Informazione
Suggerisco a tutti di diffondere il più possibile questo appello, in
rete e fuori: la muraglia cinese della più grande disinformazione mai
riuscita all'imperialismo deve essere sgretolata, masso dopo masso. Lo
dobbiamo alla verità, alla Jugoslavia, ai serbi, e a Slobo, presidente
del paese più genuinamente democratico ed antimperialista d'Europa. La
carneficina fatta dagli imperialisti in Afghanistan, Palestina,
Jugoslavia, e niente rispetto all'ecatombe di cervelli provocata
dall'informazione e ci indica quanta strada dobbiamo ancora fare per
superare pigrizia, carenza di basi teoriche e quindi di chiavi di
lettura. Coloro che continuano a straparlare delle colpe di Milosevic
sono identici a coloro che si sono fatti narcotizzare da
Berlusconi e hanno votato per lui. La Grande Serbia non è mai stato un
programma di Milosevic, nessuna pulizia etnica è mai stata programmata
ed eseguita da Milosevic, nessuna guerra balcanica è stata innescata da
Milosevic che si è trovato, isolato e diffamato, costretto a salvare
il salvabile. Nessun tesoro è mai stato accumulato e nascosto da
Milosevic, nessuna privatizzazione selvaggia è mai stata attuata da
Milosevic, che, anzi, ha cacciato il privatizzatore Markovic e ha difeso
fino all'estremo i diritti dei lavoratori e lo stato sociale. Ma c'è
ancora chi, appunto pigro o distratto, prende per buone le immagini,
riproposte in occasione del processo, del falso "campo di sterminio"
serbo, quando è disponibile un video che dimostra come operatori e
fotografi occidentali abbiano messo dei tipi magri, denudati, dietro a
un filo spinato e li abbiano poi ripresi. Tutta questa messa in scena,
con regista e comparse, è stata ripresa da una troupe televisiva.
Procuratevi questo video, o leggetene su "Emperor's clothes", e fate
capire agli sprovveduti quale è il meccanismo con cui si
sono fabbricate tutte le menzogne su Milosevic e la Serbia. Ma in fondo
bisogna essere comprensivi, visto che perfino il Manifesto titola sul
processo "L'ex-dittatore di Belgrado". Un dittatore con venti partiti
politici, 17 dei quali di opposizione, con una stampa e tv al 92% in
mano all'opposizione, con le maggiori città, da Belgrado a Novi Sad a
Nis a Kraguievac governate dall'opposizione, che se ne va dopo aver
perso le elezioni, che, al potere, non ha neppure bandito organizzazioni
apertamente CIA, conniventi col nemico, come Alleanza Civica, Otpor,
Donne in nero di Belgrado, o come sabotatori esteri come i Berretti
Bianchi o le tutine di Casarini, che non ha esercitato la censura
neppure in tempo di guerra, che si è limitato a chiudere la radio CIA
B92 (gemellata con Radio Sherwood dei casariniani di Padova) e la TV
Studio B di Vuk Draskovic per pochi giorni, dopo che avevano invocato
l'insurrezione armata e l'uccisione del capo di Stato. Un dittatore che
ha fatto svolgere centinaia di manifestazioni contrarie, accompagnate da
quattro-sei poliziotti col manganello (confrontare con l'apparato da
guerra che accompagna le nostre manifestazioni) che poi fornivano acqua
ai manifestanti assetati, di cui solo un paio sono state affrontate con
manganelli e idranti, allorchè i manifestanti, guidati dalla teppaglia
Otpor, volevano assaltare la residenza del Presidente, come se da noi si
assalisse il Quirinale. Un dittatore "nazionalista" che non ha mai
espresso un solo concetto nazionalista, tipo Rugova, Thaci, Tdjman,
Izetbegovic, che ha invocato la convivenza tra tutte le etnie nell'unica
federazione multietnica rimasta in Europa, che ha trattato fino alla
fine con Rugova per una equa soluzione nel Kosovo, nonostante i
separatisti albanesi, foraggiati e istruiti da Germania, USA e
Bin Laden, da anni ammazzassero poliziotti, magistrati, medici,
insegnanti, comuni cittadini serbi, albanesi non fascisti, rom, goranci
e altre minoranze, e che aveva addirittura tollerato uno stato nello
stato creato, con istituzioni mediche e scolastiche private ed
etnicamente pulite (solo albanesi) create dall'amica dei tiranni
latinoamericani Teresa di Calcutta, albanese, e finanziate dal bandito
della speculazione e del riciclaggio, creatore e sostenitore di tutte
le finte sinistre nel mondo, socio dei narcos colombiani, George Soros.
Questo è il "dittatore", complimenti Manifesto. Si deve anche a te se
tanta gente, anche in buona fede, sfanghiglia nella merda delle bugie
Nato.
Fulvio Grimaldi
> http://www.2net.co.yu/ucgi-bin/apis/prikaz2.pl?novo044
>
> APPEAL FOR JUSTICE TO SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
WE, THE EX-NATO RETIRED GENERALS FOR PEACE AND DISARMAMENT
DEMAND JUSTICE FOR THE EX-YUGOSLAV LEADER SLOBODAN
MILOSEVIC
WE HAVE CONCLUDED THAT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL IS BIASED
AND TENDENTIOUS. THE DIALOGUE WITHIN IT IS ABSENT,
SINCE THE OUTCOME OF THE TRIAL IS PREFABRICATED .
WE DO NOT HAVE ANY TRUST FOR ITS OBJECTIVITY SINCE
THE SPONSORS OF THE TRIBUNAL ARE INDIVIDUALS LIKE
GEORGE SOROS AND COUNTRIES LIKE SAUDI ARABIA .
ON THE OTHER HAND ITS RULING IS NOT ACCEPTED BY THE
USA.
WE THINK THAT THE MAIN RESPONSIBLE FOR THE COMMITTED
CRIMES IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA ARE 1/ CLINTON, 2/
BLAIR, 3/ MADELEINE ALBRIGHT , 4/ COEN ,5/ GENERAL
CLARK, 6/ COOK 7/ SOLANA 8/CHIRAC, 9/ SCHREODER AND
THE OTHER 15 NATO LEADERS .
SLOBODAN MILOCEVIC IS INNOCENT. HE IS A PATRIOT THAT
FOUGHT FOR THE RIGHTS OF HIS COUNTRY AGAINST THE ISLAM
TERRORISTS(UCK) THAT WERE ARMED DIRECTED BY NATO AND
THE USA .
FINALLY THE FACT THAT HE IS HELD THERE AFTER AN
ILLIGAL ACT OF INTERNATIONAL KIDNAPPING MAKE US SURE
THAT THIS TRIBUNAL IS NOT LEGITIMATE AND THE JUGDES
ACT LIKE " SERVATS" OF THEIR VERY WELL KNOWN MASTERS
AND NOT ACCORDING TO THEIR FREE CONSCIENCE.
FOR THIS REASON WE DEMAND
FREEDOM TO THE YUGOSLAVE LEADER
STOP THE WORLD CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF
YUGOSLAVIA
Signing :
MAJOR GENERAL KOSTAS X. KONSTANTINIDIS(RET)
THE COORDINATOR
February 13, 2002
[vedere la pagina:
http://www.2net.co.yu/ucgi-bin/apis/prikaz2.pl?novo016 ]
Jonathan Levy and Tom Easton, Attorneys
Tel. 513-528-0586
E mail: <mailto:resistk@...>
www.vaticanbankclaims.com
February 16, 2002
The Original Butcher of the Balkans: Pavelic not Milosevic
Ante Pavelic was the original Butcher of the Balkans." He was the leader
of the Nazi puppet government of the "Independent State of Croatia" who
died peacefully in Madrid in 1959. The mass murderer of 80,000 Jews,
30,000 Gypsies, and over 500,000 Serbs survived the Second World War and
never faced a war crimes tribunal unlike Slobodan Milosevic whose
alleged crimes pale in comparison. Instead Pavelic was offered sanctuary
by the Vatican and became a security advisor to Juan and Eva Peron
before retiring to fascist Spain. Key to Pavelic s survival was the
so-called Croatian Treasury, really nothing more than Pavelic s personal
wealth, the plunder of concentration camps and massacres throughout the
Balkans and beyond. Wherever the loyal Ustashe (Croatian Nazis) served
Pavelic and Hitler, Orthodox Christian churches and Jewish synagogues
were plundered and the property of Serbs, Jews, Gypsies, Ukrainians and
others were confiscated. The crimes of Pavelic and the Ustashe were so
barbaric that even hardened Nazis were disgusted by it.
In the final days of World War II, Pavelic and his inner circle bought
and bribed their way to Rome where help was waiting at the Vatican.
Pavelic committed genocide on a level far greater than any known before
or since in the Balkans but he had been personally received by Pius XII
during his reign of terror. The Franciscan Order and Vatican bank
eagerly helped launder Pavelic s loot the proceeds of which were used to
establish the so called ratline which helped thousands of Nazis and
Ustashe escape to South America.
Over 50 years later, a class action lawsuit was filed in Federal Court
in San Francisco in 1998 seeking an accounting of the Pavelic loot. The
defendants, the Vatican bank, Franciscan order, and the remaining
Ustashe were asked to account for the gold, silver, and gems plundered
so many years ago. A Federal judge has taken the case under submission.
Last month, an ex US Army intelligence official revealed that Pavelic s
body is secured at a secret location in Madrid awaiting its eventual
return to the homeland. Pavelic s followers view the current Croatian
state as the successor to the Nazi inspired Independent State of
Croatia, their legacy will be fulfilled only by the return of their
supreme leader or in the Croatian language, Poglavnik, to lie in state
in Zagreb. Tudjman, the late blood stained ruler of Croatia, was a
proponent of returning Pavelic to Croatia and indeed Pavelic would be
pleased to find many new public monuments to his loyal Ustashe springing
up like toadstools after a spring rain in democratic Croatia.
Attorneys in the class action lawsuit even while awaiting the court s
ruling are opening up a second front against the Croatian Nazis in
Madrid.
It is thought a large portion of the Croatian treasure was secreted in
Madrid and remains there yet along with Pavelic s relatives and loyal
Ustashe who maintain a vigil over their leaders grave. According to
attorney Jonathan Levy, Spanish law firms have been contacted and an
action of some sort in Spain is likely especially in light of the
Spanish National Court s recent interest in the Pinochet case. According
to Levy, "The Spanish courts have been interested in fighting Fascism
abroad but here is an even worse case at home, let s hope they will put
the principles of International Law at work on this domestic case and
stop the Ustashe."
A ceremony presided over by Croatian Franciscan priests is thought to
take place annually on Pavelic s birthday. At such Ustashe ceremonies
eternal hatred towards Serbs and others are sworn on a crucifix, knife,
and a revolver. Many Ustashe returned to Croatia in 1991 and have played
a role in the ongoing hostilities in Herzegovina ensuring the
continuation of a cycle violence that began in 1941 with Pavelic.
For more information:
See http://www.vaticanbankclaims.com/
Tel 513-528-0586
mailto: Jlevy1@...
Jonathan Levy, Esq.
For more on Ante Pavlic see:
http://www.diacritica.com/degenerate/4/pavelic0.html
* Report from the Kangaroo Court at The Hague (J. Israel, 14.2.2002)
* Milosevic, a prisoner of conscience (N. Clark)
* The lie of the century (S. Stefanov)
* News from official yugoslav sources
===*===
MORE LINKS:
> http://politics.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,9115,651187,00.html
The Guardian - Saturday February 16, 2002
This is not justice
The Hague has replaced Nuremberg's jurisprudence of peace with a
licence to the west to kill
By John Laughland
> http://www.transnational.org/forum/power/2002/
02.01_CriminalTribunal.html
Jonathan Power, TFF associate, February 8, 2002
The Milosevic Trial will embarrass America
===*===
> http://www.workers.org/ww/2002/milos0221.php
Why Milosevic, not NATO, is on trial
By John Catalinotto
The moneyed media throughout the United States
and Western Europe are focusing much attention on
the opening of what they call a "war-crimes
trial" of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic on
Feb. 12.
But those who want to know what's really behind
this trial won't find it in the media of the very
imperialist powers that pulverized Yugoslavia
with merciless bombing raids and dismembered the
former socialist country.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague was authorized in
1993 by the United Nations Security Council
under pressure from the U.S. government. Its officials
decided it would not put U.S. or NATO generals
on trial. Only those from the Balkans have been tried,
and most of those charged are Serbs. This court
is the antithesis of "justice."
The trial of Milosevic was set up by the victors
of the imperialist war to put on trial those who defied
their plans of domination. And Milosevic, the
first head of state to face an international war crimes
tribunal, is standing trial because he was the
head of a country that resisted the dismantling of
socialism and the surrender of the economy to
the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
Milosevic was Serbia's premier for eight years
before being elected Yugoslav president in 1997. He is
also the leader of the Socialist Party of
Serbia.
The judges accuse Milosevic of committing war
crimes in three different struggles that dismembered
Yugoslavia: the war in Croatia in 1991-1995,
Bosnia in 1992-1995, and Kosovo in 1999. The charges
are concocted for the sole purpose of creating a
justification for wars that carved up the remainder of
socialist Yugoslavia after the Cold War had
succeeded in overturning the Soviet Union.
Who is providing the "evidence" to back up these
charges? Court officials who spoke on condition of
anonymity said that reports on Kosovo--a region
of Serbia--came from the CIA. Washington and Berlin
backed a right-wing terrorist group called the
Kosovo Liberation Army that assassinated Serb and
Albanian officials in Kosovo. The British MI-6
is supplying material on Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina,
two republics of the former Yugoslavia.
(Associated Press, Feb. 13)
The U.S. and NATO powers, during a 78-day
bombing campaign in 1999, dropped 25,000 tons of
bombs and killed thousands of Yugoslavs, many of
them seniors and children.
The anti-war movements in United States and
Europe have organized independent tribunals to try the
Pentagon and NATO brass in abstention and, after
pouring over testimony and facts, found the
imperialists guilty of war crimes against the
peoples of Yugoslavia.
In his Jan. 30 statement to an ICTY hearing,
Milosevic said of the combined charges against him: "All
three indictments really have a running thread
... which is the ongoing crime against Yugoslavia and
against my people." He said the victims are
being punished and the criminals let off "because they
were backed by forces that wanted to establish
control over the Balkans, so as to be able to use this
strategic position to establish their control
elsewhere."
Part of the anti-imperialist struggle
The trial of Milosevic in The Hague is therefore
viewed by many in Yugoslavia and around the world as
a continuation of the imperialist campaign in
eastern Europe.
Milosevic, who is defending himself before the
court, has refused to recognize the authority of the
imperial tribunal. He is expected to politically
rebut the charges against him on Feb. 14.
Milosevic's stand has aroused support in
Yugoslavia. Thousands marched in Belgrade on Feb. 9
demanding his freedom. The demonstration was
organized by the SPS. It took great courage to take
to the streets in an anti-imperialist
demonstration at this time.
More than 100,000 Serbs have already signed a
petition demanding his immediate release. This
petition will be sent to the United Nations and
to the Hague Tribunal.
Some 1,380 Yugoslavs volunteered to go to The
Hague to testify in his behalf, according to a French
Press Agency (AFP) report.
In The Hague, anti-war activists from Europe and
the U.S. denounced the tribunal as "NATO's court"
and called it a political tool of the U.S. and
European NATO powers to shift blame for the Balkan wars
from themselves to the Serb and Yugoslav people.
Those present included members of the
International Committee for the Defense of
Slobodan Milosevic and a delegation from the International
Action Center (IAC) from the United States.
