, apartment buildings and
refugee columns with bombs, showing a few
thousand Serb civilians an early exit
from this life. That NATO might want to
create a myth about a horrible
ultra-nationalist to deflect criticism
of its bombing campaign is hardly a
possibility to be dismissed.
On June 29, 1989, the day following
the infamous speech the Tribunal says
shows Milosevic as an
ultra-nationalist demagogue, The
Independent reported:
"There is no more appropriate place
than this field of Kosovo to say that
accord and harmony in Serbia are vital
to the prosperity of the Serbs and of
all other citizens living in Serbia,
regardless of their nationality or
religion,' [Milosevic] said. Mutual
tolerance and co-operation were also
sine qua non for Yugoslavia: 'Harmony
and relations on the basis of equality
among Yugoslavia's people are a
precondition for its existence, for
overcoming the crisis.'"
Milosevic "talked of mutual
tolerance," The Independent added,
"'building a rich and democratic society' and
ending the discord which had, he said,
led to Serbia's defeat here by the Turks
six centuries ago."
The same day, the BBC reported,
"Addressing the crowd, Milosevic said
that whenever they were able to the Serbs
had helped others to liberate
themselves, and they had never used
the advantage of their being a large
nation against others or for
themselves."
"He added that Yugoslavia was a
multi-national community," the BBC
continued, "which could survive
providing there was full equality for
all the nations living in it."
Twelve years later, on April 1, 2001,
the BBC would change its story,
claiming Milosevic had "gathered a
million Serbs at the site of the
battle to tell them to prepare for a new
struggle."
The BBC was not alone. Newspapers that
had originally reported Milosevic's
speech as conciliatory, now claimed he
delivered an ultra-nationalist
diatribe.
On June 3rd, 1999, with large parts of
Serbia laying in ruins after being
targeted by NATO warplanes, The
Economist said,
"But it is primitive nationalism,
egged on by the self-deluding myth of
Serbs as perennial victims, that has
become both Mr. Milosevic's rescuer
(when communism collapsed with the
Soviet Union) and his nemesis. It was
a stirringly virulent nationalist speech
he made in Kosovo, in 1989, harking
back to the Serb Prince Lazar's
suicidally brave battle against the
Turks a mere six centuries ago, that saved his
leadership when the Serbian old guard
looked in danger of ejection. Now he
may have become a victim of his own
propaganda."
On July 9th, the international edition
of Time reported,
"It was St. Vitus' Day, a date steeped
in Serbian history, myth and eerie
coincidence: on June 28, 1389, Ottoman
invaders defeated the Serbs at the
battle of Kosovo; 525 years later, a
young Serbian nationalist assassinated
Austro-Hungarian Archduke Franz
Ferdinand, lighting the fuse for World
War I. And it was on St. Vitus' Day, 1989,
that Milosevic whipped a million
Serbs into a nationalist frenzy in the
speech that capped his ascent to power."
And on July 28th, as questions were
being asked about NATO's 78-day
bombardment, The New York Times
weighed in with this:
"In 1989 the Serbian strongman,
Slobodan Milosevic, swooped down in a
helicopter onto the field where 600
years earlier the Turks had defeated
the Serbs at the Battle of Kosovo. In a
fervent speech before a million Serbs,
he galvanized the nationalist passions
that two years later fuelled the
Balkan conflict."
Gregory Elich, a researcher and
writer, decided to check the media's
depiction against a transcript of
Milosevic's speech. (4) Tracking down
a US government translation of the address,
Elich discovered the media (and now
the Tribunal) had the story all wrong.
Not only had Milosevic not whipped up
nationalist fervor, he'd tried to do
the very opposite, as the press reports
the day after the speech had shown.
"Serbia," said Milosevic at Kosovo
Field, "has never had only Serbs living
in it. Today, more than in the past,
members of other peoples and
nationalities also live in it. This is
not a disadvantage for Serbia. I am
truly convinced that it is its
advantage. National composition of
almost all countries in the world today,
particularly developed ones, has also
been changing in this direction. Citizens
of different nationalities, religions,
and races have been living together
more and more frequently and more and
more successfully." (5)
Hardly an appeal to hate-filled nationalism.
Milosevic continued:
"Equal and harmonious relations among
Yugoslav peoples are a necessary
condition for the existence of
Yugoslavia and for it to find its way
out of the crisis and, in particular, they
are a necessary condition for its
economic and social prosperity. In
this respect Yugoslavia does not stand
out from the social milieu of the
contemporary, particularly the developed,
world. This world is more and more
marked by national tolerance, national
co-operation, and even national
equality. The modern economic and
technological, as well as political
and cultural development, has guided
various peoples toward each other, has
made them interdependent and
increasingly has made them equal as
well [medjusobno ravnopravni]. Equal and
united people can above all become a
part of the civilization toward which
mankind is moving." (6)
So, where did the Tribunal come up
with the idea that Milosevic used his
Kosovo Field speech to transform
himself from communist party apparatchik,
to virulent Serb nationalist, intent
on building a "Greater Serbia"? Did it
rely on the wildly inaccurate later
press reports for its research? Did
its researchers ever actually read
Milosevic's Kosovo Field address? Or have
they simply spun the story to justify
NATO's intervention?
Look no further than NATO spokesman
Jamie Shea for the answer.
"It's not Milosevic that has allowed
Justice Arbour her visa to go to Kosovo
to carry out her investigation. If her
court, as we want, is to be allowed
access, it will be because of NATO so
NATO is the friend of the Tribunal.
NATO countries are those that have
provided finance to set up the
Tribunal, we are amongst the majority
financiers." (7)
NATO funds the tribunal, furnishes it
with its staff, appoints the
prosecutors, and provides the
evidence. Its obvious partiality, its
motive for lying (to justify NATO
intervention), and its demonstrated
willingness to lie (del Ponte's obvious mendacity
about any leader being in the position
to be dragged before a court to answer
for crimes against humanity), should
at the very least send a signal that
maybe, just maybe, the charges against
Milosevic are fabricated. Strangely,
that signal has been unheeded by much
of what's called the Chomsky Left.
Instead, Chomsky and his disciples
have accepted at face value most of
the charges made by the press and the
Tribunal without bothering to examine
them, or at least, without bothering
to challenge them. Take for example,
Edward Herman, who writes brilliantly
on Washington's hypocrisy. Herman's
shtick, if you want to call it that,
is to say: "Yes, yes, Milosevic
(insert any leader here demonized by
Washington) is a thug, but Clinton (insert
whichever American leader you like) is
a bigger thug."
Herman recently wrote that "the murder
of between 800 and 3,000 unarmed
Palestinians, mainly women and
children, at Sabra and Shatila in
1982..[is]...20 to 50 times the deaths
in the Racak massacre that
precipitated NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia," carrying on in his, "American
leaders and their allies (in this case
Sharon) are worse than America's
official enemies" (in this case,
Milosevic, who is apparently held
responsible for the Racak massacre)
tradition. (8)
But there are three problems with this:
1. It's doubtful that the incident at
Racak "precipitated NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia," as Herman puts it, any
more than the Gulf of Tonkin affair
precipitated America's bombing of
North Vietnam. Racak was a pretext, not a
precipitating event, a point Herman,
on other occasions, has made.
2. While Milosevic is held responsible
for the deaths at Racak, the media
have been quick to point out that the
ethnic cleansing and murders carried
out by ethnic Albanians in Kosovo
against the Serb minority is not, by
itself, evidence that NATO forces are
complicit in the crimes. Yes, the
atrocities have been carried out under
NATO's nose, the media observes, but
that doesn't mean NATO is allowing
them to happen, or approves them, or
facilitates them. On the other hand,
Milosevic is held directly responsible
for the incident at Racak. If it
happened, it must be because Milosevic
either ordered it, or allowed it to
happen, the reasoning goes -- an example
of stunning hypocrisy you'd think
Herman would seize upon. Milosevic is
being judged by a different standard.
3. There are substantial reasons to
doubt that a massacre ever occurred at
Racak, and good reasons to suspect the
incident was contrived to offer a
pretext for NATO bombing.
The official story went like this: on
January 15, 1999, Serb policemen
entered the Kosovo village of Racak, a
KLA stronghold, and killed men, women
and children at close range, after
torturing and mutilating them.
Chillingly, the Serb police were said
to have whistled merrily as they went
about their work of slaughtering the
villagers. (9)
It was a horrible tableau, sure to
whip up the indignation of the world
-- and it did.
US Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright, as eager to scratch her ever
itchy trigger finger as her boss was to
scratch his illimitable sexual itches,
demanded that Yugoslavia be bombed
immediately. Albright, like a kid
agonizingly counting down the hours to
Christmas, would have to wait until
after Milosevic's rejection of NATO's
ultimata at Rambouillet to get her wish.
Bill Clinton, not to be surpassed in
expressing indignation, said, "We
should remember what happened in the
village of Racak...Innocent men, women,
and children were taken from their
homes to a gully, forced to kneel in
the dirt, sprayed with gunfire -- not
because of anything they had done, but
because of who they were." (10)
But the French newspaper Le Monde
doubted the authenticity of the
massacre.
It reported on Jan. 21, 1999, a few
days after the incident, that an
Associated Press TV crew had filmed a
gun battle at Racak between Serb
police and KLA guerillas. The crew was
present because the Serbs had tipped
them off that they were going to enter
the village to arrest a man accused
of shooting a police officer. Also
present were two teams of
international monitors.
It seems unlikely that if you're about
to carry out a massacre you would
invite the press -- and international
observers -- to watch.
The film showed that as the Serbs
entered Racak they came under heavy fire
from KLA guerillas positioned in the
surrounding hills. The idea that the
police could dig a trench and then
kill villagers at close range while being
fired upon troubled Le Monde. So too
did the fact that, entering the village
after the firefight to assess the
damage and interview the villagers, the
observers saw no sign of a massacre.
What's more, the villagers said nothing
about a massacre either.
It was only a day later, when
Washington's man in Kosovo, William Walker,
returned with the press in tow -- at
the KLA's invitation -- that a trench
was found filled with bodies.
Could the police have returned after
their firefight with the KLA, when the
observers and TV crew had gone, and
carried out the massacre under cover
of darkness?
That seems unlikely. Racak is a KLA
stronghold. Serb police had already
discovered that if they were going to
enter the village they would have to
deal with guerillas, or what,
Washington, would call terrorists, if
the tables were turned. How could they
torture, mutilate and cold-bloodedly
kill villagers at close range while
harassed by KLA gunfire?
And why, wondered Le Monde, were there
few signs of spent cartridges and
blood at the trench?
Adding to the implausibility of the
claim, a report last February by the
Finnish forensic team that
investigated the incident on behalf of
the European Union said none of the bodies
were mutilated, there was no evidence
of torture, and only one was shot at
close range -- all at variance with
the official story. (11)
Thirty-seven of the corpses had
gunpowder residue on their hands, suggesting
that they had been using firearms, and
only one of the corpses was a woman,
and only one was under 15 years of
age.
The pathologists say Walker was quick
to come to the conclusion a massacre
had happened, even though the evidence
was weak.
