Informazione
IL PROCESSO E' INUTILE:
L'ANSA HA GIA' CONDANNATO MILOSEVIC - SENZA APPELLO
(a cura di Italo Slavo - Coord. Romano per la Jugoslavia)
Con un dispaccio di inaudita violenza propagandistica, l'agenzia di
regime dello Stato italiano ha condannato Slobodan Milosevic per
crimini efferati, di cui si sarebbe reso responsabile durante le guerre
di secessione nei Balcani.
Inanellando una serie di accuse false e diffamazioni, la agenzia di
stampa italiana - che da anni sostiene mediaticamente, con i sistemi
della guerra psicologica, il rinascente militarismo italiano nei
Balcani ed ha appoggiato in tutte le sue fasi lo squartamento della ex-
RFS di Jugoslavia - presenta alla opinione pubblica sue
proprie "conclusioni" sulla vicenda (pseudo)giudiziaria che vede
protagonista l'odiato ex-presidente della Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia, aggredita dall'Italia nella primavera del 1999.
Vediamo di seguito nel dettaglio la ripugnante, deontologicamente
ignobile operazione dell'ANSA:
> http://wwww.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20011028163432029808.html
MILOSEVIC: DOMANI IN AULA ALL'AJA PER CROAZIA / ANSA
(ANSA) - L'AJA, 28 OTT - L'ex presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic
fara' domani la sua terza apparizione davanti al Tribunale
internazionale dell'Aja per rispondere di nuove accuse per la pulizia
etnica perpetrata in Kosovo e in Croazia [L'ANSA NON SI RIFERISCE ALLA
PULIZIA ETNICA DEI SERBI DEL KOSOVO, CIRCA 300MILA, NE' A QUELLA DEI
SERBI DELLE KRAJNE, CIRCA MEZZO MILIONE]. L'occasione e' un'udienza
preliminare in cui protrebbe consumarsi un nuovo scontro verbale con il
procuratore del Tribunale dell'Onu, Carla Del Ponte, intenzionata ad
impedire che l'ex leader jugoslavo si lanci per la terza volta in
un 'comizio' tutto politico volto a delegittimare la corte [L'ANSA NON
CITA NESSUNA DELLE RAGIONI PER CUI AUTOREVOLI GIURISTI, TRA CUI LO
STESSO GIUDICE DELL'AIA REZEK, CONTESTANO LA LEGITTIMITA' DELLA
CORTE "AD HOC"]. Quella di domani una ''status conference'' in cui il
Tribunale penale internazionale (Tpi) per l' ex Jugoslavia esamina la
preparazione del processo-Milosevic. E' previsto che la Del Ponte
chieda ai tre giudici di appesantire ancora l'atto di accusa sui
crimini contro l'umanita' commessi in Kosovo nel 1999 inserendovi la
scoperta di diverse fosse comuni nei pressi di Belgrado [NOTIZIE
INVENTATE DALL'ALA ULTRADESTRA DEL NUOVO GOVERNO FILO-OCCIDENTALE DELLA
SERBIA PER IMPORRE IL SEQUESTRO ED IL TRASFERIMENTO DI MILOSEVIC
ALL'AIA] e le denunce di stupri etnici commessi da truppe serbe
[INVENZIONI DELLA RUDER&FINN PUBLIC GLOBAL AFFAIRS, VEDASI: J. MERLINO,
1993]. Milosevic che all'epoca era anche capo supremo dell'esercito
[COME DIRE CHE OSCAR LUIGI SCALFARO SAREBBE RESPONSABILE DEGLI STUPRI
COMMESSI DAI SOLDATI ITALIANI IN SOMALIA], sara' chiamato a dichiararsi
colpevole o innocente di queste nuove accuse che si sommano a quelle di
crimini contro l'umanita' e violazioni delle leggi di guerra perpetrate
nella deportazione di circa 740 mila albanesi [CHE SCAPPAVANO DALLE
BOMBE GETTATE DAGLI AEREI DELLA NATO, O SU PRESSIONE DEI BANDITI
DELL'UCK] della provincia jugoslava del Kosovo e nel bagno di sangue di
una ventina di massacri [SI NOTI IL LINGUAGGIO GOEBBELSIANO]. La stessa
domanda gli verra' posta per un secondo capo d'accusa, formalizzato l'
8 ottobre scorso: la pulizia etnica tentata in Croazia tra il 1991 e il
1992 [SI NOTI CHE AI SERBI DELLE KRAJNE L'ANSA CONTINUA A NEGARE IL
DIRITTO ALL'AUTODETERMINAZIONE; INOLTRE, MILOSEVIC VIENE RITENUTO
RESPONSABILE PER CRIMINI EVENTUALMENTE COMMESSI DALLE MILIZIE LOCALI],
mentre la Jugoslavia di Tito si disgregava [GRAZIE ALLE SCELTE
CRIMINALI DELLA UNIONE EUROPEA]. Gli viene attribuita la
responsabilita' di crimini contro l'umanita', gravi violazioni della
Convenzione di Ginevra e delle leggi di guerra: in pratica Milosevic
avrebbe esercitato il ''controllo o una sostanziale influenza''
sull'uccisione di centinaia di croati e altri ''non serbi'', incluse
donne e anziani, sulla deportazione di almeno 170 mila persone [!],
sull'internamento di migliaia di prigionieri tenuti in
condizioni ''disumane'' ed esposti alle piu' ineffabili sevizie [!].
L'obiettivo di questo colossale [COLOSSALE!] progetto criminale
[CRIMINALE!], secondo il Tpi, era quello di rendere 'serba' un terzo
della Croazia [LE KRAJNE ERANO GIA' ETNICAMENTE A MAGGIORANZA SERBA DA
CIRCA TRECENTO ANNI, ED I CONFINI DELLA CROAZIA NELLA JUGOSLAVIA
UNITARIA ERANO ESCLUSIVAMENTE AMMINISTRATIVI] e soprattutto zone
divenute tristemente famose: Krajina e Slavonia occidentale, ma anche
Dubrovnik, la citta'-gioiello bombardata nonostnte fosse protetta
dall'Unesco [DUBROVNIK NON HA MAI SUBITO DISTRUZIONI NEL CENTRO
STORICO. SI NOTI CHE OLTRE A RIPETERE ANTICHE MENZOGNE, L'ANSA TACE
SULLA COMPOSIZIONE ETNICA DEI SOBBORGHI DI DUBROVNIK E TACE SULLE
LOCALITA', SEMPRE SOTTO PROTEZIONE UNESCO, DISTRUTTE DALLE MILIZIE
CROATE (MOSTAR) O ALBANESI (MONASTERI IN KOSOVO), ALLEATE DELL'ITALIA
NELLA GUERRA CONTRO LA JUGOSLAVIA]. Contro queste accuse fattuali
[FATTUALI!], di cui il magistrato svizzero potrebbe far leggere
integralmente l'atto istruttorio, Milosevic potrebbe invece replicare
come ha gia' fatto nelle udienze preliminari del 3 luglio e il 30
agosto: con 'tirate' [TIRATE!] sulla non- legittimita' del Tpi. Una
circostanza che la Del POnte, anche in dichiarazioni pubbliche, ha gia'
detto di voler impedire. Le argomentazioni dell'ex uomo forte di
Belgrado, 60 anni, in carcere all'Aja dal 29 giugno scorso, saranno
invece trasposte in argomentazioni giuridiche da un pool di esperti
detti ''amici curiae'', gli amici del tribunale, dato che Milosevic -
non riconoscendo la corte - si e' anche rifiutato di nominare un
legale. L'udienza si preannuncia lunga e, a parte il rischio di show-
mediatici di Milosevic, molto tecnica [POICHE' NOTORIAMENTE LO
SQUARTAMENTO DELLA JUGOSLAVIA SECONDO L'ANSA NON E' UN PROBLEMA
POLITICO, MA SOLAMENTE L'EFFETTO DELLA FOLLIA GENETICA DI CERTI SLAVI].
(ANSA). CAL
28/10/2001 16:34
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
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L'ANSA HA GIA' CONDANNATO MILOSEVIC - SENZA APPELLO
(a cura di Italo Slavo - Coord. Romano per la Jugoslavia)
Con un dispaccio di inaudita violenza propagandistica, l'agenzia di
regime dello Stato italiano ha condannato Slobodan Milosevic per
crimini efferati, di cui si sarebbe reso responsabile durante le guerre
di secessione nei Balcani.
Inanellando una serie di accuse false e diffamazioni, la agenzia di
stampa italiana - che da anni sostiene mediaticamente, con i sistemi
della guerra psicologica, il rinascente militarismo italiano nei
Balcani ed ha appoggiato in tutte le sue fasi lo squartamento della ex-
RFS di Jugoslavia - presenta alla opinione pubblica sue
proprie "conclusioni" sulla vicenda (pseudo)giudiziaria che vede
protagonista l'odiato ex-presidente della Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia, aggredita dall'Italia nella primavera del 1999.
Vediamo di seguito nel dettaglio la ripugnante, deontologicamente
ignobile operazione dell'ANSA:
> http://wwww.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20011028163432029808.html
MILOSEVIC: DOMANI IN AULA ALL'AJA PER CROAZIA / ANSA
(ANSA) - L'AJA, 28 OTT - L'ex presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic
fara' domani la sua terza apparizione davanti al Tribunale
internazionale dell'Aja per rispondere di nuove accuse per la pulizia
etnica perpetrata in Kosovo e in Croazia [L'ANSA NON SI RIFERISCE ALLA
PULIZIA ETNICA DEI SERBI DEL KOSOVO, CIRCA 300MILA, NE' A QUELLA DEI
SERBI DELLE KRAJNE, CIRCA MEZZO MILIONE]. L'occasione e' un'udienza
preliminare in cui protrebbe consumarsi un nuovo scontro verbale con il
procuratore del Tribunale dell'Onu, Carla Del Ponte, intenzionata ad
impedire che l'ex leader jugoslavo si lanci per la terza volta in
un 'comizio' tutto politico volto a delegittimare la corte [L'ANSA NON
CITA NESSUNA DELLE RAGIONI PER CUI AUTOREVOLI GIURISTI, TRA CUI LO
STESSO GIUDICE DELL'AIA REZEK, CONTESTANO LA LEGITTIMITA' DELLA
CORTE "AD HOC"]. Quella di domani una ''status conference'' in cui il
Tribunale penale internazionale (Tpi) per l' ex Jugoslavia esamina la
preparazione del processo-Milosevic. E' previsto che la Del Ponte
chieda ai tre giudici di appesantire ancora l'atto di accusa sui
crimini contro l'umanita' commessi in Kosovo nel 1999 inserendovi la
scoperta di diverse fosse comuni nei pressi di Belgrado [NOTIZIE
INVENTATE DALL'ALA ULTRADESTRA DEL NUOVO GOVERNO FILO-OCCIDENTALE DELLA
SERBIA PER IMPORRE IL SEQUESTRO ED IL TRASFERIMENTO DI MILOSEVIC
ALL'AIA] e le denunce di stupri etnici commessi da truppe serbe
[INVENZIONI DELLA RUDER&FINN PUBLIC GLOBAL AFFAIRS, VEDASI: J. MERLINO,
1993]. Milosevic che all'epoca era anche capo supremo dell'esercito
[COME DIRE CHE OSCAR LUIGI SCALFARO SAREBBE RESPONSABILE DEGLI STUPRI
COMMESSI DAI SOLDATI ITALIANI IN SOMALIA], sara' chiamato a dichiararsi
colpevole o innocente di queste nuove accuse che si sommano a quelle di
crimini contro l'umanita' e violazioni delle leggi di guerra perpetrate
nella deportazione di circa 740 mila albanesi [CHE SCAPPAVANO DALLE
BOMBE GETTATE DAGLI AEREI DELLA NATO, O SU PRESSIONE DEI BANDITI
DELL'UCK] della provincia jugoslava del Kosovo e nel bagno di sangue di
una ventina di massacri [SI NOTI IL LINGUAGGIO GOEBBELSIANO]. La stessa
domanda gli verra' posta per un secondo capo d'accusa, formalizzato l'
8 ottobre scorso: la pulizia etnica tentata in Croazia tra il 1991 e il
1992 [SI NOTI CHE AI SERBI DELLE KRAJNE L'ANSA CONTINUA A NEGARE IL
DIRITTO ALL'AUTODETERMINAZIONE; INOLTRE, MILOSEVIC VIENE RITENUTO
RESPONSABILE PER CRIMINI EVENTUALMENTE COMMESSI DALLE MILIZIE LOCALI],
mentre la Jugoslavia di Tito si disgregava [GRAZIE ALLE SCELTE
CRIMINALI DELLA UNIONE EUROPEA]. Gli viene attribuita la
responsabilita' di crimini contro l'umanita', gravi violazioni della
Convenzione di Ginevra e delle leggi di guerra: in pratica Milosevic
avrebbe esercitato il ''controllo o una sostanziale influenza''
sull'uccisione di centinaia di croati e altri ''non serbi'', incluse
donne e anziani, sulla deportazione di almeno 170 mila persone [!],
sull'internamento di migliaia di prigionieri tenuti in
condizioni ''disumane'' ed esposti alle piu' ineffabili sevizie [!].
L'obiettivo di questo colossale [COLOSSALE!] progetto criminale
[CRIMINALE!], secondo il Tpi, era quello di rendere 'serba' un terzo
della Croazia [LE KRAJNE ERANO GIA' ETNICAMENTE A MAGGIORANZA SERBA DA
CIRCA TRECENTO ANNI, ED I CONFINI DELLA CROAZIA NELLA JUGOSLAVIA
UNITARIA ERANO ESCLUSIVAMENTE AMMINISTRATIVI] e soprattutto zone
divenute tristemente famose: Krajina e Slavonia occidentale, ma anche
Dubrovnik, la citta'-gioiello bombardata nonostnte fosse protetta
dall'Unesco [DUBROVNIK NON HA MAI SUBITO DISTRUZIONI NEL CENTRO
STORICO. SI NOTI CHE OLTRE A RIPETERE ANTICHE MENZOGNE, L'ANSA TACE
SULLA COMPOSIZIONE ETNICA DEI SOBBORGHI DI DUBROVNIK E TACE SULLE
LOCALITA', SEMPRE SOTTO PROTEZIONE UNESCO, DISTRUTTE DALLE MILIZIE
CROATE (MOSTAR) O ALBANESI (MONASTERI IN KOSOVO), ALLEATE DELL'ITALIA
NELLA GUERRA CONTRO LA JUGOSLAVIA]. Contro queste accuse fattuali
[FATTUALI!], di cui il magistrato svizzero potrebbe far leggere
integralmente l'atto istruttorio, Milosevic potrebbe invece replicare
come ha gia' fatto nelle udienze preliminari del 3 luglio e il 30
agosto: con 'tirate' [TIRATE!] sulla non- legittimita' del Tpi. Una
circostanza che la Del POnte, anche in dichiarazioni pubbliche, ha gia'
detto di voler impedire. Le argomentazioni dell'ex uomo forte di
Belgrado, 60 anni, in carcere all'Aja dal 29 giugno scorso, saranno
invece trasposte in argomentazioni giuridiche da un pool di esperti
detti ''amici curiae'', gli amici del tribunale, dato che Milosevic -
non riconoscendo la corte - si e' anche rifiutato di nominare un
legale. L'udienza si preannuncia lunga e, a parte il rischio di show-
mediatici di Milosevic, molto tecnica [POICHE' NOTORIAMENTE LO
SQUARTAMENTO DELLA JUGOSLAVIA SECONDO L'ANSA NON E' UN PROBLEMA
POLITICO, MA SOLAMENTE L'EFFETTO DELLA FOLLIA GENETICA DI CERTI SLAVI].
(ANSA). CAL
28/10/2001 16:34
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
Vuoi sapere proprio tutto su Domeus?
Chi siamo, cosa facciamo e a cosa serviamo?
Conoscici meglio!
tuttosu-subscribe@... oppure
http://www.domeus.it/ad4154040/domeus
----------------------------------------------------------------------
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Extraits de la seconde comparution du pr�sident Milosevic devant le TPI
(30.8.2001)
�Quand l'accusation sera-t-elle pr�te?�, demande le "juge" May � la
procureur Del Ponte. �Difficile � dire, il nous faudra sans doute encore
plus de deux mois�. Plus tard, Milosevic ironisera: �Deux ans et demi
apr�s m'avoir faussement accus�, vous n'�tes toujours pas pr�te !�
Que Milosevic ne reconnaisse pas ce "tribunal" et refuse de choisir un
avocat, g�ne manifestement. Le pr�sident voudrait lui en d�signer un
d'office tout en disant que ce ne serait "pas vraiment" son conseil. Ca
patauge plut�t. Enfin, le pr�sident donne la parole � l'accus�.
�D�sirez-vous soulever d'autres questions ?�
�Ca d�pend. Puis-je parler ou allez-vous, comme la premi�re fois,
tourner le bouton de mon microphone? Pouvons-nous communiquer comme des
personnes civilis�es ?�
(...) �Je souhaite parler sur l'ill�galit� du tribunal. J'ai pr�par� un
m�moire. Ca prendrait 40 minutes.�
�Vous en avez d�j� parl�.�
�Si vous ne me laissez pas parler, mes associ�s distribueront mon
m�moire � la presse.�
Pas de r�ponse claire. Milosevic reprend : �Je ne vois pas pourquoi je
devrais me d�fendre devant ce tribunal ill�gal et envers une fausse
accusation. Mais je voudrais vous questionner sur mes conditions de
d�tention. Je suis en isolement total : pourquoi ma famille ne peut-elle
me visiter quand elle le souhaite, pourquoi les visites sont-elles
surveill�es et les conversations enregistr�es, m�me avec mon petit-fils
de deux ans et demi ? Pourquoi ne puis-je discuter avec mes avocats
concernant mes affaires personnelles en Yougoslavie ?�
Le pr�sident : �Ce sont les r�gles. Le probl�me est que vous n'avez pas
d�sign� d'avocat.�
�Pourquoi suis-je isol� de la presse ? Chaque jour, on imprime des
mensonges sur moi, et je ne peux r�pondre. Si des journalistes veulent
conna�tre la v�rit�, personne n'a de raison d'avoir peur de la v�rit�!
Vous n'�tes pas un tribunal, vous �tes un instrument politique�, accuse
Milosevic.