Milosevic was first charged with war crimes by
the tribunal in May 1999. It was part of NATO's attempt
to pressure the Yugoslav government to surrender
control of the Serbian region of Kosovo and
Metohia to U.S./NATO occupation. Washington was
trying to avoid a land invasion that could bring U.S.
military casualties and spark more anti-war
actions within the United States.
Deposed by a foreign-financed election and a
coup in the fall of 2000, Milosevic was arrested by the
new pro-NATO regime in the spring of 2001. The
leaders of this government, President Vojislav
Kostunica and Serbian Premier Zoran Djinidjic,
were unable to bring substantial charges against the
former president. Instead, they violated the
Yugoslav Constitution and turned him over to NATO on
June 28, 2001.
Even then the only charges he faced involved
Kosovo. Only last fall, six to ten years after the events,
did they add charges involving Croatia and
Bosnia, where a bitter civil war had been fought between
Croatian, right-wing Muslim and Serb nationalist
regimes. The ICTY hoped it could make him
responsible for alleged crimes of the Serb
forces and make the more serious charge of "genocide"
stick.
After the collapse of the USSR, right-wing
ethnic nationalists in Croatia and Bosnia launched civil wars
that were tearing the country apart. The U.S.
and German governments and secret services backed
these right-wing forces, especially the
neo-fascist Franjo Tudjman in Croatia and the Alija Izetbegovic
regime in Bosnia.
Milosevic asked why "70,000 Muslim refugees
sought sanctuary in Serbia during the Bosnian conflict?
Do you think someone would flee their home and
take refuge in the very territory from which they
were endangered?"
The former president pointed out that, for all
the phony charges, only "the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia," said Milosevic, "which now exists,
retained its [multi]ethnic makeup. There were no
expulsions, from the beginning to the end of the
Yugoslav crisis." After the imperialist-backed forces
won, "half a million Serbs were expelled from
Croatia," Bosnia was split in three ethnic regions, and
virtually all non-Albanians were driven from
Kosovo.
Catalinotto is co-editor of a new book on
Yugoslavia called "Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of
Yugoslavia," published by the International
Action Center. A full transcript of President Milosevic's Jan.
30 statement can be found at www.iacenter.org.
- END -
Reprinted from the Feb. 21,
2002, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is
permitted to copy and distribute verbatim copies of
this document, but changing it is not allowed.
For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17
St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: ww@....
For subscription info send message to:
info@.... Web: http://www.workers.org)
===*===
URL for this article: http://emperors-clothes.com/h1.htm
EMPEROR'S CLOTHES, Thursday, February 14, 2002
=======================================
Report from the Kangaroo Court at The Hague
[14 February 2002]
=======================================
Dear friends,
I am writing to you from The Hague.
I am here as part of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic. We have been talking to many journalists in an effort to
break through the barrier of misinformation about Yugoslavia and
President Milosevic.
As we told journalists in interviews which have reached millions of
people, the character of the so-called prosecution's case is already
exposed, and the trial just two days old.
Instead of making a dignified, factual opening statement, the
prosecution spent two days broadcasting a made-for-TV fictional movie, a
rehash of all the emotional images they have produced over the past 12
years as evidence that the Serbs are monsters.
The pictures are presented without a shred of actual evidence. All we
get are ugly images and the assertions of the prosecutor/narrator. By
running this atrocity movie for two days, the ICTY hoped (not without
reason) that most reporters would leave The Hague before President
Milosevic made his statements.
What is perhaps most shocking, the prosecution has taken evidence
exonerating Milosevic and condemning NATO and, through the use of cheap
tricks, presented it as if it proved the opposite.
LIES ABOUT WHAT MILSOEVIC SAID AT KOSOVO FIELD IN 1989 - AGAIN!
For example, the "prosecutor" showed some footage of Milosevic
delivering his famous Kosovo Field speech in 1989. This footage included
English subtitles in which Milosevic said:
"Six centuries later, now, we are being again engaged in battles and are
facing battles. They are not armed battles, although such things cannot
be excluded yet."
This is supposed to prove that Milosevic used the 1989 speech to launch
the Yugoslav wars.
It is normal, if a prosecutor wishes to introduce quotes from a speech,
to distribute the entire text.
But this the 'Tribunal' did not do.
That's because if they had quoted almost any full paragraph from the
speech - let alone the whole speech - people would immediately see that
the quote above was a warning of the dangers of war. They would see it
was part of a call for unity between different national groups in
Yugoslavia, and for progress through equality and peaceful cooperation.
Take for instance the following uncut paragraph from the actual text (US
government translation) of Milosevic's speech. "For as long as
multinational communities have existed, their weak point has always been
the relations between different nations. The threat is that the question
of one nation being endangered by the others can be posed one day -- and
this can then start a wave of suspicions, accusations, and intolerance,
a wave that invariably grows and is difficult to stop. This threat has
been hanging like a sword over our heads all the time. Internal and
external enemies of multi-national communities are aware of this and
therefore they organize their activity against multinational societies
mostly by fomenting national conflicts. At this moment, we in Yugoslavia
are behaving as if we have never had such an experience and as if in our
recent and distant past we have never experienced the worst tragedy of
national conflicts that a society can experience and still survive.
FABRICATED PICTURES AND MIND BOGGLING DISHONESTY
Another example - The prosecutor showed footage of what seem to be men
imprisoned behind barbed wire. These pictures have been used before.
They were taken by an ITN film crew in 1992. Photographs were compiled
from this footage and broadcast around the world, purporting to prove
that the Serbs had set up a death camp at Trnopolje in Bosnia.
Amazingly, this footage can be seen in the Emperors' Clothes movie,
JUDGMENT. What the Tribunal did not show was the rest of the footage
from the movie - where you can witness Penny Marshall and the other
members of her ITN film crew setting up their cameras inside a chicken
wire and barbed wire enclosure.
Some refugees came over to see what was happening. Penny Marshall talked
to them and filmed them through the wire, thus producing footage that
made it seem these men were fenced in. The film was then further
doctored to create the 'feel' of a Nazi death camp.
In the movie, JUDGMENT, one can hear Penny Marshall pressing the Muslim
refugees to say they are being abused. The man she is interviewing
resists her pressure. "No no, " he says. "They treat us good. It's a
refugee center."
Thus the ICTY takes footage from a movie which proves that the death
camp stories were a lie, and uses them once again to broadcast the lie.
We have studied much data - both articles and transcripts from the mass
media, and original documents. We have also conducted our own
interviews.
We can now prove that NATO's charges against Milosevic are lies.
These lies were originally broadcast to justify the breakup of
Yugoslavia, engineered by the U.S., German and British Establishments.
Now because Milosevic has refused to crawl, the prosecution is forced to
justify their attack on Yugoslavia.
When Milosevic tried to speak today, his microphone was once again
turned off by Judge May. This demonstrates the essence of NATO's attempt
to deal with Milosevic and others who want to tell the truth about what
NATO has done to Yugoslavia. Their method is a) broadcast lies over and
over and 2) try to silence Milosevic and everyone else who tells the
truth.
But NATO and its 'Tribunal' have a problem. They are boxed in by their
previous propaganda. They have to prove the lies they made up over a
course of many years are true.
Thus this false trial has reopened the question of what really happened
in Yugoslavia. This gives those of us who want to get out the facts a
new opportunity.
And we are using it.
* Jared Israel * The Hague
===*===
Milosevic, a prisoner of conscience
Neil Clark raises a lone voice for a man whose worst crime was to carry
on being socialist
New Statesman magazine, 11 Feb., 2002
I always remember my first visit to Belgrade, in the summer of 1998. As
an unreconstructed socialist, completely out of step with the spirit of
the age, 1 had spent most of the Nineties trying to escape, as best 1
could, to a place where it was still 1948. So imagine my delight when 1
arrived in Belgrade and found a city that seemed miraculously to have
escaped all the horrors of global grunge.
Bookshops, self service restaurants and state~owned department stores
abounded: a walk down the city boulevards reminded one of a British high
street in the late Sixties. My delight turned to ecstasy when, on
entering a state owned bookshop, 1 saw on prominent display in the
window a copy of that classic tome Arguments for Socialism by Tony Berm.
What a truly wonderful place was Belgrade!
Yet here 1 was, in the capital city of a nation commonly regarded as the
"pariah" state of Europe and whose leader a certain Slobodan
Milosevic was routinely dismissed in the western media as Europe's
Saddam Hussein. Four years on, the same Slobodan Milosevic languishes in
a cell awaiting trial on charges of war crimes and genocide.
While opposition to the treatment of the al Qaeda prisoners has been
widespread and vociferous, few have protested about the treatment handed
out to a man who, less than 18 months ago, was president of a European
nation. Yet the way Milosevic has been dealt with is, in many ways, as
great a scandal as the blindfolds and handcuffs at Camp X Ray.
For a start, it is still unclear what the former Yugoslav leader is
actually charged with, even though he has been deprived of his liberty
for more than ten months now. The original war crimes indictment, served
on Milosevic in June 1999 at the height of the Kosovo war, covered vague
charges relating to the war in Bosnia. The UN's chief war crimes
prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, has sought to submerge these charges into a
"unified" indictment, widened to include charges relating to the war in
Bosnia and also to campaigns in Croatia. At least, that was the position
up until very recently. Now, it seems, due to problems with "collecting
evidence", the trial date of 12 February is likely to be put back once
more.
As if the nebulous nature of these charges were not scandalous enough,
there are also the day to day infringements of Milosevic's basic human
rights to consider. On the pretext of preventing a suicide attempt,
Milosevic is under 24 hour video surveillance in his cell. He is denied
access to the counsel of his choice, his mail is strictly censored and
he is prevented from speaking to the world's media. Yet despite these
violations, Amnesty International, normally so vocal in its defence of
"political prisoners", has yet to utter so much as a murmur.
The problem is that the demonisation campaign against Milosevic has been
so thorough and unrelenting and, for most, Slobo is already guilty as
charged.
Milosevic, we have learnt from the western media, is a rabid Serb
nationalist who whipped up dormant ethnic tensions to plunge the whole
region into war and, in the process, had thousands of innocent people
deported or killed.
But let us look beyond this CNN view of world history. Slobodan
Milosevic, a lifelong socialist, never once made a racist speech. When
faced with the incessant violence of western trained separatist groups,
he had little option but to use military means to try to prevent the
break up of his country and to defend the Serbian and Roma people from
being driven out of the lands they had inhabited for centuries.
Ironically, although the Yugoslav Socialist Party leader had no shortage
of "right wing" enemies (Lady Thatcher, for one), it has been
representatives of the liberal left, in the United States, Britain and
Europe, who have hounded him most mercilessly.
Back in 1999, it was Auberon Waugh who memorably coined the phrase
"Blair Toynbee axis" to describe the unedifying enthusiasm for the
bombing of Yugoslavia from new Labour and its supporters in the British
media. Then ministers such as Robin Cook and Derek Fatchett who, less
than 20 years earlier, had been on Ban the Bomb marches now climbed into
jump jets and addressed military press conferences, while Clare Short
defended the killing of cleaners and make up girls at the Yugoslav state
television station by Nato bombs.
How are we to explain this? The trouble with Slobo is not that he is an
"ethnic cleanser" (three years after the original indictment, we have
yet to see the evidence linking Milosevic to atrocities in Bosnia), but
that he is stubbornly and cussedly an "old", unreconstructed socialist.
This is why the new designer "left" parties of Europe have pursued him
so mercilessly to The Hague. Slobo is exactly the kind of old style
eastern European leader many of them would have defended in their
student days. Ironically, it is still acceptable in politically correct
circles to praise Tito's Yugoslavia, which was truly a one party state;
but Milosevie's Yugoslavia, where more than 20 political parties could
freely operate, is deemed completely beyond the pale.
Had Milosevic sold off his country's assets to the multinationals and
queued up deferentially to join the European Union and Nato, and become
a western "yes man", he would have had carte blanche to wage his own
"war against terrorism". Anyone who doubts this need only refer to the
1999 US EU Balkan Stability Pact, which called for all countries of the
region to be offered Nato and EU membership to "anchor them firmly in
Euro Atlantic structures", as well as demanding "wide spread'
privatisation" and an end to any restrictions on the operations of
multinationals.
The treatment handed out to Milosevic shows that the biggest enemies of
socialist causes are not those with principles on the right, but those
without them on the left.
===*===
THE TRIAL ON MILOSEVIC : THE LIE OF THE CENTURY!
The International Tribunal, presided over by Richard
May, started the trial of ex-president of Yugoslavia
Slobodan Milosevic. Prosecutor General Carla Del Ponte
said that the litigation could last up to two years.
Unprecendented security measures have been taken,
since the event is gathering a lot of people from the
entire world.
As news agencies reported, Milosevic appeared in the
court room wearing a dark suit and a tie; he was calm
and confident.
Carla Del Ponte was the first to make a speech. The
prosecutor talked about the justice and about the
inevitability of retaliation. She said that Milosevic
was moved by his hunger for power.
Ninety witnesses are going to participate in the
trial, and Bill Clinton may be one of them. The judges
of the International Tribunal of the Hague have
charged the former president of Yugoslavia of
committing war crimes in Kosovo in 1999, during the
war in Croatia (1991-1995), and in Bosnia (1992-1995).
As far as Bosnia is concerned, Milosevic is also being
charged with genocide.
The court will first consider the events in Kosovo.
The documents on the other two cases are to be
prepared by July 1. The most severe punishment that
can be ruled by the Tribunal is a lifetime of
imprisonment.
As it became known, Slobodan Milosevic?s party, the
Social Party of Serbia, is trying to provide for the
constant presence of its representatives at the court
sessions. The Canadian lawyer Christopher Black stated
that the prosecution would extend the process to the
maximum, for they were not successful in Milosevic?s
case, so they will use him as a whipping boy.
In the meantime, a group of the deputies of the State
Duma sent a letter to UN?s Secretary-General Kofi
Annan, expressing solidarity with the former
Yugoslavian leader. They asked Annan to dimiss Carla
Del Ponte from her position.
It was stressed in the letter that new information
pertaining to the links between the Liberation Army of
Kosovo and Osama bin Laden (and his al-Qaeda group)
changed the conception about the character of the
conflict in Kosovo during 1998-1999, and, therefore,
the estimation of the key figures of that conflict. It
is obvious that President Milosevic was waging war
against international terrorism. However, the actions
of the Yugoslavian government to suppress the armed
separatism and destroy the armed militant groups that
terrorized the Serb and the Albanian population were
pictured as repression against the civilians.
The deputies drew Annan?s attention to the fact that
Carla Del Ponte had all the necessary documents
concerning the terrorist activity of the Liberation
Army of Kosovo at her disposal, but she deliberately
refused to include them in the materials of the case.
Furthermore, the court is not going to consider the
war crimes committed by the USA and NATO in 1999. No
wonder, taking into consideration the fact of who
controls this International Tribunal. If you want to
address someone, don't address Kofi Annan, address
American President George (the second)W. Bush.
The Serbian minister for Justice, Vladan Batic, said
that the state is not supposed to interfere in the
litigation with Milosevic. As Batic claimed, the
proceedings in the Hague are not the aimed against
Serbia, but are a process aimed at proving the
criminal responsibility of one person only.
Furthermore, Milosevic does not acknowledge the
government of Serbia.
ver 100-thousand Serbian citizens have already signed
a petition for the immediate release of Milosevic.
This petition is going to be sent to the UN and to the
Hague Tribunal. The process in the Hague is going to
be proved the ?the lie of the century? in order to
release Milosevic and find him not guilty of the
charges (...)