And they point out that there is no
evidence the deceased were from Racak.
If there aren't good reasons to
dismiss the incident entirely, there
at least very good reasons to doubt it.
But Herman, as disciple, is no
different from Chomsky, the Messiah.
In his The New Military Humanism,
Lessons From Kosovo, (12) Chomsky
neither accepts Racak as genuine or a
fake. Instead, he compares
Washington's concern over the events
at Racak to the lack of concern over events of
similar or greater enormity perpetrated
by US clients. If US foreign policy is
really driven by humanitarian intent,
Chomsky asks, why the inconsistency?
This is a clever way to expose the
institutional patterns of American
foreign policy -- a kind of reductio
ad absurdum approach. If what you say is
true, then x, y, and z, must follow,
and since they don't, what you say
must be false. In this case, however,
Chomsky broaches Racak not to
challenge the claim that a massacre
occurred, but to challenge the claim the
decision to bomb Kosovo was precipitated by
humanitarian concern over events such
as the alleged massacre at Racak. It
is still possible, however, to believe
that a massacre did occur, while
accepting Chomsky's analysis that
NATO's humanitarian concern was a
stalking horse behind which the alliance
pursued other goals. The truth or falsity of
the claimed massacre is neither here
nor there in Chomsky's analysis,
another reason the analysis is clever:
it avoids altogether the difficult
problem of assessing whether the
accusations NATO, and now the Tribunal,
made against Milosevic are true or
false. While useful in laying bare
Washington's hypocrisy -- a Herman
speciality -- it has the unfortunate,
and doubtless unintended consequence, of
encouraging others to take a
pusillanimous position. Since what
NATO says about Milosevic could be
true, and since I could look like an
apologist for horrible atrocities, I'll take
the easy path and declare everyone a
thug -- Milosevic, Blair, Clinton. If
I'm wrong about Milosevic, so what? It
will never be said I was an apologist
for a monster, and my moral hymen
remains intact -- or so it seems. But
thinking like that suffuses lynch
mobs. Is it moral to allow the innocent to
be railroaded into a jail cell on
false charges?
So, as the high priests of the Chomsky
Left think they're making headway
with their "Milosevic is bad, but
Clinton was worse" line, their
co-religionists work themselves up
into high dudgeon over Milosevic, not
Clinton. An ardent Z-Netter (Z-Net
being the church of Noam Chomskyism,
presided over by its Pope, Michael
Albert, at Woods Hole, Mass.) wrote me
that it was all right that NATO bombed
Serb Radio-TV, an obvious war crime,
because Milosevic is a thug who
deserves what he gets and the radio-TV
building was Milosevic's Ministry of
Propaganda. So irredeemably evil is
Milosevic, that destroying anything he
touched, must, by definition, be
good. He hoped Milosevic would meet
the same fate as Mussolini -- strung
upside down from a bridge. This was
followed by a paean to Otpor, the
"grassroots" movement funded and
trained by Washington, to bring down
Milosevic "peacefully," but not, as
the Z-Netters seemed to have missed,
to establish a libertarian socialist
society, or "parecon," the Pope's
participatory economics model, but to
turn the economy over to the IMF and
WTO so that Yugoslavia's assets can be
sold off to the highest bidder, while
millions of Serbs are thrown out of
work.
There's something disquieting about
the Church of Chomskyism. Willing to
allow the press to have its head where
official US enemies are concerned,
the faithful channel their
considerable enmity into the media-led
two minute hate against the latest Emanuel
Goldstein. But while Church doctrine holds
that Western leaders are bigger thugs,
the hate-filled, almost hysterical
denunciations reserved for the world's
Milosevics, Mugabes and Lukashenkos,
are accompanied by a measured,
reasonable, tone where Bush, Blair and
other NATO war-mongerers are concerned.
Milosevic can be called a murderer,
dictator and thug; his ouster, by
force, can be applauded, but it would
be considered over the top to call Bush
Jr. anything as incendiary, and calling
for an insurrection to pressure the
president to step down would be
denounced as the height of
irresponsibility. It's all right to
hope Milosevic is strung up, but
Chomskyites would never wish the same
fate on Bush or Clinton, though Church
doctrine holds these leaders to be
bigger thugs, and therefore, presumably
deserving of an equal or worse fate.
On another front, Chomsky remarked in
a recent interview that "If there is a
serious proposal as to how to
overthrow Saddam, we should surely
want to consider it. He remains as much a
monster as he was when the US and
Britain supported him." (13)
Yes he does. But there's something
pusillanimous in this, as in Chomsky's
accepting Milosevic as a thug: First,
a succession of US presidents, their
minions, and their eminence grise,
have been every bit as much monsters
as Saddam, not least of which were those
who supported Saddam, yet I have no
doubt Chomsky would decry as
recklessly irresponsible any "serious
proposal as to how to overthrow" any U.S.
president, past or present.
Second, in this, as in other cases,
Chomsky remains silent on who the
successor to the overthrown monster
will be. Which isn't to suggest that
Saddam Hussein is a great choice, but
it doesn't follow that getting rid of
one bad egg means the next egg won't
also be unremittingly rotten, if not
more so. That the new government is
installed by Washington and is
constrained, if not inclined, to
pursue policies to benefit US foreign
policy goals and economic interests,
is simply ignored. Hence, in the case
of Yugoslavia, Chomsky lauds the
overthrow of Milosevic but says nothing of
who follows, and on whose behalf they
work, cautioning others not to make
too much of US backing of the
opposition. Likewise, we're to consider any
serious proposal to oust Saddam, while
turning a blind eye to the fact that
any "serious proposal," by definition,
is one intended to aggrandize US
interests at the expense of ordinary
Iraqis. Any serious proposal would not
involve installing the Iraqi communist
party in power, for example, or
anyone for that matter who has even a
passing interest in Albert's parecon.
As Chomsky's critics of the Left put
it, the State Department must be pleased.
The problem here is that with attacks
on foreign leaders coming from all
parts of the American political
spectrum, that peculiarly American
conceit is strengthened -- that "we" have a
right, if not a moral obligation, to
intervene in the affairs of sovereign
nations to oust unpleasant leaders and
impose our own. Were that not
offensive enough, it's all done
without a tittle of an effort made to
substantiate whether the charges against
foreign leaders are anything other than pure
wind and self-serving
pro-interventionist propaganda, or if
there's substance to the charges,
whether American leaders would be
excused for doing exactly the same
under similar circumstances. So it is that
NATO's Munchausens have almost free
rein to propagate pro-interventionist
nonsense virtually unopposed. There's
no opposition from Western media and
no opposition from the Chomsky Left.
Worse, the press and the Messiah talk
as one, both in favour of tribunals.
The Hague Tribunal isn't, despite what
newspaper editors tell you, a step
forward for justice. It's simply a way
of obscuring the motives NATO had for
lying about why it intervened
militarily in Yugoslavia. Not justice,
but its antithesis.
Here's how it works: NATO fires from
the hip, accusing Milosevic of all
manner of atrocities and crimes. Spin,
it's called. The problem is war-time
spin is often recognized for what it
is -- mendacity, the truth getting
lost in the fog of war, pressure to put
things in the worst possible light. So
NATO hits upon the idea of
establishing a tribunal to indict Serb
leaders on war crimes charges, ignoring the fact
that the UN Security Council hasn't
the jurisdiction to establish a
criminal court. Jurisdiction or not, a
tribunal is established. The same "fog
of war" charges are made, but now,
the charges seem to have more
substance because they're made by a
tribunal, said to be backed by "the
international community," and because
legal language is pressed into service:
indictment, prosecution, conviction,
trial. It's one thing to have Jamie
Shea, in the midst of a NATO bombing
campaign say that Milosevic committed
genocide, since Jamie Shea has a
motive to lie under those
circumstances, but it's quite another
-- or so it seems -- to say Milosevic was
convicted by an International
Tribunal. It seems so much less like the
self-serving propaganda of NATO, and
so much more impartial. But is it? It's not
Jamie Shea making the charges, or Blair,
but it is people NATO hired and
appointed, whose salaries they pay,
making exactly the same charges with as
little evidence as Blair and Shea ever
had, repeating the same whoppers from the
same press reports that were used the
first time NATO sought to put a moral
gloss on its immoral acts.
But does the tribunal change anything?
Is del Ponte really any different
from Shea? If NATO lied about there
being 100,000 Kosovar Albanians murdered
to justify a bombing campaign that
under Nuremberg and the UN Charter is
a crime against peace; if it lied about
a passenger train that was travelling
too fast for a NATO pilot's missile to
avoid; if it lied about Serbs
attacking a refugee column that had
really been attacked by NATO; if it
lied about Albanian Kosovars imprisoned in
a Pristina stadium; if it lied about
organized rapes; if it lied about
dozens of other things, (14) why
shouldn't we expect the same from a tribunal
that was set up and is controlled by
the very same governments that lied so
freely in the first place?
Look at it this way. If someone who
has lied to you over and over again
sets up a tribunal, hires the prosecutors,
provides the evidence, and selects the
judges, is it not criminally stupid to
accept the tribunal as anything other
than a continuation of the same
pattern of lying? Is it not criminally
irresponsible to accept the charges
made against those who are indicted as
beyond dispute, or even as probably
true?
Ewan MacColl, who Washington never
liked (he was denied a visa in 1962 to
enter the US because of his political
leanings), died before The Hague
Tribunal was established, but he seems
to have anticipated its hypocrisy.
It's illegal to carve up your missus,
wrote MacColl,
Or put poison in your old man's tea
But poison the rivers, the sea, and
the skies
And poison the mind of a nation with
lies
If it's done in the interest of free
enterprise
Then it's proper and perfectly legal.
(15)
MacColl would have known it's not
Swiss chocolate del Ponte is serving.
Moreover, he would have said so.
Notes
1. Deutshce Press-Agentur, February
11, 2002 (back)
2. See Jared Israel, Official
Statements Prove Hague 'Tribunal'
Belongs to NATO,
http://www.tenc.net/docs/h-list.htm
(back)
3. Francisco Gil-White, Assistant
Professor of Psychology at the University
of Pennsylvania and a Fellow at the
Solomon Asch Center for Study of
Ethnopolitical Conflict, examined the
media's depiction of Milosevic's
Kosovo Field speech, comparing press
reports against a BBC transcript of
the address. See Expert in Psychology of
Ethnic Conflict Changes his Mind about
Yugoslavia,
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/gw.htm
. The press reports on
the Kosovo Field speech are taken from
Gil-White's work. Gil-White's article
is highly recommended.