A nouveau, le pr�sident pousse le bouton pour lui couper son micro.
---
Interview de Slobodan Milosevic � FOX NEWS
(24 ao�t 2001 - version fran�aise)
Rita Cosby : Pr�sident Milosevic, je vous remercie beaucoup pour ce
contact depuis La Hague. Avant tout, dites-nous, si vous le pouvez,
comme vous vous sentez.
Slobodan Milosevic : Je vais bien. Vous savez je suis ici emprisonn�,
dans la pr�tendue � prison � de ce tribunal ill�gitime, qui n'a aucune
l�gitimit�, tout comme l'agression de l'OTAN contre la Yougoslavie
n'avait pas de l�gitimit�. Ce sont les deux facettes d'une m�me
d�marche. Le tribunal est un tribunal de l'OTAN qui continue la
guerre par d'autres moyens.
RC : A pr�sent que ce tribunal vous qualifie de criminel de guerre
inculp�, que pensez-vous de cette appellation ?
SM : Vous savez, je peux vous affirmer que je suis fier de tout ce que
j'ai fait en d�fendant mon pays et mon peuple, que toutes mes
d�cisions �taient l�gitimes et l�gales, bas�es sur la constitution
Yougoslave et sur le droit � l'autod�fense, qui appartient � toute
nation dans le monde. Et toutes leurs d�cisions - les d�cisions des
chefs de l'OTAN - �taient toutes criminelles. Ils ont simplement
assassin� notre peuple et ils ont l�ch� plus de 22 000 tonnes de
bombes sur des h�pitaux, des appartements civils, des �quipements
�lectriques, des fournitures d'eau, des ponts, des rails de train, des
r�fugi�s, et tout cela n'�tait qu'un seul massacre de personnes
innocentes, et constituait le vrai crime, ce qui fait de l'OTAN le
responsable des crimes de guerre en Yougoslavie. Tout cela a �t�
perp�tr� sous le regard du monde entier, alors je ne crois pas, malgr�
la gigantesque campagne m�diatique contre mon pays, qu'il soit
possible de cacher ces faits.
RC : Pensez-vous que vous deviez vous excuser pour quoi que ce
soit, � cause des dizaines de milliers d'albanais qui ont perdu la vie ?
SM : Il y a eu des pertes lors de l'agression de l'OTAN. Je veux vous
rappeler qu'avant le d�but de l'agression, il y avait seulement des
conflits limit�s avec des petits groupes de terroristes qui pla�aient
des bombes dans les caf�s, les march�s et les places, o� d'autres
endroits, tuant des gens innocents. C'�tait tout, et cela s'�tait calm�
� l'automne 1998. Ils rapportaient leurs armes par tracteurs pour les
rendre � la police, et tout s'�tait calm�. Et les gens �taient chez eux,
et il y a eu des missions de v�rification de l'OSCE, et face � elles
tout �tait compl�tement clair, le Kosovo �tait compl�tement calme. Mais
quand l'OTAN a commenc� ses bombardements le 24 mars, beaucoup de civils
ont �t� tu�s, et bien s�r beaucoup d'entre eux ont cherch� � s'�chapper,
ce qui �tait normal - puisque tout le monde s'enfuyait.
J'ai dit � l'un de vos coll�gues au cours de la guerre, alors qu'il me
demandait pourquoi les gens s'enfuyaient : � comment ne pourrait-on
fuir sous des alarmes de bombardement 24 heures sur 24, et sous les
bombardements massifs de l'OTAN. � Tout le monde s'enfuyait, y
compris les ours, les oiseaux, tout le monde voulait s'�chapper.
RC : Je voulais vous demander si vous aviez ordonn� aux troupes
serbes de tuer des albanais - bien s�r des albanais tuaient des serbes
aussi, mais avait vous donn� l'ordre aux troupes serbes de tuer des
albanais, et que pensez-vous de cela ?
SM : Non, non, les troupes �vitaient de tuer des civils, elles devaient
seulement �liminer les groupes terroristes qui assassinaient des
gens, des serbes comme d'autres - des albanais, des turques, des
musulmans, tout le monde. M�me lorsqu'ils �taient assez visibles
dans les groupes de civils, il y avait des ordres stricts pour que la
police ou l'arm�e n'ouvre pas le feu - simplement pour �viter toute
possibilit� qu'il y ait des morts.
RC : Mais des civils furent viol�s, et d'autres tu�s - il y a des
preuves de cela. Ils ont fini dans des fosses communes, comment
l'expliquez-vous ?
SM : Il y a eu des crimes individuels, mais il y avait des ordres clairs
pour que tout crime soit imm�diatement puni, et que ceux qui les
commettaient soient arr�t�s. Et la preuve que ces ordres ont �t�
respect�s clairement et presque � la lettre comme il se devait, est le
fait que plus de 500 diff�rentes personnes ont �t� arr�t�s par la police
ou l'arm�e. Ainsi, les forces arm�es et de police n'ont rien eu � voir
avec de quelconques crimes commis au Kosovo. Il s'agissait des
cons�quences d'une situation chaotique g�n�r�e par les
bombardements massifs de l'OTAN. Dans une telle situation
chaotique, il y avait bien s�r des possibilit�s pour diff�rents �l�ments
criminels de commettre des crimes, mais il y avait des mesures tr�s
tr�s efficaces contre l'ensemble de ces individus afin qu'ils soient
imm�diatement arr�t�s et envoy�s en prison. Les forces arm�es et de
police d�fendaient le pays et n'�taient pas utilis�es contre la
population. C'�tait nos citoyens et ils n'�taient l'objet d'aucune
action militaire.
RC : Regrettez-vous - et je me r�f�re ici � certain des chefs
albanais, et des dirigeants albanais, qui ont dit qu'ils regrettaient
que des civils serbes aient �t� tu�s dans le processus, dans la
situation chaotique, telle que vous l'avez nomm�e. Etes-vous pr�t � dire
maintenant que vous et d'autres regrettez pour certaines des morts
de civils, et pour certaines morts qui se sont r�v�l�es �tre des
meurtres ?
SM : Beaucoup de choses se sont produites au cours de ce chaos,
mais vous devez consid�rer le fait que ce n'�tait qu'une cons�quence
de l'agression criminelle perp�tu�e par l'OTAN contre la
Yougoslavie.
RC : Mais regrettez-vous, beaucoup de gens ?
SM : Evidemment, Nous sommes tous navr�s pour chaque mort, pour
la mort de tout individu � travers le monde, il n'a jamais �t� question
que quiconque se r�jouisse de la mort de tout individu o� que ce soit.
C'est tellement �vident que le probl�me ne se pose absolument pas
ainsi.
RC : Qu'allez-vous faire pour votre d�fense lors du proc�s,
allez-vous vous repr�senter vous-m�me ? Qu'allez-vous faire pour
votre d�fense ?
SM : Vous savez, ce proc�s est r�ellement ill�gal, mais je vous dirais
que toutes mes d�cisions �taient totalement l�gitimes et l�gales pour
la d�fense de mon pays, et leurs d�cisions on �t� compl�tement
criminelles et c'est ce qui fait la grande diff�rence. C'est une grande
diff�rence. Regardez maintenant ce qu'ils font en Mac�doine. Ils ont
d'abord soutenu les terroristes albanais qui sont appel�s � l'arm�e de
lib�ration du Kosovo �, et qui est en fait une organisation terroriste,
qui a commenc� � assassiner des gens en Mac�doine, ce qui leur
donne maintenant une excuse pour venir avec des troupes et occuper
la Mac�doine. C'est le processus d'occupation de la p�ninsule des
Balkans.
RC : Mais dans ce cas, Mr le pr�sident, les troupes de l'OTAN
viennent et d�sarment les albanais, pensez-vous que ce soit une
bonne chose ?
SM : Ils vont d�sarmer les albanais comme ils ont d�sarm� les
albanais du Kosovo. Je me souviens que le commandant g�n�ral de la
KFOR a dit en juillet 1999 que � l'UCK � �tait d�sarm�e, et ce sont
ces d�sarm�s qui tuent des gens tous les jours sous l'�gide de
l'OTAN, qui occupe le Kosovo, et je ne crois donc pas qu'ils vont les
d�sarmer. Ils vont seulement le dire, mais ils ne vont pas le faire.
RC : Comment votre peuple en Yougoslavie vous consid�re � pr�sent,
et pensez-vous que vous avez toujours du soutien dans votre pays ?
SM : J'ai tr�s large et fort soutien au sein de mon peuple. Il a compris
maintenant qu'il avait men� un r�gime de marionnettes au pouvoir �
Belgrade avec ces �lections vol�es, qu'il s'agissait d'un moyen
d'occuper la Yougoslavie, et que tout � pr�sent �tait pire qu'avant
malgr� le fait qu'il n'y ait plus de sanctions et que tout soit pr�t
pour une croissance sans limite de l'�conomie. Mais l'�conomie va mal,
aucune usine ne fonctionne normalement, les gens vivent difficilement
et tout le monde le sait.
(Traduction fran�aise : Service de presse du PCN-NCP)
---
Interview of Slobodan Milosevic to
FOX NEWS (August 24, 2001 - English version)
RITA COSBY: President Milosevic, thank you so much for joining us
from the Hague. First of all, tell us if you could, how are you
feeling?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: I feel fine, you know I'm here in the
jail, the so-called "prison" of that illegitimate tribunal, which is not
having any legitimacy exactly as NATO aggression against
Yugoslavia had no legitimacy. Those are the paths of the same
approach. This tribunal is too NATO based tribunal to continue
the war by other means.
RITA COSBY: Now that tribunal has called you an indicted war
criminal, how do you feel about that title?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: You know I can tell you, I'm proud for
everything I did in defending my country and my people, all my
decisions are legitimate and legal, based on the Constitution of
Yugoslavia, and based on the right of self-defense which belongs
to every nation in the world . And their decisions - NATO
leaders' decisions were all criminal. They were simply
killing our people and they have thrown more than 22,000 tons of
bombs to hospitals, to apartments of civilians, to electricity
facilities, water supply, bridges, railways, trains, refugees, and
that was all one massive killing of innocent people and that was
the real crime, so right address for war crimes in Yugoslavia is
NATO. That all was done in front of the eyes of all the world, so
I don't believe in spite the huge media campaign against my
country, that it is possible to hide those facts.
RITA COSBY: Do you think that you have anything to apologize for,
because tens of thousands of Albanian lives were lost?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: They were lost in the NATO
aggression. I want to remind you that before the aggression
started there were only some rare conflicts with small groups of
terrorists who were putting bombs in cafes, in market places or
somewhere else, killing innocent people. That was all, and that
was calmed down in the Autumn of 1998. They were bringing
they're arms by tractors getting it back to the police, and that was
completely calmed down. And people were in their homes, and
there was verification mission of OSCE, so in front of them, that
was completely clear, Kosovo was completely calm. But when
NATO started bombing on 24th of March, lots of civilians were
killed, and of course lot of them tried to escape what was normal
- everybody was running away. I said to one of your colleagues
during the war when he was asking me why the people were
running away: "How one wouldn't t run away under air alarm of 24
hrs a day and under massive bombings of NATO". Everybody was
running away, including dears, bears, birds, everybody was
running away.
RITA COSBY: What I wanted to ask you, was you did direct Serb
troops to kill Albanians, of course Albanians were killing Serbs as
well, but you did direct Serb troops to kill Albanians, how do you feel
about that?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: No, no, the troops were avoiding to
kill civilians anyhow, they had only to eliminate terrorist groups
which were killing people, both Serbs and others - Albanians,
Turks, Muslims, everybody. Even when they were quite clearly
visible within the groups of civilians, there was strict order that
police or army should not open fire - just to avoid possibility to kill
any civilian. So there was nothing like killing civilians done by
armed forces of Yugoslavia.
RITA COSBY: But many civilians were raped, many were killed -
there is proof of that . They ended up in mass graves, how do you
explain that?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: There were individual crimes, but
there was clear order that any crime has to be punished
immediately, and whoever did it has to be arrested. And the proof
that that order was obeyed quite clearly and exactly as it was
supposed to be obeyed, is the fact that more than 500 different
individuals were immediately arrested by the police or the army.
So, armed forces and police forces had nothing in common with
any crime which was committed in Kosovo. Those were
consequences of chaotic situation created by massive bombing of
NATO. In such chaotic situation, of course there is always a
possibility for different criminal elements to do some crime, but
there was very very efficient action against all of them to be
immediately arrested and sent to jail. Army and police forces
were defen ding the country and were not used against the
population They were our citizens and they were not object of
any military action.
RITA COSBY: Are you sorry - and I will say that some of the
Albanian leaders, and Albanian officials have said that they are sorry
that some Serb civilians were killed in the process, as you have said,
in the chaotic situation. Are you prepared to say now that you and
others are sorry for, maybe some of the civilian deaths, some of the
other deaths that happened to have been killed?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: Many things happened in that chaos,
but you have to be aware of the fact that that was just the
consequence of that criminal aggression committed by NATO
against Yugoslavia.
RITA COSBY: Are you sorry I guess, a lot of people...
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: Of course, all of us are sorry for the
death of any person anywhere in the world, nobody can't be happy
for the death of any person anywhere, that is so obvious so that it
is not the question at all.
RITA COSBY: What will you use as your defense at the trial, and will
you represent yourself? What will you use as your defense?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: You know, this trial is really illegal,
but I said to you that all the decisions of mine were completely
legitimate and legal in defense of my country, and their decisions
were completely criminal and that is the big difference. That is the
big difference. Look now at what they are doing in Macedonia,
they first supported Albanian terrorists whom they call "Kosovo
liberation army", in fact that is a terrorist organization, to start
killing people in Macedonia, and then that is now the excuse for
them to get in with the troops and to occupy Macedonia. That is
the process of occupation of the Balkan peninsula.
RITA COSBY: But in this case, Mr. President, the NATO troops are
coming in and they are disarming the Albanians, do you think that is a
good thing?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: They will disarm Albanians like they
disarmed Albanians in Kosovo. I remember what commanding
general of KFOR in July 1999, said - that "KLA" was disarmed,
and than those disarmed are killing people every day under the
auspices of NATO, who are occupying Kosovo, so I don't believe
that they will disarm them. They will only say that, but they will not
do that.
RITA COSBY: How do your people in Yugoslavia feel about you now,
do you think you still have support within your country?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: Yes, I have very wide and very
strong support within my people. So, they understand how they
have brought that puppet regime now in Belgrade with those
stolen elections and they understand that that is the way to
occupy Yugoslavia. Everything is now worse than it was before,
despite the fact that there are no sanctions anymore, that
everything is now open for growing the economy without any
limitation. But economy is getting down, there is no factory which
is working normally, people are living very hard and everybody
knows it.
---
> http://ptb.be/scripts/article.phtml?obidX58&lang=1
Proc�s Milosevic - Qui a peur de la v�rit�?
(Michel Collon, 31-08-2001)
> http://www.sps.org.yu/aktuelno/2001/avgust/31-01.html
STENOGRAM sa pojavljivanja predsednika Slobodana Milosevica
pred "Haskim tribunalom", 30. avgusta 2001. godine u Hagu
> http://www.sps.org.yu/aktuelno/2001/avgust/31-03.html
SAOPSTENJE PREDSEDNIKA MILOSEVICA O NELEGALNOSTI HASKOG TRIBUNALA
> http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/news/kasnije/2001-08-31-2.html
Transcript of the second appearance of president Slobodan Milosevic
before the so-called ICTY on 30 August 2001.
> http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/news/kasnije/2001-08-31-1.html
Statement that president Milosevic was not allowed to read when he
appeared, August 30, before the "tribunal" in the Hague.
STATEMENT OF PRESIDENT SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
ON THE ILLEGITIMACY OF THE HAGUE "TRIBUNAL"
---
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(30.8.2001)
�Quand l'accusation sera-t-elle pr�te?�, demande le "juge" May � la
procureur Del Ponte. �Difficile � dire, il nous faudra sans doute encore
plus de deux mois�. Plus tard, Milosevic ironisera: �Deux ans et demi
apr�s m'avoir faussement accus�, vous n'�tes toujours pas pr�te !�
Que Milosevic ne reconnaisse pas ce "tribunal" et refuse de choisir un
avocat, g�ne manifestement. Le pr�sident voudrait lui en d�signer un
d'office tout en disant que ce ne serait "pas vraiment" son conseil. Ca
patauge plut�t. Enfin, le pr�sident donne la parole � l'accus�.
�D�sirez-vous soulever d'autres questions ?�
�Ca d�pend. Puis-je parler ou allez-vous, comme la premi�re fois,
tourner le bouton de mon microphone? Pouvons-nous communiquer comme des
personnes civilis�es ?�
(...) �Je souhaite parler sur l'ill�galit� du tribunal. J'ai pr�par� un
m�moire. Ca prendrait 40 minutes.�
�Vous en avez d�j� parl�.�
�Si vous ne me laissez pas parler, mes associ�s distribueront mon
m�moire � la presse.�
Pas de r�ponse claire. Milosevic reprend : �Je ne vois pas pourquoi je
devrais me d�fendre devant ce tribunal ill�gal et envers une fausse
accusation. Mais je voudrais vous questionner sur mes conditions de
d�tention. Je suis en isolement total : pourquoi ma famille ne peut-elle
me visiter quand elle le souhaite, pourquoi les visites sont-elles
surveill�es et les conversations enregistr�es, m�me avec mon petit-fils
de deux ans et demi ? Pourquoi ne puis-je discuter avec mes avocats
concernant mes affaires personnelles en Yougoslavie ?�
Le pr�sident : �Ce sont les r�gles. Le probl�me est que vous n'avez pas
d�sign� d'avocat.�
�Pourquoi suis-je isol� de la presse ? Chaque jour, on imprime des
mensonges sur moi, et je ne peux r�pondre. Si des journalistes veulent
conna�tre la v�rit�, personne n'a de raison d'avoir peur de la v�rit�!
Vous n'�tes pas un tribunal, vous �tes un instrument politique�, accuse
Milosevic.
A nouveau, le pr�sident pousse le bouton pour lui couper son micro.
---
Interview de Slobodan Milosevic � FOX NEWS
(24 ao�t 2001 - version fran�aise)
Rita Cosby : Pr�sident Milosevic, je vous remercie beaucoup pour ce
contact depuis La Hague. Avant tout, dites-nous, si vous le pouvez,
comme vous vous sentez.