Milosevic?s name is written in the history as the man
who ruled the country during NATO?s aggression in the
spring of 1999. This was the time when the whole
nation united around this leader and saw Milosevic as
their protecter and the embodiment of an unconquered
people.
Sergey Stefanov (PRAVDA.Ru)
===*===
DJINDJIC CALLS ON ICTY INDICTEES TO GIVE THEMSELVES UP
BELGRADE, Feb. 13 (Beta) - Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic said
the
list of war crimes indictees sought by the International Criminal
Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has been considerably shortened,
"partly
due to court capacity, and partly because tensions have eased," the
Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti reports on Feb. 14.
"We cannot evade The Hague tribunal. There is only a limited number of
names on their list, including Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, and
the
four members of Milosevic's entourage," Djindjic said, adding that "they
can be counted on the fingers of one hand."
"Why don't they, gentlemen and heroes that they are, remove the noose
from
their nation's neck and give themselves up of their own free will. The
trials are public, there are 250 reporters with press accreditation, so
the
trials cannot possibly be rigged," the Serbian prime minister said.
SERBIAN JUSTICE MINISTER URGES ICTY INDICTEES TO SURRENDER
BELGRADE, Feb. 13 (Beta) - Serbian Justice Minister Vladan Batic called
on
all those indicted by The Hague-based International War Crimes Tribunal
for
the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to voluntarily surrender, and thus
"demonstrate patriotic conscience." Batic reiterated that in the case of
voluntary surrender, the Serbian government would offer guarantees for
release from pre-trial detention.
At a press conference of the Democratic-Christian Party of Serbia, led
by
him, Batic said that the Serbian government had not been set "any
ultimatum
requests in respect to certain individuals or deadlines" for extradition
of
indictees to the ICTY, but added that all international officials had
pointed to the necessity of full cooperation with the ICTY.
PESIC: COOPERATION WITH THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL IN LEGALLY DEFINED MANNER
BELGRADE, Feb 18 ( Tanjug) - Yugoslav Prime Minister Dragisa Pesic told
Tanjug Sunday that it is the last moment for cooperation with The Hague
tribunal in a legally defined manner and that a political agreement
needed
to be reached as soon as possible with coalition partners on the federal
level and parties in Serbia. "On the issue of extradition of
individuals, I
personally think that, realizing the resolve and need for future
cooperation with The Hague tribunal, conscience will prevail and that
many
will voluntarily give themselves up and in that way lift the burden from
themselves and from the nation and from our state," Pesic said.
FRY ASKS FOR OBSERVER STATUS AT HAGUE TRIAL
BELGRADE, Feb 17 ( Free Serbia) - Federal foreign
minister Goran Svilanovic confirmed today our country demanded The Hague
tribunal to make it possible for one representative of the Yugoslav
government to be observer to the trial of Slobodan Milosevic.
"This is something I have done in the capacity of
foreign minister. I officially demanded The Hague tribunal to have one
of
our observers be present during the course of the trial, because our
citizens are on trial", tells Svilanovic.
"We want to follow the course of the trial up to the
smallest detail, not from the media but from direct presence. We are
still
expecting the answer and I think it will be positive", stressed
Svilanovic
adding this was an important trial and "there are trials that would be
beneficial to our country". He adds cooperation with The Hague tribunal
is
an obligation of our government and should be taken seriously, which
also
applies to the extradition of indictees for war crimes
ALBRIGHT: U.S. GOVERNMENT WILL DECIDE UPON TESTIMONY AT HAGUE
WASHINGTON, Feb 17 ( B92) - Former State Secretary Madeleine
Albright has stated the U.S. government would decide upon whether she
would
testify at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic. "Whatever steps I took, I
did
it as ally to the U.S. government and so the decision about the
appearance
at the Milosevic trial should be adopted by the government", Albright
tells
the press in Kiev
con cio' che il governo fa per i Serbi
e altri non-albanesi in Kosovo e'
sufficiente per capire per chi lavora
il vice primoministro serbo"
> http://www.glas-javnosti.co.yu/danas/srpski/T02021101.shtml
"Glas Javnosti" 12/02/2002
IL SERENO PRIMA DELLA TEMPESTA
Tempo fa, a Vienna, il vice
primoministro serbo, Nebojsa Covic,
ha informato il Consiglio permanente
dell'OSCE delle misure
governative a favore degli Albanesi
nella Valle di Presevo.
Un raffronto dei dati che ha fornito
con cio' che il governo fa per i Serbi
e altri non-albanesi in Kosovo e'
sufficiente per capire per chi lavora
il vice primoministro Serbo.
Negli ultimi otto mesi, 8982
Albanesi sono rientrati a Presevo, da
dove erano temporaneamente trasferiti, e
questo numero va diviso per cento per
sapere quanti Serbi cacciati con la
violenza siano riusciti a tornare a Kosmet.
Dall'ottobre 2001, una volta al mese
6110 albanesi ricevono dal governo serbo
aiuti in cibo, prodotti igienici e
vestiti. Non ci risulta che i serbi
kosovari ricevano aiuti o soldi dal
governo.
Nei comuni di Bujanovac, Medvedja e
Presevo, 168 persone hanno ottenuto dal
governo 930000 euro di risarcimenti
per i danni subiti ai loro beni durante
le azioni dell'esercito. Non ci risulta
che l'UNMIK, ma neanche il governo
serbo, abbiano mai risarcito un
qualche serbo per una qualsivoglia
ragione.
Per ricostruire case e alloggi
albanesi, il governo ha speso un
milione di euro, zero per i serbi.
Per la messa in onda delle trasmissioni
della radio albanese di Bujanovac -
Presevo - Medvedja, il governo ha speso
266000 euro. Per i serbi nel Kosmet, non
un soldo.
E per finire, grazie all'amnistia
generale, è stato messo termine a
tutte le cause giudiziarie inoltrate
contro 35 albanesi. Niente amnistia pero'
per i serbi kosovari detenuti nelle
carceri albanesi.
E dopo tali brillanti risultati,
Covic ha osato appena pregare
l'OSCE perche' facesse la cortesia di
richiamare alla ragione "un gruppetto
di comandanti che, essenzialmente per
motivi personali, tardano a cambiare,
minacciando di turbare la comunità
locale e provocando inquietudine e
sfiducia".
Ma quali turbamenti sarebbero questi,
se è lui a presagirli?
Effetivamente, il signor Covic parla
dei capi del recentemente disciolto
OVPMB, cioè delle milizie albanesi
operanti nella Valle di Presevo, Valle
che per loro altro non è che Kosova
Orientale, "brandello di corpo albanese
sottomesso alla feroce occupazione
serba."
Dopotutto, nel loro comunicato,
l'Esercito Nazionale Albanese (ENA) il
27 settembre 2001 "dichiara inaccettabile
la costruzione di stati artificiali
tipo Macedonia e Federazione
Jugoslava, a scapito dell'integrità
territoriale ed amministrativa albanese,
perche' noi rifiutiamo qualsiasi messa
in discussione della integrità della
compatta carta geografica albanese, e
lottiamo per la loro completa
unificazione, compreso il Kosovo
orientale in quanto parte integrante del
Kosovo." E visto che conclude dicendo
che le guerre di liberazione sono lecite
e necessarie, non ci resta che vedere a
quando la prossima. Per adesso, si preparano
proteste allo scopo di ottenere la
demilitarizzazione del sud della
Serbia, in altre parole il ritiro
dell'Esercito Jugoslavo dalla zona
Presevo-Bujanovac-Medvedja. Allo
stesso tempo, nel sud del Kosovo proseguono
i preparativi per azioni armate di pura
provocazione. In vista anche della
possibilita' che i terroristi albanesi,
in uniforme della UNKFOR o dell'UNMIK,
attacchino i nostri militari e la polizia
per provocare un conflitto con le forze
internazionali. Per questo scopo
all'inizio del mese ci fu una rassegna
delle unità dell'Esercito di Liberazione.
Nel villaggio di Glodane si sono dati
raduno 3000 ex combattenti, mentre il campo
di addestramento dei terroristi è situato
nei dintorni di Dobrcane, paesino
nei pressi di Gnjilane. La Kfor ha
finora evitato di visitare questo campo
per ragioni di sicurezza.
Nella regione del villaggio di Bujic,
infine, è stato avvistato un gruppetto
di uomini armati, ma nonostante tutti
questi segnali che non lasciano alcun
dubbio su cio' che dobbiamo aspettarci,
Covic da Vienna fa sapere che al piu'
tardi il 15 aprile, quando cioè
cominciano a sbocciare le foglie nei
boschi, l' Esercito Jugoslavo lascerà
l'edificio scolastico di Bujanovac come
pure i locali della fabrica "Eurofleks"
a Presevo, abbandonerà cioè queste due
città.
D'altro canto da Washington, D.
Micunovic fa sapere che gli americani
non sono sodisfatti dei tempi delle
riforme nel nostro Esercito (sic), il
che in parole spicciole significa che
non abbiamo ancora eliminato tutti
quei comandanti che con successo
difesero il sud della Serbia.
Veniamo cosi' al significato del
quadro addirittura idilliaco che Covic
ci dà della situazione nel sud della
Serbia, quadro che viene solo in
minima parte messo in questione dai
suoi " irrequieti" comandanti.
A parere nostro invece, è la tempesta
che si annuncia!
Kosta Cavoski
trad. di Olga D., Parigi
tekst
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/milo140202sh.txt
Word document
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/milo140202sh.doc
S Milosevic u Hagu 13.02.2002:
tekst
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1600
Word document
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/milo130202sh.doc
Beseda Slobodana Milosevica 14.02.2002. Hag
===*===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian newspaper
advocating liberation)
"NIN" br. 1982 od 25.12.1988.
HRONOLOGIJA NAPADA
Prema podacima SSINF-a, u inostranstvu je od 1945.
godine do septembra 1985. neprijateljska emigracija
izvela ukupno 657 antijugoslovenskih teroristickih
akcija u kojima je poginulo 82 lica (i 3 stranca),
a povredjeno 186 osoba (dva stranca). Na tlu Jugoslavije
je u posleratnom periodu izvedeno 40 teoristickih
akcija, a 60 u pokusaju. Zivot je izgubilo 30 lica,
a povredjeno je 73. Na tlu Australije (dve najagresivnije
ustaske organizacije "Hrvatsko revolucionarno bratstvo"
i "Hrvatski narodni otpor") od l945 do 1988 ekstremisti
su izveli 33 nasilnicke akcije prema svemu sto je
jugoslavensko i 3 u samoj Jugoslaviji.
Iz hronologije tih napada ponajbolje se vidi sta sve
hrvatski emigranti rade i u kojim periodoma su imali
vise-manje odresene ruke za svoj teror.
* Pocetkom 1961. bacena je bomba na nase diplomatsko
predstavnistvo u Sidneju i nacinjena velika materijalna steta;
* 6 jula l963. godine u Jugoslaviji je iz Australije
ubacena grupa od 9 terorista HRB (Drazen Tapasnji, Miro
Fumic, Stanko Zdrilic, Kresimir Perkovic, Vlado Leko,
Rade Stajic, Branko Podrug, Ilija Tolic i Josip Oblak)
koji su petnaestak dana kasnije pokusali da podmetnu minu
na pruzi Rijeka - Zagreb, ali su uhvaceni i osudjeni od 7
do 14 godina robije;
* 29. Novembra 1967. u Generalnom konzulatu u Melburnu
ostavljena je mina u obliku naliv-pera koja je
eksplodirala i ranila jedno lice;
* 29. decembra 1967. eksplozivnu napravu u nasem Konzulatu
u Sidneju podmetnuo je Mate Kovacic, ali je tom prilikom
uhapsen;
* 8. juna l968. Opet je postavljena mina ispred Generalnog
konzulata u Sidneju, ali njeni vlasnici nisu identifikovani;
* 8. juna 1969. eksplodirala je tempirana bomba ispred zgrade
Ambasade SFRJ u Kamberi;
* 1. januara l970. detoniran je klub iseljenika "Jugal" u
Sidneju;
* 21. oktobra 1970. ispred Konzulata u Melburnu eksplodirala
je mina i nacinjena veca materijalna steta;
* 30. decembra 1970. ustaski ekstremisti ranili su dva
gradjanina jugoslovesnkog porekla u gradu Talbiks;
* 23. novembra 1971., izvrsena je diverzija na agenciju
"Adrijatik" u Sidneju. Bomba teroriste Andjelka Marica
ranila je 16 lica zbog cega je osudjen;
* 29. novembra 1971., za vreme prikazivanja jednog
jugoslovenskog filma u Kamberi eksplodirala je mina u
bioskopu "Hub", ali srecom niko nje povredjen;
* 14. februara 1972., pucano je na zgradu Generalnog konzulata
u Pertu;
* 6.- 7. aprila 1972., u Melburnu, prvo je postavljena
paklena masina na jugoslovenskom standu Izlozbe domace
radinosti, a zatim je eksplodirala bomba ispred stana
predsednika Komiteta za zastitu gradjana jugoslovenskog
porekla;
* 20. juna 1972., grupa od 19 terorista upala je u SFRJ sa
namerom da "digne ustanak", predvodili su ih braca Ambrozije
i Adolf Andric. Grupa je likvidirana, cetvorica ekstremista
su osudjeni na smrt streljanjem, a peti - Ludvig Pavlovic
je zbog mladosti pomilovan od strane Predsednistva SFRJ. U
akciji likvidiranja ustasa poginulo je 13 Jugoslovena;
* 16. septembra 1972., u sidneskoj radnji naseg iseljenika
eksplodirala je mina i ranila 18 osoba i nanela stetu
obliznjoj agenciji "Adriatik";
* 8. decembra 1972., u Brizbejnu eksplodirala je bomba
ispred pravoslavne crkve koja je usmrtila jednog gradjanina
SAD;
* pocetkom 1973., u Melburnu je ubijen Mehmed Bektes
zato sto nije htio da suradjuje sa ustasama;
* 25. maja 1975., opet je eksplodirala mina u melburnskoj
agenciji "Adriatik";
* augusta l975., u Jugoslaviju su ubaceni Vinko Barusic
i nemica Barbara Placeta sa sedamnaest diverzantskih
naprava i namerom da miniraju objekte na Jadranskom moru.
Uhapseni su i osudjeni na 20 t.j. 11 godina zatvora;
* 31. maja 1976., u Melburnu su demolirana vrata i
namestaj u agenciji "Adriatik";
* 3. jula 1977., clan HNO Josip Stipic bacio je dimnu
bombu u sali za vreme koncerta jugoslovenskih estradnih
umetnika u Sidneju;
* 3. decembra 1977., eksplodirala je mina ispred poslovnice
JAT-a u Melburnu;
* 18. februara 1978., izvrsen je u Sidneju napad na
redakciju lista iseljenika "Nase novine";
* 17. juna 1978., u Sidneju je minom ostecena zgrada Konzulata;
* 2. septembra 1978., australijska policija je uhapsila
grupu od sedam terorista koji su pripremali diverzantske
akcije i upad u SFRJ (Ante Misevic, Karoman Kovac, Andrija
Lemic, Milan Franjic, Nikola Bikes, Ante Saric i Jure
Maric iz HRB);
* 14. novembra 1978., troje ekstremista (Marija Zetina,
Jasna Percic i Kreso Kristic) demontirali su jedan policijski
objekt i kaznjeni novcano;
* 8. februara 1979., u Sidneju je uhapseno sedam
emigranata sa oruzjem, otrovom i eksplozivom koji
su nameravali da koriste prilikom napada na iseljenicke
klubove, poslovnicu "Generalturista" i koncertne hale
u kojima je nastupala grupa nasih pevaca. Uhapseni su
i osudjeni na 15 godina zatvora Mile Nekic, Josip
Kokotovic, Anton Zairovic, Josip Stipic, Vrco Birkuz
i Marko Bebic;
* 19. oktobra l979., u Jugoslaviju je doputovao jedan
ekstremista sa zadatkom da izvede niz teroristickih
akcija, ali se sam predao miliciji;
* 21. novembra 1980., ispred kuce sudije Maksvela
u Sidneju pucano u vazduh da bi se zaplasio pred
sudjenje sedmorici ustaskih terorista;
* 13. Novembra 1982., u Kamberi su demolirana
ulazna vrata na kancelariji sekretara ambasade SFRJ;
* 29. decembra 1986., eksplodirala je bomba ispred
privrednog predstavnistva Jugoslavije u Melburnu;
* 7. jula 1988. bacen je "molotov koktel" na
Jugoslovenski centar u Aldelaidu;
* 27. novembra 1988. izvedene su demonstracije i
napad na Generalni konzulat u Sidneju sa ciljem da
se skine i zapali jugoslovenska trobojka;
* 27. novembra 1988. u Melburnu su ustaski i albanski
separatisti napali nase klubove i
* 8. decembra 1988. napadnut je predsednik Jugoslovenskog
centra u Adelaidu i zapaljen mu je automobil.