See also Stephen Gowans, When it comes
to Milosevic stories, more than a
little scepticism is in order, Media
Monitors Network,
http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans43.html
(back)
4. Milosevic's Speech, Kosovo Field,
June 28, 1989,
http://www.swans.com/libray/art8/smilos01.html
(back)
5. Ibid. (back)
6. Ibid. (back)
7. May 17, 1999 Transcript of NATO
press conference by Jamie Shea & Major
General W. Jertz in Brussels
Transcribed by M2 PRESSWIRE (c) 1999
cited in
Jared Israel, Official Statements
Prove Hague 'Tribunal' Belongs to
NATO,
http://www.icdsm.org/more/belongs.htm
(back)
8. Edward Herman, Final Solution in
the Occupied Territories,
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2002-02/11herman.cfm
(back)
9. See also Stephen Gowans, Sorting
Through the Lies of the Racak Massacre
and other Myths of Kosovo, Media
Monitors Network,
http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans1.html
(back)
10. March 19, 1999 address to the
nation, cited in FAIR: Media Advisory,
An Update on Racak, July 18, 2001,
http://www.fair.org/press-releases/racak-update.html
(back)
11. FAIR: Media Advisory, An Update
on Racak, July 18, 2001,
http://www.fair.org/press-releases/racak-update.html
See also Racak 'massacre' exposed as
fraud, Workers World, Feb. 15, 2001,
http://www.workers.org/ww/2001/yugo0215.html
(back)
12. Noam Chomsky, The New Military
Humanism, Lessons From Kosovo, New
Star Books, Vancouver, 1999, p. 40 - 48.
(back)
13. Stephen R. Shalom Interviews Noam
Chomsky, January 2002
http://www.zmag.org/shalom0122.htm
(back)
14. See Stephen Gowans, Genocide or
Veracicide Will NATO's Lying Ever Stop?
http://www.swans.com/library/art7/gowans02.html
(back)
15. Legal-Illegal, Words and music by
Ewan MacColl, From Hot Blast,
Folkways. Published in Broadside #154,
1984 (back)
Stephen Gowans is a writer and
political activist who lives in
Ottawa, Canada. He writes a regular
column for Canadian Content and is
also a frequent contributor to the Media
Monitors Network. In addition, Gowans
maintains his own Web site, What's
Left in Suburbia?, that is filled with
relevant information.
Munchausens At The Hague, Cowards At Woods Hole
by Stephen Gowans
February 25, 2002
Mun.chau.sen
After Baron K. F. H. von Münchhausen,
a proverbial teller of exaggerated
tales. A liar.
Cow.ard
One who shows or yields to ignoble fear.
If Carla del Ponte, The Hague's chief
prosecutor, were a piece of chocolate,
she wouldn't so much resemble the
chocolate of her native Switzerland as
she would a bar of Ex-Lax, the faux
chocolate laxative made in America, whose
sole purpose is to draw forth copious
quantities of shit. For what else is
The Hague Tribunal but shit? And
American?
Said del Ponte, "every individual
irrespective of his position, his rank
or the power he holds can be brought to
justice for war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide." (1) This, to
mark the opening of the trial of former
Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic,
who, illegally abducted and
transported to The Hague, (sparking
paeans in the Western press to how the
rule of law had been vindicated) faces
charges of war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide.
The fashion on the American Left, or
large parts of what's called the
American Left, is to say, "Were it
true that every leader could be brought
to justice, then Clinton, Blair,
Schroeder, Albright, Fischer, and a
long list of NATO supremos, would be
sitting in the dock with Milosevic."
That NATO leaders should be sitting in
the dock is true enough. As John
Laughland, writing in the February 16
Guardian put it, "It has always been
obvious that the NATO attacks on
Yugoslavia were illegal under the post-war
United Nations-based system. Not only
were the attacks not approved by the
security council, that body was not
even consulted."
Of course, NATO leaders aren't going
to be answering for their crimes
against peace. Who's going to make
them? For one, they created the tribunal,
appointed the prosecutors, provided
the staff, and furnished part of the
tribunal's budget. It's their creation.
The tribunal also gets help from
financier George Soros's Open Society
Institute. (2) That's "open" society,
as is in open markets, as in not
communist, as in not socialist, as in
not resembling the social ownership
model of the Yugoslav economy under
the communists and Milosevic's Socialist
Party. Milosevic's socialism is rarely
mentioned in the media, lest two and
two are put together, and four, rather
than five, is the answer, and the
name Allende suddenly springs to mind.
But there's another reason NATO
leaders won't ever have to answer for
violating the UN Charter, refusing to
consult the Security Council, and
elevating themselves above
international law. The Hague Tribunal
hasn't the jurisdiction to prosecute crimes
against peace. Indeed, there is no
longer any such thing as a crime against
peace, the basis of Nuremberg and the
UN Charter. That was tossed out by Blair
and Clinton, who declared a new world
order, one in which NATO, or more to
the point, the US, could intervene at
will in the internal affairs of
sovereign states.
John Laughland says this was
adumbrated by the Nazis. "Like today's
globalists," he points out, "the Nazis
argued that economic realities had
changed and that, therefore, the great
powers should have the legal right to
interfere in the internal affairs of
smaller nations in their sphere of
influence."
"According to Nazi theory of 'great
space'," continues Laughland, "state
sovereignty was a bogus invention of
materialistic liberalism." Or in
today's language, it's a bogus
invention of leaders who want a shelter
behind which to violate human rights,
build weapons of mass destruction, or
harbour Osama bin Laden.
The preferred view of the Chomsky Left
is that Milosevic is a little thug,
an unlikeable man who did some bad
things, but not as bad as what NATO
leaders did. The big thugs live in
Washington and London, we're told.
Is Milosevic a thug, even a little
one, as this view holds? I'll be
honest.
I don't know. But I do know it is
generally considered appropriate to
have a sound basis for alleging someone is a
thug, which means something more than
someone else's unsubstantiated
accusations. But all too often newspaper
reports are taken at face value, even
by those who've spent some
considerable time writing books on
media bias. And what I've seen so far
from del Ponte, resembles what Tony
Blair splattered across the public
record as "incontrovertible" evidence
of Osama bin Laden's masterminding
9/11 -- old newspaper stories based on
innuendo, hearsay, and illegitimate
inference. In other words,
accusations, without a lot of meat on
them.
Let's take the allegation that
Milosevic used his 1989 speech as
Kosovo Field to whip Serbs into an
ultra-nationalist frenzy. The tribunal's
prosecution made sure to trot this out
in its opening remarks. It's a good
story. But that's all it is. A story,
repeated by the press, and now picked
up by the tribunal. But it's fiction. (3)
Funny thing. The press originally
reported the story correctly, only later
to turn it on its head at a time NATO
was pounding Yugoslav hospitals,
factories, power stations, homes,
embassies, apartment buildings and
refugee columns with bombs, showing a few
thousand Serb civilians an early exit
from this life. That NATO might want to
create a myth about a horrible
ultra-nationalist to deflect criticism
of its bombing campaign is hardly a
possibility to be dismissed.
On June 29, 1989, the day following
the infamous speech the Tribunal says
shows Milosevic as an
ultra-nationalist demagogue, The
Independent reported:
"There is no more appropriate place
than this field of Kosovo to say that
accord and harmony in Serbia are vital
to the prosperity of the Serbs and of
all other citizens living in Serbia,
regardless of their nationality or
religion,' [Milosevic] said. Mutual
tolerance and co-operation were also
sine qua non for Yugoslavia: 'Harmony
and relations on the basis of equality
among Yugoslavia's people are a
precondition for its existence, for
overcoming the crisis.'"
Milosevic "talked of mutual
tolerance," The Independent added,
"'building a rich and democratic society' and
ending the discord which had, he said,
led to Serbia's defeat here by the Turks
six centuries ago."
The same day, the BBC reported,
"Addressing the crowd, Milosevic said
that whenever they were able to the Serbs
had helped others to liberate
themselves, and they had never used
the advantage of their being a large
nation against others or for
themselves."
"He added that Yugoslavia was a
multi-national community," the BBC
continued, "which could survive
providing there was full equality for
all the nations living in it."
Twelve years later, on April 1, 2001,
the BBC would change its story,
claiming Milosevic had "gathered a
million Serbs at the site of the
battle to tell them to prepare for a new
struggle."
The BBC was not alone. Newspapers that
had originally reported Milosevic's
speech as conciliatory, now claimed he
delivered an ultra-nationalist
diatribe.
On June 3rd, 1999, with large parts of
Serbia laying in ruins after being
targeted by NATO warplanes, The
Economist said,
"But it is primitive nationalism,
egged on by the self-deluding myth of
Serbs as perennial victims, that has
become both Mr. Milosevic's rescuer
(when communism collapsed with the
Soviet Union) and his nemesis. It was
a stirringly virulent nationalist speech
he made in Kosovo, in 1989, harking
back to the Serb Prince Lazar's
suicidally brave battle against the
Turks a mere six centuries ago, that saved his
leadership when the Serbian old guard
looked in danger of ejection. Now he
may have become a victim of his own
propaganda."
On July 9th, the international edition
of Time reported,
"It was St. Vitus' Day, a date steeped
in Serbian history, myth and eerie
coincidence: on June 28, 1389, Ottoman
invaders defeated the Serbs at the
battle of Kosovo; 525 years later, a
young Serbian nationalist assassinated
Austro-Hungarian Archduke Franz
Ferdinand, lighting the fuse for World
War I. And it was on St. Vitus' Day, 1989,
that Milosevic whipped a million
Serbs into a nationalist frenzy in the
speech that capped his ascent to power."
And on July 28th, as questions were
being asked about NATO's 78-day
bombardment, The New York Times
weighed in with this:
"In 1989 the Serbian strongman,
Slobodan Milosevic, swooped down in a
helicopter onto the field where 600
years earlier the Turks had defeated
the Serbs at the Battle of Kosovo. In a
fervent speech before a million Serbs,
he galvanized the nationalist passions
that two years later fuelled the
Balkan conflict."
Gregory Elich, a researcher and
writer, decided to check the media's
depiction against a transcript of
Milosevic's speech. (4) Tracking down
a US government translation of the address,
Elich discovered the media (and now
the Tribunal) had the story all wrong.
Not only had Milosevic not whipped up
nationalist fervor, he'd tried to do
the very opposite, as the press reports
the day after the speech had shown.
"Serbia," said Milosevic at Kosovo
Field, "has never had only Serbs living
in it. Today, more than in the past,
members of other peoples and
nationalities also live in it. This is
not a disadvantage for Serbia. I am
truly convinced that it is its
advantage. National composition of
almost all countries in the world today,
particularly developed ones, has also
been changing in this direction. Citizens
of different nationalities, religions,
and races have been living together
more and more frequently and more and
more successfully." (5)
Hardly an appeal to hate-filled nationalism.
Milosevic continued:
"Equal and harmonious relations among
Yugoslav peoples are a necessary
condition for the existence of
Yugoslavia and for it to find its way
out of the crisis and, in particular, they
are a necessary condition for its
economic and social prosperity. In
this respect Yugoslavia does not stand
out from the social milieu of the
contemporary, particularly the developed,
world. This world is more and more
marked by national tolerance, national
co-operation, and even national
equality. The modern economic and
technological, as well as political
and cultural development, has guided
various peoples toward each other, has
made them interdependent and
increasingly has made them equal as
well [medjusobno ravnopravni]. Equal and
united people can above all become a
part of the civilization toward which
mankind is moving." (6)
So, where did the Tribunal come up
with the idea that Milosevic used his
Kosovo Field speech to transform
himself from communist party apparatchik,
to virulent Serb nationalist, intent
on building a "Greater Serbia"? Did it
rely on the wildly inaccurate later
press reports for its research? Did
its researchers ever actually read
Milosevic's Kosovo Field address? Or have
they simply spun the story to justify
NATO's intervention?