Slobodan Milosevic : Je vais bien. Vous savez je suis ici emprisonn�,
dans la pr�tendue � prison � de ce tribunal ill�gitime, qui n'a aucune
l�gitimit�, tout comme l'agression de l'OTAN contre la Yougoslavie
n'avait pas de l�gitimit�. Ce sont les deux facettes d'une m�me
d�marche. Le tribunal est un tribunal de l'OTAN qui continue la
guerre par d'autres moyens.
RC : A pr�sent que ce tribunal vous qualifie de criminel de guerre
inculp�, que pensez-vous de cette appellation ?
SM : Vous savez, je peux vous affirmer que je suis fier de tout ce que
j'ai fait en d�fendant mon pays et mon peuple, que toutes mes
d�cisions �taient l�gitimes et l�gales, bas�es sur la constitution
Yougoslave et sur le droit � l'autod�fense, qui appartient � toute
nation dans le monde. Et toutes leurs d�cisions - les d�cisions des
chefs de l'OTAN - �taient toutes criminelles. Ils ont simplement
assassin� notre peuple et ils ont l�ch� plus de 22 000 tonnes de
bombes sur des h�pitaux, des appartements civils, des �quipements
�lectriques, des fournitures d'eau, des ponts, des rails de train, des
r�fugi�s, et tout cela n'�tait qu'un seul massacre de personnes
innocentes, et constituait le vrai crime, ce qui fait de l'OTAN le
responsable des crimes de guerre en Yougoslavie. Tout cela a �t�
perp�tr� sous le regard du monde entier, alors je ne crois pas, malgr�
la gigantesque campagne m�diatique contre mon pays, qu'il soit
possible de cacher ces faits.
RC : Pensez-vous que vous deviez vous excuser pour quoi que ce
soit, � cause des dizaines de milliers d'albanais qui ont perdu la vie ?
SM : Il y a eu des pertes lors de l'agression de l'OTAN. Je veux vous
rappeler qu'avant le d�but de l'agression, il y avait seulement des
conflits limit�s avec des petits groupes de terroristes qui pla�aient
des bombes dans les caf�s, les march�s et les places, o� d'autres
endroits, tuant des gens innocents. C'�tait tout, et cela s'�tait calm�
� l'automne 1998. Ils rapportaient leurs armes par tracteurs pour les
rendre � la police, et tout s'�tait calm�. Et les gens �taient chez eux,
et il y a eu des missions de v�rification de l'OSCE, et face � elles
tout �tait compl�tement clair, le Kosovo �tait compl�tement calme. Mais
quand l'OTAN a commenc� ses bombardements le 24 mars, beaucoup de civils
ont �t� tu�s, et bien s�r beaucoup d'entre eux ont cherch� � s'�chapper,
ce qui �tait normal - puisque tout le monde s'enfuyait.
J'ai dit � l'un de vos coll�gues au cours de la guerre, alors qu'il me
demandait pourquoi les gens s'enfuyaient : � comment ne pourrait-on
fuir sous des alarmes de bombardement 24 heures sur 24, et sous les
bombardements massifs de l'OTAN. � Tout le monde s'enfuyait, y
compris les ours, les oiseaux, tout le monde voulait s'�chapper.
RC : Je voulais vous demander si vous aviez ordonn� aux troupes
serbes de tuer des albanais - bien s�r des albanais tuaient des serbes
aussi, mais avait vous donn� l'ordre aux troupes serbes de tuer des
albanais, et que pensez-vous de cela ?
SM : Non, non, les troupes �vitaient de tuer des civils, elles devaient
seulement �liminer les groupes terroristes qui assassinaient des
gens, des serbes comme d'autres - des albanais, des turques, des
musulmans, tout le monde. M�me lorsqu'ils �taient assez visibles
dans les groupes de civils, il y avait des ordres stricts pour que la
police ou l'arm�e n'ouvre pas le feu - simplement pour �viter toute
possibilit� qu'il y ait des morts.
RC : Mais des civils furent viol�s, et d'autres tu�s - il y a des
preuves de cela. Ils ont fini dans des fosses communes, comment
l'expliquez-vous ?
SM : Il y a eu des crimes individuels, mais il y avait des ordres clairs
pour que tout crime soit imm�diatement puni, et que ceux qui les
commettaient soient arr�t�s. Et la preuve que ces ordres ont �t�
respect�s clairement et presque � la lettre comme il se devait, est le
fait que plus de 500 diff�rentes personnes ont �t� arr�t�s par la police
ou l'arm�e. Ainsi, les forces arm�es et de police n'ont rien eu � voir
avec de quelconques crimes commis au Kosovo. Il s'agissait des
cons�quences d'une situation chaotique g�n�r�e par les
bombardements massifs de l'OTAN. Dans une telle situation
chaotique, il y avait bien s�r des possibilit�s pour diff�rents �l�ments
criminels de commettre des crimes, mais il y avait des mesures tr�s
tr�s efficaces contre l'ensemble de ces individus afin qu'ils soient
imm�diatement arr�t�s et envoy�s en prison. Les forces arm�es et de
police d�fendaient le pays et n'�taient pas utilis�es contre la
population. C'�tait nos citoyens et ils n'�taient l'objet d'aucune
action militaire.
RC : Regrettez-vous - et je me r�f�re ici � certain des chefs
albanais, et des dirigeants albanais, qui ont dit qu'ils regrettaient
que des civils serbes aient �t� tu�s dans le processus, dans la
situation chaotique, telle que vous l'avez nomm�e. Etes-vous pr�t � dire
maintenant que vous et d'autres regrettez pour certaines des morts
de civils, et pour certaines morts qui se sont r�v�l�es �tre des
meurtres ?
SM : Beaucoup de choses se sont produites au cours de ce chaos,
mais vous devez consid�rer le fait que ce n'�tait qu'une cons�quence
de l'agression criminelle perp�tu�e par l'OTAN contre la
Yougoslavie.
RC : Mais regrettez-vous, beaucoup de gens ?
SM : Evidemment, Nous sommes tous navr�s pour chaque mort, pour
la mort de tout individu � travers le monde, il n'a jamais �t� question
que quiconque se r�jouisse de la mort de tout individu o� que ce soit.
C'est tellement �vident que le probl�me ne se pose absolument pas
ainsi.
RC : Qu'allez-vous faire pour votre d�fense lors du proc�s,
allez-vous vous repr�senter vous-m�me ? Qu'allez-vous faire pour
votre d�fense ?
SM : Vous savez, ce proc�s est r�ellement ill�gal, mais je vous dirais
que toutes mes d�cisions �taient totalement l�gitimes et l�gales pour
la d�fense de mon pays, et leurs d�cisions on �t� compl�tement
criminelles et c'est ce qui fait la grande diff�rence. C'est une grande
diff�rence. Regardez maintenant ce qu'ils font en Mac�doine. Ils ont
d'abord soutenu les terroristes albanais qui sont appel�s � l'arm�e de
lib�ration du Kosovo �, et qui est en fait une organisation terroriste,
qui a commenc� � assassiner des gens en Mac�doine, ce qui leur
donne maintenant une excuse pour venir avec des troupes et occuper
la Mac�doine. C'est le processus d'occupation de la p�ninsule des
Balkans.
RC : Mais dans ce cas, Mr le pr�sident, les troupes de l'OTAN
viennent et d�sarment les albanais, pensez-vous que ce soit une
bonne chose ?
SM : Ils vont d�sarmer les albanais comme ils ont d�sarm� les
albanais du Kosovo. Je me souviens que le commandant g�n�ral de la
KFOR a dit en juillet 1999 que � l'UCK � �tait d�sarm�e, et ce sont
ces d�sarm�s qui tuent des gens tous les jours sous l'�gide de
l'OTAN, qui occupe le Kosovo, et je ne crois donc pas qu'ils vont les
d�sarmer. Ils vont seulement le dire, mais ils ne vont pas le faire.
RC : Comment votre peuple en Yougoslavie vous consid�re � pr�sent,
et pensez-vous que vous avez toujours du soutien dans votre pays ?
SM : J'ai tr�s large et fort soutien au sein de mon peuple. Il a compris
maintenant qu'il avait men� un r�gime de marionnettes au pouvoir �
Belgrade avec ces �lections vol�es, qu'il s'agissait d'un moyen
d'occuper la Yougoslavie, et que tout � pr�sent �tait pire qu'avant
malgr� le fait qu'il n'y ait plus de sanctions et que tout soit pr�t
pour une croissance sans limite de l'�conomie. Mais l'�conomie va mal,
aucune usine ne fonctionne normalement, les gens vivent difficilement
et tout le monde le sait.
(Traduction fran�aise : Service de presse du PCN-NCP)
---
Interview of Slobodan Milosevic to
FOX NEWS (August 24, 2001 - English version)
RITA COSBY: President Milosevic, thank you so much for joining us
from the Hague. First of all, tell us if you could, how are you
feeling?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: I feel fine, you know I'm here in the
jail, the so-called "prison" of that illegitimate tribunal, which is not
having any legitimacy exactly as NATO aggression against
Yugoslavia had no legitimacy. Those are the paths of the same
approach. This tribunal is too NATO based tribunal to continue
the war by other means.
RITA COSBY: Now that tribunal has called you an indicted war
criminal, how do you feel about that title?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: You know I can tell you, I'm proud for
everything I did in defending my country and my people, all my
decisions are legitimate and legal, based on the Constitution of
Yugoslavia, and based on the right of self-defense which belongs
to every nation in the world . And their decisions - NATO
leaders' decisions were all criminal. They were simply
killing our people and they have thrown more than 22,000 tons of
bombs to hospitals, to apartments of civilians, to electricity
facilities, water supply, bridges, railways, trains, refugees, and
that was all one massive killing of innocent people and that was
the real crime, so right address for war crimes in Yugoslavia is
NATO. That all was done in front of the eyes of all the world, so
I don't believe in spite the huge media campaign against my
country, that it is possible to hide those facts.
RITA COSBY: Do you think that you have anything to apologize for,
because tens of thousands of Albanian lives were lost?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: They were lost in the NATO
aggression. I want to remind you that before the aggression
started there were only some rare conflicts with small groups of
terrorists who were putting bombs in cafes, in market places or
somewhere else, killing innocent people. That was all, and that
was calmed down in the Autumn of 1998. They were bringing
they're arms by tractors getting it back to the police, and that was
completely calmed down. And people were in their homes, and
there was verification mission of OSCE, so in front of them, that
was completely clear, Kosovo was completely calm. But when
NATO started bombing on 24th of March, lots of civilians were
killed, and of course lot of them tried to escape what was normal
- everybody was running away. I said to one of your colleagues
during the war when he was asking me why the people were
running away: "How one wouldn't t run away under air alarm of 24
hrs a day and under massive bombings of NATO". Everybody was
running away, including dears, bears, birds, everybody was
running away.
RITA COSBY: What I wanted to ask you, was you did direct Serb
troops to kill Albanians, of course Albanians were killing Serbs as
well, but you did direct Serb troops to kill Albanians, how do you feel
about that?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: No, no, the troops were avoiding to
kill civilians anyhow, they had only to eliminate terrorist groups
which were killing people, both Serbs and others - Albanians,
Turks, Muslims, everybody. Even when they were quite clearly
visible within the groups of civilians, there was strict order that
police or army should not open fire - just to avoid possibility to kill
any civilian. So there was nothing like killing civilians done by
armed forces of Yugoslavia.
RITA COSBY: But many civilians were raped, many were killed -
there is proof of that . They ended up in mass graves, how do you
explain that?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: There were individual crimes, but
there was clear order that any crime has to be punished
immediately, and whoever did it has to be arrested. And the proof
that that order was obeyed quite clearly and exactly as it was
supposed to be obeyed, is the fact that more than 500 different
individuals were immediately arrested by the police or the army.
So, armed forces and police forces had nothing in common with
any crime which was committed in Kosovo. Those were
consequences of chaotic situation created by massive bombing of
NATO. In such chaotic situation, of course there is always a
possibility for different criminal elements to do some crime, but
there was very very efficient action against all of them to be
immediately arrested and sent to jail. Army and police forces
were defen ding the country and were not used against the
population They were our citizens and they were not object of
any military action.
RITA COSBY: Are you sorry - and I will say that some of the
Albanian leaders, and Albanian officials have said that they are sorry
that some Serb civilians were killed in the process, as you have said,
in the chaotic situation. Are you prepared to say now that you and
others are sorry for, maybe some of the civilian deaths, some of the
other deaths that happened to have been killed?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: Many things happened in that chaos,
but you have to be aware of the fact that that was just the
consequence of that criminal aggression committed by NATO
against Yugoslavia.
RITA COSBY: Are you sorry I guess, a lot of people...
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: Of course, all of us are sorry for the
death of any person anywhere in the world, nobody can't be happy
for the death of any person anywhere, that is so obvious so that it
is not the question at all.
RITA COSBY: What will you use as your defense at the trial, and will
you represent yourself? What will you use as your defense?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: You know, this trial is really illegal,
but I said to you that all the decisions of mine were completely
legitimate and legal in defense of my country, and their decisions
were completely criminal and that is the big difference. That is the
big difference. Look now at what they are doing in Macedonia,
they first supported Albanian terrorists whom they call "Kosovo
liberation army", in fact that is a terrorist organization, to start
killing people in Macedonia, and then that is now the excuse for
them to get in with the troops and to occupy Macedonia. That is
the process of occupation of the Balkan peninsula.
RITA COSBY: But in this case, Mr. President, the NATO troops are
coming in and they are disarming the Albanians, do you think that is a
good thing?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: They will disarm Albanians like they
disarmed Albanians in Kosovo. I remember what commanding
general of KFOR in July 1999, said - that "KLA" was disarmed,
and than those disarmed are killing people every day under the
auspices of NATO, who are occupying Kosovo, so I don't believe
that they will disarm them. They will only say that, but they will not
do that.
RITA COSBY: How do your people in Yugoslavia feel about you now,
do you think you still have support within your country?
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: Yes, I have very wide and very
strong support within my people. So, they understand how they
have brought that puppet regime now in Belgrade with those
stolen elections and they understand that that is the way to
occupy Yugoslavia. Everything is now worse than it was before,
despite the fact that there are no sanctions anymore, that
everything is now open for growing the economy without any
limitation. But economy is getting down, there is no factory which
is working normally, people are living very hard and everybody
knows it.
---
> http://ptb.be/scripts/article.phtml?obidX58&lang=1
Proc�s Milosevic - Qui a peur de la v�rit�?
(Michel Collon, 31-08-2001)
> http://www.sps.org.yu/aktuelno/2001/avgust/31-01.html
STENOGRAM sa pojavljivanja predsednika Slobodana Milosevica
pred "Haskim tribunalom", 30. avgusta 2001. godine u Hagu
> http://www.sps.org.yu/aktuelno/2001/avgust/31-03.html
SAOPSTENJE PREDSEDNIKA MILOSEVICA O NELEGALNOSTI HASKOG TRIBUNALA
> http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/news/kasnije/2001-08-31-2.html
Transcript of the second appearance of president Slobodan Milosevic
before the so-called ICTY on 30 August 2001.
> http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/news/kasnije/2001-08-31-1.html
Statement that president Milosevic was not allowed to read when he
appeared, August 30, before the "tribunal" in the Hague.
STATEMENT OF PRESIDENT SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
ON THE ILLEGITIMACY OF THE HAGUE "TRIBUNAL"
---
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*** "IL TRIBUNALE E' DI PARTE"
Lo dice uno dei suoi giudici, il brasiliano Rezek
(in francese ed inglese)
*** IL "TRIBUNALE" DELL'AIA VA DICHIARATO ILLEGALE
Haager "Tribunal" ist f�r illegal zu erkl�ren
(in tedesco)
Wortlaut der Erkl�rung von Milosevic vom 30.8.01
siehe: http://www.free-slobo.de
---
Proc�s Milosevic -
�Le tribunal TPI est partial�, affirme un de ses juges
Milosevic affirme que la Cour n'a �t� cr��e que pour juger
les Serbes, et que certains pays le voulaient ainsi. Vous
�tes d'accord?
[Juge Rezek]. Juridiquement, le tribunal a �t� instaur�
par le Conseil de S�curit� de l'Onu qui peut cr�er des
organes transitoires. Mais seule l'Assembl�e G�n�rale a le
pouvoir d'�tablir un organe judiciaire permanent. Et les
Etats-Unis paient la plus grande part de la facture.
> http://www.ptb.be/solidaire/article.phtml?lang=1&obidX07
�Le TPI est partial�, affirme un de ses juges
Un juge br�silien, si�geant lui-m�me au Tribunal P�nal
International (TPI) de La Haye, indique pourquoi Milosevic
n'aura pas un proc�s �quitable. Extrait du magazine Globo
(20 ao�t)
Pensez-vous que le proc�s de Milosevic sera �quitable?
Juge Rezek (juge � la Cour Supr�me du Br�sil de 1983 �
1990). Il ne sera pas � l'abri des critiques.
Pourquoi?
Juge Rezek. Milosevic affirme que la Cour n'a �t� cr��e
que pour juger les Serbes, et que certains pays le
voulaient ainsi.
Vous �tes d'accord?
Juge Rezek. Juridiquement, le tribunal a �t� instaur� par
le Conseil de S�curit� de l'Onu qui peut cr�er des organes
transitoires. Mais seule l'Assembl�e G�n�rale a le pouvoir
d'�tablir un organe judiciaire permanent. Et les
Etats-Unis paient la plus grande part de la facture.
Que voulez-vous dire?
Juge Rezek. C'est une facture tr�s �lev�e. Le TPI pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie co�te dix fois plus cher que la Cour
Internationale de Justice, si�geant aussi � La Haye, qui
juge les conflits entre Etats.
Qu'est-ce qui ne va pas avec ce TPI ?
Juge Rezek. Il se compose de juristes comp�tents et juge
des gens accus�s de crimes tr�s s�rieux. Cependant, il est
assez partial, provoquant des sentiments n�gatifs parmi
les observateurs et les sp�cialistes (?).
C'est ce que disent les Serbes?
Juge Rezek. Pas seulement eux. De nombreux sp�cialistes
dans le monde estiment qu'on ne peut traiter ces affaires
ainsi, de fa�on partiale et incompl�te. (?) Ces tribunaux
Yougoslavie et Rwanda ne sont pas un exemple, du fait du
manque d'universalit�.