===*===
"NIN", Belgrado, n.1982 del 25/12/1988
CRONOLOGIA DEGLI ATTACCHI
In base a dati del Ministero federale dell'Informazione,
tra il 1945 ed il settembre 1985 gli elementi ostili
della immigrazione hanno compiuto in tutto 657 azioni
terroristiche antijugoslave, nelle quali sono state
uccise 82 persone (e tre stranieri) e ferite 186 persone
(due stranieri). Sul territorio della Jugoslavia, nel
periodo postbellico sono stati realizzati 40 atti di
terrorismo, altri 60 sono falliti. Trenta persone hanno
perso la vita, 73 sono state ferite. Tra il 1945 ed il
1988, sul territorio australiano gli estremisti
(appartenenti a due organizzazioni di ustascia estremamente
aggressive, la "Fratellanza rivoluzionaria croata" -HRB-
e la "Resistenza popolare croata" -HNO-) hanno compiuto 33
azioni violente contro ogni genere di obiettivi jugoslavi,
3 nella sola Jugoslavia.
Dalla cronologia di questi attacchi si vede perfettamente
cosa fanno gli emigrati croati ed in quali periodi hanno
avuto piu' o meno mano libera per il loro terrore.
* All'inizio del 1961 una bomba viene lanciata contro
la nostra rappresentanza diplomatica a Sidney, ove causa
ingenti danni materiali;
* Il 6 luglio del 1963 si introduce dalla Australia in
Jugoslavia un gruppo di 9 terroristi della HRB (Drazen
Tapasnji, Miro Fumic, Stanko Zdrilic, Kresimir Perkovic,
Vlado Leko, Rade Stajic, Branko Podrug, Ilija Tolic e
Josip Oblak) che circa 15 giorni dopo tenta di piazzare
un ordigno sulla ferrovia Fiume-Zagabria, ma vengono arrestati
e condannati dai 7 ai 14 anni di galera;
* Il 29 novembre 1967 nel Consolato generale a Melbourne
viene lasciato un ordigno a forma di penna stilografica
che esplode e ferisce una persona;
* Il 29 dicembre 1967 viene collocato un ordigno nel nostro
Consolato a Sidney da Mate Kovacic, ma in quella occasione
egli viene arrestato;
* 8 giugno 1968: di nuovo una bomba viene piazzata davanti
al Consolato generale a Sidney, ma i suoi "proprietari"
non vengono identificati;
* L'otto giugno 1969 una bomba a tempo esplode dinanzi
all'edificio dell'Ambasciata della RFSJ a Canberra;
* Il primo gennaio 1970 salta in aria il club degli
emigranti "Jugal", a Sidney;
* Il 21 ottobre 1970, davanti al Consolato a Melbourne,
esplode una bomba che provoca danni ingenti;
* Il 30 dicembre 1970 estremisti ustascia feriscono
due cittadini di origine jugoslava nella citta' di Talbiks;
* Il 23 novembre 1971 un'azione teroristica viene compiuta
contro l'agenzia "Adriatik" a Sidney. La bomba terroristica
di Andjelko Maric ferisce 16 persone;
* Il 29 novembre 1971 durante la proiezione di un film jugoslavo
a Camberra esplode nel cinema "Hub" una bomba, ma fortunatamente
nessuno è ferito;
* Il 14 febbraio 1972 spari contro l'edificio del Consolato
generale a Perth;
* Tra il 6 e il 7 aprile 1972, a Melbourne, prima viene posto un
ordigno a tempo allo stand jugoslavo della Mostra dell'artigianato,
e poi esplode una bomba davanti all'appartamento del Presidente
del Comitato per la tutela dei cittadini di origine jugoslava;
* Il 20 giugno del 1972 un gruppo di 19 terroristi, guidati dai
fratelli Ambroz e Adolf Andric, si introduce nella RSFJ con
l'intenzione di "suscitare una sommossa". Il gruppo viene
liquidato, 4 estremisti sono condannati a morte, mentre il
quinto, Ludvig Pavlovic, a causa della minore età, è graziato
dalla Presidenza della RSFJ;
* 16 settembre 1972: nel negozio di un nostro emigrante
esplode una bomba che ferisce 18 persone e provoca danni
alla vicina agenzia "Adriatik";
* l'8 dicembre 1972 a Brisbane esplode una bomba davanti
alla chiesa ortodossa, che uccide un cittadino USA;
* All'inizio del 1973 a Melbourne è stato assassinato
Mehmed Bektes [nome musulmano, Ndt.] per essersi rifiutato
di collaborare con gli ustascia;
* Il 25 maggio 1975 di nuovo esplode una bomba nell'agenzia
"Adriatik" di Melbourne;
* Nell'agosto del 1975 sono introdotti in Jugoslavia Vinko
Barusic e la cittadina tedesca Barbara Placeta, con 17 ordigni
esplosivi allo scopo di minare obiettivi lungo la costa adriatica;
arrestati, sono condannati a 20, cioè a 11 anni di prigione.
* Il 31 maggio 1976 a Melbourne vengono demolite le porte e
i mobili dell'agenzia "Adriatik";
* Il 3 luglio 1977 Josip Stipic, membro del HNO, lancia una
bomba lacrimogena nella sala durante un concerto di cantanti
jugoslavi a Sidney;
* 3 dicembre 1977, esplode una bomba davanti l'agenzia aerea
JAT a Melbourne;
* Il 18 febbraio 1978 a Sidney viene compiuto un attacco alla
redazione del giornale per gli emigranti "Nase novine"
(Le nostre notizie);
* Il 17 giugno 1978 a Sidney viene danneggiato da una bomba
l'edificio del Consolato;
* 2 settembre 1978: la polizia australiana arresta un
gruppo di 7 terroristi che stavano preparando azioni ed una
incursione nel territorio della RSFJ (Ante Misevic,
Karoman Kovac, Andrija Lemic, Milan Franjic, Nikola Bikes,
Ante Saric e Jure Maric del HRB);
* 14 novembre 1978: tre estremisti - Marija Zetina, Jasna
Percic e Kreso Kristic - distruggono una postazione della
polizia. Sono condannati al risarcimento dei danni;
* L'8 febbraio 1979, a Sidney sono arrestati 7 emigranti
con armi, veleni ed esplosivo, che cercavano di usare
negli attacchi contro le sedi dei club degli emigrati,
contro l'agenzia della "Generalturist", e contro sale
di concerti dove si esibivano gruppi di nostri cantanti.
Sono stati arrestati e condannati a 15 anni di prigione
Mile Nekic, Josip Kokotovic, Anto Zairovic, Josip
Stipic, Vrco Birkuz e Marko Bebic;
* Il 19 ottobre 1979, in Jugoslavia è arrivato
un estremista col compito di effettuare diversi
atti terroristici, ma si è arreso da solo alla polizia;
* Il 21 novembre 1980, davanti la casa del giudice
Maxwell a Sidney, vengono sparati in aria colpi di arma
da fuoco per intimorirlo prima del processo ai 7
terroristi ustascia;
* 13. Novembre 1982: a Camberra vengono demolite le
porte d'ingresso dell'ufficio del Segretario dell'Ambasciata
della RSFJ;
* Il 29 dicembre 1986 esplode una bomba davanti l'Ambasciata
jugoslava a Melbourne;
* 7 luglio 1988: viene gettata una molotov contro il Centro
jugoslavo ad Adelaide;
* Il 27 novembre l988 manifestazioni e attacco al Consolato
generale a Sidney con l'obiettivo di togliere la bandiera
jugoslava e bruciarla;
* Il 27 novembre l988 a Melbourne i separatisti ustascia
e albanesi assaltano i nostri centri e
* l'8 dicembre 1988 viene aggredito il presidente del
Centro jugoslavo ad Adelaide e gli viene bruciata l'automobile.
Traduzione a cura della redazione di "Voce Jugoslava"
su Radio Citta' Aperta, Roma
MEET THE NAZIS THE CIA MARRIED: THE CROATIAN USTASHI
by Petar Makara and Jared Israel
[Posted 9 December 2001].
Italian translation by Alessandro Lattanzio
For the original English text:
> http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/backin.htm or
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1452
===
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
SUL CONNUBIO NAZISTI-CIA: GLI USTASCIA CROATI
di Petar Makara e Jared Israel
[9 Dicembre 2001]
"NIENTE SERBI, NE' EBREI, NE' NOMADI ['Zingari'] E
NE' CANI" -
Testo di testimonianza sul governo della Croazia
secessionista nel giugno 1941.
Nell'articolo "I peggiori segreti dell'orso
impacciato" abbiamo parlato del 'salvataggio'
USA/Vaticano dei nazisti dell'Europa Orientale e dei
Balcani alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale. (1)
Parecchie di tali persone, con i loro figli, furono
rispediti in Europa, alla fine degli anni '80 e
all'inizio degli anni '90, al fine di aiutare
l'instaurazione di regimi filo-occidentali.
Per dare una visione migliore di cosa ciò significa,
dobbiamo vedere più da vicino chi, il vaticano e il
governo degli Stati Uniti, salvarono.
Il seguente testo è una tesi sul cosiddetto Stato
indipendente di Croazia, comprendente la Croazia e
parte della Bosnia-Herzegovina.
La Croazia era uno stato clerical-fascista,
installatosi dopo l'invasione nazista della
Jugoslavia, durante la primavera del 1941.
Balzando agli anni '90, vi è un luogo comune nei
media occidentali, nell'accusare i serbi di paranoia
nel resistere alla secessione croata. Sono paranoici?
O hanno qualche motivo per preoccuparsi di ciò?
Durante gli anni '90, la stampa jugoslava si riferiva
ai secessionisti croati come 'Ustashi.' Permettetemi
di spiegarvi.
Jared Israel
SGUARDO SULL'OLOCAUSTO
di Petar Makara
Parte 1 - MACELLO ETNICO
[ESTRATTO] "Il più grande massacro etnico si compì in
Jugoslavia, poco dopo l'invasione tedesca dell'Aprile
1941.
La creazione dello stato separatista di Croazia ...
controllato dai fascisti,
Cattolici, dal movimento estremista Ustasha che
preparava la tragedia... Adesso, la Croazia storica
si era espansa fino a includere la Bosnia-Herzegovina
e altri territori, e gli Ustasha furono messi al
governo di una popolazione di circa 7 milioni di
persone, di cui la metà Croata, altri 2 milioni erano
serbi, e circa 750.000 Mussulmani, e piccole comunità
di protestanti e ebrei.... Il Ministro
dell'Educazione, Mile Budak, chiarì il proclama degli
Ustasha: 'la nostra nuova Croazia si sbarazzerà dei
serbi tra di noi, allo scopo di avere il cento per
cento di cattolici tra dieci anni.'
Professore Clive Ponting, "Armageddon," Random House,
Inc., New York, 1995, pagg. 231-232.
PARTE 2 - EFFERATEZZA INSUPERATA
[Estratto] "In Bosnia... i fascisti croati iniziarono
il massacro dei serbi che , in tutto il periodo della
seconda guerra mondiale, fu sorpassato in ferocia
solo dallo sterminio degli ebrei polacchi.
Le citazioni di sopra è stata ripetuta diverse volte
da tute le versioni dell'Encyclopedia Britannica dal
1971 al 1987. Si può trovare, per esempio,
nell'Encyclopedia Britannica Edizione 1971, Volume
23, pag. 922 o nell'Encyclopedia Britannica, Edizione
1987, Volume 29, pag. 1054.
(Capitolo intitolato: "Jugoslavia, 2° G.M."). Non si
trovano più nelle edizioni seguenti. Molti dei dati
precedenti divennero politicamente scorretti, fin d a
quando gli USA e la Germania iniziarono a
sponsorizzare la nuova Croazia indipendente, alla
fine degli anni '80.
PARTE 3 - METODI DI STERMINIO DEGLI 'ELEMENTI
ESTRANEI'
[Estratto] "La Croazia [sotto il controllo fascista,
si chiamava 'Stato indipendente di Croazia' o
'Nazavisna Drzava Hrvatska,' da cui le iniziali NDH)
... Instaurato durante la 2° G.M., esistette
dall'Aprile 1941 al Maggio 1945. La sua area occupava
quello che oggi è la Repubblica Federativa di Croazia
e la Repubblica Federativa di Bosnia e Herzegovina...
la sua capitale era Zagabria. Aveva una popolazione
di 6.3 milioni di persone, di cui 3.3 milioni croati
cattolici, 1.9 milioni di serbi, 700.000
Mussulmani... 40.000 ebrei e 30,000 Zingari...
" ... Poco dopo la presa del potere , gli Ustasha,
con l'aiuto di molti croati , iniziarono la
cosiddetta ' Purga della Croazia dagli elementi
esteri' il cui scopo principale era lo sterminio
della minoranza serba.
"In una brutale campagna terroristica, più di mezzo
milione di serbi venne uccisa, circa 250.000 furono
espulsi, e 200.000 forzati alla conversione al
cattolicesimo.
"Il regime Ustasha in Croazia, che guidò, nell'estate
1941 lo sterminio e la cacciata dei serbi, fu uno
degli episodi più orrendi della seconda guerra
mondiale.
"gli assassini in massa attuati dagli ustasha erano
straordinariamente primitivi e sadici: migliaia
vennero gettati dalle cime montane, altri bastonati a
morte, o ebbero le gole tagliate, interi villaggi
furono bruciati, le donne violentate, le popolazioni
sottoposte alle marce della morte in pieno inverno, e
molti altri sfruttati a morte."
'Encyclopedia of the Holocaust,' Vol. 1, pag. 323,
capitolo: 'Croatia.'
PARTE 4 - STERMINIO DI SERBI E EBREI
[Estratto] "Nell'Aprile 1941 i separatisti croati
dell'organizzazione fascista croata 'Ustasha'
installarono a Zagabria un regime indipendentista
croato, con Ante Pavelic quale fuehrer, o
"Poglavnik," e con il maresciallo Slavko Kvaternik
come ministro della guerra.
"Il nuovo stato, organizzato su linee strettamente
fasciste e autoritarie, eccelse subito, per ferocia e
crudeltà, nella persecuzione, e parziale sterminio,
della grande minoranza serba e della piccola
popolazione ebrea,..."