Look no further than NATO spokesman
Jamie Shea for the answer.
"It's not Milosevic that has allowed
Justice Arbour her visa to go to Kosovo
to carry out her investigation. If her
court, as we want, is to be allowed
access, it will be because of NATO so
NATO is the friend of the Tribunal.
NATO countries are those that have
provided finance to set up the
Tribunal, we are amongst the majority
financiers." (7)
NATO funds the tribunal, furnishes it
with its staff, appoints the
prosecutors, and provides the
evidence. Its obvious partiality, its
motive for lying (to justify NATO
intervention), and its demonstrated
willingness to lie (del Ponte's obvious mendacity
about any leader being in the position
to be dragged before a court to answer
for crimes against humanity), should
at the very least send a signal that
maybe, just maybe, the charges against
Milosevic are fabricated. Strangely,
that signal has been unheeded by much
of what's called the Chomsky Left.
Instead, Chomsky and his disciples
have accepted at face value most of
the charges made by the press and the
Tribunal without bothering to examine
them, or at least, without bothering
to challenge them. Take for example,
Edward Herman, who writes brilliantly
on Washington's hypocrisy. Herman's
shtick, if you want to call it that,
is to say: "Yes, yes, Milosevic
(insert any leader here demonized by
Washington) is a thug, but Clinton (insert
whichever American leader you like) is
a bigger thug."
Herman recently wrote that "the murder
of between 800 and 3,000 unarmed
Palestinians, mainly women and
children, at Sabra and Shatila in
1982..[is]...20 to 50 times the deaths
in the Racak massacre that
precipitated NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia," carrying on in his, "American
leaders and their allies (in this case
Sharon) are worse than America's
official enemies" (in this case,
Milosevic, who is apparently held
responsible for the Racak massacre)
tradition. (8)
But there are three problems with this:
1. It's doubtful that the incident at
Racak "precipitated NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia," as Herman puts it, any
more than the Gulf of Tonkin affair
precipitated America's bombing of
North Vietnam. Racak was a pretext, not a
precipitating event, a point Herman,
on other occasions, has made.
2. While Milosevic is held responsible
for the deaths at Racak, the media
have been quick to point out that the
ethnic cleansing and murders carried
out by ethnic Albanians in Kosovo
against the Serb minority is not, by
itself, evidence that NATO forces are
complicit in the crimes. Yes, the
atrocities have been carried out under
NATO's nose, the media observes, but
that doesn't mean NATO is allowing
them to happen, or approves them, or
facilitates them. On the other hand,
Milosevic is held directly responsible
for the incident at Racak. If it
happened, it must be because Milosevic
either ordered it, or allowed it to
happen, the reasoning goes -- an example
of stunning hypocrisy you'd think
Herman would seize upon. Milosevic is
being judged by a different standard.
3. There are substantial reasons to
doubt that a massacre ever occurred at
Racak, and good reasons to suspect the
incident was contrived to offer a
pretext for NATO bombing.
The official story went like this: on
January 15, 1999, Serb policemen
entered the Kosovo village of Racak, a
KLA stronghold, and killed men, women
and children at close range, after
torturing and mutilating them.
Chillingly, the Serb police were said
to have whistled merrily as they went
about their work of slaughtering the
villagers. (9)
It was a horrible tableau, sure to
whip up the indignation of the world
-- and it did.
US Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright, as eager to scratch her ever
itchy trigger finger as her boss was to
scratch his illimitable sexual itches,
demanded that Yugoslavia be bombed
immediately. Albright, like a kid
agonizingly counting down the hours to
Christmas, would have to wait until
after Milosevic's rejection of NATO's
ultimata at Rambouillet to get her wish.
Bill Clinton, not to be surpassed in
expressing indignation, said, "We
should remember what happened in the
village of Racak...Innocent men, women,
and children were taken from their
homes to a gully, forced to kneel in
the dirt, sprayed with gunfire -- not
because of anything they had done, but
because of who they were." (10)
But the French newspaper Le Monde
doubted the authenticity of the
massacre.
It reported on Jan. 21, 1999, a few
days after the incident, that an
Associated Press TV crew had filmed a
gun battle at Racak between Serb
police and KLA guerillas. The crew was
present because the Serbs had tipped
them off that they were going to enter
the village to arrest a man accused
of shooting a police officer. Also
present were two teams of
international monitors.
It seems unlikely that if you're about
to carry out a massacre you would
invite the press -- and international
observers -- to watch.
The film showed that as the Serbs
entered Racak they came under heavy fire
from KLA guerillas positioned in the
surrounding hills. The idea that the
police could dig a trench and then
kill villagers at close range while being
fired upon troubled Le Monde. So too
did the fact that, entering the village
after the firefight to assess the
damage and interview the villagers, the
observers saw no sign of a massacre.
What's more, the villagers said nothing
about a massacre either.
It was only a day later, when
Washington's man in Kosovo, William Walker,
returned with the press in tow -- at
the KLA's invitation -- that a trench
was found filled with bodies.
Could the police have returned after
their firefight with the KLA, when the
observers and TV crew had gone, and
carried out the massacre under cover
of darkness?
That seems unlikely. Racak is a KLA
stronghold. Serb police had already
discovered that if they were going to
enter the village they would have to
deal with guerillas, or what,
Washington, would call terrorists, if
the tables were turned. How could they
torture, mutilate and cold-bloodedly
kill villagers at close range while
harassed by KLA gunfire?
And why, wondered Le Monde, were there
few signs of spent cartridges and
blood at the trench?
Adding to the implausibility of the
claim, a report last February by the
Finnish forensic team that
investigated the incident on behalf of
the European Union said none of the bodies
were mutilated, there was no evidence
of torture, and only one was shot at
close range -- all at variance with
the official story. (11)
Thirty-seven of the corpses had
gunpowder residue on their hands, suggesting
that they had been using firearms, and
only one of the corpses was a woman,
and only one was under 15 years of
age.
The pathologists say Walker was quick
to come to the conclusion a massacre
had happened, even though the evidence
was weak.
And they point out that there is no
evidence the deceased were from Racak.
If there aren't good reasons to
dismiss the incident entirely, there
at least very good reasons to doubt it.
But Herman, as disciple, is no
different from Chomsky, the Messiah.
In his The New Military Humanism,
Lessons From Kosovo, (12) Chomsky
neither accepts Racak as genuine or a
fake. Instead, he compares
Washington's concern over the events
at Racak to the lack of concern over events of
similar or greater enormity perpetrated
by US clients. If US foreign policy is
really driven by humanitarian intent,
Chomsky asks, why the inconsistency?
This is a clever way to expose the
institutional patterns of American
foreign policy -- a kind of reductio
ad absurdum approach. If what you say is
true, then x, y, and z, must follow,
and since they don't, what you say
must be false. In this case, however,
Chomsky broaches Racak not to
challenge the claim that a massacre
occurred, but to challenge the claim the
decision to bomb Kosovo was precipitated by
humanitarian concern over events such
as the alleged massacre at Racak. It
is still possible, however, to believe
that a massacre did occur, while
accepting Chomsky's analysis that
NATO's humanitarian concern was a
stalking horse behind which the alliance
pursued other goals. The truth or falsity of
the claimed massacre is neither here
nor there in Chomsky's analysis,
another reason the analysis is clever:
it avoids altogether the difficult
problem of assessing whether the
accusations NATO, and now the Tribunal,
made against Milosevic are true or
false. While useful in laying bare
Washington's hypocrisy -- a Herman
speciality -- it has the unfortunate,
and doubtless unintended consequence, of
encouraging others to take a
pusillanimous position. Since what
NATO says about Milosevic could be
true, and since I could look like an
apologist for horrible atrocities, I'll take
the easy path and declare everyone a
thug -- Milosevic, Blair, Clinton. If
I'm wrong about Milosevic, so what? It
will never be said I was an apologist
for a monster, and my moral hymen
remains intact -- or so it seems. But
thinking like that suffuses lynch
mobs. Is it moral to allow the innocent to
be railroaded into a jail cell on
false charges?
So, as the high priests of the Chomsky
Left think they're making headway
with their "Milosevic is bad, but
Clinton was worse" line, their
co-religionists work themselves up
into high dudgeon over Milosevic, not
Clinton. An ardent Z-Netter (Z-Net
being the church of Noam Chomskyism,
presided over by its Pope, Michael
Albert, at Woods Hole, Mass.) wrote me
that it was all right that NATO bombed
Serb Radio-TV, an obvious war crime,
because Milosevic is a thug who
deserves what he gets and the radio-TV
building was Milosevic's Ministry of
Propaganda. So irredeemably evil is
Milosevic, that destroying anything he
touched, must, by definition, be
good. He hoped Milosevic would meet
the same fate as Mussolini -- strung
upside down from a bridge. This was
followed by a paean to Otpor, the
"grassroots" movement funded and
trained by Washington, to bring down
Milosevic "peacefully," but not, as
the Z-Netters seemed to have missed,
to establish a libertarian socialist
society, or "parecon," the Pope's
participatory economics model, but to
turn the economy over to the IMF and
WTO so that Yugoslavia's assets can be
sold off to the highest bidder, while
millions of Serbs are thrown out of
work.
There's something disquieting about
the Church of Chomskyism. Willing to
allow the press to have its head where
official US enemies are concerned,
the faithful channel their
considerable enmity into the media-led
two minute hate against the latest Emanuel
Goldstein. But while Church doctrine holds
that Western leaders are bigger thugs,
the hate-filled, almost hysterical
denunciations reserved for the world's
Milosevics, Mugabes and Lukashenkos,
are accompanied by a measured,
reasonable, tone where Bush, Blair and
other NATO war-mongerers are concerned.
Milosevic can be called a murderer,
dictator and thug; his ouster, by
force, can be applauded, but it would
be considered over the top to call Bush
Jr. anything as incendiary, and calling
for an insurrection to pressure the
president to step down would be
denounced as the height of
irresponsibility. It's all right to
hope Milosevic is strung up, but
Chomskyites would never wish the same
fate on Bush or Clinton, though Church
doctrine holds these leaders to be
bigger thugs, and therefore, presumably
deserving of an equal or worse fate.
On another front, Chomsky remarked in
a recent interview that "If there is a
serious proposal as to how to
overthrow Saddam, we should surely
want to consider it. He remains as much a
monster as he was when the US and
Britain supported him." (13)
Yes he does. But there's something
pusillanimous in this, as in Chomsky's
accepting Milosevic as a thug: First,
a succession of US presidents, their
minions, and their eminence grise,
have been every bit as much monsters
as Saddam, not least of which were those
who supported Saddam, yet I have no
doubt Chomsky would decry as
recklessly irresponsible any "serious
proposal as to how to overthrow" any U.S.
president, past or present.