---
Von: publisher@...
Gesendet: Mittwoch, 22. August 2001 06:44
An: TiM GW Bulletins
Betreff: Brazilian Judge Says Hague Tribunal Is "Partial"
(TiM GW Bulletin 2001/8-2, Aug. 21, 2001)
FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA
(...)
Rio de Janeiro - Brazilian Judge Says Hague Tribunal Is
"Partial"
> http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2001/tim2001-8-2.html
Brazilian Judge Says Hague Tribunal Is "Partial"
RIO DE JANEIRO, Aug. 21 - A Brazilian judge, who sits on
the Hague War Crimes Tribunal bench, termed his own
court's handling of the Serbs accused of war crimes as
"partial" in an interview with the Rio de Janeiro's
newspaper O Globo, published on Monday, Aug. 20. Judge
Francisco Rezek also said that the Yugoslav Tribunal costs
10 times more than the International Court of Justice,
also at the Hague, and that most of its expenses are paid
by the United States.
The interview, conducted by O Globo's reporter Trajano de
Medeiros, was translated for TiM by a Brazilian reader who
wishes to remain anonymous, but whose identity is known to
TiM. This reader also told us that Judge Rezek was
Justice at the Brazilian Supreme Court, from 1893 to 1990,
then Minister for External Affairs (Foreign Minister),
1990-1992, Chief Justice, and appointed to the
International Court of Justice, at The Hague, in 1997.
Here's the interview:
O GLOBO: Mr. Slobodan Milosevic's imprisonment at The
Hague, the condemnation of a Serb-Bosnian general for
genocide, and the imprisonment of Bosnian Muslim officers,
are those facts an irreversible sign of globalization of
Justice?
REZEK: It is one step for the universal Justice for grave
crimes, crimes defined by International Law, crimes
against Mankind and war crimes.
O GLOBO: Do you believe that Milosevic's judgment will be
a peaceful (fair?) one?
REZEK: The judgment will be not be immune to criticism.
O GLOBO: Why not?
REZEK: Milosevic asserts that the Court was created only
to judge the Serbs; that certain countries wanted that way
- to judge certain persons from the Serb side, in the
context of the ex-Yugoslavia civil war.
O GLOBO: Do you agree?
REZEK: The Tribunal is juristically legitimate as the UN
Security Council, which has power to create any
transitional organ, created it. (But) for establishment
of a permanent (judicial) organ, only the (UN) General
Assembly (is entitled to do it). Nevertheless, the
Security Council accomplished in the beginning of the 90's
to create the Tribunal. Even though, France was more
active than the US, the US government pays the largest
part of the bill.
O GLOBO: What do you mean?
REZEK: It is quite a high bill. The Criminal Tribunal for
the ex-Yugoslavia costs to the UN approximately 10 times
more (!) than the cost of the International Court of
Justice (also at the Hague) that judges litigation between
nations. (emphasis added by TiM).
O GLOBO: What is wrong with the Court?
REZEK: It is composed of competent jurists, and it judges
people accused of very serious crimes. However, it is
somewhat partial, which causes bad feelings among
observers and specialists. One does not need to leave
Europe to find other contexts of civil war in which people
want to see others accused. If we leave Europe to go to
Asia and Africa, we will see situations, which will call
for an international court.
O GLOBO: Is that what the Serbs say?
REZEK: It is not only the Serbs who say so in Belgrade.
Many specialists around the whole world think that those
things cannot be made in such a way, in a partial way, in
an incomplete way. Why a court for Yugoslavia, and another
for Rwanda, if they are not the only contexts where you
may identify crimes against Mankind?
O GLOBO: Why is the way out, then?
REZEK: This will take us to the Treaty of Rome, of three
years ago. The happenings in Yugoslavia may take the
countries responsible for the creation of this specific
court to support the creation of the tribunal conceived by
the Treaty of Rome. We all know that we cannot deny the
validity of some criticism made about these specific
tribunals, created to judge criminals, but they are
one-sided. Those courts are not an example because of the
lack of universality.
TRUTH IN MEDIA
Phoenix, Arizona
e-mail: publisher@...
Visit the Truth in Media Web site
http://www.truthinmedia.org/ for
articles on geopolitical affairs.
---
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 22 Oct 2001 14:37:57 +0200
From: Klaus von Raussendorf <raussendorff@...>
To: Klaus von Raussendorff <raussendorff@...>
Subject: [iso-8859-1] Haager "Tribunal" ist f�r
illegal zu erkl�ren
Internationales Komitee f�r die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic
- Deutsche Sektion -
c/o Klaus Hartmann
Pr�sident der Weltunion der Freidenker
Starkenburgring 4
D-63069 Offenbach am Main
T/F: +49-(0)69 - 83 58 50
e-mail: vorstand@...
Internet: www.free-slobo.de
www.icdsm.org
P r e s s e m i t t e i l u n g
(Nr. 06/2001)vom 22.10.2001
HAAGER "TRIBUNAL" IST F�R ILLEGAL ZU ERKL�REN
Zum Schriftsatz von Pr�sident Slobodan Milosevic,
den er am 30. August 2001 im Gerichtssaal nicht
verlesen durfte
Wenn der ehemalige jugoslawische Staatspr�sident am 29.
Oktober 2001 zum dritten Male vor dem Internationalen
Straftribunal f�r das ehemalige Jugoslawien erscheint,
herrscht wieder Bombenkrieg. Nach Irak 1991, Jugoslawien
1999 ist nun, w�hrend Mazedonien weiterhin durch
terroristische Aggression bedroht bleibt, das geschundene
Afghanistan Ziel eines neuen Angriffs der USA und ihrer
Verb�ndeten. Weitere "Schurkenstaaten" sind im Visier der
"zivilisierten Welt". Die Bombardierungen des belagerten
Irak werden verst�rkt fortgesetzt. Und mit der
Legitimierung des neuen Krieges der USA und ihrer
Verb�ndeten als "Krieg gegen den Terrorismus", wird
wiederum eine Kriminalisierung des Feindes im angeblich
strafrechtlich praktischem Sinne mit Kriegf�hrung und
Kriegspropaganda verquickt, wie bereits gegen Milosevic
und andere F�hrer Jugoslawiens.
Diese Instrumentalisierung internationaler Strafverfolgung
zum Zwecke des Einsatzes von Massenvernichtungswaffen
bedroht die ganze Menschheit. "Nur deshalb akzeptiert das
internationale Recht Bombardierungen schutzloser
Zivilbev�lkerungen durch hochentwickelte
Milit�rtechnologie, die ein Land zerst�ren kann, ohne es
zu betreten, weil eine Supermacht die internationalen
Strafverfolgungen kontrolliert und �ber Verst��e
entscheidet." Mit diesen Worten charakterisiert Milosevic
in seinem beim "Tribunal" eingereichten Schriftsatz vom
30. August 2001 zur Frage der Illegalit�t des Haager
Tribunals die Bedrohung, die von derartigen illegitimen
ad-hoc-Tribunalen letztlich vor allem f�r die
Zivilbev�lkerung ausgeht; denn, so f�hrt Milosevic fort,
"Das dominierende Element bei moderner Milit�rmacht ist
Massenvernichtung. Sieger sind die Nationen mit der
gr��ten F�higkeit zur Massenvernichtung. Damit wird die
Zivilbev�lkerung in einen Zustand maximaler Gef�hrdung
versetzt; denn unmittelbares Ziel der US-Luft- und
Raketenangriffe war (in Jugoslawien und ist in
Afghanistan) die Infrastruktur."
Pervertierte internationale Strafverfolgung nach Art des
ICTY scheint zunehmend zu einem Element aggressiver
Milit�rpolitik der Sch�pfer und F�rderer derartiger
ad-hoc-Tribunale zu werden. Dies k�nnte die Menschheit
letztlich in einen erneuten Weltbrand st�rzen.
"Als m�glicher Ausweg gilt in Fachkreisen die Anrufung des
ebenfalls in Den Haag angesiedelten Internationalen
Gerichtshofes (IGH), des wichtigsten
UN-Rechtsprechungsorgans (...) Ein IGH-Gutachten w�re zwar
letztendlich nicht bindend, im Falle des ICTY k�me ihm
jedoch ohne Frage politisch mehr Gewicht zu als einem
Spruch des Tribunals in eigener Sache (...).Die Befugnis
zu einer entsprechenden Anfrage h�tten neben dem
UN-Sicherheitsrat auch die UN-Vollversammlung, die
wiederum auch andere UN-Organe dazu erm�chtigen k�nnte.
Das Problem ist, dass ein solcher Schritt nach Ansicht von
Experten dazu f�hren k�nnte, dass alle beim
Jugoslawien-Tribunal laufenden Verfahren bis zur �bergabe
des IGH-Gutachtens ausgesetzt werden m�ssen -
m�glicherweise nicht nur f�r Monate. Die Neigung, ein
solches Signal zuzulassen, ist vor allem bei den Staaten,
die im Jahr 1999 Krieg gegen Jugoslawien f�hrten, denkbar
gering." (Roland Heine, "Wie legitim ist das Haager
UN-Tribunal? - Nicht nur juristische, sondern auch
politische Probleme belasten die Arbeit des
Kriegsverbrechertribunals" in: Berliner Zeitung v. 03.
September 2001; http://www.BerlinOnline.de/)
Das Haager Tribunal ist, wie Milosevic in seiner
schriftlichen Erkl�rung ausf�hrt, durch drei
schwerwiegende Rechtsm�ngel gekennzeichnet:
I
Erstens: Die Charta der Vereinten Nationen erm�chtigt den
Sicherheitsrat nicht, Strafgerichte zu schaffen. Dies kann
au�er durch Charta-�nderung nur im Wege der �bereinkunft
zwischen Nationalstaaten durch einen zu diesem Zweck
geschlossenen Vertrag geschehen. So unterzeichneten nach
jahrzehntelanger Vorbereitung im Juli 1998 120 Staaten
einen Vertrag �ber die Einrichtung eines Internationalen
Strafgerichtshofs, der bis Juli 2001 von 37 Staaten
ratifiziert wurde.
Wenn aber der Sicherheitsrat nicht durch die UN-Charta
eingeschr�nkt wird, k�nnte er jeden Akt vollziehen, der
seinen W�nschen entspricht, und dabei jegliches Recht
au�er Acht lassen. Absolute Entscheidungsgewalt jedoch ist
geradezu die Definition von Gesetzlosigkeit.
II
Zweitens: Ein Gericht, das befristet und f�r eine Episode
in einem bestimmten Land von einer internationalen
politischen Macht geschaffen wurde, um ihren
geopolitischen Interessen zu dienen, ist unf�hig, zwischen
den Staaten oder innerhalb des politisch anvisierten
Staates gleichf�rmig zu agieren. Es steigert Gewalt,
Spaltung und das Risiko des Krieges mit benachbarten
V�lkern sowie zwischen Teilen der jugoslawischen
Gesellschaft. H�tte die Charta der Vereinten Nationen den
Sicherheitsrat erm�chtigt, Strafgerichte zu schaffen,
k�nnte er doch auch dann nicht ein Gericht nur f�r eine
Nation oder eine Episode zu politischen Zwecken schaffen,
um ausgew�hlte Gruppen oder Personen zu verfolgen. Ein
solches Gericht ist unf�hig, eine gleichm��ige
Rechtsprechung nach Recht und Gesetz auszu�ben. Ein
Ad-hoc-Gericht verletzt die elementarsten Prinzipien jeden
Rechts. Gleichheit ist die Mutter der Rechtsprechung. Ein
internationales Gericht, das errichtet wurde, um Taten in
einer einzigen Nation und prim�r, wenn nicht g�nzlich,
einer begrenzten Gruppe zu verfolgen, ist zu ungleicher
Strafverfolgung geradezu vorprogrammiert.
Kann der Sicherheitsrat ein Strafgericht zur Verfolgung
von Handlungen in Jugoslawien (und Ruanda) schaffen, so
kann er auch ein Gericht f�r jedes beliebige andere Land
bestimmen und dabei bestimmte Feinde oder, je nach
politischer und �konomischer Opportunit�t, jeweils einen
Feind ins Visier zu nehmen. Und dabei setzt er sich selbst
oder diejenigen, die seinen W�nschen entsprechen, niemals
einer solch selektiven Strafverfolgung aus.
Aus der Natur eines ad-hoc-Tribunals folgt, dass es erst
nach den Handlungen geschaffen werden kann, die nach der
Entscheidung des Sicherheitsrates die Schaffung eines
Gerichts rechtfertigen, da es keinen anderen Vorwand f�r
seine Schaffung gibt. Auf jeden Fall hat es r�ckwirkende
Geltung. Darin liegt ein Versto� gegen ein uraltes
Rechtsprinzip.
Das Anvisieren einer einzelnen Nation erzeugt
Verurteilungszwang. Wenige Richter, die in ein unter
diesen Umst�nden geschaffenes Tribunal berufen worden
sind, werden die innere Freiheit besitzen, von
nebens�chlichen Ausnahmen abgesehen, auf Freispruch zu
erkennen.
Das ad-hoc-Tribunal, welches ein Land ins Visier nimmt,
ist unf�hig, in demselben Konflikt m�glicherweise
begangene gr��ere Verbrechen zu verfolgen, die von einer
Macht oder deren Verb�ndeten begangen wurden, die das
ad-hoc-Tribunal initiierten.
Nur deshalb akzeptiert derzeit das internationale Recht
Bombardierungen schutzloser Zivilbev�lkerungen durch
hochentwickelte Milit�rtechnologie, weil gegenw�rtig eine
Supermacht die internationalen Strafverfolgungen
kontrolliert und �ber Verst��e entscheidet.
Kann ein Straftribunal f�r Jugoslawien, das die
durchg�ngige Gewaltanwendung der USA ignoriert, und das
�ffentliche Bewu�tsein vom Verhalten der USA ablenkt und
Luft- und Raketenangriffen auf Zivilisten und den Einsatz
illegaler Waffen gegen ein Land nach dem anderen durch
stillschweigende Hinnahme legitimiert und damit eine
Wiederholung zu einem zu erwartenden Ereignis macht, noch
ehe es eintritt, zu der Hoffnung auf Einhaltung des
Rechts, auf Gerechtigkeit und Frieden beitragen?
Die Vereinigten Staaten, selbst gegen Kontrolle oder
Verfolgung immun und �ber dem Gesetz stehend, gebrauchen
ihre Macht, um die Verfolgung von Feinden zu veranlassen,
die sie ausw�hlen, um sie zu terrorisieren und weiter zu
d�monisieren.
III
Drittens: Das Haager Tribunal ist unf�hig, die Grundrechte
zu sch�tzen oder ein ordentliches Gerichtsverfahren zu
gew�hrleisten.
Ihm fehlt die Macht, Beschl�sse durchzusetzen oder die
Offenlegung von Beweismaterial und das Erscheinen von
Zeugen, insbesondere f�r die Verteidigung, zu erzwingen.
Es ist zu unparteiischer Darstellung des Sachverhalts oder
zu gleichm��iger Definition und Anwendung von
Rechtsprizipien nicht f�hig.
Die Merkmale seiner Befangenheit liegen inh�rent im Zweck
und in der Natur eines zeitlich befristeten
ad-hoc-Tibunals. Es mangelt ihm an Personal, das Teil
einer einschl�gigen Rechtspflegetradition w�re. Es ist
weit von dem Ort entfernt, von dem die Angeklagten
herkommen, und von den Ereignissen, die dort vorgefallenen
sind. Dabei ist das Gericht von seinem Sch�pfer
angewiesen, nicht von der Unschuldsvermutung auszugehen,
sondern davon, dass schreckliche Verbrechen vorgefallen
sind, und dass die Angeklagten aus der Gruppe kommen, die
sie begangen hat.
In Verletzung des Rechts auf rechtlichen Beistand
verweigerte die Gesch�ftsstelle des Gerichts (Registry)
Milosevic einige Wochen nach Er�ffnung der Anklage das
Recht, sich mit Anw�lten seiner Wahl zu beraten. Der
Leiter der Gerichtsgesch�ftsstelle (Registrar) schrieb,
dass es f�r den einen Anwalt, der ihn in dieser Zeit und
nur f�r zwei Stunden aufsuchte, "unzweckm��ig" w�re, den
Fall zu besprechen, weil das Gespr�ch �berwacht werde, und
die Vertraulichkeit verletzt werden w�rde. Anw�lten aus
Jugoslawien, die Milosevic zu konsultieren verlangte,
wurden mit der Ausnahme eines zweist�ndigen �berwachten
Besuchs sieben Wochen nach Er�ffnung der Anklage die Visa
zur Einreise in die Niederlande verweigert. Andererseits
wurde Milosevic in Isolationshaft gehalten, konnte seine
Frau erst nach �ber zwei Wochen sprechen und dann auch nur
durch eine schalldichte Glaswand mittels �berwachter
Telefone. Sie wurde gehindert, mit der Presse zu sprechen.
Vor machtlosen ad-hoc-Tribunalen ist es stets unm�glich
gewesen, Beweise und Zeugen der Verteidigung in das
Verfahren einzuf�hren. Das ICTY war bei vielen Angeklagten
im ehemaligen Jugoslawien unf�hig, sie in Gewahrsam zu
nehmen. Und es hat auf unzul�ssige und illegale Mittel
zur�ckgegriffen oder sie geduldet, um ihre �berstellung zu
erpressen.
Die von den USA installierte Regierung Serbiens entf�hrte
und �berstellte Milosevic in Verletzung der Verfassung der
Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien und der Republik Serbien und
ihrer Gesetze, noch w�hrend das Verfassungsgericht �ber
den Auslieferungsantrag zu entscheiden und jegliches auf
Auslieferung gerichtete Handeln bis dahin untersagt hatte.
Darin lag auch eine Verletzung der Entschlie�ung des
Sicherheitsrats �ber die Schaffung des Tribunals, die
vorsieht, dass eine Auslieferung in �bereinstimmung mit
den nationalstaatlichen Gesetzen des um Auslieferung
ersuchten Staates erfolgen soll.
Wo die Vereinten Nationen ein internationales Kidnapping
von Politikern betreiben oder dulden, da hei�t dies f�r
die Welt�ffentlichkeit, dass alte Methoden der Gewalt, der
T�uschung und des Zwangs wieder die ihrigen sind. Und
derartige Methoden werden so beantwortet werden, wie sie
allein beantwortet werden k�nnen: durch dieselben
Methoden.