"Encyclopedia Britannica, 1943 - Book of the year,"
pag. 215, Capitolo: 'Croatia'
PARTE 5 - SCIOCCARE I TEDESCHI
[Estratto] "Slavko Kvaternik spiegava [in un
programma della radio il 10 Aprile 1941, il giorno
della nascita dello 'Stato indipendente di Croazia']
come una Croazia pura sarebbe stata costruita -
forzando un terzo dei serbi a lasciare la Croazia, un
altro terzo a convertirsi al cattolicesimo, e un
altro terzo ancora sarebbe stato sterminato. Subito
le bande di ustasha iniziarono un'orgia di sangue,
con l'assassinio in massa di serbi, sfortunatamente
troppi per essere convertiti o scacciati in tempo
dalla Croazia.
"L'enormità di questo crimine scioccò persino la
coscienza dei comandanti tedeschi, ma Pavelic aveva
il supporto personale di Hitler per questa azione,
che provocò centinaia di migliaia di morti tra i
serbi in Croazia e Bosnia-Herzegovina."
'Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations,' Europa,
edizione 1995, pag. 91, capitolo: 'Croatia.'
PARTE 6 - UCCISI 'SOLO' 750.000 PERSONE
[Estratto] "La ricetta ortodossa di Ante Pavelic,
capo degli Ustashi e Fuehrer croato, ricorda una
guerra religiosa nei suoi aspetti più sanguinari: un
terzo doveva divenire cattolico, un terzo doveva
lasciare il paese, e un terzo doveva morire. L'ultimo
punto venne eseguito. Quando i dirigenti del
movimento Ustashi dichiaravano che avrebbero
massacrato un milione di serbi (incluso neonati,
bambini, donne e vecchi), questa è la mia opinione, è
una esagerata vanteria. Secondo i documenti che
possiedo, la mia stima del numero di indifesi
massacrati è circa di 750.000 persone"
Herman Naubacher, "Sonderauftrag Sudosten 1940-1945.
Bericht eines fliegenden Diplomate," Gottingen, 1956, pag.31.
Naubacher era un assistente personale di Hitler's per
gli affari dell'Europa del Sud-est e dei Balcani.
PARTE 7 - BESTIALITA' INDESCRIVIBILE
[Estratto] "Gli Ustashi uccisero e torturarono ebrei
e serbi in modo indescrivibilmente bestiale. Uno dei
più famosi campi dell'Europa di Hitler: Jasenovac,
era in Croazia. Qui gli Ustashi usavano strumenti
primitivi per mettere a morte le loro vittime:
coltelli, asce, e altri strumenti simili. Un modo
caratteristico era legare una coppia di prigionieri,
schiena a schiena, e gettarli sul fiume Sava . una
fonte stima che 770.000 serbi, 40.000 zingari e
20.000 ebrei furono assassinati nel campo di
Jasenovac."
Dr. Nora Levin, "The Holocaust - The destruction of
European Jewry 1933 - 1945," Schocken Books, New
York, Edizione 1973, pag. 515
PARTE 8 - SUPERARE I NAZISTI
[Estratto] "In Croazia i fascisti del regime locale
intrapresero una politica di 'purificazione razziale'
che superò persino i metodi dei nazisti.
Minoranze come ebrei o zingari furono eliminate, così
come i serbi: venne dichiarato che un terzo dei serbi
sarebbe stato deportato, un terzo convertito al
cattolicesimo, un terzo liquidato... le bande Ustasha
terrorizzavano la campagna. La parziale
collaborazione del clero cattolico in tali azioni,
continua a essere elemento dei sospetti dei serbi di
Croazia."
'Encyclopaedia Britannica,' Edizione 1991,
Macropedia, Vol. 29, pag. 1111
PARTE 9 - SPONSOR CLERICALI
[Estratto] "Le fonti imparziali sono d'accordo nel
fatto che il genocidio venne autorizzato dallo stato
di Croazia. Concorse nell'istigare, pianificare e
eseguire assassini di massa contro la minoranza serba
ortodossa... e che il clero cattolico approvasse,
conducesse o non denunciasse i massacri. L'odio
collettivo croato verso i serbi ortodossi era
esplicito nelle gente, come dimostra il detto: "serbi
ai pioppi (impiccare i serbi)."
Nel giugno 1941 "NIENTE SERBI, EBREI, NOMADI
['Zingari'] E CANI" -
Testo di testimonianza sul governo della Croazia
secessionista nel giugno 1941.
Professor Helen Fein, "Accounting for Genocide -
Victims and Survivors of the Holocaust," The Free
Press, New York, Edizione 1979, pagg. 102-103.
PARTE 10 - IL CLERO CATTOLICO PARTECIPO' CON FIEREZZA
[Estratto] "i monaci cattolici e altri preti erano
fieri di aver preso parte a questa lotta per la
'purezza' della terra croata.
'The New Encyclopedia Britannica,' edizione 1986,
Macropedia (studiare a fondo), Volume 27, page 467,
capitolo: 'Fascism in the Balkans (1930's).'
PARTE 11 - IL PIU' GRANDE GENOCIDIO IN RAPPORTO ALLA
POPOLAZIONE
[Estratto] "il più grande genocidio durante la
seconda guerra mondiale, in proporzione alla
popolazione di una nazione, attuata, non nella
Germania nazista, ma dello stato fantoccio
filo-nazista di Croazia. Qui, negli anni 1941-1945,
circa 750.000 serbi, 60.000 ebrei e 26.000 zingari,
uomini, donne, bambini, morirono in un gigantesco
olocausto. Questa è la espressione usata da parecchi
autori stranieri, soprattutto tedeschi, che erano
nella posizione migliore per sapere...
"...La gravità e la natura bestiale di tali atrocità
rendono difficile credere che ciò possa essere
accaduto in una parte evidentemente civilizzata del
mondo. Persino un libro come questo può tentare di
dirci una parte soltanto della verità."
Professore Edmond Paris, 'Genocide in Satellite
Croatia, 1941-1945,' Novembre, 1961, The American
Institute for Balkan Affairs, dall'introduzione.
PARTE 12 - FIUME INCUBO
[Etsratto] "Persino uno dei più grandi massacri
dell'era oscura della storia non avrebbe sporcato il
suo nome, Croazia... uccidi, uccidi, gridavano gli
Ustashi contro i serbi. E tagliavano le loro teste e
gettavano i loro corpi sul fiume Sava che scorreva
lentamente e tranquillamente in direzione di
Belgrado...
"Torna nella tua patria, Torna nella tua patria".
"Né i fascisti, né i nazisti avevano la minima
somiglianza con gli Ustashi, erano una fauna
assolutamente strana e straordinaria..."
Alfio Russo, "Rivoluzione in Jugoslavia," Roma 1944
PARTE 13 - ANTE PAVELIC, IL FUEHRER CROATO
[Estratto] "il vero dominatore [della Croazia della
2° G.M.] era Ante Pavelic, un nazionalista croato
zelante e fanatico nemico dei serbi... Pavelic
guidava un gruppo terrorista chiamato gli Ustashi...
'un buon Ustasha,' diceva, 'è colui che puà usare il
suo coltello per strappare un neonato dal ventre
della madre.'
"Partisans and Guerillas, W.W.II," Time-Life books,
pag. 87.
PARTE 14 - ATROCITA' INENARRABILI
[Estratto] "ho iniziato ad avere notizie dalla
Croazia che parlano di una montante marea di
assassini, di atrocità inenarrabili, di massacri di
serbi inermi da parte di croati pazzi furiosi e di
mussulmani fascisti nella Croazia bosniaca. Nei
piccoli retrobottega di uomini di fiducia, le storie
vengono diffuse. Io non posso credere a un quarto di
esse. Sfortunatamente, sono presto venuto a sapere
che erano una pallida conoscenza della realtà. Uomini
che erano giunti a Dubrovnik si recavano con strisce
di lingue di serbi e con cesti di occhi serbi da
vendere.
Ruth Mitchell, "The Serbs Choose War," Doubleday, Doran,
1943, pag. 148. La signora Mitchell, sorella del fondatore
U.S. Air Force, Generale Bill Mitchell, era a
Dubrovnik, in Croazia, nell'Aprile 1941, quando la
Jugoslavia venne occupata dai nazisti e gli Ustashi
salirono al potere.
PARTE 15 - IL CAMPO DI CONCENTRAMENTO DI JASENOVAC
[Estratto] "Jasenovac [era] il più grande campo di
concentramento in Croazia. Jasenovac era in effetti
un complesso di parecchi subcampi, assai vicini tra
loro, presso le rive del Sava... istituito
nell'Agosto 1941 e smantellato solo nell'Aprile
1945...
"Circa 600.000 persone vennero massacrate a
Jasenovac, soprattutto serbi, ebrei, zingari e
oppositori degli Ustasha... la condizioni di vita nel
campo erano estremamente severe... Un regime
particolarmente crudele, e dal comportamento
incredibilmente crudele delle guardie Ustashe...
"Gli assassini e gli atti di crudeltà nel campo
raggiunsero il culmine nella tarda estate del 1942,
quando decine di migliaia si contadini serbi furono
deportati a Jasenovac dall'area di combattimento
contro i partigiani, nelle montagne Kozara."
'Encyclopedia of the Holocaust,' Vol. 2, pag. 739.
PARTE 16 -SE HAI DELLE LACRIME, PREPARATI A PIANGERE
[Estratto] "...è stato stimato che un totale di
200.000 persone morirono [a Jasenovac] durante solo
il 1941-1942! Folle di bambini serbi vennero bruciati
vivi in vecchi forni per mattoni, trasformati in
forni crematori.
"Vjekoslav Luburic, comandante in capo di tutti i
campi croati, annunciò la grande efficienza di questo
massacro, in una cerimonia del 9 Ottobre 1942...
durante il banchetto seguente, riportò con orgoglio:
"abbiamo sterminato qui a
Jasenovac più persone di quanto fosse capace l'Impero
Ottomano durante l'occupazione dell'Europa.'"
Professor Edmond Paris, "Genocide in Satellite
Croatia 1941-1945," The American Institute for Balkan
Affairs, edizione 1961, pag. 132
PARTE 16 - UNA NOTTE
[Estratto] "Nei campi di concentramento di Jasenovac,
nella notte del 29 Agosto 1942, furono emanati gli
ordini di esecuzione. Scommesse furono fatte su
quanto grande sarebbe stato il numero di giustiziati.
Peter Brzica sgozzò 1.360 prigionieri con uno
speciale coltello da macellaio. Avendosi proclamato
vincitore della competizione, venne eletto Re dei
tagliagola. Un orologio d'oro, un servizio di posate
d'argento e un maiale arrosto con vino furono i suoi
premi..."
Avro Manhattan, "The Vatican's Holocaust," 1986, pag.
48. Durante la seconda guerra mondiale, il sig.
Manhattan era operatore radio presso "Radio Freedom"
che era rivolto all'Europa occupata.
PARTE 17 - IL PASSATO RITORNA...
[Estratto] "Non vi sarà ritorno al passato, al tempo
in cui i serbi costituivano il cancro nel cuore della
Croazia, cancro che distruggeva la nazione croata e
che non permetteva al popolo croato di regnare a casa
sua, di portare la Croazia a una vita indipendente e
sovrana, sotto questo grande, azzurro cielo tra la
comunità di stati sovrani... essi (i rifugiati serbi
cacciati dalle loro case dall'esercito croato) non
hanno avuto il tempo di prendere con sé la loro
sudicia moneta straniera e le loro cianfrusaglie. "
Radio croata, trascritta dalla BBC Summary of World
Broadcasts, 28 Agosto 1995
Tale estratto proviene da Tudjman, Presidente dello
stato indipendente di Croazia. Questo stato è
modellato su suoi predecessori nazisti.
È stato creato quando la Croazia è violentemente
separata dalla Jugoslavia nel
Giugno 1991, come diretto risultato della strategia
USA-Germania di impiego delle forze terroriste per
spezzare la Jugoslavia. Tudjman parlava durante un
viaggio in treno in ciò che era la Krajina serba, in
Croazia nell'agosto 1995. Addestrate delle forze
armate USA, armate dai tedeschi, con l'appoggio aereo
dei caccia-bombardieri statunitensi, l'esercito
croato aveva cacciato circa 250.000 serbi dalle loro
terre natie.
I contadini serbi che avevano vissuto e coltivato la
terra nella Krajina per più di 400 anni, ma che il
'New York Times' chiama 'ribelli', dando legittimità
a quest'incubo. Il 'New York Times', titolava le
foto, che mostravano i rifugiati serbi cacciati
dall'offensiva neo-Ustashi: "Migliaia di serbi sono
stati scacciati dall'offensiva croata che rioccupava
i tre quarti del territorio occupato dalle forze
serbe nel 1991."
('The New York Times,' 10 Agosto, 1995)
Nella seconda parte parleremo del supporto dei
governi e dei media occidentali al rinato fascismo
croato.
Traduzione di Alessandro Lattanzio
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http://emperors-clothes.com/f.htm.
Avrai circa un articolo al giorno.
URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/backin.htm
WE, THE EX-NATO RETIRED GENERALS FOR PEACE AND DISARMAMENT
DEMAND JUSTICE FOR THE EX-YUGOSLAV LEADER SLOBODAN
MILOSEVIC
WE HAVE CONCLUDED THAT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL IS BIASED
AND TENDENTIOUS. THE DIALOGUE WITHIN IT IS ABSENT,
SINCE THE OUTCOME OF THE TRIAL IS PREFABRICATED .
WE DO NOT HAVE ANY TRUST FOR ITS OBJECTIVITY SINCE
THE SPONSORS OF THE TRIBUNAL ARE INDIVIDUALS LIKE
GEORGE SOROS AND COUNTRIES LIKE SAUDI ARABIA .
ON THE OTHER HAND ITS RULING IS NOT ACCEPTED BY THE
USA.
WE THINK THAT THE MAIN RESPONSIBLE FOR THE COMMITTED
CRIMES IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA ARE 1/ CLINTON, 2/
BLAIR, 3/ MADELEINE ALBRIGHT , 4/ COEN ,5/ GENERAL
CLARK, 6/ COOK 7/ SOLANA 8/CHIRAC, 9/ SCHREODER AND
THE OTHER 15 NATO LEADERS .
SLOBODAN MILOCEVIC IS INNOCENT. HE IS A PATRIOT THAT
FOUGHT FOR THE RIGHTS OF HIS COUNTRY AGAINST THE ISLAM
TERRORISTS(UCK) THAT WERE ARMED DIRECTED BY NATO AND
THE USA .
FINALLY THE FACT THAT HE IS HELD THERE AFTER AN
ILLIGAL ACT OF INTERNATIONAL KIDNAPPING MAKE US SURE
THAT THIS TRIBUNAL IS NOT LEGITIMATE AND THE JUGDES
ACT LIKE " SERVATS" OF THEIR VERY WELL KNOWN MASTERS
AND NOT ACCORDING TO THEIR FREE CONSCIENCE.
FOR THIS REASON WE DEMAND
FREEDOM TO THE YUGOSLAVE LEADER
STOP THE WORLD CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF
YUGOSLAVIA
Signing :
MAJOR GENERAL KOSTAS X. KONSTANTINIDIS(RET)
THE COORDINATOR
Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 18:23:53 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
SLOBODAN MILO[EVI] - HAG - 13.02.2002.
SUDIJA MEJ:
Imate pravo da ni{ta ne ka`ete tokom
ovog su|ewa, niste pod obavezom da svedo~ite,
ispitujete svedoke ili da podnosite podneske.
Me|utim, sada mo`ete da date izjavu. Niko ne sme da
Vas pita {ta }e biti sadr`aj izjave, sudsko ve}e }e
kontrolisati Va{u izjavu i to koliko je ona
relevantna mo`ete kada za to do|e vreme da
svedo~ite u svoju korist, u kojem slu~aju }e mo}i
da Vas ispituje.