Second, in this, as in other cases,
Chomsky remains silent on who the
successor to the overthrown monster
will be. Which isn't to suggest that
Saddam Hussein is a great choice, but
it doesn't follow that getting rid of
one bad egg means the next egg won't
also be unremittingly rotten, if not
more so. That the new government is
installed by Washington and is
constrained, if not inclined, to
pursue policies to benefit US foreign
policy goals and economic interests,
is simply ignored. Hence, in the case
of Yugoslavia, Chomsky lauds the
overthrow of Milosevic but says nothing of
who follows, and on whose behalf they
work, cautioning others not to make
too much of US backing of the
opposition. Likewise, we're to consider any
serious proposal to oust Saddam, while
turning a blind eye to the fact that
any "serious proposal," by definition,
is one intended to aggrandize US
interests at the expense of ordinary
Iraqis. Any serious proposal would not
involve installing the Iraqi communist
party in power, for example, or
anyone for that matter who has even a
passing interest in Albert's parecon.
As Chomsky's critics of the Left put
it, the State Department must be pleased.
The problem here is that with attacks
on foreign leaders coming from all
parts of the American political
spectrum, that peculiarly American
conceit is strengthened -- that "we" have a
right, if not a moral obligation, to
intervene in the affairs of sovereign
nations to oust unpleasant leaders and
impose our own. Were that not
offensive enough, it's all done
without a tittle of an effort made to
substantiate whether the charges against
foreign leaders are anything other than pure
wind and self-serving
pro-interventionist propaganda, or if
there's substance to the charges,
whether American leaders would be
excused for doing exactly the same
under similar circumstances. So it is that
NATO's Munchausens have almost free
rein to propagate pro-interventionist
nonsense virtually unopposed. There's
no opposition from Western media and
no opposition from the Chomsky Left.
Worse, the press and the Messiah talk
as one, both in favour of tribunals.
The Hague Tribunal isn't, despite what
newspaper editors tell you, a step
forward for justice. It's simply a way
of obscuring the motives NATO had for
lying about why it intervened
militarily in Yugoslavia. Not justice,
but its antithesis.
Here's how it works: NATO fires from
the hip, accusing Milosevic of all
manner of atrocities and crimes. Spin,
it's called. The problem is war-time
spin is often recognized for what it
is -- mendacity, the truth getting
lost in the fog of war, pressure to put
things in the worst possible light. So
NATO hits upon the idea of
establishing a tribunal to indict Serb
leaders on war crimes charges, ignoring the fact
that the UN Security Council hasn't
the jurisdiction to establish a
criminal court. Jurisdiction or not, a
tribunal is established. The same "fog
of war" charges are made, but now,
the charges seem to have more
substance because they're made by a
tribunal, said to be backed by "the
international community," and because
legal language is pressed into service:
indictment, prosecution, conviction,
trial. It's one thing to have Jamie
Shea, in the midst of a NATO bombing
campaign say that Milosevic committed
genocide, since Jamie Shea has a
motive to lie under those
circumstances, but it's quite another
-- or so it seems -- to say Milosevic was
convicted by an International
Tribunal. It seems so much less like the
self-serving propaganda of NATO, and
so much more impartial. But is it? It's not
Jamie Shea making the charges, or Blair,
but it is people NATO hired and
appointed, whose salaries they pay,
making exactly the same charges with as
little evidence as Blair and Shea ever
had, repeating the same whoppers from the
same press reports that were used the
first time NATO sought to put a moral
gloss on its immoral acts.
But does the tribunal change anything?
Is del Ponte really any different
from Shea? If NATO lied about there
being 100,000 Kosovar Albanians murdered
to justify a bombing campaign that
under Nuremberg and the UN Charter is
a crime against peace; if it lied about
a passenger train that was travelling
too fast for a NATO pilot's missile to
avoid; if it lied about Serbs
attacking a refugee column that had
really been attacked by NATO; if it
lied about Albanian Kosovars imprisoned in
a Pristina stadium; if it lied about
organized rapes; if it lied about
dozens of other things, (14) why
shouldn't we expect the same from a tribunal
that was set up and is controlled by
the very same governments that lied so
freely in the first place?
Look at it this way. If someone who
has lied to you over and over again
sets up a tribunal, hires the prosecutors,
provides the evidence, and selects the
judges, is it not criminally stupid to
accept the tribunal as anything other
than a continuation of the same
pattern of lying? Is it not criminally
irresponsible to accept the charges
made against those who are indicted as
beyond dispute, or even as probably
true?
Ewan MacColl, who Washington never
liked (he was denied a visa in 1962 to
enter the US because of his political
leanings), died before The Hague
Tribunal was established, but he seems
to have anticipated its hypocrisy.
It's illegal to carve up your missus,
wrote MacColl,
Or put poison in your old man's tea
But poison the rivers, the sea, and
the skies
And poison the mind of a nation with
lies
If it's done in the interest of free
enterprise
Then it's proper and perfectly legal.
(15)
MacColl would have known it's not
Swiss chocolate del Ponte is serving.
Moreover, he would have said so.
Notes
1. Deutshce Press-Agentur, February
11, 2002 (back)
2. See Jared Israel, Official
Statements Prove Hague 'Tribunal'
Belongs to NATO,
http://www.tenc.net/docs/h-list.htm
(back)
3. Francisco Gil-White, Assistant
Professor of Psychology at the University
of Pennsylvania and a Fellow at the
Solomon Asch Center for Study of
Ethnopolitical Conflict, examined the
media's depiction of Milosevic's
Kosovo Field speech, comparing press
reports against a BBC transcript of
the address. See Expert in Psychology of
Ethnic Conflict Changes his Mind about
Yugoslavia,
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/gw.htm
. The press reports on
the Kosovo Field speech are taken from
Gil-White's work. Gil-White's article
is highly recommended.
See also Stephen Gowans, When it comes
to Milosevic stories, more than a
little scepticism is in order, Media
Monitors Network,
http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans43.html
(back)
4. Milosevic's Speech, Kosovo Field,
June 28, 1989,
http://www.swans.com/libray/art8/smilos01.html
(back)
5. Ibid. (back)
6. Ibid. (back)
7. May 17, 1999 Transcript of NATO
press conference by Jamie Shea & Major
General W. Jertz in Brussels
Transcribed by M2 PRESSWIRE (c) 1999
cited in
Jared Israel, Official Statements
Prove Hague 'Tribunal' Belongs to
NATO,
http://www.icdsm.org/more/belongs.htm
(back)
8. Edward Herman, Final Solution in
the Occupied Territories,
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2002-02/11herman.cfm
(back)
9. See also Stephen Gowans, Sorting
Through the Lies of the Racak Massacre
and other Myths of Kosovo, Media
Monitors Network,
http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans1.html
(back)
10. March 19, 1999 address to the
nation, cited in FAIR: Media Advisory,
An Update on Racak, July 18, 2001,
http://www.fair.org/press-releases/racak-update.html
(back)
11. FAIR: Media Advisory, An Update
on Racak, July 18, 2001,
http://www.fair.org/press-releases/racak-update.html
See also Racak 'massacre' exposed as
fraud, Workers World, Feb. 15, 2001,
http://www.workers.org/ww/2001/yugo0215.html
(back)
12. Noam Chomsky, The New Military
Humanism, Lessons From Kosovo, New
Star Books, Vancouver, 1999, p. 40 - 48.
(back)
13. Stephen R. Shalom Interviews Noam
Chomsky, January 2002
http://www.zmag.org/shalom0122.htm
(back)
14. See Stephen Gowans, Genocide or
Veracicide Will NATO's Lying Ever Stop?
http://www.swans.com/library/art7/gowans02.html
(back)
15. Legal-Illegal, Words and music by
Ewan MacColl, From Hot Blast,
Folkways. Published in Broadside #154,
1984 (back)
Stephen Gowans is a writer and
political activist who lives in
Ottawa, Canada. He writes a regular
column for Canadian Content and is
also a frequent contributor to the Media
Monitors Network. In addition, Gowans
maintains his own Web site, What's
Left in Suburbia?, that is filled with
relevant information.
Dear All,
this is a short excerpt from the book "Diary of an Uncivil War" by
Scott Taylor. You could obtain it in every major book store in Canada,
or by contacting the author/publisher at : espritdecorp@...
The book is easy to read. In his book Mr. Taylor writes about the war in
Kosovo and Macedonia the way he experienced it. Similar to Ernest
Hemingway, Taylor sees all sides of the conflict not only through the
eyes of a military reporter but also as a human being.
Boba Borojevic
====================
> http://www.herald.ns.ca/stories/2002/02/24/f289.raw.html
Sunday, February 24, 2002 Back The Halifax Herald Limited
---
Misadventures in an uncivil war
The wreckage of a Macedonian vehicle marks the Aug. 8, 2001 ambush site
on the Skopje-Tetovo highway. Two policemen were killed and 14 wounded
in this attack.
This passenger bus was another casualty of the Aug. 8, 2001 Grupcin
ambush. It was attacked in full view of a NATO camp 800 meters beyond.
Andrej Ginovski / The Associated Press
A police officer walks behind a police armored personnel carrier through
the Macedonian village of Ratae. Macedonian police still guard the
village fearing attacks from ethnic Albanian splinter insurgent groups.
By Scott Taylor / Special to The Sunday Herald
Editor's note: Military writer Scott Taylor spent some time last year in
the middle of the conflict between Macedonia and ethnic Albanian rebels.
Here is an excerpt from his forthcoming book on the conflict, Diary of
an Uncivil War
Skopje, Aug. 8, 2001 - DESPITE THE FACT that the weather forecast called
for the temperature to soar above 40 C, I was wearing a long-sleeved
shirt and tie. I had an interview later in the morning with Macedonia's
new defence minister, Vladimir Buchkovski, and I felt a certain amount
of decorum was necessary.
I hitched a ride back to the Macedonian capital. Arriving in the city
centre before 9:30 a.m., we agreed to meet for a late supper back at our
hotel in Tetovo (about 30 km west of Skopje, near the Kosovo border). We
had no idea that at that moment all hell was breaking loose on the
stretch of road we had just traveled over.
The first inkling I had that something was wrong was the flurry of
activity at the Macedonian Defence Ministry. A crowd had gathered in the
guarded entranceway and were trying to get in, while on the other side
of a barrier people were trying to reclaim their identification cards in
order to get out.
It took me a while to work my way forward to a harassed military
policeman at the reception window. As soon as I told him I was there to
interview Minister Buchkovski, the young corporal put a finger to his
temple and asked incredulously, "Are you f-----? Do you have any idea of
what is going on?"
When I tried to explain to him that I didn't, I was contemptuously
dismissed.
A short, pot-bellied colonel at the rear of the queue had seen and
understood the curt exchange. Politely, he explained to me that the UCK
had just mounted a major offensive. The Tetovo-Skopje highway had been
cut off and that many soldiers were killed in an ambush. Furthermore,
there could be no interview with Buchkovski today because he was trapped
in Tetovo. The helpful colonel did not know when or if there would be a
press conference, as the information was too sketchy. He suggested that
I go to the official press accreditation counter for an update on the
situation.