Die neue von den USA installierte serbische Regierung
k�nnte durchaus Beweismaterial fabrizieren, Beweise
vernichten und Kontrolle und Zwang bei Zeugen aus�ben, um
an Verurteilungen durch das ICTY mitzuwirken, und sie wird
versuchen, Bem�hungen der Verteidigung zu hintertreiben,
Dokumente, weiteres Beweismaterial und Zeugen in
Jugoslawien aufzutreiben, die f�r die Verteidigung in Den
Haag erforderlich sind.
Die Idee und Existenz von ad-hoc-Tribunalen wird durch den
Vertrag �ber die Schaffung eines Internationalen
Strafgerichtshofs in Frage gestellt. Die USA �ben Druck
aus, um Staaten von einer Ratifizierung abzuhalten. Sie
dr�ngen auf Schaffung neuer Tribunale f�r die DR Kongo,
Sierra Leone, Sudan und andere, um diese Regionen zu
dominieren und die Bestrebungen f�r einen Internationalen
Strafgerichtshof zu konterkarieren.
Die Vereinigten Staaten m�chten lieber Staaten einzeln zur
Verfolgung ausw�hlen k�nnen, und dabei sich selbst, ihre
Verb�ndeten sowie bevorzugte Klientelstaaten absichern.
Ad-hoc-Tribunale, die illegitim und zu gleichm��iger
Rechtsprechung unf�hig sind, die durch ihre Natur nicht in
der Lage sind, faire Gerichtsverhandlungen zu
gew�hrleisten, und deren Opfer schon lange zuvor durch die
Medien vorverurteilt worden sind, sind eine Waffe der USA
zur langfristigen Kontrolle und Ausbeutung von Staaten und
Regionen. Dies ist ihre Globalisierung, dies ist der neue
Kolonialismus.
Milosevic fordert abschlie�end, das sogenannte ICTY f�r
illegal zu erkl�ren und seine Gefangenen, gleich ob legal
oder illegal ausgeliefert, unverz�glich freizulassen. Das
Internationale Komitee f�r die Verteidigung von Slobodan
Milosevic hat sich diese Forderung zueigen gemacht und
appelliert an den Generalsekret�r und die Mitgliedstaaten
der Vereinten Nationen, in diesem Sinne t�tig zu werden.
(Wortlaut der Erkl�rung von Milosevic vom 30.8.01 siehe:
http://www.free-slobo.de)
---
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Lo dice uno dei suoi giudici, il brasiliano Rezek
(in francese ed inglese)
*** IL "TRIBUNALE" DELL'AIA VA DICHIARATO ILLEGALE
Haager "Tribunal" ist f�r illegal zu erkl�ren
(in tedesco)
Wortlaut der Erkl�rung von Milosevic vom 30.8.01
siehe: http://www.free-slobo.de
---
Proc�s Milosevic -
�Le tribunal TPI est partial�, affirme un de ses juges
Milosevic affirme que la Cour n'a �t� cr��e que pour juger
les Serbes, et que certains pays le voulaient ainsi. Vous
�tes d'accord?
[Juge Rezek]. Juridiquement, le tribunal a �t� instaur�
par le Conseil de S�curit� de l'Onu qui peut cr�er des
organes transitoires. Mais seule l'Assembl�e G�n�rale a le
pouvoir d'�tablir un organe judiciaire permanent. Et les
Etats-Unis paient la plus grande part de la facture.
> http://www.ptb.be/solidaire/article.phtml?lang=1&obidX07
�Le TPI est partial�, affirme un de ses juges
Un juge br�silien, si�geant lui-m�me au Tribunal P�nal
International (TPI) de La Haye, indique pourquoi Milosevic
n'aura pas un proc�s �quitable. Extrait du magazine Globo
(20 ao�t)
Pensez-vous que le proc�s de Milosevic sera �quitable?
Juge Rezek (juge � la Cour Supr�me du Br�sil de 1983 �
1990). Il ne sera pas � l'abri des critiques.
Pourquoi?
Juge Rezek. Milosevic affirme que la Cour n'a �t� cr��e
que pour juger les Serbes, et que certains pays le
voulaient ainsi.
Vous �tes d'accord?
Juge Rezek. Juridiquement, le tribunal a �t� instaur� par
le Conseil de S�curit� de l'Onu qui peut cr�er des organes
transitoires. Mais seule l'Assembl�e G�n�rale a le pouvoir
d'�tablir un organe judiciaire permanent. Et les
Etats-Unis paient la plus grande part de la facture.
Que voulez-vous dire?
Juge Rezek. C'est une facture tr�s �lev�e. Le TPI pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie co�te dix fois plus cher que la Cour
Internationale de Justice, si�geant aussi � La Haye, qui
juge les conflits entre Etats.
Qu'est-ce qui ne va pas avec ce TPI ?
Juge Rezek. Il se compose de juristes comp�tents et juge
des gens accus�s de crimes tr�s s�rieux. Cependant, il est
assez partial, provoquant des sentiments n�gatifs parmi
les observateurs et les sp�cialistes (?).
C'est ce que disent les Serbes?
Juge Rezek. Pas seulement eux. De nombreux sp�cialistes
dans le monde estiment qu'on ne peut traiter ces affaires
ainsi, de fa�on partiale et incompl�te. (?) Ces tribunaux
Yougoslavie et Rwanda ne sont pas un exemple, du fait du
manque d'universalit�.
---
Von: publisher@...
Gesendet: Mittwoch, 22. August 2001 06:44
An: TiM GW Bulletins
Betreff: Brazilian Judge Says Hague Tribunal Is "Partial"
(TiM GW Bulletin 2001/8-2, Aug. 21, 2001)
FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA
(...)
Rio de Janeiro - Brazilian Judge Says Hague Tribunal Is
"Partial"
> http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2001/tim2001-8-2.html
Brazilian Judge Says Hague Tribunal Is "Partial"
RIO DE JANEIRO, Aug. 21 - A Brazilian judge, who sits on
the Hague War Crimes Tribunal bench, termed his own
court's handling of the Serbs accused of war crimes as
"partial" in an interview with the Rio de Janeiro's
newspaper O Globo, published on Monday, Aug. 20. Judge
Francisco Rezek also said that the Yugoslav Tribunal costs
10 times more than the International Court of Justice,
also at the Hague, and that most of its expenses are paid
by the United States.
The interview, conducted by O Globo's reporter Trajano de
Medeiros, was translated for TiM by a Brazilian reader who
wishes to remain anonymous, but whose identity is known to
TiM. This reader also told us that Judge Rezek was
Justice at the Brazilian Supreme Court, from 1893 to 1990,
then Minister for External Affairs (Foreign Minister),
1990-1992, Chief Justice, and appointed to the
International Court of Justice, at The Hague, in 1997.
Here's the interview:
O GLOBO: Mr. Slobodan Milosevic's imprisonment at The
Hague, the condemnation of a Serb-Bosnian general for
genocide, and the imprisonment of Bosnian Muslim officers,
are those facts an irreversible sign of globalization of
Justice?
REZEK: It is one step for the universal Justice for grave
crimes, crimes defined by International Law, crimes
against Mankind and war crimes.
O GLOBO: Do you believe that Milosevic's judgment will be
a peaceful (fair?) one?
REZEK: The judgment will be not be immune to criticism.
O GLOBO: Why not?
REZEK: Milosevic asserts that the Court was created only
to judge the Serbs; that certain countries wanted that way
- to judge certain persons from the Serb side, in the
context of the ex-Yugoslavia civil war.
O GLOBO: Do you agree?
REZEK: The Tribunal is juristically legitimate as the UN
Security Council, which has power to create any
transitional organ, created it. (But) for establishment
of a permanent (judicial) organ, only the (UN) General
Assembly (is entitled to do it). Nevertheless, the
Security Council accomplished in the beginning of the 90's
to create the Tribunal. Even though, France was more
active than the US, the US government pays the largest
part of the bill.
O GLOBO: What do you mean?
REZEK: It is quite a high bill. The Criminal Tribunal for
the ex-Yugoslavia costs to the UN approximately 10 times
more (!) than the cost of the International Court of
Justice (also at the Hague) that judges litigation between
nations. (emphasis added by TiM).
O GLOBO: What is wrong with the Court?
REZEK: It is composed of competent jurists, and it judges
people accused of very serious crimes. However, it is
somewhat partial, which causes bad feelings among
observers and specialists. One does not need to leave
Europe to find other contexts of civil war in which people
want to see others accused. If we leave Europe to go to
Asia and Africa, we will see situations, which will call
for an international court.
O GLOBO: Is that what the Serbs say?
REZEK: It is not only the Serbs who say so in Belgrade.
Many specialists around the whole world think that those
things cannot be made in such a way, in a partial way, in
an incomplete way. Why a court for Yugoslavia, and another
for Rwanda, if they are not the only contexts where you
may identify crimes against Mankind?
O GLOBO: Why is the way out, then?
REZEK: This will take us to the Treaty of Rome, of three
years ago. The happenings in Yugoslavia may take the
countries responsible for the creation of this specific
court to support the creation of the tribunal conceived by
the Treaty of Rome. We all know that we cannot deny the
validity of some criticism made about these specific
tribunals, created to judge criminals, but they are
one-sided. Those courts are not an example because of the
lack of universality.
TRUTH IN MEDIA
Phoenix, Arizona
e-mail: publisher@...
Visit the Truth in Media Web site
http://www.truthinmedia.org/ for
articles on geopolitical affairs.
---
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 22 Oct 2001 14:37:57 +0200
From: Klaus von Raussendorf <raussendorff@...>
To: Klaus von Raussendorff <raussendorff@...>
Subject: [iso-8859-1] Haager "Tribunal" ist f�r
illegal zu erkl�ren
Internationales Komitee f�r die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic
- Deutsche Sektion -
c/o Klaus Hartmann
Pr�sident der Weltunion der Freidenker
Starkenburgring 4
D-63069 Offenbach am Main
T/F: +49-(0)69 - 83 58 50
e-mail: vorstand@...
Internet: www.free-slobo.de
www.icdsm.org
P r e s s e m i t t e i l u n g
(Nr. 06/2001)vom 22.10.2001
HAAGER "TRIBUNAL" IST F�R ILLEGAL ZU ERKL�REN
Zum Schriftsatz von Pr�sident Slobodan Milosevic,
den er am 30. August 2001 im Gerichtssaal nicht
verlesen durfte
Wenn der ehemalige jugoslawische Staatspr�sident am 29.
Oktober 2001 zum dritten Male vor dem Internationalen
Straftribunal f�r das ehemalige Jugoslawien erscheint,
herrscht wieder Bombenkrieg. Nach Irak 1991, Jugoslawien
1999 ist nun, w�hrend Mazedonien weiterhin durch
terroristische Aggression bedroht bleibt, das geschundene
Afghanistan Ziel eines neuen Angriffs der USA und ihrer
Verb�ndeten. Weitere "Schurkenstaaten" sind im Visier der
"zivilisierten Welt". Die Bombardierungen des belagerten
Irak werden verst�rkt fortgesetzt. Und mit der
Legitimierung des neuen Krieges der USA und ihrer
Verb�ndeten als "Krieg gegen den Terrorismus", wird
wiederum eine Kriminalisierung des Feindes im angeblich
strafrechtlich praktischem Sinne mit Kriegf�hrung und
Kriegspropaganda verquickt, wie bereits gegen Milosevic
und andere F�hrer Jugoslawiens.
Diese Instrumentalisierung internationaler Strafverfolgung
zum Zwecke des Einsatzes von Massenvernichtungswaffen
bedroht die ganze Menschheit. "Nur deshalb akzeptiert das
internationale Recht Bombardierungen schutzloser
Zivilbev�lkerungen durch hochentwickelte
Milit�rtechnologie, die ein Land zerst�ren kann, ohne es
zu betreten, weil eine Supermacht die internationalen
Strafverfolgungen kontrolliert und �ber Verst��e
entscheidet." Mit diesen Worten charakterisiert Milosevic
in seinem beim "Tribunal" eingereichten Schriftsatz vom
30. August 2001 zur Frage der Illegalit�t des Haager
Tribunals die Bedrohung, die von derartigen illegitimen
ad-hoc-Tribunalen letztlich vor allem f�r die
Zivilbev�lkerung ausgeht; denn, so f�hrt Milosevic fort,
"Das dominierende Element bei moderner Milit�rmacht ist
Massenvernichtung. Sieger sind die Nationen mit der
gr��ten F�higkeit zur Massenvernichtung. Damit wird die
Zivilbev�lkerung in einen Zustand maximaler Gef�hrdung
versetzt; denn unmittelbares Ziel der US-Luft- und
Raketenangriffe war (in Jugoslawien und ist in
Afghanistan) die Infrastruktur."
Pervertierte internationale Strafverfolgung nach Art des
ICTY scheint zunehmend zu einem Element aggressiver
Milit�rpolitik der Sch�pfer und F�rderer derartiger
ad-hoc-Tribunale zu werden. Dies k�nnte die Menschheit
letztlich in einen erneuten Weltbrand st�rzen.
"Als m�glicher Ausweg gilt in Fachkreisen die Anrufung des
ebenfalls in Den Haag angesiedelten Internationalen
Gerichtshofes (IGH), des wichtigsten
UN-Rechtsprechungsorgans (...) Ein IGH-Gutachten w�re zwar
letztendlich nicht bindend, im Falle des ICTY k�me ihm
jedoch ohne Frage politisch mehr Gewicht zu als einem
Spruch des Tribunals in eigener Sache (...).Die Befugnis
zu einer entsprechenden Anfrage h�tten neben dem
UN-Sicherheitsrat auch die UN-Vollversammlung, die
wiederum auch andere UN-Organe dazu erm�chtigen k�nnte.
Das Problem ist, dass ein solcher Schritt nach Ansicht von
Experten dazu f�hren k�nnte, dass alle beim
Jugoslawien-Tribunal laufenden Verfahren bis zur �bergabe
des IGH-Gutachtens ausgesetzt werden m�ssen -
m�glicherweise nicht nur f�r Monate. Die Neigung, ein
solches Signal zuzulassen, ist vor allem bei den Staaten,
die im Jahr 1999 Krieg gegen Jugoslawien f�hrten, denkbar
gering." (Roland Heine, "Wie legitim ist das Haager
UN-Tribunal? - Nicht nur juristische, sondern auch
politische Probleme belasten die Arbeit des
Kriegsverbrechertribunals" in: Berliner Zeitung v. 03.
September 2001; http://www.BerlinOnline.de/)
Das Haager Tribunal ist, wie Milosevic in seiner
schriftlichen Erkl�rung ausf�hrt, durch drei
schwerwiegende Rechtsm�ngel gekennzeichnet:
I
Erstens: Die Charta der Vereinten Nationen erm�chtigt den
Sicherheitsrat nicht, Strafgerichte zu schaffen. Dies kann
au�er durch Charta-�nderung nur im Wege der �bereinkunft
zwischen Nationalstaaten durch einen zu diesem Zweck
geschlossenen Vertrag geschehen. So unterzeichneten nach
jahrzehntelanger Vorbereitung im Juli 1998 120 Staaten
einen Vertrag �ber die Einrichtung eines Internationalen
Strafgerichtshofs, der bis Juli 2001 von 37 Staaten
ratifiziert wurde.
Wenn aber der Sicherheitsrat nicht durch die UN-Charta
eingeschr�nkt wird, k�nnte er jeden Akt vollziehen, der
seinen W�nschen entspricht, und dabei jegliches Recht
au�er Acht lassen. Absolute Entscheidungsgewalt jedoch ist
geradezu die Definition von Gesetzlosigkeit.
II
Zweitens: Ein Gericht, das befristet und f�r eine Episode
in einem bestimmten Land von einer internationalen
politischen Macht geschaffen wurde, um ihren
geopolitischen Interessen zu dienen, ist unf�hig, zwischen
den Staaten oder innerhalb des politisch anvisierten
Staates gleichf�rmig zu agieren. Es steigert Gewalt,
Spaltung und das Risiko des Krieges mit benachbarten
V�lkern sowie zwischen Teilen der jugoslawischen
Gesellschaft. H�tte die Charta der Vereinten Nationen den
Sicherheitsrat erm�chtigt, Strafgerichte zu schaffen,
k�nnte er doch auch dann nicht ein Gericht nur f�r eine
Nation oder eine Episode zu politischen Zwecken schaffen,
um ausgew�hlte Gruppen oder Personen zu verfolgen. Ein
solches Gericht ist unf�hig, eine gleichm��ige
Rechtsprechung nach Recht und Gesetz auszu�ben. Ein
Ad-hoc-Gericht verletzt die elementarsten Prinzipien jeden
Rechts. Gleichheit ist die Mutter der Rechtsprechung. Ein
internationales Gericht, das errichtet wurde, um Taten in
einer einzigen Nation und prim�r, wenn nicht g�nzlich,
einer begrenzten Gruppe zu verfolgen, ist zu ungleicher
Strafverfolgung geradezu vorprogrammiert.
Kann der Sicherheitsrat ein Strafgericht zur Verfolgung
von Handlungen in Jugoslawien (und Ruanda) schaffen, so
kann er auch ein Gericht f�r jedes beliebige andere Land
bestimmen und dabei bestimmte Feinde oder, je nach
politischer und �konomischer Opportunit�t, jeweils einen
Feind ins Visier zu nehmen. Und dabei setzt er sich selbst
oder diejenigen, die seinen W�nschen entsprechen, niemals
einer solch selektiven Strafverfolgung aus.
Aus der Natur eines ad-hoc-Tribunals folgt, dass es erst
nach den Handlungen geschaffen werden kann, die nach der
Entscheidung des Sicherheitsrates die Schaffung eines
Gerichts rechtfertigen, da es keinen anderen Vorwand f�r
seine Schaffung gibt. Auf jeden Fall hat es r�ckwirkende
Geltung. Darin liegt ein Versto� gegen ein uraltes
Rechtsprinzip.
Das Anvisieren einer einzelnen Nation erzeugt
Verurteilungszwang. Wenige Richter, die in ein unter
diesen Umst�nden geschaffenes Tribunal berufen worden
sind, werden die innere Freiheit besitzen, von
nebens�chlichen Ausnahmen abgesehen, auf Freispruch zu
erkennen.