Dok dajete dokaze, dok svedo~ite, vi
treba da znate da ukoliko date neke izjave o
~iwenicama te izjave mogu da budu deo materijala
koji }e razmatrati sudsko ve}e koje bude donosilo
presudu. To se ne odnosi na pitawa o proceduralnim
i administrativnim pitawima. Ova izjava }e biti
zapisana i predata optu`enom.
I na kraju, mo`ete da sedite ili da
stojite dok se obra}ate sudu, kako god ho}ete.
SLOBODAN MILO[EVI]:
Da li vi zavr{avate rad danas u ~etiri sata?
SUDIJA MEJ:
Zavr{avamo u ~etiri. Ako ne `elite sada da
po~nete, mo`emo odmah da zavr{imo.
SLOBODAN MILO[EVI]:
Ne bih voleo da budem prekinut, odmah
posle pola sata, po{to sam dva dana slu{ao govore
tu`be.
SUDIJA MEJ:
Ho}ete li da ponovo po~nemo ujutru, ili
to je ono {to `elite?
SLOBODAN MILO[EVI]:
Vi ste mi objasnili pro{li put kada smo
ovde bili na statusnoj konferenciji da }u ja imati
pravo da govorim, i koliko sam sada razumeo, vi mi
dajete to pravo da govorim.
A ja smatram da je logi~no da po~nem
kada ne}u biti prekinut odmah posle, sada ve} i
mawe od pola sata.
Ali bih mogao da iskoristim ....
(prekida sudija)
SUDIJA MEJ:
Pa mo`ete da nam se obratite, mislim
{ta ste hteli da dodate.
SLOBODAN MILO[EVI]:
Hteo sam da iskoristim pre nego {to
po~nem da govorim, da ka`em da sam kao {to znate
ovde vi{e puta pokretao i neka pravna pitawa o
kojima ne mislim da govorim u svom izlagawu, a na
koja vi niste dali odgovor. Naime, vi znate da svi
i me|unarodni i nacionalni dokumenti i pravila
odre|uju da sud mo`e suditi samo onaj koji je
ustanovqen zakonom. Ja sam ovde otvorio kao prethodno
pitawe, pitawe legalnosti ovoga suda. Vi o tome niste dali
nikakav odgovor. Naime, vi ste razmatrali to pitawe kao
pitawe sudske nadle`nosti iako se pitawe legalnosti ne
podudara sa pitawem sudske nadle`nosti jer se sudska
nadle`nost odnosi na sudske institucije, a ja sam osporio
legalnost na osnovu ~iwenice, da ovaj sud nije osnovan
zakonom, da Savet bezbednosti nije mogao preneti na sud
pravo koje sam nema i da prema tome on ne mo`e da sudi.
Ja o~ekujem da sud odnosno da vi
odgovorite na te pravne ~iwenice, a o~ekivao sam i
da }ete kako su vam, ili bar kako je jedan od
prijateqa suda sugerirao tra`iti savetodavno
mi{qewe od Me|unarodnog suda pravde, koji tako|e
niste tra`ili.
Smatram da je to pitawe od izuzetno
velikog principijelnog zna~aja i za me|unarodno
pravo i za pravdu uop{te i da bi moralo da bude
razre{eno. Mislim da sam ga dovoqno objasnio onda
kada sam ovde osim usmenog obja{wewa predao jedan
prili~no obiman tekst u kome su po ta~kama
nabrojani argumenti na koje se to odnosi.
Drugo pitawe koje `elim tako|e kao
prethodno da ras~istim, ja sam na statusnoj
konferenciji ovde pokrenuo pitawe mog nezakonitog
hap{ewa u kome je u~estvovao predstavnik tribunala
i koje je izvedeno u Beogradu, kr{ewem Ustava
Srbije, kr{ewem Ustava Jugoslavije, zbog ~ega je
Savezna vlada podnela ostavku zbog ~ega su
pokrenuti krivi~ni postupci u Jugoslaviji, a znam
sa druge strane da je svaki sud du`an da to pitawe
habeas corpus raspravi pre po~etka su|ewa. Vi to
niste uzeli u obzir niti ste zakazali saslu{awe u
vezi sa tim predmetom, koje ste s obzirom na
propise du`ni da zaka`ete jer su ta pitawa
regulisana deklaracijama o qudskim i politi~kim
pravima univerzalnim, evropskim, ameri~kim i drugim
o kojima vi kao pravnici veoma dobro znate, a na
kraju krajeva i va{om sopstvenom praksom, jer ste
pitawe nezakonitog hap{ewa u raznim prilikama
raspravqali. Prema tome ja vas upozoravam da ste i
tu napravili jedan veliki propust, jer ste bili
du`ni da napravite saslu{awe u vezi sa nezakonitim
hap{ewem koje je nadamnom izvr{eno odnosno u vezi
sa ~iwenicom da sam ovde doveden na osnovu izvr{ewa
zlo~ina koji se kao takav ne tretira samo u
zakonodavstvu moje zemqe ve} u zakonodavstvima svih
dr`ava i u svim me|unarodnim aktima i konvencijama.
Daqe pokrenuo sam pitawe koje tako|e
niste hteli da re{avate a na koje sam ukazao sa
mnogo argumenata da se uop{te ne mo`e ovde govoriti
ni o kakvom ravnopravnom i fer su|ewu, pogotovo ne
o nepristrasnosti tu`ioca.
Vi znate da je 1990. godine Kongres
Ujediwenih nacija doneo svoje uputstvo o tu`iocu
generalno u kome se zahteva da mora biti
nepristrasan. U ovom slu~aju mi smo iz svega ovoga
{to smo ovde slu{ali, vi{e nego se uverili, ne da
je pristrasan nego va{ je tu`ilac ve} objavio i
moju presudu, iz va{eg tu`ila{tva se orkestrira
medijska kampawa koja se vodi i organizuje
paralelno su|ewe preko medija koji uz ovaj
nelegalni sud treba da odigraju ulogu jednog
paralelnog lin~a koji treba unapred bez ikakvih
uvida u ~iwenice, da doka`e da je to .....
(prekida ga sudija)....
SUDIJA:
Ja }u Vas ovde prekinuti. Kako to
mislite da je tu`ilac ve} proglasio Va{u .....
SLOBODAN MILO[EVI]:
... i u javnosti. Uostalom, prethodni
tu`ilac (Luiz Arbur, nap. prir.) je na sastanku sa
Olbrajtovom izjavio, zajedno su izjavili, da se
nalaze na istom poslu, a ona je predstavqala u
svakom slu~aju ratuju}u stranu. Sama tu`ba je
podneta na bazi konstrukcija britanske obave{tajne
slu`be u vreme rata protiv Jugoslavije a zna se da
obave{tajne slu`be daju selektivno podatke one koje
mogu da montiraju, a ne daju one koji im ne idu u
prilog itd. Mislim ima mnogo argumenata koji se
mogu tu upotrebiti, u svakom slu~aju ja vam
ukazujem da o tome niste raspravqali niti doneli
kakvu odluku. Niste dakle raspravqali niti tra`ili
savetodavno mi{qewe Me|unarodnog suda pravde o
svojoj legalnosti, niste zakazali saslu{awe koje
ste bili du`ni da zaka`ete po osnovu habeas corpus
i po osnovu ~iwenice da je va{ predstavnik
u~estvovao u izvr{ewu krivi~nog dela.
(prekida sudija)...
SUDIJA.
Gospodine Milo{evi}u, rekli ste na
po~etku da ste `eleli da govorite sutra, {to
o~igledno nije slu~aj, jer ste po~eli da nam se
obra}ate. Danas pitawa o kojima Vi govorite su
pitawa o kojima smo ve} doneli odluku. Ukoliko ste
se potrudili da pro~itate na{e odluke, vide}ete da
ste imali pravo na `albu, niste je podneli, sve o
~emu ste sada govorili, mi smo razmotrili i va{a
vi|ewa ovog tribunala sada su potpuno irelevantna.
Sve {to ste sada pokrenuli, pokretali ste i ranije,
mi smo o tome odlu~ivali i nema potrebe da ponovo
slu{amo o tome na ovim sednicama. Sutra ujutru }emo
slu{ati Va{e obra}awe.
===*===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian
newspaper advocating liberation)
* AFP. 14 February 2002. Milosevic says war crimes proceedings
"political trial"; Milosevic charges West with "ocean of lies."
* AFP. 14 February 2002. Milosevic shows shock pics of Kosovo refugees
attacked by NATO; Milosevic too hopes to show videos during testimony:
laywer.
* BBC. 13 February 2002. TRANSCRIPT: MILOSEVIC ADDRESSES COURT
* AFP. 13 February 2002. Legal challenges raised by Milosevic at war
crimes trial.
* IAC SENDS SOLIDARITY DELEGATION TO OPENING OF "TRIAL" OF PRESIDENT
MILOSEVIC
* News from Jugoslav government sources
===*===
Subject: [ML-YU] Milosevic vs. ocean of NATO lies
Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2002 07:45:55 -0500
From: Barry Stoller
AFP. 14 February 2002. Milosevic says war crimes proceedings "political
trial"; Milosevic charges West with "ocean of lies."
THE HAGUE -- Slobodan Milosevic told the war crimes court at The Hague
on Thursday in his defence statement that he was the victim of a
"political trial."
As he continued his defence statement, which blamed the West for
concocting an "ocean of lies" in order to carry out the 1999 NATO war on
Yugoslavia, he said: "The whole word knows that this is a political
trial."
He said: "There is not a single element of a fair trial ... there is an
enormous apparatus on one side, a vast media structure on that same
side.
"What's on my side? I only have a public telephone booth in prison.
That's the only thing I have available to face the most terrible kind of
libel against my country, my people and me."
In a confident statement that aimed to speak to world opinion as much as
the international court trying him for genocide, Milosevic said he was
the victim of a "criminal" and "political" trial bent only on vengeance.
He compared Yugoslavia's fight against ethnic Albanian rebels in Kosovo
to the US-led campaign in Afghanistan, arguing that his nation had done
just what the United States had when faced with terrorism.
"You basically have nothing," Milosevic scoffed at the prosecutors, who
argue he is personally responsible for mass murder and crimes against
humanity in the 1990s wars in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo.
Former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic opened his defense Thursday
by showing the UN war crimes court a video discussing the 1999 massacre
of ethnic Albanians in Racak, which triggered the NATO air war on
Yugoslavia.
The video, some of it taken from German television, showed a commentator
casting doubt on whether the dozens of ethnic Albanians killed were
civilians, and an interview with an observer who said there may have
been separatist fighters of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) among them.
"An important reason for the (NATO) war was the alleged massacre in
Racak. From the begining there were doubts with respect to that
question, doubts which, with the latest research, have become ever more
clear," the commentator said.
"The name of this village is Racak. The Serbs suffered a terrible
massacre here, a massacre which led to the attack by the NATO aviation,"
the commentator said in the video.
He also showed video of the NATO air strikes that began in March 1999,
where Serbs were seen huddled in bunkers, and other commentators saying
that there had been no "humanitarian catastrophe" in Yugoslavia before
those air strikes.
In a mirror image of the meticulous portraits of atrocities spelled out
by prosecutors in the first two days of the trial, Milosevic read aloud
a list of Yugoslav hospitals and schools reduced to rubble by the NATO
bombing.
He ridiculed prosecution arguments -- more than once asking if they
could not "come up with something more intelligent" -- and defiantly
said his people had made a "heroic defence" in the face of the NATO air
campaign.
Milosevic argued that Serb forces who fought Albanian guerrillas in the
province of Kosovo had been fighting an anti-terror war just like that
led by the United States in Afghanistan.
"The Americans go to the other side of the globe to fight terrorism, in
Afghanistan as a case in point, right to the other side of the world,
and that is considered to be logical and normal," Milosevic said.
"Whereas here the struggle against terrorism in one's very own country
is considered to be a crime," he said.
Milosevic on Thursday told his war crimes trial that NATO and the West
had fabricated an "ocean of lies" to back the 1999 war on Yugoslavia.
"This is just an atom of truth in the ocean of lies and the product of
propaganda and the use of global media as a means of war against my
country," Milosevic said after presenting a nearly hour-long video on
the Kosovo war.
The video cast doubt on the January 1999 massacre of ethnic Albanian
civilians in Racak and charged that the West fabricated allegations of a
Serbian plan to ethnically cleanse the province of its Albanian
population.
"This terrible fabrication," Milosevic argued, was used to whip up
public opinion in favor of a war against Yugoslavia.
Hundreds of thousands of ethnic Albanians fled Kosovo to avoid NATO air
bombs in 1999, Milosevic contended.
"Now they wish to negate that fact by saying that they in fact fled from
Serb forces," he said.
"I consider the defense a heroic defense from the aggression launched by
NATO and the NATO pact," he said.
The prosecution charged in the first two days of the trial that
Milosevic was at the centre of a web of loyal local Serb leaders,
parliamentary forces and army commanders who carried out the crimes in
order to forge and ethnically pure "Greater Serbia" purged of all
non-Serbs.
"The events point towards a central personality, the existence of a
controlling human force," prosecutor Geoffrey Nice told the court
Wednesday. "It is a personality the accused seeks to say is not his, but
there is no other," he said.
Milosevic scorned the claim Thursday, saying: "He probably thinks I am
superhuman."
---
Subject: [ML-YU] Milosevic has his own photos to show
Date: Thu, 14 Feb 2002 07:28:56 -0500
From: Barry Stoller
AFP. 14 February 2002. Milosevic shows shock pics of Kosovo refugees
attacked by NATO; Milosevic too hopes to show videos during testimony:
laywer.
THE HAGUE -- Former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic on Thursday
showed photographs of burnt bodies of what he said were ethnic Albanian
refugees killed by NATO bombs during the 1999 war in Yugoslavia.
Arguing that it was NATO and not Serb forces who were responsible for
the slaughter of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, Milosevic put on show
photographs of bodies of old men, women and children, charred bones and
body parts torn off during the attack and lying in pools of blood.
"These were mostly peasant women, villagers, killed and burned to death
as a result of a bomb," Milosevic said as he presented his defense at
the war crimes trial.
The bombing of the refugee column traveling from Djakovica to Prizen on
April 14, 1999 drew outrage from human rights groups, who also took
offense to NATO's description of the deaths as "collateral damage."
The photographs showed the bodies in fields, burnt corpses lying in
carts pulled by tractors, a head, hand or arm torn off in the attack,
Milosevic said.
The former head of state charged that NATO targeted civilians during its
air war against Yugoslavia.
"They were the priority targets of the evildoers who decided to
undertake this action," he said.
Milosevic will try to show video sequences during his defense Thursday,
to counter the shocking footage of mass graves, starving Bosnian Muslims
and deportations presented at the trial's opening by the prosecution, a
lawyer said.
"Milosevic will try to show video clips to counter the images shown
yesterday by the prosecution, but I don't know if the judges will permit
this," said Zdenko Tomanovic, a Belgrade lawyer helping Milosevic to
mount his case.
During nearly two days of opening statements by the prosecution, the
three-panel judges saw video footage of emaciated Bosnian Muslim men
behind barbed wire fences at a detention camp in northwest Bosnia in
1992.
The court also was shown film, taken by a local doctor, of ethnic
Albanians who had been killed in the Kosovo town of Izbica, as well as
deportations of Kosovars in military convoys.
---
Subject: [ML-YU] Milosevic transcript - full text
Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 13:17:21 -0500
From: Barry Stoller
BBC. 13 February 2002. Transcript: Milosevic addresses court.