As I walked to the nearby foreign media office, a flight of Mi-24 Hind
helicopters flew overhead towards the Tetovo highway. Unfortunately,
Atanas Georgievski was the only person on duty in the office. He knew
nothing of the UCK attack, and without a mutual language (he spoke only
Macedonian and Greek, a decided drawback when dealing with the foreign
media) we were reduced to communicating in sign language.
In this manner, I learned that I was one of only five foreign
journalists registered in Macedonia. The others were an American, two
from a Dutch television crew and a reporter from Abu Dhabi. As it seemed
unlikely that the Macedonian military would hold a press conference, I
contacted Rade Lesko at Skynet Television. He told me that ten soldiers
had been killed and 14 wounded. A number of civilians had also been
attacked along the 42 kilometres of highway that separate Tetovo and
Skopje, and the Macedonian army had closed the road.
"Until when?" I asked stupidly. "Until we win the battle, I would
assume," Lesko answered. The ambush had taken place outside the village
of Grupcin, about halfway between the two cities.
I had no way of knowing whether or not this was part of a sustained
offensive by the UCK or an isolated attack. However, with most of my
gear and travel documents still in Tetovo, I had to get back as quickly
as possible.
I hailed a taxi and told the driver I wanted to go to Grupcin. He had
been listening to his radio and told me it was not possible. "The road
is closed," he said. I showed him my press pass and told him that as a
foreign correspondent I had clearance to get through. He bought it, and
we set off.
The bluff worked at the first police checkpoint as well. However, at
Saraj, a village on the western outskirts of Skopje, the Macedonian
security forces were turning back all traffic, and there was a lineup of
vehicles parked along the roadside. A crowd of curious drivers had
gathered at the head of the column, anxious to obtain word of the
battle's progress.
My driver was only too ready to obey the policeman at the barricade. As
soon as he stopped and I stepped out of the car, he turned around and
sped off back to Skopje without waiting to be paid.
There were at least two dozen heavily armed security personnel at the
Saraj roadblock, along with armoured personnel carriers and a sandbagged
punkt, which appeared to be the headquarters. I was hoping to talk my
way through by telling the commanding officer that it was important for
a foreign journalist to be on the scene to confirm the UCK's ambush at
Grupcin and present the "big picture."
A surly-looking policeman came towards me shouting "f--- off" or its
Macedonian equivalent before I even had time to state my case. I
therefore politely asked to see his superior.
Overhearing the conversation, a hatless policeman lounging in the shade
nearby yelled out that he was in charge. After a few moments of talking
to him, I realized my case was hopeless. Even when I asked for details
of the ambush and the current situation, he just shrugged and said, "Ask
the Defence Ministry spokesman."
Admitting defeat, I turned to the policeman who had first approached me
and said, "Izvini (I'm sorry)." As I picked up my briefcase, he suddenly
lunged forward and struck me across the chest with his Kalashnikov.
"Ne ma izvini!" (No, 'I'm sorry!') he shouted. Surprised and knocked off
balance, I was just regaining my composure when he struck me again, this
time more forcefully, still shouting, "Ne ma izvini!"
As I walked back towards the line of parked cars, the police and the
assembled onlookers were all laughing. I decided then and there that,
whatever it took, I would get through to Tetovo.
Kondovo, Aug. 8, 2001
(Wednesday afternoon)
I climbed a hillside in order to get around the police checkpoint.
Without a map, I reasoned that if I headed west, then south, I could get
back onto the main highway at the bottom of the hill. I came across a
rail line, which I wrongly assumed led to Grupcin and Tetovo. After
walking nearly three kilometres, I learned of my mistake from a trio of
young Albanian boys who were crossing the tracks on their way back from
swimming. They had been quite startled by my sudden appearance. Drenched
in sweat, dressed in a shirt and tie, and carrying a briefcase and
camera bag, I must have been a very strange sight indeed.
The boys were puzzled when I asked how far it was to the highway. My
dead reckoning had been correct, but I had forgotten to factor in the
curve of the Vardar River, which ran through the valley. To get to
Grupcin, I would have to retrace my steps, almost all the way back to
the police punkt in Saraj.
Footsore from walking in my leather dress shoes, I asked the boys if I
could rent a bicycle. This request amused them and they ran off ahead of
me to the village of Kondovo to see if they could find one.
News of the approaching stranger soon spread throughout this little
Albanian village, and when I arrived in Kondovo, I was swarmed by
curious children. An uncle of one of the boys I had met on the tracks
joined the group and tried his best to dissuade me from making the trip.
There is much fighting in the valley; it is very dangerous right now,"
he said. "Join my family for lunch and we will arrange for a driver to
take you to Tetovo via Kosovo tonight."
He told me that he could put me in touch with the local UCK commanders
as they still had routes open. I really did not want to spend too much
time with the UCK, especially with copies of my book in my briefcase
that had not been well received in Kosovo. Finally realizing that I was
determined to get to Grupcin, he produced a battered old mountain bike.
Using his tractor engine as a compressor, he re-inflated the rear tire
and explained that only the front brake worked. After sharing a midday
meal with his family, I changed from my sweat-soaked shirt and tie into
the clean T-shirt they gave me and bade them farewell.
A number of young Albanians offered to guide me across the Vardar and
when I started off, they ran along beside me. From the direction of
Tetovo, the crump of far-off mortars could be clearly heard and columns
of black smoke rose from the next valley. Macedonian fighter jets were
visible overhead and helicopter gunships occasionally appeared above the
ridgeline.
Things were really heating up. As we reached the banks of the Vardar, an
American Twin Huey utility helicopter roared over us at treetop level. A
grinning door-gunner gave us a thumbs-up and the kids cheered wildly.
Startled at the appearance of a NATO aircraft so blatantly violating
Macedonian air space, I asked out loud, "What the hell are the Yanks
doing here?"
One of the older boys looked at me sternly and said, "They're here to
help us, or don't you think they should?"
I noticed that the helicopter had veered west and was heading straight
towards the Grupcin ambush site. Dodging the boy's question, I pointed
at the now distant chopper and said, "At least with NATO up there,
things should be a little safer."
There was a ford across the Vardar about a kilometre from the Macedonian
police punkt at Saraj. Crossing the river, I knew that the police could
see us. I just hoped that they would not be unduly alarmed by a
bicyclist surrounded by a cluster of teenage Albanians. I came out on
the highway on a slight rise, just out of sight of the roadblock.
With my heavy briefcase clamped across the handlebars and my camera bag
tightly slung across my back, I set off on the 25-kilometre ride to
Grupcin. I have never been much of a cyclist and with my unbalanced
baggage, I dared not lift a hand to wave goodbye to my Albanian escorts.
Shouting thank you over my shoulder, I wobbled away.
It did not take long for the euphoria of having slipped past the police
to evaporate. I was overcome by an overwhelming sense of anxiety and
fear. As I climbed the first long slope on the eerily empty four-lane
highway, I suddenly felt very much alone. I realized that nobody had any
idea of my whereabouts and that I was riding a dilapidated bicycle into
the middle of a combat zone. I convinced myself that I could not go back
now, and that I would be able to visit the ambush site and make it all
the way back to Tetovo before dusk.
The ride was proving to be much more strenuous than I had thought it
would be. The bicycle had seen better days - a slight warp in the front
wheel prevented me from picking up any speed, even on the downhill
stretches. The seat was set too low and I could not peddle safely while
standing for fear that my shoes would slip. My butt was also beginning
to feel the effects of not having a ridden a bike for at least ten
years.
I had not seen another living soul since I got back on the highway, and
without a watch or map, it was difficult to measure my progress. Ahead,
plumes of smoke were rising above the horizon and the dull thump of
artillery was becoming louder. As my fears mounted, I began talking out
loud to the bicycle, coaxing it along.
Two Hind gunships suddenly roared overhead less than 30 metres off the
ground, the aircrew probably as startled at the sight of a lone cyclist
as I was of them. About 800 meters ahead of me, they hovered directly
over the highway and began firing rockets at an unseen UCK position.
Startled by the blasts, I almost fell off the bicycle. Empty metal
casings, each weighing approximately one kilogram, came plummeting down
all over the highway and bounced off the asphalt with a curious metallic
pinging sound. When I reached the spot where the gunships had fired, I
stopped briefly to pick up one of the still-hot rocket tubes as a
souvenir.
I was beginning to wonder if I had somehow passed Grupcin when, off to
my right, I heard a muffled hiss, and turned to see a camouflaged figure
on a grassy slope, pointing in my direction. Two other armed men joined
him and took up firing positions. They were about 150 meters away, but
they offered no formal challenge. I could not tell whether they were UCK
or Macedonian security forces, but assumed that this was close to the
ambush site, and with so much air activity about, the UCK would be long
gone. I kept riding straight down the middle of the road, hoping that I
looked more ridiculous than threatening. At any moment I expected to be
either shot or at least challenged and stopped.
Just as I was beginning to believe that I was in the clear, I saw a pair
of flashing headlights coming towards me in the oncoming lane. I assumed
that the hidden gunmen had radioed for a mobile police unit to check me
out. I was already thinking about how I could get rid of the bike and
hitch a ride when the white Mercedes roared past me. The flashing lights
were not a signal for me to stop, but to get the hell out of the way.
I passed the burnt-out hulk of a civilian Yugo, with the charred remains
of the driver still inside, the flames flickering at the edge of a
blackened field. A little farther on, I rode past an abandoned
Macedonian army bunker.
A few minutes later, I came upon four armoured personnel carriers in the
middle of the road, their turrets constantly traversing in a threatening
manner. Ahead of them were the shattered remains of two army vehicles,
their blackened hulks still smoldering.
As I approached, a dismounted soldier spotted me and shouted an alarm.
The turret of the rearmost APC swung around and the machinegun barrel
was depressed until it centred squarely on my chest. I could not
understand what the soldier said, but knew immediately that I was not
welcome here.
A sergeant gestured for me to raise my hands in the air. With my
briefcase on the handlebar and only one brake handle, this proved to be
rather difficult. About 20 metres away from him, I dismounted and walked
toward him with my hands raised high. He was not only angry with me but
also very edgy about the situation. Behind him, I could see body parts
of Macedonian soldiers strewn across the road.
After examining my passport and press credentials, the sergeant shouted,
"What the f--- are you doing here? The road is closed!"
Realizing he meant to intimidate me, I instead shouted back my own
question: "If the road is closed, then how did I get here?" Startled by
my outburst, he calmed down a little and asked where I got on the
highway. I told him past Saraj, and that I came here directly from
Kondovo. Playing dumb, I asked, "Is there some sort of trouble ahead?"
He didn't wish to elaborate and kept telling me that I must go back, as
this place was too dangerous. When I asked why the other Macedonian
patrol had not stopped me, this news puzzled him. When I explained to
him exactly where I had seen the figures on the hillside, it was
apparent from his reaction that they must have been UCK.
Not only were he and his detachment stuck in the open in a killing
ground, but now I had also brought the unwelcome news that the UCK had
stepped in behind them. He became even more insistent that I leave the
site immediately and ride all the way back to Skopje.
I knew that, physically, I could not manage it even if I had wanted to.
My (backside) was killing me and I was so dehydrated that I was no
longer sweating. Then I spotted three Albanian civilians; an old man and
what appeared to be a young married couple standing beside the road. I
asked the sergeant why I could not simply stay with them.