Das ad-hoc-Tribunal, welches ein Land ins Visier nimmt,
ist unf�hig, in demselben Konflikt m�glicherweise
begangene gr��ere Verbrechen zu verfolgen, die von einer
Macht oder deren Verb�ndeten begangen wurden, die das
ad-hoc-Tribunal initiierten.
Nur deshalb akzeptiert derzeit das internationale Recht
Bombardierungen schutzloser Zivilbev�lkerungen durch
hochentwickelte Milit�rtechnologie, weil gegenw�rtig eine
Supermacht die internationalen Strafverfolgungen
kontrolliert und �ber Verst��e entscheidet.
Kann ein Straftribunal f�r Jugoslawien, das die
durchg�ngige Gewaltanwendung der USA ignoriert, und das
�ffentliche Bewu�tsein vom Verhalten der USA ablenkt und
Luft- und Raketenangriffen auf Zivilisten und den Einsatz
illegaler Waffen gegen ein Land nach dem anderen durch
stillschweigende Hinnahme legitimiert und damit eine
Wiederholung zu einem zu erwartenden Ereignis macht, noch
ehe es eintritt, zu der Hoffnung auf Einhaltung des
Rechts, auf Gerechtigkeit und Frieden beitragen?
Die Vereinigten Staaten, selbst gegen Kontrolle oder
Verfolgung immun und �ber dem Gesetz stehend, gebrauchen
ihre Macht, um die Verfolgung von Feinden zu veranlassen,
die sie ausw�hlen, um sie zu terrorisieren und weiter zu
d�monisieren.
III
Drittens: Das Haager Tribunal ist unf�hig, die Grundrechte
zu sch�tzen oder ein ordentliches Gerichtsverfahren zu
gew�hrleisten.
Ihm fehlt die Macht, Beschl�sse durchzusetzen oder die
Offenlegung von Beweismaterial und das Erscheinen von
Zeugen, insbesondere f�r die Verteidigung, zu erzwingen.
Es ist zu unparteiischer Darstellung des Sachverhalts oder
zu gleichm��iger Definition und Anwendung von
Rechtsprizipien nicht f�hig.
Die Merkmale seiner Befangenheit liegen inh�rent im Zweck
und in der Natur eines zeitlich befristeten
ad-hoc-Tibunals. Es mangelt ihm an Personal, das Teil
einer einschl�gigen Rechtspflegetradition w�re. Es ist
weit von dem Ort entfernt, von dem die Angeklagten
herkommen, und von den Ereignissen, die dort vorgefallenen
sind. Dabei ist das Gericht von seinem Sch�pfer
angewiesen, nicht von der Unschuldsvermutung auszugehen,
sondern davon, dass schreckliche Verbrechen vorgefallen
sind, und dass die Angeklagten aus der Gruppe kommen, die
sie begangen hat.
In Verletzung des Rechts auf rechtlichen Beistand
verweigerte die Gesch�ftsstelle des Gerichts (Registry)
Milosevic einige Wochen nach Er�ffnung der Anklage das
Recht, sich mit Anw�lten seiner Wahl zu beraten. Der
Leiter der Gerichtsgesch�ftsstelle (Registrar) schrieb,
dass es f�r den einen Anwalt, der ihn in dieser Zeit und
nur f�r zwei Stunden aufsuchte, "unzweckm��ig" w�re, den
Fall zu besprechen, weil das Gespr�ch �berwacht werde, und
die Vertraulichkeit verletzt werden w�rde. Anw�lten aus
Jugoslawien, die Milosevic zu konsultieren verlangte,
wurden mit der Ausnahme eines zweist�ndigen �berwachten
Besuchs sieben Wochen nach Er�ffnung der Anklage die Visa
zur Einreise in die Niederlande verweigert. Andererseits
wurde Milosevic in Isolationshaft gehalten, konnte seine
Frau erst nach �ber zwei Wochen sprechen und dann auch nur
durch eine schalldichte Glaswand mittels �berwachter
Telefone. Sie wurde gehindert, mit der Presse zu sprechen.
Vor machtlosen ad-hoc-Tribunalen ist es stets unm�glich
gewesen, Beweise und Zeugen der Verteidigung in das
Verfahren einzuf�hren. Das ICTY war bei vielen Angeklagten
im ehemaligen Jugoslawien unf�hig, sie in Gewahrsam zu
nehmen. Und es hat auf unzul�ssige und illegale Mittel
zur�ckgegriffen oder sie geduldet, um ihre �berstellung zu
erpressen.
Die von den USA installierte Regierung Serbiens entf�hrte
und �berstellte Milosevic in Verletzung der Verfassung der
Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien und der Republik Serbien und
ihrer Gesetze, noch w�hrend das Verfassungsgericht �ber
den Auslieferungsantrag zu entscheiden und jegliches auf
Auslieferung gerichtete Handeln bis dahin untersagt hatte.
Darin lag auch eine Verletzung der Entschlie�ung des
Sicherheitsrats �ber die Schaffung des Tribunals, die
vorsieht, dass eine Auslieferung in �bereinstimmung mit
den nationalstaatlichen Gesetzen des um Auslieferung
ersuchten Staates erfolgen soll.
Wo die Vereinten Nationen ein internationales Kidnapping
von Politikern betreiben oder dulden, da hei�t dies f�r
die Welt�ffentlichkeit, dass alte Methoden der Gewalt, der
T�uschung und des Zwangs wieder die ihrigen sind. Und
derartige Methoden werden so beantwortet werden, wie sie
allein beantwortet werden k�nnen: durch dieselben
Methoden.
Die neue von den USA installierte serbische Regierung
k�nnte durchaus Beweismaterial fabrizieren, Beweise
vernichten und Kontrolle und Zwang bei Zeugen aus�ben, um
an Verurteilungen durch das ICTY mitzuwirken, und sie wird
versuchen, Bem�hungen der Verteidigung zu hintertreiben,
Dokumente, weiteres Beweismaterial und Zeugen in
Jugoslawien aufzutreiben, die f�r die Verteidigung in Den
Haag erforderlich sind.
Die Idee und Existenz von ad-hoc-Tribunalen wird durch den
Vertrag �ber die Schaffung eines Internationalen
Strafgerichtshofs in Frage gestellt. Die USA �ben Druck
aus, um Staaten von einer Ratifizierung abzuhalten. Sie
dr�ngen auf Schaffung neuer Tribunale f�r die DR Kongo,
Sierra Leone, Sudan und andere, um diese Regionen zu
dominieren und die Bestrebungen f�r einen Internationalen
Strafgerichtshof zu konterkarieren.
Die Vereinigten Staaten m�chten lieber Staaten einzeln zur
Verfolgung ausw�hlen k�nnen, und dabei sich selbst, ihre
Verb�ndeten sowie bevorzugte Klientelstaaten absichern.
Ad-hoc-Tribunale, die illegitim und zu gleichm��iger
Rechtsprechung unf�hig sind, die durch ihre Natur nicht in
der Lage sind, faire Gerichtsverhandlungen zu
gew�hrleisten, und deren Opfer schon lange zuvor durch die
Medien vorverurteilt worden sind, sind eine Waffe der USA
zur langfristigen Kontrolle und Ausbeutung von Staaten und
Regionen. Dies ist ihre Globalisierung, dies ist der neue
Kolonialismus.
Milosevic fordert abschlie�end, das sogenannte ICTY f�r
illegal zu erkl�ren und seine Gefangenen, gleich ob legal
oder illegal ausgeliefert, unverz�glich freizulassen. Das
Internationale Komitee f�r die Verteidigung von Slobodan
Milosevic hat sich diese Forderung zueigen gemacht und
appelliert an den Generalsekret�r und die Mitgliedstaaten
der Vereinten Nationen, in diesem Sinne t�tig zu werden.
(Wortlaut der Erkl�rung von Milosevic vom 30.8.01 siehe:
http://www.free-slobo.de)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
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Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
TUTTO PER LA CASA, PER LA COPPIA, PER IL BAMBINO
Da oggi le migliori offerte
direttamente nella tua casella di posta
http://www.domeus.it/ad4142500/valuemail.domeus
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
Sabato 20/10/2001 una delegazione della associazione
bolognese di solidarieta' "Aiutiamo la Jugoslavia"
(Alj) si e' recata a Kragujevac per consegnare le
quote delle adozioni a distanza alle famiglie di 102
bambini. Il giorno successivo, nella citta' martire
della resistenza si commemora il massacro delle
Sumarice. Di seguito il resoconto della cerimonia.
(Sulla storia delle "Fosse Ardeatine" della Serbia si veda:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1363
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1364 )
UNA GRANDE LEZIONE DI STORIA
Il Comitato di solidarieta' del sindacato Samostalni,
maggioritario alla Zastava e nostro referente, ci
aveva invitato ad essere presenti alla "Grande Lezione
Di Storia" del 21 ottobre e noi eravamo stati felici
di accettare, scegliendo percio' in questo senso la
data del viaggio di consegna.
Siamo alloggiati all'Hotel Sumarice, fuori citta',
sulla cima della collina, a poche centinaia di metri
dalla zona della strage del '41, divenuta monumento
alla memoria delle vittime, il cui numero preciso non
e' mai stato accertato: sicuramente almeno 7.000, ma
forse fino a 12.000. Una voce popolare, non
accertata, dice che con loro mori' anche un soldato
tedesco che si era rifiutato di sparare.
In questo giorno le scuole sono chiuse, o per meglio
dire si trasferiscono sul prato davanti al Monumento
perche' dalla salvaguardia della memoria viene la
lezione piu' importante per le giovani generazioni.
Noi dovremmo saperlo.
La cerimonia e' prevista per le 11, e alle 10.30 ci
avviamo assieme a Radosav Bjeletic, segretario di
Samostalni, e a due membri del Comitato di
solidarieta', Rajka Veljovic che ci fa da interprete,
e Milja.
Giungiamo alle 10,45 e la parte religiosa della
cerimonia e' appena iniziata; con nostra piacevole
sorpresa siamo invitati nello spazio riservato alle
personalita', la parte pianeggiante del prato di
fronte al monumento delle Ali Spezzate: siamo la prima
delegazione per gli aiuti a partecipare a questa
Giornata. Dietro lo spago che fa da separazione la
gente si assiepa foltissima, non sapremmo valutarne il
numero. Volti di ogni eta' intenti e dolenti, il
silenzio e' totale, non c'e' nulla di rituale in tutto
questo, il dolore rivive. Il cielo e' un po' nuvoloso,
e i colori dei paramenti dei Pope che officiano subito
davanti risplendono vividi, ma le profondissime voci
baritonali levate nei canti sacri ci stringono in un
gelo piu' che invernale. Sconvolgente. Ci avvicinano
due giornalisti, ci chiedono il numero del cellulare
per farci un'intervista piu' tardi. Secondo il
protocollo, andiamo a deporre su un apposito lato del
prato i fiori che abbiamo portato: due mazzi che ci
hanno donato ieri due delle ragazzine che abbiamo in
affidamento. Ci sono corone e cuscini bellissimi, ma
anche i rametti e i singoli fiori di chi non puo' fare
di piu'. La funzione termina e i Pope sfilano
solennemente via; adesso con gli altri donatori
andiamo a riprendere i fiori, si forma una processione
per due per andarli a deporre davanti al monumento:
pensiamo che i nostri ragazzi che ci vedranno saranno
fieri dell'uso che facciamo del loro dono. Dietro di
noi c'e' il segretario nazionale dell'SPS e quello
regionale, con una corona: ci ringraziano di essere
presenti a questa cerimonia, sono commossi per la
nostra partecipazione. Poche parole in italiano, a
voce bassa. Torniamo al nostro posto. L'attenzione e'
forse ancora maggiore. Nello spazio vuoto subito
davanti al monumento c'e' un seggio formato da grandi
sagome di libri e sui frontespizi e' scritto a grandi
lettere "21 ottobre 1941". Va a sedervisi un signore
anziano, Rajka ci dice che e' un grande attore
jugoslavo, forse paragonabile al nostro Dario Fo. La
sua sara' la voce della Storia. Un ragazzino in
uniforme da scolaro di sessant'anni fa attraversa lo
spazio agitando una campanella. Inizia "la Grande
Lezione di Storia".
E' veramente una sacra rappresentazione laica
rivissuta dai presenti con profonda immedesimazione.
In prima fila un anziano partigiano, di forse
settant'anni, che e' venuto da Nemesine a piedi nudi
(circa 300 km.!)per rendere onore ai martiri, assiste
eretto e immobile come una statua vivente, reggendo la
bandiera serba. Due attori danno vita ai
rastrellamenti del 20, persone di ogni eta', ma
soprattutto giovani, prese dalle strade, dalle case,
dal lavoro, dalla scuola, perfino donne incinte. Da
sinistra si avvicina un giovane garzone panettiere con
il suo canestro sotto il braccio, da destra un garzone
lattaio col bidoncino del latte. Non parlano, sono i
due attori a leggere brani di testimonianze: le
vittime saranno portate nelle baracche a poca distanza
da qui, dove trascorreranno l'ultima notte. Qui
verranno trovati poi i loro messaggi alle famiglie, al
mondo, e queste baracche faranno parte integrante del
Parco della Memoria, ma solo fino al 1999: il primo
missile su Kragujevac, citta' decretata dall'UNESCO
"Martire della Resistenza", cade proprio su di loro e
le disintegra (eppure su questa collina isolata non
c'e' assolutamente nulla che possa essere considerato
bersaglio, solo l'hotel Sumarice: strano, viene da
chiedersi se questo "missile intelligente" non dovesse
invece proprio cancellare dal mondo la memoria della
storia di questa citta', nella quale TUTT'ORA
convivono pacificamente 32 etnie, davvero scomoda da
criminalizzare. Rajka ci dice che il 21 ottobre dei
bombardamenti venne tenuta una "Grande Lezione
Straordinaria).
Ascoltiamo questi messaggi, legati fra loro dalla Voce
della Storia, e rivivono le illusioni di chi spera
ancora, il coraggio disperato dei molti che hanno
ormai capito; c'e' chi contempla le stelle da un buco
nel soffitto, chi lascia gli ultimi saluti, chi pensa
al sole che non vedra' piu' anche se continuera' a
splendere. La Voce della Storia li intesse coi ricordi
dei sopravvissuti, dei familiari, di un figlio che non
ha potuto conoscere il padre, di un professore di
matematica che riflette amaramente sul senso dei
numeri.
Ora si alza la voce di due figure, in alto sul fianco
sinistro del monumento, in quella che sembra una
divisa da carcerato, chiara: simboleggiano gli uccisi
non nati che, non esistendo ancora, non hanno potuto
lasciare ne' ricordo ne' lacrime, anche questo e'
stato tolto loro. Non sono neppure morti innocenti,
non avendo mai conosciuto la vita. Piano si avvicinano
loro i due garzoni, offrendo il pane e il latte che
non hanno mai potuto assaggiare e che neppure ora
toccano; si alzano invece amare le loro voci contro
l'oltraggio subito, poi le braccia ricadono nel vasto
silenzio della folla intenta, visi chiusi
nell'angoscia rivissuta, qualche lacrima celata ai
vicini. Silenzio ancora e poi lo squillo di una
campanella agitata da un ragazzino in felpa colorata,
con un berrettino da basket: l'oggi e il futuro nello
stesso tempo. La "Grande Lezione di Storia" e'
terminata, per quest'anno.
Ora una ragazza vestita di nero legge in inglese (un
altro traduce in serbo) i messaggi che l'UNESCO e
l'Unione Europea mandano per la prima volta dal '90
[sic!]: si tratta di esortazioni alla pace e al
rispetto dei vicini. Forse una ventina di mani
applaudono con scarsa convinzione nel silenzio gelido
di tutta la folla, sentiamo sulla pelle lo sdegno per
la lezione.
Adesso la gente comincia a muoversi, vediamo il
Sindaco e il principe Alexandar Karadjordjevic,
assente allora e assente durante i bombardamenti, che
e' tornato da poco in Jugoslavia ed ha riavuto
indietro il Palazzo di Belgrado, non sappiamo per
quali meriti. Sono accompagnati da poche persone.
Rivediamo i due funzionari dell'SPS, vogliono
ringraziarci per gli aiuti che portiamo, rispondiamo
che e' la solidarieta' dei lavoratori e delle "persone
comuni" alla popolazione colpita da una guerra che non
abbiamo ne' voluta ne' tantomeno accettata, al di la'
di ogni motivazione; e gli esiti hanno dimostrato che
avevamo ragione, cosi' come lo ha dimostrato la
pacifica convivenza di tutte le etnie presenti in quel
che resta della sventurata Jugoslavia, terra da sempre
multietnica. Si tolgono il distintivo che portano
sulla giacca e ce lo appuntano. Siamo commossi. Siamo
invitati al coktail con le autorita', ma decidiamo di
non andare: con questa esperienza addosso non ce la
sentiamo proprio di partecipare a incontri ufficiali.
Restiamo invece a guardare la gente che si muove
adagio, molti vanno ad inchinarsi davanti al
monumento, c'e' un signore molto anziano in costume
serbo che ha scattato molte foto durante la cerimonia
ed ora va ad inchinarsi davanti al primo masso che
borda il monumento, poi lo bacia e si allontana
solitario. Risalendo verso l'hotel passiamo davanti
alla Rosa di Pietra, il piccolo monumento dedicato ai
piccoli lustrascarpe rom, massacrati per non aver
voluto lucidare gli stivali agli ufficiali tedeschi:
non si sa quanti, certo piu' di cento. C'e' un
gruppetto di persone che brinda alla loro memoria, ci
inchiniamo.
La sera vediamo il principale telegiornale nazionale:
dice che c'e' stata la cerimonia di Kragujevac e fa
vedere il principe, e basta. Forse 30 secondi, ma
certo non tutti hanno imparato la lezione. Noi
rimpiangiamo di non aver avuto una cinepresa, chissa'
se l'anno prossimo potremo assistere, cioe', chissa'
se ci sara' ancora...
(Paola per Alj)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
MAVIGA CON FREE INTERNET VIZZAVI (1) E GUADAGNI FINO A 30.000 GRATIS
per la tua Carta Omnitel Ricaricabile(2)
(1) E`gratuito l`accesso alla rete Internet. Per navigare il costo e`
quello di una chiamata urbana secondo la tariffa del tuo operatore
telefonico.