[This transcript is taken from a simultaneous translation of Mr
Milosevic's statement to the court, made in Serbian.]
Presiding Judge Richard May: You may sit or stand to address the court
whichever you prefer.
Slobodan Milosevic: Do you stop work this afternoon at four o'clock?
Judge May: We stop at four, so if you'd like to make a start now, we'll
adjourn then and you can go on tomorrow.
Slobodan Milosevic: I don't think there's any sense in me starting and
being interrupted half an hour later. I have spent two days listening to
the speeches made by the prosecution.
Judge May: Are you asking to start tomorrow morning - is that what you
want?
Slobodan Milosevic: You explained to me last time when we were here,
when we attended a status conference here, that I would have the right
to speak and as far as I was able to gather now, you are giving me that
right.
However, I consider that it would be logical for me to begin without
having to be interrupted less than half an hour hence. But I would like
to take advantage of this opportunity nonetheless.
Judge May: Very well, you can address us tomorrow. But what is it you'd
like to add?
Slobodan Milosevic: I wanted to take advantage of this opportunity
before I begin speaking and delivering my speech to say that as you know
several times here I have bought some legal aspects - I won't be
mentioning those in my speech proper but I have received no response or
answer from you.
You know full well that all international and national documents and
rules and regulations determine the fact that a court can be there to
judge only if it has been established on the basis of law and I have
broached the question of the legality of this tribunal. You did not
provide me with a response.
You delved into the question and looked into the aspects of court
authority although the competencies of the court are not the same thing
as the court's legality and I challenged the very legality of this
tribunal because it was not set up on the basis of the law.
The Security Council could not transfer the right that it does not have
to this tribunal and, therefore, this tribunal does not have the
competence to try.
I expect this tribunal, or rather you, to respond to those legal facts
and I had expected as one of the amici curia [literally "friends of the
court" and Mr Milosevic's legal representation], and suggested that you
seek the advice of the International Court of Justice, which you failed
to do.
I consider that this is a question of prime importance. It is of
principled importance, both for international law and for justice in
general and that it will have to be resolved. I think that I have
sufficiently expounded and explained the issue when I sent you a lengthy
text with all the points that set out my arguments and I also did so
orally here.
The second point that I wish to raise and wish to clarify is that at the
status conference that was held here I raised the question of my illegal
arrest and the representative of the tribunal had a part in that.
It took place in Belgrade. It violated the constitution of Serbia and
the constitution of Yugoslavia and the Federal Government tabled its
resignation because of that and criminal law suits have been the result
in Yugoslavia - they've been filed and on the other hand I do know that
every court is duty bound to deal with the habeas corpus question before
the start of trials.
You failed to take that into account nor did you schedule a hearing with
that respect and which rule you were duty bound to do based on the rules
and regulations.
Those questions are regulated by all human rights and political rights
declarations - universal ones and European, American and others - and
you as men of the law are well acquainted with that and through your own
practice as well, you have become acquainted with that because you have
been discussing the question of unlawful arrest in other cases.
So this has been a great omission on your part. You were duty bound to
call a hearing with respect to the unlawful arrest that took place ove
my person and with respect to the fact that I was brought here on the
basis of a crime having been committed. A crime which is not only
treated in the laws of my own country but it is an issue treated in the
laws of all states and is present in all international conventions and
so on and so forth.
Furthermore, I also wish to question [something] which you too did not
wish to resolve and I put forth many arguments to clear up my point. I
said that we cannot speak of a fair trial and an equitable trial here
especially an unbiased stand on the part of the prosecution.
You know that in 1990 the United Nations Congress adopted its own set of
instructions with respect to prosecution and the prosecutor. Those were
general guideline demanding that there must be n prejudice and that
there must be impartiality.
From everything that we have heard here so far, we have become more than
convinced that not only is it partial but your prosecutor has proclaimed
my sentence and judgement and the prosecution has orchestrated a media
campaign that has been waged and organised. It is a parallel trial
through the media which along with this unlawful tribunal are there to
play the role of a parallel lynch process. Which, in advance without any
insight...
Judge May: I'm going to interrupt you. What do you mean by saying that
the prosecutor has proclaimed your sentence and judgement?
Slobodan Milosevic: In public and the previous prosecutor at a meeting
with Albright said - they both said - that they were engaged in the same
business or job and the indictment itself was raised on the basis of the
constructions of the British intelligence service during the war against
Yugoslavia and we know full well that intelligence services only give
out selective information and details - those that they are able to rig
and not those which are not to their advantage and so on and so forth.
There are many arguments that could be raised here but at all events I
should like to indicate to you that you did not discuss these matters
nor did you make a decision of any kind. You did not call upon the
International Court of Justice as to the illegalities of the issue and
you did not schedule a hearing which you were duty bound to do on the
basis of habeas corpus and on the basis of the fact that your
representative took part in the...
Judge May: Mr Milosevic you indicated earlier that you wanted to make
your submissions tomorrow - that's apparently not the case because you
wanted to address us today.
But the matters on which you are choosing to address us are matters upon
which we have already ruled. As you would know, if you'd taken the
trouble to read our decisions. You had the right of appeal - you did not
take it.
The matters, therefore, have all been dealt with and your views about
the tribunal are now completely irrelevant as far as these proceedings
are concerned. All the matters you raised, you've argued before and we
have ruled upon and there is no need for them to be raised again in
these proceedings. We will hear the rest of your arguments and
submissions tomorrow morning.
---
Subject: [ML-YU] Legal challenges raised by Milosevic
Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 12:42:56 -0500
From: Barry Stoller
AFP. 13 February 2002. Legal challenges raised by
Milosevic at war crimes trial.
THE HAGUE -- Herewith some of the legal challenges
raised Wednesday by
Slobodan Milosevic against the UN war crimes
tribunal, which is trying
him for genocide and crimes against humanity:
LEGALITY
Milosevic said the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), established in 1993,
had "no competence" to try him and was manifestly illegal.
In a controversial ruling on November 8 last year,
the court itself decided it was competent to hear the
case against Milosevic, who is faced with 66 charges
on three indictments covering events in Bosnia,
Croatia and Kosovo.
Commentators have noted that Milosevic signed the
1995 Dayton accords, ending the Bosnian and
Croatian wars, and that those accords implicitly
recognised the ICTY's legitimacy.
Some experts say the UN Security Council, which
established the court, had no legal right to
establish a judicial body because the UN charter
gives the council no such mandate.
IMPARTIALITY
Milosevic said the court had already decided he was
guilty, and had he not been cut off, would, presumably,
have gone into previous arguments that NATO and the
West were responsible for their own atrocities with
the killing of civilians during the 1999 bombing of
Yugoslavia.
Chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte decided not to
open a formal investigation into the NATO
bombardments, which left scores of civilians
dead and raised accusations of political bias
against the Serbs.
Milosevic's successor, Yugoslav President Vojislav
Kostunica, said that ruling cast a "great shadow"
over the court's credibility.
ARREST
Milosevic said his arrest in Belgrade last June by
Serbian police for extradition to The Hague was
illegal and a violation of the constitutions of
Serbia and Yugoslavia.
Yugoslavia's constitutional court had ruled the
extradition was illegal.
Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic sidestepped
the court by invoking a law, ironically implemented
by Milosevic himself, giving Serbia the
right to overrule decisions by the federation if
they interfered with Serbian interests.
In the political row that ensued, Yugoslav Prime
Minister Zoran Zizic and his Montenegrin allies
in the federal government resigned in protest.
---
Subject: Newsletter FREE SLOBO ! - n° 12
Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 23:20:28 +0100 (CET)
From: ICDSM <icdsminfonet@...>
IAC SENDS SOLIDARITY DELEGATION TO OPENING OF
"TRIAL" OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) is set to open a so-called trial of
former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic on Feb.
12 at The Hague, Netherlands. The International Action
Center (IAC), based in the United States, has sent a
delegation to take part in activities showing solidarity with the
defendant and opposing the "trial" as a NATO frame up.
"With this trial," said International Action Center (IAC)
representative Bill Doares from Amsterdam, "Washington
and its NATO allies hopes to pin the guilt for the 10
years of civil war in the Balkans on the Yugoslav leader. The
goal of these big powers is to shift the blame for the war
they fomented onto the victims, the Serbian people and all
the other peoples of Yugoslavia."
The delegation will be participating in meetings and
press conferences denouncing the ICTY in Amsterdam and The
Hague on Feb. 11 and Feb. 12. They will also attend the
trial to hear President Milosevic's opening statement, which is
expected to be a political defense of his people and
their role in the war.
Speaking boldly in his own defense before an ICTY
hearing on Jan. 30, President Milosevic said this to the
officials appointed to judge him:
"With all due respect, the real judges of this trial-not
you who wear the robes-want to bet those who decided to
murder children in my country, who launched NATO's
aggression and dropped 25,000 tons of bombs in 78 days,
murdering mostly elderly people, children and women.
This is the role they would like to play, but they will not
be allowed to be the judges."
"The Yugoslav president is confident that if the people
know the truth, they will rally against the NATO court,"
said Doares. "The truth, for example, that U.S./NATO bombs
and rockets destroyed much of Yugoslav industry in Serbia,
while killing only 14 tanks in Kosovo, where war crimes
were alleged to be taking place."
---
MILOSEVIC TRIAL STARTS
BELGRADE, Feb 13 ( Beta) - The trial of former Yugoslav president
Slobodan
Milosevic for crimes against humanity in Kosovo and Croatia and genocide
and other crimes in Bosnia, began at the International Criminal Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia on Feb. 12
Milosevic will first be prosecuted for crimes in Kosovo. After the
prosecutor's and Milosevic's opening statements, which could last up to
three days, witnesses will be heard.
Milosevic was taken into detention at The Hague on June 26, last year.
The
trial has a historical importance for the victims, the peoples of the
former Yugoslavia, international law and justice.
British prosecutor Geoffrey Nice said that Milosevic had made a
considerable effort to cover his participation in crimes in Bosnia.
LIVE BROADCAST OF MILOSEVIC TRIAL, SVILANOVIC
KIEV, Feb 12 (Tanjug) - The whole trial of former Yugoslav president
Slobodan Milosevic should be broadcast live, Yugoslav Foreign Minister
Goran Svilanovic said during a visit to Kiev, Ukrainian news agency
Interfax said.
Svilanovic added that the trial should be made fully public to the
citizens
of Yugoslavia so that they can assure themselves it is fair.
He said that a television broadcast with a translation was important as
the
only way for most people in Yugoslavia to learn about all the details.
"We will follow the trial very carefully," Svilanovic said and added
that
the Milosevic trial was a political issue for Yugoslavia.
DJINDJIC SAYS OFFICIALS ACCUSED WITH MILOSEVIC MUST BE EXTRADITED
BELGRADE, Feb 13 ( Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic said on Feb.
12
that four former top officials, accused together with Milosevic for war
crimes in Kosovo, must be extradited to the international war crimes
tribunal.
Djindjic told Austrian journalists reporting on Austrian President
Thomas
Klestil's visit, in Belgrade that, "This does not have an alternative."
"I favor cooperation and oppose any risk to our country. Were they
honest
they would have surrendered themselves. If they have nothing to hide
then
this will be revealed," Djindjic was quoted as saying by the Austrian
APA
news service.
Commenting on the start of Slobodan Milosevic's trial, Djindjic
indicated
that the extradition of Serbian President Milan Milutinovic, Nikola
Sainovic, Vlajko Stojiljkovic and Dragoljub Ojdanic "is no problem." "We
have our laws," he said.
Djindjic said a bigger problem would be extraditing Republika Srpska
Gen.
Ratko Mladic, who is allegedly located in Serbia.
"He is not a citizen of Serbia and Serbia is in no way a country
providing
asylum for someone internationally wanted," he said.
GOVERNMENT PREPARED TO STAND BAIL FOR MILOSEVIC ASSOCIATES
BELGRADE, Feb 12 (B92) The Serbian Government would provide guarantees
for the release on bail of any close associates of Slobodan Milosevic
who
voluntarily surrender to the Hague Tribunal, Justice Minister Vladan
Batic
said today.
Batic told media that the government had resolved in November last year
to
provide guarantees for any Serbian citizens who surrendered to the
Tribunal.
This would automatically apply to Nikola Sainovic and Vlajko
Stojiljkovic,
he added.
DJELIC: POLITICAL CONDITIONS MUST STOP
LONDON, Feb 12 (Tanjug) - The office of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran
Djindjic is ready to send to The Hague another indictee, but demands an
end
to political blackmail over extradition, Serbian Finance Minister
Bozidar
Djelic has told the BBC.
In reaction to speculations that three of the four other persons
indicted
for crimes in Kosovo and Metohija could be sent to The Hague soon -
Vlajko
Stoiljkovic, Dragoljub Ojdanic and Nikola Sainovic - and that this will
directly determine United States aid for Belgrade this year, which will
be
discussed in Congress on March 31, Djelic said he did not think it was
good
constantly to pressure this government to extradite citizens.
A line must be drawn somewhere. For the sake of the future and politics
and
conscience in Serbia, it should be left to that republic to put on trial
the vast majority of those who are suspected of war crimes, he said.
Djelic said he believed this was important also for the debate which was
under way in local media and for the purpose of truth.
The Hague tribunal should respect that, Djelic said.
DEL PONTE SAYS NO COLLECTIVE RESPONSIBILITY IN INDICTMENT
THE HAGUE, Feb 12 (Tanjug) - The Hague International Criminal Tribunal
for
former Yugoslavia (ICTY) chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte said on
Tuesday
in her first speech at the opening of the trial of former Yugoslav
president Slobodan Milosevic that collective responsibility was not a
subject in the indictment and that the ICTY was not putting on trial any
nation or state.
Del Ponte said there were no personal convictions or ideology in the
background of the crimes of which Milosevic is accused, but merely
attempts
to maintain himself in power and his lust for power.
She said the prosecution was only asking that the court establish and
punish grave violations of international humanitarian laws, and that it
is
left to other experts to analyze the history of the disintegration of
the
former Yugoslavia and the fratricidal clashes that followed.
Assistant chief prosecutor Geoffrey Nice explained details in the
indictments for crimes committed in Kosovo and Metohija in 1998 and 1999
through video films of the time when Milosevic was rising to power.
Presiding Judge Richard May of Great Britain has already set the next
session for Feb 19, when the prosecution will continue presenting its
case.
MILOSEVIC TRIAL IMPORTANT BOTH FOR VICTIMS, YUGOSLAV PEOPLE
BELGRADE, Feb 12 9 (Tanjug) - Council of Europe (CE) parliamentary
assembly
president Peter Schieder assessed Tuesday that the trial of former
Yugoslav
president Slobodan Milosevic is of crucial importance for the victims of
the crimes committed during the wars in the former Yugoslavia, as well
as
for the people of FR Yugoslavia.
The CE statement, sent to Tanjug, pointed out that without justice
wounds
cannot heal, thus preventing reconciliation and lasting peace from
finally
taking root.
Schieder said that The Hague tribunal is trying individuals, not
peoples,
and that it rejects the notion of collective responsibility for the
crimes
that have been committed.
The trial is also essential for the future of international justice and
it
will have to demonstrate that an international court is able to
administer
justice in an equitable manner, regardless of the political status of
the
accused, or the nationality and the ethnic origin of the victim,
Schieder
said in the statement.