"Just forget that you ever saw these people," he snapped, and went over
to the nearest APC to use the radio.
A member of the Wolves special forces had overheard our conversation.
Lowering his voice, he said, "Look, just get your bike and get out of
sight. Go back a couple of kilometres and hide beside the road. We hope
to have the road to Tetovo clear in a couple of hours."
As I started to ask another question, he cut me off. "Just get going
before that terrified idiot kills you." I hurried back to my bicycle.
I decided to get off the highway and try to find a telephone to contact
the Ottawa Citizen. I hoped to dictate a quick story, and at least let
someone know where I was.
I retraced my route back a couple of kilometres and turned onto a small
farm track. The first house I approached appeared to be deserted. I
called out, hoping to attract the owner's attention but the sudden roar
of two gunships coming in low drowned me out. The helicopters passed
directly overhead and began to plaster the next hillside, meaning the
UCK forces had cut the road to Skopje. Getting no answer at the
farmhouse, I pushed my bicycle up the steep path towards the hamlet I
could see about a kilometre away.
I had barely gone 60 meters when two UCK soldiers emerged from the woods
lining the track. To say that they startled me would be an
understatement. One had a Kalashnikov, the other a pistol, and both were
aimed directly at me. I dropped the bicycle and put up my hands.
The one with the pistol hissed in German, "Get off the road, you idiot.
Do you want to get us all killed?"
I grabbed my briefcase and camera bag and plunged into a thicket with
them.
"Who are you and what the hell are you doing here?" he asked.
When I told him I was a Canadian journalist, his demeanour changed
completely. Holstering his pistol, he smiled broadly and said, "Welcome,
my friend."
From our vantage point it was still possible to see the Macedonian
armoured column at the ambush site. My new friend advised me that it was
dangerous for me here, and he used his cell phone to call for a car and
driver to take me further away from the highway.
Within minutes, a little red Yugo came racing down the farm track and
braked beside us. Hiding the bicycle under some branches, I hurried over
and got in. Our destination was the hamlet I had been heading towards,
which I learned was Bojane.
In the central square, about a dozen cheerful Albanian men and teenage
boys came over to greet me. I asked for some mineral water, which I
drank thirstily, and then a telephone. Several of them produced their
cellular phones, even after I told them that I wanted to put a call
through to Canada.
I reached Bruce Garvey at the Citizen and brought him up to date. He had
heard of the ambush on the wire service, then I informed him that I had
been in the middle of the fighting. It was not a great phone connection,
but I dictated the details as best I could. Garvey assured me he would
be able to piece together a story from what I told him.
Not wanting to worry my family with my predicament, nor for them to
learn of it in the morning paper, I asked Garvey to call my wife early
the next morning in order to brace her. He wished me luck and I signed
off.
During my phone call, several Albanians had crowded around, trying to
follow my story. When I finished, one of the older men asked, "Why
didn't you tell them about how our women and children are suffering?"
When I replied that I hadn't seen any women or children, I immediately
realized that I had taken his bait.
A few men escorted me to the basements of some of Bojane's larger
houses. In each crowded cellar, there were about two dozen women and
children sitting on mats around the floor, rocking back and forth and
pretending to cry from fear of the Macedonian police, I was told. I say
pretending because the whole scene was so badly acted, it was
embarrassing to be a part of. I knew that I was expected to express my
shock and sympathy, but seeing the young girls laughing behind their
hands at each other's phony tears made it impossible for me to feign
compassion.
When my guide asked if I would like to photograph this "suffering," I
lied and said that I was out of film.
"They have been down in this shelter since the fighting in June," he
told me. When I asked if all they did was sit and cry all day, every
day, he replied with a straight face, "Yes."
As we were leaving, I glanced back and saw young children spilling out
eagerly into the back garden, and teenage girls watching our passage
from an upstairs window.
Scott Taylor is a military affairs columnist for The Herald and editor
of the magazine Esprit de Corps.
this is a short excerpt from the book "Diary of an Uncivil War" by
Scott Taylor. You could obtain it in every major book store in Canada,
or by contacting the author/publisher at : espritdecorp@...
The book is easy to read. In his book Mr. Taylor writes about the war in
Kosovo and Macedonia the way he experienced it. Similar to Ernest
Hemingway, Taylor sees all sides of the conflict not only through the
eyes of a military reporter but also as a human being.
Boba Borojevic
====================
> http://www.herald.ns.ca/stories/2002/02/24/f289.raw.html
Sunday, February 24, 2002 Back The Halifax Herald Limited
---
Misadventures in an uncivil war
The wreckage of a Macedonian vehicle marks the Aug. 8, 2001 ambush site
on the Skopje-Tetovo highway. Two policemen were killed and 14 wounded
in this attack.
This passenger bus was another casualty of the Aug. 8, 2001 Grupcin
ambush. It was attacked in full view of a NATO camp 800 meters beyond.
Andrej Ginovski / The Associated Press
A police officer walks behind a police armored personnel carrier through
the Macedonian village of Ratae. Macedonian police still guard the
village fearing attacks from ethnic Albanian splinter insurgent groups.
By Scott Taylor / Special to The Sunday Herald
Editor's note: Military writer Scott Taylor spent some time last year in
the middle of the conflict between Macedonia and ethnic Albanian rebels.
Here is an excerpt from his forthcoming book on the conflict, Diary of
an Uncivil War
Skopje, Aug. 8, 2001 - DESPITE THE FACT that the weather forecast called
for the temperature to soar above 40 C, I was wearing a long-sleeved
shirt and tie. I had an interview later in the morning with Macedonia's
new defence minister, Vladimir Buchkovski, and I felt a certain amount
of decorum was necessary.
I hitched a ride back to the Macedonian capital. Arriving in the city
centre before 9:30 a.m., we agreed to meet for a late supper back at our
hotel in Tetovo (about 30 km west of Skopje, near the Kosovo border). We
had no idea that at that moment all hell was breaking loose on the
stretch of road we had just traveled over.
The first inkling I had that something was wrong was the flurry of
activity at the Macedonian Defence Ministry. A crowd had gathered in the
guarded entranceway and were trying to get in, while on the other side
of a barrier people were trying to reclaim their identification cards in
order to get out.
It took me a while to work my way forward to a harassed military
policeman at the reception window. As soon as I told him I was there to
interview Minister Buchkovski, the young corporal put a finger to his
temple and asked incredulously, "Are you f-----? Do you have any idea of
what is going on?"
When I tried to explain to him that I didn't, I was contemptuously
dismissed.
A short, pot-bellied colonel at the rear of the queue had seen and
understood the curt exchange. Politely, he explained to me that the UCK
had just mounted a major offensive. The Tetovo-Skopje highway had been
cut off and that many soldiers were killed in an ambush. Furthermore,
there could be no interview with Buchkovski today because he was trapped
in Tetovo. The helpful colonel did not know when or if there would be a
press conference, as the information was too sketchy. He suggested that
I go to the official press accreditation counter for an update on the
situation.
As I walked to the nearby foreign media office, a flight of Mi-24 Hind
helicopters flew overhead towards the Tetovo highway. Unfortunately,
Atanas Georgievski was the only person on duty in the office. He knew
nothing of the UCK attack, and without a mutual language (he spoke only
Macedonian and Greek, a decided drawback when dealing with the foreign
media) we were reduced to communicating in sign language.
In this manner, I learned that I was one of only five foreign
journalists registered in Macedonia. The others were an American, two
from a Dutch television crew and a reporter from Abu Dhabi. As it seemed
unlikely that the Macedonian military would hold a press conference, I
contacted Rade Lesko at Skynet Television. He told me that ten soldiers
had been killed and 14 wounded. A number of civilians had also been
attacked along the 42 kilometres of highway that separate Tetovo and
Skopje, and the Macedonian army had closed the road.
"Until when?" I asked stupidly. "Until we win the battle, I would
assume," Lesko answered. The ambush had taken place outside the village
of Grupcin, about halfway between the two cities.
I had no way of knowing whether or not this was part of a sustained
offensive by the UCK or an isolated attack. However, with most of my
gear and travel documents still in Tetovo, I had to get back as quickly
as possible.
I hailed a taxi and told the driver I wanted to go to Grupcin. He had
been listening to his radio and told me it was not possible. "The road
is closed," he said. I showed him my press pass and told him that as a
foreign correspondent I had clearance to get through. He bought it, and
we set off.
The bluff worked at the first police checkpoint as well. However, at
Saraj, a village on the western outskirts of Skopje, the Macedonian
security forces were turning back all traffic, and there was a lineup of
vehicles parked along the roadside. A crowd of curious drivers had
gathered at the head of the column, anxious to obtain word of the
battle's progress.
My driver was only too ready to obey the policeman at the barricade. As
soon as he stopped and I stepped out of the car, he turned around and
sped off back to Skopje without waiting to be paid.
There were at least two dozen heavily armed security personnel at the
Saraj roadblock, along with armoured personnel carriers and a sandbagged
punkt, which appeared to be the headquarters. I was hoping to talk my
way through by telling the commanding officer that it was important for
a foreign journalist to be on the scene to confirm the UCK's ambush at
Grupcin and present the "big picture."
A surly-looking policeman came towards me shouting "f--- off" or its
Macedonian equivalent before I even had time to state my case. I
therefore politely asked to see his superior.
Overhearing the conversation, a hatless policeman lounging in the shade
nearby yelled out that he was in charge. After a few moments of talking
to him, I realized my case was hopeless. Even when I asked for details
of the ambush and the current situation, he just shrugged and said, "Ask
the Defence Ministry spokesman."
Admitting defeat, I turned to the policeman who had first approached me
and said, "Izvini (I'm sorry)." As I picked up my briefcase, he suddenly
lunged forward and struck me across the chest with his Kalashnikov.
"Ne ma izvini!" (No, 'I'm sorry!') he shouted. Surprised and knocked off
balance, I was just regaining my composure when he struck me again, this
time more forcefully, still shouting, "Ne ma izvini!"
As I walked back towards the line of parked cars, the police and the
assembled onlookers were all laughing. I decided then and there that,
whatever it took, I would get through to Tetovo.
Kondovo, Aug. 8, 2001
(Wednesday afternoon)
I climbed a hillside in order to get around the police checkpoint.
Without a map, I reasoned that if I headed west, then south, I could get
back onto the main highway at the bottom of the hill. I came across a
rail line, which I wrongly assumed led to Grupcin and Tetovo. After
walking nearly three kilometres, I learned of my mistake from a trio of
young Albanian boys who were crossing the tracks on their way back from
swimming. They had been quite startled by my sudden appearance. Drenched
in sweat, dressed in a shirt and tie, and carrying a briefcase and
camera bag, I must have been a very strange sight indeed.
The boys were puzzled when I asked how far it was to the highway. My
dead reckoning had been correct, but I had forgotten to factor in the
curve of the Vardar River, which ran through the valley. To get to
Grupcin, I would have to retrace my steps, almost all the way back to
the police punkt in Saraj.