(2) Aut.Min.Rich. Scade il 30.11.2001. Regolamento completo
o FAQ su http://hi-tech.vizzavi.it/freeinternet
http://www.domeus.it/ad4142790/hi-tech.vizzavi
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
bolognese di solidarieta' "Aiutiamo la Jugoslavia"
(Alj) si e' recata a Kragujevac per consegnare le
quote delle adozioni a distanza alle famiglie di 102
bambini. Il giorno successivo, nella citta' martire
della resistenza si commemora il massacro delle
Sumarice. Di seguito il resoconto della cerimonia.
(Sulla storia delle "Fosse Ardeatine" della Serbia si veda:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1363
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1364 )
UNA GRANDE LEZIONE DI STORIA
Il Comitato di solidarieta' del sindacato Samostalni,
maggioritario alla Zastava e nostro referente, ci
aveva invitato ad essere presenti alla "Grande Lezione
Di Storia" del 21 ottobre e noi eravamo stati felici
di accettare, scegliendo percio' in questo senso la
data del viaggio di consegna.
Siamo alloggiati all'Hotel Sumarice, fuori citta',
sulla cima della collina, a poche centinaia di metri
dalla zona della strage del '41, divenuta monumento
alla memoria delle vittime, il cui numero preciso non
e' mai stato accertato: sicuramente almeno 7.000, ma
forse fino a 12.000. Una voce popolare, non
accertata, dice che con loro mori' anche un soldato
tedesco che si era rifiutato di sparare.
In questo giorno le scuole sono chiuse, o per meglio
dire si trasferiscono sul prato davanti al Monumento
perche' dalla salvaguardia della memoria viene la
lezione piu' importante per le giovani generazioni.
Noi dovremmo saperlo.
La cerimonia e' prevista per le 11, e alle 10.30 ci
avviamo assieme a Radosav Bjeletic, segretario di
Samostalni, e a due membri del Comitato di
solidarieta', Rajka Veljovic che ci fa da interprete,
e Milja.
Giungiamo alle 10,45 e la parte religiosa della
cerimonia e' appena iniziata; con nostra piacevole
sorpresa siamo invitati nello spazio riservato alle
personalita', la parte pianeggiante del prato di
fronte al monumento delle Ali Spezzate: siamo la prima
delegazione per gli aiuti a partecipare a questa
Giornata. Dietro lo spago che fa da separazione la
gente si assiepa foltissima, non sapremmo valutarne il
numero. Volti di ogni eta' intenti e dolenti, il
silenzio e' totale, non c'e' nulla di rituale in tutto
questo, il dolore rivive. Il cielo e' un po' nuvoloso,
e i colori dei paramenti dei Pope che officiano subito
davanti risplendono vividi, ma le profondissime voci
baritonali levate nei canti sacri ci stringono in un
gelo piu' che invernale. Sconvolgente. Ci avvicinano
due giornalisti, ci chiedono il numero del cellulare
per farci un'intervista piu' tardi. Secondo il
protocollo, andiamo a deporre su un apposito lato del
prato i fiori che abbiamo portato: due mazzi che ci
hanno donato ieri due delle ragazzine che abbiamo in
affidamento. Ci sono corone e cuscini bellissimi, ma
anche i rametti e i singoli fiori di chi non puo' fare
di piu'. La funzione termina e i Pope sfilano
solennemente via; adesso con gli altri donatori
andiamo a riprendere i fiori, si forma una processione
per due per andarli a deporre davanti al monumento:
pensiamo che i nostri ragazzi che ci vedranno saranno
fieri dell'uso che facciamo del loro dono. Dietro di
noi c'e' il segretario nazionale dell'SPS e quello
regionale, con una corona: ci ringraziano di essere
presenti a questa cerimonia, sono commossi per la
nostra partecipazione. Poche parole in italiano, a
voce bassa. Torniamo al nostro posto. L'attenzione e'
forse ancora maggiore. Nello spazio vuoto subito
davanti al monumento c'e' un seggio formato da grandi
sagome di libri e sui frontespizi e' scritto a grandi
lettere "21 ottobre 1941". Va a sedervisi un signore
anziano, Rajka ci dice che e' un grande attore
jugoslavo, forse paragonabile al nostro Dario Fo. La
sua sara' la voce della Storia. Un ragazzino in
uniforme da scolaro di sessant'anni fa attraversa lo
spazio agitando una campanella. Inizia "la Grande
Lezione di Storia".
E' veramente una sacra rappresentazione laica
rivissuta dai presenti con profonda immedesimazione.
In prima fila un anziano partigiano, di forse
settant'anni, che e' venuto da Nemesine a piedi nudi
(circa 300 km.!)per rendere onore ai martiri, assiste
eretto e immobile come una statua vivente, reggendo la
bandiera serba. Due attori danno vita ai
rastrellamenti del 20, persone di ogni eta', ma
soprattutto giovani, prese dalle strade, dalle case,
dal lavoro, dalla scuola, perfino donne incinte. Da
sinistra si avvicina un giovane garzone panettiere con
il suo canestro sotto il braccio, da destra un garzone
lattaio col bidoncino del latte. Non parlano, sono i
due attori a leggere brani di testimonianze: le
vittime saranno portate nelle baracche a poca distanza
da qui, dove trascorreranno l'ultima notte. Qui
verranno trovati poi i loro messaggi alle famiglie, al
mondo, e queste baracche faranno parte integrante del
Parco della Memoria, ma solo fino al 1999: il primo
missile su Kragujevac, citta' decretata dall'UNESCO
"Martire della Resistenza", cade proprio su di loro e
le disintegra (eppure su questa collina isolata non
c'e' assolutamente nulla che possa essere considerato
bersaglio, solo l'hotel Sumarice: strano, viene da
chiedersi se questo "missile intelligente" non dovesse
invece proprio cancellare dal mondo la memoria della
storia di questa citta', nella quale TUTT'ORA
convivono pacificamente 32 etnie, davvero scomoda da
criminalizzare. Rajka ci dice che il 21 ottobre dei
bombardamenti venne tenuta una "Grande Lezione
Straordinaria).
Ascoltiamo questi messaggi, legati fra loro dalla Voce
della Storia, e rivivono le illusioni di chi spera
ancora, il coraggio disperato dei molti che hanno
ormai capito; c'e' chi contempla le stelle da un buco
nel soffitto, chi lascia gli ultimi saluti, chi pensa
al sole che non vedra' piu' anche se continuera' a
splendere. La Voce della Storia li intesse coi ricordi
dei sopravvissuti, dei familiari, di un figlio che non
ha potuto conoscere il padre, di un professore di
matematica che riflette amaramente sul senso dei
numeri.
Ora si alza la voce di due figure, in alto sul fianco
sinistro del monumento, in quella che sembra una
divisa da carcerato, chiara: simboleggiano gli uccisi
non nati che, non esistendo ancora, non hanno potuto
lasciare ne' ricordo ne' lacrime, anche questo e'
stato tolto loro. Non sono neppure morti innocenti,
non avendo mai conosciuto la vita. Piano si avvicinano
loro i due garzoni, offrendo il pane e il latte che
non hanno mai potuto assaggiare e che neppure ora
toccano; si alzano invece amare le loro voci contro
l'oltraggio subito, poi le braccia ricadono nel vasto
silenzio della folla intenta, visi chiusi
nell'angoscia rivissuta, qualche lacrima celata ai
vicini. Silenzio ancora e poi lo squillo di una
campanella agitata da un ragazzino in felpa colorata,
con un berrettino da basket: l'oggi e il futuro nello
stesso tempo. La "Grande Lezione di Storia" e'
terminata, per quest'anno.
Ora una ragazza vestita di nero legge in inglese (un
altro traduce in serbo) i messaggi che l'UNESCO e
l'Unione Europea mandano per la prima volta dal '90
[sic!]: si tratta di esortazioni alla pace e al
rispetto dei vicini. Forse una ventina di mani
applaudono con scarsa convinzione nel silenzio gelido
di tutta la folla, sentiamo sulla pelle lo sdegno per
la lezione.
Adesso la gente comincia a muoversi, vediamo il
Sindaco e il principe Alexandar Karadjordjevic,
assente allora e assente durante i bombardamenti, che
e' tornato da poco in Jugoslavia ed ha riavuto
indietro il Palazzo di Belgrado, non sappiamo per
quali meriti. Sono accompagnati da poche persone.
Rivediamo i due funzionari dell'SPS, vogliono
ringraziarci per gli aiuti che portiamo, rispondiamo
che e' la solidarieta' dei lavoratori e delle "persone
comuni" alla popolazione colpita da una guerra che non
abbiamo ne' voluta ne' tantomeno accettata, al di la'
di ogni motivazione; e gli esiti hanno dimostrato che
avevamo ragione, cosi' come lo ha dimostrato la
pacifica convivenza di tutte le etnie presenti in quel
che resta della sventurata Jugoslavia, terra da sempre
multietnica. Si tolgono il distintivo che portano
sulla giacca e ce lo appuntano. Siamo commossi. Siamo
invitati al coktail con le autorita', ma decidiamo di
non andare: con questa esperienza addosso non ce la
sentiamo proprio di partecipare a incontri ufficiali.
Restiamo invece a guardare la gente che si muove
adagio, molti vanno ad inchinarsi davanti al
monumento, c'e' un signore molto anziano in costume
serbo che ha scattato molte foto durante la cerimonia
ed ora va ad inchinarsi davanti al primo masso che
borda il monumento, poi lo bacia e si allontana
solitario. Risalendo verso l'hotel passiamo davanti
alla Rosa di Pietra, il piccolo monumento dedicato ai
piccoli lustrascarpe rom, massacrati per non aver
voluto lucidare gli stivali agli ufficiali tedeschi:
non si sa quanti, certo piu' di cento. C'e' un
gruppetto di persone che brinda alla loro memoria, ci
inchiniamo.
La sera vediamo il principale telegiornale nazionale:
dice che c'e' stata la cerimonia di Kragujevac e fa
vedere il principe, e basta. Forse 30 secondi, ma
certo non tutti hanno imparato la lezione. Noi
rimpiangiamo di non aver avuto una cinepresa, chissa'
se l'anno prossimo potremo assistere, cioe', chissa'
se ci sara' ancora...
(Paola per Alj)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
MAVIGA CON FREE INTERNET VIZZAVI (1) E GUADAGNI FINO A 30.000 GRATIS
per la tua Carta Omnitel Ricaricabile(2)
(1) E`gratuito l`accesso alla rete Internet. Per navigare il costo e`
quello di una chiamata urbana secondo la tariffa del tuo operatore
telefonico.
(2) Aut.Min.Rich. Scade il 30.11.2001. Regolamento completo
o FAQ su http://hi-tech.vizzavi.it/freeinternet
http://www.domeus.it/ad4142790/hi-tech.vizzavi
----------------------------------------------------------------------
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NESSUNO STUPORE, VI STA SOLO PRENDENDO PER I FONDELLI
"Il vecchio mondo e' finito e nel nuovo la priorita' e' la guerra al
terrorismo. La NATO e' finita: serve solo agli USA per camuffare le loro
azioni militari. Per evitare di finire in serie B dobbiamo cominciare a
porre il problema delle basi NATO per chiuderle."
Lo ha detto l'ex presidente della Repubblica Italiana Francesco Cossiga,
da sempre uomo-chiave per la realizzazione della politica degli USA nel
nostro paese e fanatico sostenitore di tutti gli interventi militari
della NATO. Fonte: "Il Manifesto" del 26/10/2001.
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
I gruppi di discussione + interessanti e divertenti!
Le liste + calde!! Il meglio di Domeus!!!
Iscriviti a listparade-subscribe@...
e visita il sito del momento:
http://www.domeus.it/ad4142990/domeus
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
"Il vecchio mondo e' finito e nel nuovo la priorita' e' la guerra al
terrorismo. La NATO e' finita: serve solo agli USA per camuffare le loro
azioni militari. Per evitare di finire in serie B dobbiamo cominciare a
porre il problema delle basi NATO per chiuderle."
Lo ha detto l'ex presidente della Repubblica Italiana Francesco Cossiga,
da sempre uomo-chiave per la realizzazione della politica degli USA nel
nostro paese e fanatico sostenitore di tutti gli interventi militari
della NATO. Fonte: "Il Manifesto" del 26/10/2001.
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
I gruppi di discussione + interessanti e divertenti!
Le liste + calde!! Il meglio di Domeus!!!
Iscriviti a listparade-subscribe@...
e visita il sito del momento:
http://www.domeus.it/ad4142990/domeus
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
Oggi l'Afghanistan, ieri la Jugoslavia.
Mentre siamo impegnati a lottare contro le nuove guerre dei
terroristi N.A.T.O., continuano le iniziative di
solidariet� in favore dei lavoratori della Jugoslavia, dove
� stato dimostrato che la guerra imperialista non � mai uno
strumento di giustizia e di pace, e che a pagarne le
conseguenze sono le popolazioni, i lavoratori, la classe
proletaria.
In Jugoslavia la guerra � ancora evidente nelle distruzioni
provocate sul territorio, nelle tantissime fabbriche
distrutte dalle bombe umanitarie e dagli effetti
collaterali della contingente necessit�. Per quelle ancora
in piedi o ricostruite, come la Zastava di Kragujevac, c'�
la cura dei piani economici del governo Dindijc, del gruppo
dei G-17, dei piani di smembramento eseguiti dalle
multinazionali dei vincitori.
Il circolo PRC Antonio Gramsci, sensibile all?appello
lanciato dai lavoratori occupati e disoccupati della
fabbrica "Zastava" di Kragujevac, organizza una
SERATA DI SOLIDARIETA' A FAVORE DEGLI OPERAI DI KRAGUJEVAC
marted� 30 ottobre 2001
presso la Casa del Popolo di Ponziana - via di Ponziana 14,
Trieste, in sostegno alla campagna di adozioni a distanza a
favore delle famiglie operaie di Kragujevac, promossa e
gestita direttamente dai lavoratori della fabbrica
automobilistica e rilanciata nel loro ultimo comunicato del
1� settembre.
Il programma della serata:
Dalle ore 18.00 alle 20.00:
Verranno proiettati brevi video informativi di
aggiornamento sulla situazione attuale jugoslava,
distribuito vario materiale informativo e illustrati i
progetti in atto e in cantiere. Due ore di libera e
informale discussione e controinformazione, occasione
conviviale di conoscenza per avviarci verso la cena.
Ore 20.00 cena:
Men� proposto: pasta della Casa, carni in umido o menu
vegetariano, contorni di verdure miste, dolce, vino o
bibite.
A fine cena, caff� e rakija offerte dalla Casa, e musica,
chiacchiere e discussioni in libert�.
Ai convenuti verr� chiesto un contributo minimo di �
25.000.
Detratte le spese della cena, il rimanente sar� devoluto
per intero alla campagna adozioni. E se qualcuno vorr�
contribuire anche con un dolce, un liquore, una bottiglia
di buon vino sar� il benvenuto.
Sono gradite le prenotazioni:
Circolo Gramsci: 040-764047 - 040-364922
Gruppo Zastava Trieste: 338-9116688 040-416855
zastavatrieste@...
organizzano:
Circolo PRC Antonio Gramsci e Gruppo Zastava Trieste
Trieste, 26 ottobre 2001
----------------------------
Danes Afghanistan, vceraj Jugoslavia.
Medtem ko smo aktivni v boju proti novim N.A.T.O.-a vojnam,
se nadaljujejo solidarnostne akcije v prid delavcev v
Jugoslaviji, kjer je bilo dokazano da vojna ni pravi nacin
za vspostaviti mir in pravicnost, njene posledice pa
placujejo ljudje in delavci.
V Jugoslaviji so se razvidne posledice vojne, predvsem v
stevilnih tovarnah unicenih od inteligentnih bomb.
Krozek Antonio Gramsci se je odzval vabilu zaposlenih in
brezposelnih delavcev "Zastave" iz Kragujevca in zato
organizira:
SOLIDARNOSTNI VECER Z DELAVCI IZ KRAGUJEVCA
V torek 30. oktobra 2001
V ljudskem domu v ul. Ponziana, 14
Vecer je posvecen sirjenju kampanije za posvoijtve na
daljavo, v pomoc druzinam delavcev iz Kragujevca, kateri so
ponovno zaprosili za solidarnost 1. septembra.
Od 18.00. do 20.00. ure:
Informativni vecer z dokumentacijo in videoposnetki o
akciji posvojitev na daljavo, ter o situaciji v Kragujevcu.
Ob 20.00.h vecerja:
predlagan "menu": domaca "pasta", piscanec, prikuhe: mesana
zelenjava, slascica, vino ali druga pijaca.
Cena 25.000 �.
Izkupicek vecera bo namenjen kampaniji za posvojitev na
daljavo.
Prijave: 040-764047 - 040-364922
Organizirajo:
Krozek Antonio Gramsci P.R.C.-S.K.P. Trst 040-764047
Skupine Zastava Trst zastavatrieste@...
----------
Gruppo Zastava Trieste
338-9116688
zastavatrieste@...
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
IL FONDO PER LA TERRA HA SUONATO LA CARICA DEI 100.000!
Entra a far parte della comunita' online del Fondo per la Terra
e insieme potremo creare la piu' grande comunita' online italiana
per la tutela dell'ambiente e raccogliere, senza interventi economici
diretti dai soci, importanti risorse economiche da destinare
a progetti di conservazione dell'ambiente in Italia e ai tropici.
Se vuoi saperne di piu':
http://www.domeus.it/ad4143050/clicktheplanet
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
Mentre siamo impegnati a lottare contro le nuove guerre dei
terroristi N.A.T.O., continuano le iniziative di
solidariet� in favore dei lavoratori della Jugoslavia, dove
� stato dimostrato che la guerra imperialista non � mai uno
strumento di giustizia e di pace, e che a pagarne le
conseguenze sono le popolazioni, i lavoratori, la classe
proletaria.
In Jugoslavia la guerra � ancora evidente nelle distruzioni
provocate sul territorio, nelle tantissime fabbriche
distrutte dalle bombe umanitarie e dagli effetti
collaterali della contingente necessit�. Per quelle ancora
in piedi o ricostruite, come la Zastava di Kragujevac, c'�
la cura dei piani economici del governo Dindijc, del gruppo
dei G-17, dei piani di smembramento eseguiti dalle
multinazionali dei vincitori.