[Le Figaro 13 février 2002]
JUSTICE La comparution de Slobodan Milosevic devant
le Tribunal pénal international pour la Yougoslavie
Une parodie de procès
PAR FRANÇOIS TERRÉ *
Quels qu'aient pu être ses comportements génocides
crimes contre l'humanité, crimes de guerre ,
le procès de Slobodan Milosevic est contraire au
droit pénal international et constitue un précédent
dangereux. Au lieu de le juger sur un territoire
de l'ancienne Yougoslavie, ce qui ne l'aurait pas privé
de son juge naturel, on l'a transféré, moyennant
finances, devant une inadmissible juridiction
d'exception.
Les adversaires des juridictions d'exception,
c'est-à-dire de celles qui sont créées de manière
exceptionnelle on les dit ad hoc , auraient dû
et devraient contester l'existence même du Tribunal
pénal international pour la Yougoslavie (TPIY).
Créé de manière totalement irrégulière par le Conseil
de sécurité de l'ONU, au mépris de la charte des
Nations unies, dénoncé par les représentants de
certains Etats (ex. : le Brésil), ce TPIY, ins titué
en 1993, a reçu pour mission de juger les personnes
présumées responsables de vio la tions graves du
droit humanitaire commises sur le territoire de
l'ex-Yougoslavie depuisS 1991.
Les règles présidant au fonctionnement du TPIY sont
attentatoires aux principes de non-rétroactivité
de la loi pénale et de légalité des délits et des
peines. Curieusement, le Conseil de sécurité a aussi
donné au TPIY une grande latitude pour adopter
«un règlement qui régira la phase préalable à
l'audience, les recours et la recevabilité des
preuves, la protection des victimes et des témoins ».
De ce pouvoir contestable, le TPIY, maître de sa
procédure, a usé et abusé au point de procéder à
une modification de ce règlement à douze reprises
entre février 1994 et juillet 1997.
Le contenu du règlement révèle des atteintes aux
principes les plus élémentaires de la procédure
pénale. Ainsi, sous prétexte de protection des
témoins à charge musulmans (pourquoi pas les autres?),
on a permis à ceux-ci de témoigner sous une cagoule
la voix déformée... (Alexandre del Valle,
Islamisme et Etats-Unis, une alliance contre l'Europe,
p. 263). Maintes dispositions exorbitantes
caractérisent la procédure retenue (régl. art. 50,
53, 60, 66, 69, 70, 75, 79). Ainsi, « dans le cas où
la communication de pièces se trouvant en la possession
du procureur pourrait nuire à de
nouvelles enquêtes ou en cours, le procureur peut
demander à la chambre de première instance
siégeant à huis clos d'être dispensée de l'obligation
de communiquer les pièces de la défense »!
Et, curieusement ou non, « la chambre de première
instance n'exige pas la preuve de ce qui est
de notoriété publique » (art. 89).
Pourtant, en 1999, lors de la passation de ses
pouvoirs, le procureur canadien devant le TPIY avait
déclaré : « La justice internationale a fait plus
de progrès au cours des cinq dernières années que
dans les cinquante précédentes. La culture de
l'impunité des puissants ne fait plus partie du
paysage pour le prochain millénaire. »
Lui succédant, Carla Del Ponte d'affirmer:
« Faire comparaître Milosevic, Karadzic ou Mladic, pour
ne citer qu'eux, est une de mes priorités, ma tâche
principale. Et, s'il faut mettre le paquet, on le
mettra » (interv. Paris-Match, 31 août 1999).
Est-ce là un propos digne d'un procureur ? Toujours
est-il que le paquet, on l'a mis !
La complexité de la situation dans l'ex-Yougoslavie
a empêché, sinon provoqué, les difficultés de
capture des responsables ou présumés tels. D'où le
recours à des démarches souvent indignes:
dissimulation de documents, tromperies et ruses
pour attirer des personnages prêts à coopérer à
l'oeuvre dite de justice (ex. : Slavko Dokmanovic).
Pis: marchandage avec un gouvernement
consistant à promettre, en quelque sorte, une
«rançon» pour la livraison de Milosevic.
Si abominable qu'ait pu être celui-ci, un Etat ne
livre ni ne vend ses nationaux ; le cas échéant, il les
juge lui-même. Le fait qu'il s'agissait d'ailleurs
d'un chef d'Etat renforçait même cette exigence. « Il
est probable que, si la Yougoslavie n'avait pas
été économiquement aux abois... le
gouvernement de Belgrade n'aurait pas cédé aux
injonctions de Washington, qui faisait dépendre
l'octroi d'une aide au transfert de Milosevic »
(Pascal Boniface, Le Figaro, 3 juillet 2001). Une
livraison à laquelle s'opposera en vain la Cour
suprême de Serbie.
Aux gens de loi qui s'accommodent de tout cela,
on sera tenté de dire, comme Voltaire à
Montesquieu défendant la vénalité des charges:
« Il est bien difficile à l'esprit le plus philosophique
de ne pas payer son tribut à l'amour propre. Si
un épicier parlait de législation, il voudrait que tout
le monde achetât de la cannelle et de la muscade. »
* Membre de l'Institut.
---
Subject: Newsletter FREE SLOBO ! - n° 12
Date: Wed, 13 Feb 2002 23:20:28 +0100 (CET)
From: ICDSM <icdsminfonet@...>
VERBATIM :
LE PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC REPOND AU TPI LE 13 FEVRIER
Les principaux points de la déclaration de Slobodan
Milosevic mercredi devant les « juges » de l'OTAN :
Contre Carla Del Ponte.
«Après tout ce que nous avons entendu ici en deux
jours, nous avons été non seulement convaincus que
cette procédure était partiale, mais aussi que votre
procureur avait déjà prononcé mon jugement et ma
sentence. L'accusation a orchestré une campagne
médiatique. C'est un procès parallèle à travers les
médias qui, aux côtés de cet animal appelé tribunal,
sont ici pour procéder à un lynchage parallèle au
procès. J'ai dit que je ne pourrais pas bénéficier
d'un procès juste et équitable ici.»
Sur la légalité du tribunal de l'OTAN.
«Je conteste la légalité de ce tribunal car il n'a pas
été établi sur le fondement de la loi. Le Conseil de
sécurité ne peut pas transférer à ce tribunal des
droits dont il ne dispose pas. C'est pour cela que ce
tribunal n'a pas la compétence pour me juger (...).
Je vous ai posé une question concernant la légalité de
ce tribunal. J'attends de ce tribunal et de vous en
particulier que vous répondiez à ces questions que je
considère de la première importance pour la justice
internationale et la justice en général.»
Sur son enlèvement.
«J'ai également soulevé la question de l'illégalité de
mon arrestation à laquelle un représentant du tribunal
est mêlé. Cette arrestation a eu lieu à Belgrade et a
violé la constitution de la Yougoslavie et de la
Serbie. Vous n'avez pas tenu compte de cela. (...)
Vous êtes familier des textes internationaux à ce
sujet. Vous avez déjà discuté de la question des
arrestations illégales dans d'autres affaires. C'est
ainsi une grave omission de votre part. Vous étiez
légalement contraints de convoquer une audience
consacrée à la question de l'arrestation illégale qui
a eu lieu sur ma personne et vous ne l'avez pas fait».
LES CRITIQUES DE SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC CONTRE LE TRIBUNAL
LA HAYE (d'après AFP) - Au cours de sa première
intervention depuis le début de son procès, l'ancien
président yougoslave Slobodan Milosevic a une nouvelle
fois attaqué, mercredi, la légitimité du Tribunal
pénal international (TPI) de La Haye.
Voici un résumé des principales critiques portées
contre le TPI par M. Milosevic depuis son transfert à
La Haye, en juin, mais également par ses conseils.
- Critiques sur la légitimité.
Selon M. Milosevic, le TPI, créé en 1993 par le
Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU pour juger les crimes de
guerre commis dans l'ex-Yougoslavie, est entaché d'un
vice initial: le Conseil de sécurité n'avait pas la
compétence pour créer un tribunal international. Ce
pouvoir appartient à l'Assemblée générale de l'ONU ou
à une conférence internationale. Le TPI "n'a pas la
compétence pour me juger", a déclaré M. Milosevic
mercredi.
- Critiques sur le fonctionnement du Tribunal.
Les conseils de M. Milosevic jugent contraire au
principe de séparation des pouvoirs qu'un tribunal
puisse fixer lui-même son règlement. Au TPI, on note
qu'"il n'y a pas de parlement mondial", qui pourrait
procéder aux modifications du règlement, et que le
tribunal ne fait qu'appliquer le mandat du Conseil de
sécurité.
- Critiques sur son financement
L'avocat français Jacques Vergès, qui représente les
intérêts de M. Milosevic devant la Cour européenne de
Strasbourg, juge anormal qu'une partie du financement
du TPI (14%) soit assurée non par l'ONU, mais par des
Etats ou des particuliers: "ces donateurs ne sont
évidemment pas des amis de la Serbie. Puis-je accepter
de comparaître devant un tribunal payé en partie par
mes ennemis?". Borislav Milosevic, frère de l'accusé,
a mentionné l'homme d'affaires américain Georges Soros
parmi ces contributeurs.
- Critiques sur l'impartialité du Tribunal
Sur un plan plus politique, la décision du procureur
Carla Del Ponte de ne pas ouvrir d'enquête sur les
dégâts "collatéraux" provoqués par les bombardements
de l'OTAN contre la Serbie, en 1999, a suscité de
vives critiques.
Cette décision jette une "ombre importante" sur la
crédibilité du Tribunal, a estimé le président
Vojislav Kostunica.
LE PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC CONTRE LE TRIBUNAL DE L'OTAN
mercredi 13 février 2002, 17h10
"M. Milosevic vous avez le droit de parler" ou de
"garder le silence". Le juge britannique Richard May
s'adresse à l'ancien président yougoslave.
Il est 15h30 dans une salle située au premier étage du
Tribunal pénal international (TPI) de La Haye.
"Non, je pense que cela n'a pas de sens que je
commence à parler aujourd'hui, pour être interrompu
une demi-heure plus tard", répond M. Milosevic,
allusion à l'heure fixant la fin de l'audience de
mercredi.
Arborant une cravate aux couleurs de la Yougoslavie,
il ajoute qu'il a "passé deux jours à écouter les
présentations de l'accusation".
Mais, l'ancien président yougoslave, qui était resté
silencieux depuis mardi et qui s'est comporté pendant
les audiences comme s'il assistait à un spectacle qui
lui a été imposé de toute évidence contre son gré,
change d'avis.
De manière hautaine, il lance au magistrat
britannique: "Ce tribunal n'a pas la compétence pour
me juger". L'ancien homme fort de Belgrade rappelle au
juge qu'il attend toujours des réponses sur les
questions concernant la légalité du Tribunal qu'il
avait déjà soulevées lors des audiences préalables au
procès.
"La dernière fois, je vous avais posé plusieurs
questions auxquelles je n'ai pas eu de réponse",
enchaîne-t-il. "La première question, c'est la
question de la légalité de ce tribunal à laquelle vous
n'avez pas répondu", poursuit-il, "je m'attends à ce
que vous consultiez la CIJ (Cour internationale de
justice) pour avis, c'est une question d'une extrême
importance. J'ai déjà parlé de l'illégalité de mon
arrestation".
"Vous étiez légalement obligés de convoquer une
audience consacrée à la question de l'arrestation
illégale qui a eu lieu sur ma personne et vous ne
l'avez pas fait. C'est ainsi une grave omission de
votre part", poursuit l'ancien homme fort de Belgrade.
Il accuse ensuite le procureur du TPI, Carla Del
Ponte, d'avoir déjà "proclamé la sentence" à l'avance
et d'orchestrer une campagne médiatique contre lui.
"L'accusation a lancé une campagne médiatique contre
moi", martèle-t-il, "c'est un procès parallèle à
travers les médias".
Slobodan Milosevic boit un verre d'eau. Le juge lève
la séance.
L'ancien président ramasse des feuilles où il a rédigé
des notes pendant les audiences, sort de la salle,
portant un attaché-case volumineux, escorté par deux
policiers.
LE COMBAT DE L'ICDSM - CONFERENCE DE PRESSE
A LA HAYE LE 12 FEVRIER.
REVUE DE PRESSE:
SES AVOCATS DENONCENT UNE «COUR MARTIALE».
«UN PRISONNIER POLITIQUE»
Par Marc SEMO, LIBERATION (Paris), Le mercredi 13
février 2002 La Haye envoyé spécial
« C'est un grand hôtel moderne et un peu triste, à
quelques centaines de mètres à peine du Tribunal pénal
international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie, où descendent
régulièrement avocats et membres des familles des
accusés qui retrouvent dans ses interminables couloirs
ou dans ses bars en sous-sol bruyants et enfumés un
peu de l'atmosphère du pays. Là, depuis hier, se
déroulent toutes les manoeuvres politiques et les
batailles en marge du procès de l'ancien président
yougoslave. Ses avocats-conseils et ses partisans
regroupés dans un Comité international pour la défense
de Slobodan Milosevic (ICDM) où figurent en bonne
place le dramaturge britannique Harold Pinter et
Ramsay Clark, ancien ministre américain de la Justice
démocrate ont lancé hier une première
contre-offensive avec une lettre ouverte adressée aux
chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement.
Cour martiale. «Le président Milosevic est un
prisonnier politique victime d'un procès spectacle
purement politique, organisé par une institution
politique déguisée en tribunal et contrôlée par les
pays qui ont organisé l'agression contre la
Yougoslavie. (...) S'il était condamné par une telle
cour, dont le caractère et la partialité sont
évidents, ce serait la fin du principe d'égalité des
nations qui est à la base du système des Nations
unies», affirme ce texte présenté hier dans une
conférence de presse. «Ce n'est pas une cour
internationale mais une cour martiale», renchérit
l'avocat canadien Christopher Black, vice-président de
l'ICDM, qui pourfend l'illégalité du TPI. (...)
Groupe de juristes. L'ancien président yougoslave a,
lui, refusé de nommer des avocats afin de prendre en
charge lui-même sa défense, mais il se fait
conseiller, payant théoriquement de sa poche un groupe
de juristes qui, selon la formule ironique d'un
militant des droits de l'homme, «font ainsi du recel
de crimes contre l'humanité». Outre Christopher Black
et deux avocats serbes, Me Ognanovic et Me Tomanovic,
le Français Jacques Vergès, jadis avocat du FLN
algérien, du nazi Klaus Barbie ou du terroriste
Carlos, est l'une des figures de proue de ce collège.
«J'approuve l'attitude de Milosevic qui refuse le
tribunal, car rentrer dans les débats d'un tel procès
biaisé signifierait les authentifier», explique
l'avocat français, grand praticien de la «défense de
rupture», manifestement ravi de se retrouver ainsi à
nouveau sous les feux de la rampe. Son anglais
incertain le prive des networks américains, mais il se
rattrape largement avec les télévisions et les radios
françaises... »
Slobodan Milosevic e' <<il presidente che condusse la Jugoslavia prima e
la Serbia poi alla catastrofe della sconfitta>>, e per questo e'
colpevole di tutto. Lo scrive il giornalista Bonfanti su "Liberazione"
del 13/02/2001, nell'ambito di un pezzo letterariamente ardito, ricco di
accenti fantasy e lombrosiani ("cinico statista", "con una mano
incendiava gli animi della Serbia contadina e con l'altra si divideva la
Bosnia insieme al 'nemico' Franjo Tudjman, l'autoproclamato erede degli
ustascia di Ante Pavelic, i più volenterosi carnefici di Hitler" - anche
per Pavelic la colpa e' di Milosevic?!). Bonfanti va compreso: ingrato
e' il mestiere del giornalista che per guadagnarsi il pane deve
dimostrare tesi precostituite, a qualsiasi costo.
(I. Slavo)