Footsore from walking in my leather dress shoes, I asked the boys if I
could rent a bicycle. This request amused them and they ran off ahead of
me to the village of Kondovo to see if they could find one.
News of the approaching stranger soon spread throughout this little
Albanian village, and when I arrived in Kondovo, I was swarmed by
curious children. An uncle of one of the boys I had met on the tracks
joined the group and tried his best to dissuade me from making the trip.
There is much fighting in the valley; it is very dangerous right now,"
he said. "Join my family for lunch and we will arrange for a driver to
take you to Tetovo via Kosovo tonight."
He told me that he could put me in touch with the local UCK commanders
as they still had routes open. I really did not want to spend too much
time with the UCK, especially with copies of my book in my briefcase
that had not been well received in Kosovo. Finally realizing that I was
determined to get to Grupcin, he produced a battered old mountain bike.
Using his tractor engine as a compressor, he re-inflated the rear tire
and explained that only the front brake worked. After sharing a midday
meal with his family, I changed from my sweat-soaked shirt and tie into
the clean T-shirt they gave me and bade them farewell.
A number of young Albanians offered to guide me across the Vardar and
when I started off, they ran along beside me. From the direction of
Tetovo, the crump of far-off mortars could be clearly heard and columns
of black smoke rose from the next valley. Macedonian fighter jets were
visible overhead and helicopter gunships occasionally appeared above the
ridgeline.
Things were really heating up. As we reached the banks of the Vardar, an
American Twin Huey utility helicopter roared over us at treetop level. A
grinning door-gunner gave us a thumbs-up and the kids cheered wildly.
Startled at the appearance of a NATO aircraft so blatantly violating
Macedonian air space, I asked out loud, "What the hell are the Yanks
doing here?"
One of the older boys looked at me sternly and said, "They're here to
help us, or don't you think they should?"
I noticed that the helicopter had veered west and was heading straight
towards the Grupcin ambush site. Dodging the boy's question, I pointed
at the now distant chopper and said, "At least with NATO up there,
things should be a little safer."
There was a ford across the Vardar about a kilometre from the Macedonian
police punkt at Saraj. Crossing the river, I knew that the police could
see us. I just hoped that they would not be unduly alarmed by a
bicyclist surrounded by a cluster of teenage Albanians. I came out on
the highway on a slight rise, just out of sight of the roadblock.
With my heavy briefcase clamped across the handlebars and my camera bag
tightly slung across my back, I set off on the 25-kilometre ride to
Grupcin. I have never been much of a cyclist and with my unbalanced
baggage, I dared not lift a hand to wave goodbye to my Albanian escorts.
Shouting thank you over my shoulder, I wobbled away.
It did not take long for the euphoria of having slipped past the police
to evaporate. I was overcome by an overwhelming sense of anxiety and
fear. As I climbed the first long slope on the eerily empty four-lane
highway, I suddenly felt very much alone. I realized that nobody had any
idea of my whereabouts and that I was riding a dilapidated bicycle into
the middle of a combat zone. I convinced myself that I could not go back
now, and that I would be able to visit the ambush site and make it all
the way back to Tetovo before dusk.
The ride was proving to be much more strenuous than I had thought it
would be. The bicycle had seen better days - a slight warp in the front
wheel prevented me from picking up any speed, even on the downhill
stretches. The seat was set too low and I could not peddle safely while
standing for fear that my shoes would slip. My butt was also beginning
to feel the effects of not having a ridden a bike for at least ten
years.
I had not seen another living soul since I got back on the highway, and
without a watch or map, it was difficult to measure my progress. Ahead,
plumes of smoke were rising above the horizon and the dull thump of
artillery was becoming louder. As my fears mounted, I began talking out
loud to the bicycle, coaxing it along.
Two Hind gunships suddenly roared overhead less than 30 metres off the
ground, the aircrew probably as startled at the sight of a lone cyclist
as I was of them. About 800 meters ahead of me, they hovered directly
over the highway and began firing rockets at an unseen UCK position.
Startled by the blasts, I almost fell off the bicycle. Empty metal
casings, each weighing approximately one kilogram, came plummeting down
all over the highway and bounced off the asphalt with a curious metallic
pinging sound. When I reached the spot where the gunships had fired, I
stopped briefly to pick up one of the still-hot rocket tubes as a
souvenir.
I was beginning to wonder if I had somehow passed Grupcin when, off to
my right, I heard a muffled hiss, and turned to see a camouflaged figure
on a grassy slope, pointing in my direction. Two other armed men joined
him and took up firing positions. They were about 150 meters away, but
they offered no formal challenge. I could not tell whether they were UCK
or Macedonian security forces, but assumed that this was close to the
ambush site, and with so much air activity about, the UCK would be long
gone. I kept riding straight down the middle of the road, hoping that I
looked more ridiculous than threatening. At any moment I expected to be
either shot or at least challenged and stopped.
Just as I was beginning to believe that I was in the clear, I saw a pair
of flashing headlights coming towards me in the oncoming lane. I assumed
that the hidden gunmen had radioed for a mobile police unit to check me
out. I was already thinking about how I could get rid of the bike and
hitch a ride when the white Mercedes roared past me. The flashing lights
were not a signal for me to stop, but to get the hell out of the way.
I passed the burnt-out hulk of a civilian Yugo, with the charred remains
of the driver still inside, the flames flickering at the edge of a
blackened field. A little farther on, I rode past an abandoned
Macedonian army bunker.
A few minutes later, I came upon four armoured personnel carriers in the
middle of the road, their turrets constantly traversing in a threatening
manner. Ahead of them were the shattered remains of two army vehicles,
their blackened hulks still smoldering.
As I approached, a dismounted soldier spotted me and shouted an alarm.
The turret of the rearmost APC swung around and the machinegun barrel
was depressed until it centred squarely on my chest. I could not
understand what the soldier said, but knew immediately that I was not
welcome here.
A sergeant gestured for me to raise my hands in the air. With my
briefcase on the handlebar and only one brake handle, this proved to be
rather difficult. About 20 metres away from him, I dismounted and walked
toward him with my hands raised high. He was not only angry with me but
also very edgy about the situation. Behind him, I could see body parts
of Macedonian soldiers strewn across the road.
After examining my passport and press credentials, the sergeant shouted,
"What the f--- are you doing here? The road is closed!"
Realizing he meant to intimidate me, I instead shouted back my own
question: "If the road is closed, then how did I get here?" Startled by
my outburst, he calmed down a little and asked where I got on the
highway. I told him past Saraj, and that I came here directly from
Kondovo. Playing dumb, I asked, "Is there some sort of trouble ahead?"
He didn't wish to elaborate and kept telling me that I must go back, as
this place was too dangerous. When I asked why the other Macedonian
patrol had not stopped me, this news puzzled him. When I explained to
him exactly where I had seen the figures on the hillside, it was
apparent from his reaction that they must have been UCK.
Not only were he and his detachment stuck in the open in a killing
ground, but now I had also brought the unwelcome news that the UCK had
stepped in behind them. He became even more insistent that I leave the
site immediately and ride all the way back to Skopje.
I knew that, physically, I could not manage it even if I had wanted to.
My (backside) was killing me and I was so dehydrated that I was no
longer sweating. Then I spotted three Albanian civilians; an old man and
what appeared to be a young married couple standing beside the road. I
asked the sergeant why I could not simply stay with them.
"Just forget that you ever saw these people," he snapped, and went over
to the nearest APC to use the radio.
A member of the Wolves special forces had overheard our conversation.
Lowering his voice, he said, "Look, just get your bike and get out of
sight. Go back a couple of kilometres and hide beside the road. We hope
to have the road to Tetovo clear in a couple of hours."
As I started to ask another question, he cut me off. "Just get going
before that terrified idiot kills you." I hurried back to my bicycle.
I decided to get off the highway and try to find a telephone to contact
the Ottawa Citizen. I hoped to dictate a quick story, and at least let
someone know where I was.
I retraced my route back a couple of kilometres and turned onto a small
farm track. The first house I approached appeared to be deserted. I
called out, hoping to attract the owner's attention but the sudden roar
of two gunships coming in low drowned me out. The helicopters passed
directly overhead and began to plaster the next hillside, meaning the
UCK forces had cut the road to Skopje. Getting no answer at the
farmhouse, I pushed my bicycle up the steep path towards the hamlet I
could see about a kilometre away.
I had barely gone 60 meters when two UCK soldiers emerged from the woods
lining the track. To say that they startled me would be an
understatement. One had a Kalashnikov, the other a pistol, and both were
aimed directly at me. I dropped the bicycle and put up my hands.
The one with the pistol hissed in German, "Get off the road, you idiot.
Do you want to get us all killed?"
I grabbed my briefcase and camera bag and plunged into a thicket with
them.
"Who are you and what the hell are you doing here?" he asked.
When I told him I was a Canadian journalist, his demeanour changed
completely. Holstering his pistol, he smiled broadly and said, "Welcome,
my friend."
From our vantage point it was still possible to see the Macedonian
armoured column at the ambush site. My new friend advised me that it was
dangerous for me here, and he used his cell phone to call for a car and
driver to take me further away from the highway.
Within minutes, a little red Yugo came racing down the farm track and
braked beside us. Hiding the bicycle under some branches, I hurried over
and got in. Our destination was the hamlet I had been heading towards,
which I learned was Bojane.
In the central square, about a dozen cheerful Albanian men and teenage
boys came over to greet me. I asked for some mineral water, which I
drank thirstily, and then a telephone. Several of them produced their
cellular phones, even after I told them that I wanted to put a call
through to Canada.
I reached Bruce Garvey at the Citizen and brought him up to date. He had
heard of the ambush on the wire service, then I informed him that I had
been in the middle of the fighting. It was not a great phone connection,
but I dictated the details as best I could. Garvey assured me he would
be able to piece together a story from what I told him.
Not wanting to worry my family with my predicament, nor for them to
learn of it in the morning paper, I asked Garvey to call my wife early
the next morning in order to brace her. He wished me luck and I signed
off.
During my phone call, several Albanians had crowded around, trying to
follow my story. When I finished, one of the older men asked, "Why
didn't you tell them about how our women and children are suffering?"
When I replied that I hadn't seen any women or children, I immediately
realized that I had taken his bait.
A few men escorted me to the basements of some of Bojane's larger
houses. In each crowded cellar, there were about two dozen women and
children sitting on mats around the floor, rocking back and forth and
pretending to cry from fear of the Macedonian police, I was told. I say
pretending because the whole scene was so badly acted, it was
embarrassing to be a part of. I knew that I was expected to express my
shock and sympathy, but seeing the young girls laughing behind their
hands at each other's phony tears made it impossible for me to feign
compassion.
When my guide asked if I would like to photograph this "suffering," I
lied and said that I was out of film.
"They have been down in this shelter since the fighting in June," he
told me. When I asked if all they did was sit and cry all day, every
day, he replied with a straight face, "Yes."
As we were leaving, I glanced back and saw young children spilling out
eagerly into the back garden, and teenage girls watching our passage
from an upstairs window.
Scott Taylor is a military affairs columnist for The Herald and editor
of the magazine Esprit de Corps.
Jugocoord su Telegram
Jugocoord su Facebook