Il circolo PRC Antonio Gramsci, sensibile all?appello
lanciato dai lavoratori occupati e disoccupati della
fabbrica "Zastava" di Kragujevac, organizza una
SERATA DI SOLIDARIETA' A FAVORE DEGLI OPERAI DI KRAGUJEVAC
marted� 30 ottobre 2001
presso la Casa del Popolo di Ponziana - via di Ponziana 14,
Trieste, in sostegno alla campagna di adozioni a distanza a
favore delle famiglie operaie di Kragujevac, promossa e
gestita direttamente dai lavoratori della fabbrica
automobilistica e rilanciata nel loro ultimo comunicato del
1� settembre.
Il programma della serata:
Dalle ore 18.00 alle 20.00:
Verranno proiettati brevi video informativi di
aggiornamento sulla situazione attuale jugoslava,
distribuito vario materiale informativo e illustrati i
progetti in atto e in cantiere. Due ore di libera e
informale discussione e controinformazione, occasione
conviviale di conoscenza per avviarci verso la cena.
Ore 20.00 cena:
Men� proposto: pasta della Casa, carni in umido o menu
vegetariano, contorni di verdure miste, dolce, vino o
bibite.
A fine cena, caff� e rakija offerte dalla Casa, e musica,
chiacchiere e discussioni in libert�.
Ai convenuti verr� chiesto un contributo minimo di �
25.000.
Detratte le spese della cena, il rimanente sar� devoluto
per intero alla campagna adozioni. E se qualcuno vorr�
contribuire anche con un dolce, un liquore, una bottiglia
di buon vino sar� il benvenuto.
Sono gradite le prenotazioni:
Circolo Gramsci: 040-764047 - 040-364922
Gruppo Zastava Trieste: 338-9116688 040-416855
zastavatrieste@...
organizzano:
Circolo PRC Antonio Gramsci e Gruppo Zastava Trieste
Trieste, 26 ottobre 2001
----------------------------
Danes Afghanistan, vceraj Jugoslavia.
Medtem ko smo aktivni v boju proti novim N.A.T.O.-a vojnam,
se nadaljujejo solidarnostne akcije v prid delavcev v
Jugoslaviji, kjer je bilo dokazano da vojna ni pravi nacin
za vspostaviti mir in pravicnost, njene posledice pa
placujejo ljudje in delavci.
V Jugoslaviji so se razvidne posledice vojne, predvsem v
stevilnih tovarnah unicenih od inteligentnih bomb.
Krozek Antonio Gramsci se je odzval vabilu zaposlenih in
brezposelnih delavcev "Zastave" iz Kragujevca in zato
organizira:
SOLIDARNOSTNI VECER Z DELAVCI IZ KRAGUJEVCA
V torek 30. oktobra 2001
V ljudskem domu v ul. Ponziana, 14
Vecer je posvecen sirjenju kampanije za posvoijtve na
daljavo, v pomoc druzinam delavcev iz Kragujevca, kateri so
ponovno zaprosili za solidarnost 1. septembra.
Od 18.00. do 20.00. ure:
Informativni vecer z dokumentacijo in videoposnetki o
akciji posvojitev na daljavo, ter o situaciji v Kragujevcu.
Ob 20.00.h vecerja:
predlagan "menu": domaca "pasta", piscanec, prikuhe: mesana
zelenjava, slascica, vino ali druga pijaca.
Cena 25.000 �.
Izkupicek vecera bo namenjen kampaniji za posvojitev na
daljavo.
Prijave: 040-764047 - 040-364922
Organizirajo:
Krozek Antonio Gramsci P.R.C.-S.K.P. Trst 040-764047
Skupine Zastava Trst zastavatrieste@...
----------
Gruppo Zastava Trieste
338-9116688
zastavatrieste@...
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
IL FONDO PER LA TERRA HA SUONATO LA CARICA DEI 100.000!
Entra a far parte della comunita' online del Fondo per la Terra
e insieme potremo creare la piu' grande comunita' online italiana
per la tutela dell'ambiente e raccogliere, senza interventi economici
diretti dai soci, importanti risorse economiche da destinare
a progetti di conservazione dell'ambiente in Italia e ai tropici.
Se vuoi saperne di piu':
http://www.domeus.it/ad4143050/clicktheplanet
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
(TRA PARENTESI)
(Non c'e' che dire: sono molto interessanti ed istruttivi gli articoli
che stanno uscendo su tutta la stampa nazionale relativi ai rapporti tra
terrorismo integralista islamico e leadership bosniaco-musulmana di
Izetbegovic. Ad esempio sul "Manifesto" di ieri 26/10 si cita la NATO,
la quale racconta oggi candidamente alle sue opinioni pubbliche della
rete di mujaheddin arruolati dal 1992 in poi nelle fila dell'Armija di
Sarajevo.
Peccato che questi stessi giornali ci abbiano tenuto nascosto tutto cio'
quando sarebbe stato necessario saperlo. Solo oggi scoprono l'acqua
calda, con nove anni di ritardo???
Peccato anche che, all'epoca, i "grandi opinionisti", specialisti
balcanologi e grandi democratici, da Stefano Bianchini a Predrag
Matvejevic, da Zlatko Dizdarevic ad Adriano Sofri, da Giulio Marcon al
signor Paolo Rumiz, non ci abbiano raccontato nulla di tutto cio',
prestando viceversa generoso appoggio mediatico alla favola della
"Bosnia multietnica" di Izetbegovic minacciata dalla "congenita barbarie
panslavista". Sono stati solo casi di incompetenza e buffonaggine, o
c'entra anche la vigliaccheria in questo essere sempre e soltanto
pappagalli della NATO?
Italo Slavo)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
CON VIZZAVI IL VERO DIVERTIMENTO INIZIA DAL TUO CELLULARE WAP!
Gioca, incontra nuovi amici, vivi in diretta le novitA' della
Casa pi? popolare d'Italia, scarica loghi e suonerie, consulta
on line la guida radio- tv e cinema!
http://www.domeus.it/ad4143310/mobile.vizzavi
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
(Non c'e' che dire: sono molto interessanti ed istruttivi gli articoli
che stanno uscendo su tutta la stampa nazionale relativi ai rapporti tra
terrorismo integralista islamico e leadership bosniaco-musulmana di
Izetbegovic. Ad esempio sul "Manifesto" di ieri 26/10 si cita la NATO,
la quale racconta oggi candidamente alle sue opinioni pubbliche della
rete di mujaheddin arruolati dal 1992 in poi nelle fila dell'Armija di
Sarajevo.
Peccato che questi stessi giornali ci abbiano tenuto nascosto tutto cio'
quando sarebbe stato necessario saperlo. Solo oggi scoprono l'acqua
calda, con nove anni di ritardo???
Peccato anche che, all'epoca, i "grandi opinionisti", specialisti
balcanologi e grandi democratici, da Stefano Bianchini a Predrag
Matvejevic, da Zlatko Dizdarevic ad Adriano Sofri, da Giulio Marcon al
signor Paolo Rumiz, non ci abbiano raccontato nulla di tutto cio',
prestando viceversa generoso appoggio mediatico alla favola della
"Bosnia multietnica" di Izetbegovic minacciata dalla "congenita barbarie
panslavista". Sono stati solo casi di incompetenza e buffonaggine, o
c'entra anche la vigliaccheria in questo essere sempre e soltanto
pappagalli della NATO?
Italo Slavo)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
CON VIZZAVI IL VERO DIVERTIMENTO INIZIA DAL TUO CELLULARE WAP!
Gioca, incontra nuovi amici, vivi in diretta le novitA' della
Casa pi? popolare d'Italia, scarica loghi e suonerie, consulta
on line la guida radio- tv e cinema!
http://www.domeus.it/ad4143310/mobile.vizzavi
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
> http://wwww.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20011024103532025110.html
DIRITTI UMANI: JUGOSLAVIA, UDIENZA ATTACCO NATO A TV SERBA
(ANSA) - STRASBURGO, 24 OTT - La Corte europea dei diritti umani si e'
riunita questa mattina a Strasburgo per esaminare un ricorso presentato
da dipendenti, o dalle loro famiglie, della televisione di stato serba
Rts bombardata nel 1999 dalla Nato, contro 17 paesi europei aderenti
all'Alleanza atlantica ed al Consiglio d'Europa, fra cui l'Italia. Nel
bombardamento del palazzo che ospitava la Rts rimasero uccise 16
persone e altre 16 vennero gravemente ferite. Le famiglie di quattro
delle vittime figurano fra i firmatari del ricorso contro i paesi Nato.
Nella denuncia presentata ai giudici europei i 17 membri europei della
Nato sono accusati di avere violato in particolare l'articolo 2 della
convenzione europea dei diritti umani, uno dei piu' fondamentali, che
sancisce il diritto alla vita. I ricorrenti affermano che il palazzo
della Rts, raggiunto da un missile terra-aria alleato alle due del
mattino il 23 aprile 1999, era un obiettivo civile colpito
deliberatamente, e sostengono di disporre di prove che indicherebbero
che i giornalisti stranieri presenti nel palazzo erano stati avvertiti
prima dell'attacco. L'udienza di oggi e' dedicata all'esame della
ammissibilita' del ricorso, contestata dai 17 paesi contro i quali e'
rivolto, rappresentati in aula dal Regno Unito. La Corte europea
decidera' dopo l'udienza se dichiarare il ricorso ricevibile o meno, e
se iniziare l'esame di merito della causa. (ANSA). CEF
24/10/2001 10:35
http://news.bbc.co.uk/low/english/world/
europe/newsid_1616000/1616461.stm
BBC News
Wednesday, 24 October, 2001,
Nato challenged over Belgrade bombing
Sixteen people were killed in the attack
The European Court of Human rights is to hear a case
against Nato on Wednesday over the bombing of
Belgrade's main TV station during the Kosovo conflict.
Their relatives say the attack, which killed 16
people, was in breach of Europe's human rights charter
and that they deserve compensation.
The families of four of the victims and one survivor
are claiming that the air strikes were illegal under
Europe's human rights charter governing the right to
life and freedom of expression.
The hearing is only the first step to determine if the
European Court of Human Rights has the jurisdiction
even to hear the case.
Propaganda war
On the night of 23 April 1999, Nato aircraft attacked
the government-run studios of Radio Television Serbia
(RTS) in Belgrade, in which those killed, most of them
production workers, had been ordered to report for
work.
The attack was part of Nato's air campaign to force
the Yugoslav Government of former President Slobodan
Milosevic to withdraw its forces from Kosovo.
[Countries accused:
Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece,
Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands,
Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Turkey, United Kingdom]
At the time, Nato defended the air strike by saying
the TV station was a legitimate target because of its
role in what Nato called Belgrade's campaign of
propaganda.
The applicants to the Court of Human Rights argue that
the individual Nato member states are responsible for
the bombing, even though it was carried out by Nato
forces.
They are suing the European members of Nato - but not
the United States and Canada - for compensation.
Lawyers for the Nato states, which have denied the
charges, say that because the former Yugoslavia was
not a signatory to the European Charter of Human
Rights, the court cannot hear the case.
If the states are found responsible, the survivor and
families could be awarded damages.
A judgement is due in several weeks.
---
ALTRA DOCUMENTAZIONE SU CASI PRECEDENTI /
MORE DOCUMENTS ON PREVIOUS SIMILAR CASES:
---
Berlin Faces Court Action Over NATO Bombing of
Yugoslavia
Karsruhe, Jun 20, 2001 -- (dpa) The tremors from 1999
NATO bombing of Yugoslavia continue to reverberate
across the German political landscape with Germany's
reformed communist party launching a constitutional
court action against the U.S. backed security
alliance's raids.
The Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) believes that
the German government's agreement for the NATO's
bombing raids was unconstitutional because the
nation's parliament, the Bundestag, was not consulted.
In the light of Germany's wartime past, military
action involving German troops remains a deeply
sensitive issue in the nation with the PDS having
fiercely opposed the NATO raids which followed
Belgrade's aggressive moves in the Yugoslavian
province of Kosovo.
As argument in the constitutional court commenced on
Tuesday, a PDS leader, Gregor Gysi claimed that NATO's
role had been extended by the bombing raids and as a
result the central part of the agreement with NATO had
been changed.
Gysi insisted that bypassing the parliament not only
raised democratic issues but also questions about the
legal protection of the nation's soldiers.
At the heart of the case is the German Federal
Government's endorsement in April 1999 of a so-called
a new strategic concept for NATO intervention.
This was also agreed to by other members of the
trans-atlantic alliance and stressed that the
transatlantic security group faced new complex risks.
Defending the German Government's action before the
constitutional court on Tuesday, the nation's Foreign
Minister, Joschka Fischer said that parliamentary
agreement for the concept was not necessary as it was
not a binding contract but a political document.
But Fischer said that Berlin believed the case before
the constitutional court had "enormous political
significance."
"It concerns the negotiating abilities of the
government in following its international
responsibilities," he said.
As a measure of the tensions unleashed in Germany by
the NATO action, Fischer had paint thrown over him
during a rowdy meeting of his Green Party at the
height of the bombing raids.
Also defending the government's support for the
bombing before the constitutional court on Tuesday was
the nation's Minister for Defense Rudolf Scharping who
said that the purpose of the alliance had changed as
well as the political circumstances.
Representing the Parliament before the court, the
Christian Democrat parliamentarian Rupert Scholz said
that not every new concept was a new contract.
(C)2001. dpa Deutsche Presse-Agentur GmbH.
---
> http://www.ekathimerini.com/news/content.asp?aid%ef%bf%bd413
KATHIMERINI
ATHENS, FRIDAY, JUNE 15, 2001
NEWS & COMMENT Updated: 06/15/2001 10:23 GMT
Del Ponte is asked to prosecute NATO for DU
The head of the Athens Bar Association and two human
rights groups yesterday asked the chief war crimes
prosecutor for Yugoslavia to charge NATO officials for
allowing the use of depleted uranium ammunition in the
Balkans.
In a request filed with Carla del Ponte, the three
asked for the prosecution of any NATO political or
military official who authorized the use of the
armor-piercing ammunition.
They claim use of the ammunition violated
international agreements barring the use of toxic or
"other" materials during a war, and the 1949 Geneva
Convention intended to protect civilians in areas of
conflict. No NATO officials are named in their
request.
The request was made by bar association president
Andonis Roupakiotis; Constantinos Menoudakis, a high
court judge and president of the Greek judicial
workers union for democracy and freedom; and Aliki
Maragopoulou, head of a human rights group.
Depleted uranium is a slightly radioactive heavy metal
which is used in shells and can pierce the armor of a
tank. There is concern that dust from the uranium can
cause cancer.
A NATO committee which acts as a clearinghouse about
possible health risks has said no evidence of a link
between depleted uranium munitions and an increase in
illness has yet been found.
The studies followed concerns in several European
countries after Italy began studying the illnesses of
30 veterans of Balkans peacekeeping missions, seven of
whom died of cancer, including five cases of leukemia.
(AP)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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DIRITTI UMANI: JUGOSLAVIA, UDIENZA ATTACCO NATO A TV SERBA
(ANSA) - STRASBURGO, 24 OTT - La Corte europea dei diritti umani si e'
riunita questa mattina a Strasburgo per esaminare un ricorso presentato
da dipendenti, o dalle loro famiglie, della televisione di stato serba
Rts bombardata nel 1999 dalla Nato, contro 17 paesi europei aderenti
all'Alleanza atlantica ed al Consiglio d'Europa, fra cui l'Italia. Nel
bombardamento del palazzo che ospitava la Rts rimasero uccise 16
persone e altre 16 vennero gravemente ferite. Le famiglie di quattro
delle vittime figurano fra i firmatari del ricorso contro i paesi Nato.
Nella denuncia presentata ai giudici europei i 17 membri europei della
Nato sono accusati di avere violato in particolare l'articolo 2 della
convenzione europea dei diritti umani, uno dei piu' fondamentali, che
sancisce il diritto alla vita. I ricorrenti affermano che il palazzo
della Rts, raggiunto da un missile terra-aria alleato alle due del
mattino il 23 aprile 1999, era un obiettivo civile colpito
deliberatamente, e sostengono di disporre di prove che indicherebbero
che i giornalisti stranieri presenti nel palazzo erano stati avvertiti
prima dell'attacco. L'udienza di oggi e' dedicata all'esame della
ammissibilita' del ricorso, contestata dai 17 paesi contro i quali e'
rivolto, rappresentati in aula dal Regno Unito. La Corte europea
decidera' dopo l'udienza se dichiarare il ricorso ricevibile o meno, e
se iniziare l'esame di merito della causa. (ANSA). CEF
24/10/2001 10:35
http://news.bbc.co.uk/low/english/world/
europe/newsid_1616000/1616461.stm
BBC News
Wednesday, 24 October, 2001,
Nato challenged over Belgrade bombing
Sixteen people were killed in the attack
The European Court of Human rights is to hear a case
against Nato on Wednesday over the bombing of
Belgrade's main TV station during the Kosovo conflict.
Their relatives say the attack, which killed 16
people, was in breach of Europe's human rights charter
and that they deserve compensation.
The families of four of the victims and one survivor
are claiming that the air strikes were illegal under
Europe's human rights charter governing the right to
life and freedom of expression.
The hearing is only the first step to determine if the
European Court of Human Rights has the jurisdiction
even to hear the case.
Propaganda war
On the night of 23 April 1999, Nato aircraft attacked
the government-run studios of Radio Television Serbia
(RTS) in Belgrade, in which those killed, most of them
production workers, had been ordered to report for
work.
The attack was part of Nato's air campaign to force
the Yugoslav Government of former President Slobodan
Milosevic to withdraw its forces from Kosovo.
[Countries accused:
Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece,
Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands,
Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Turkey, United Kingdom]
At the time, Nato defended the air strike by saying
the TV station was a legitimate target because of its
role in what Nato called Belgrade's campaign of
propaganda.
The applicants to the Court of Human Rights argue that
the individual Nato member states are responsible for
the bombing, even though it was carried out by Nato
forces.
They are suing the European members of Nato - but not
the United States and Canada - for compensation.
Lawyers for the Nato states, which have denied the
charges, say that because the former Yugoslavia was
not a signatory to the European Charter of Human
Rights, the court cannot hear the case.
If the states are found responsible, the survivor and
families could be awarded damages.
A judgement is due in several weeks.
---
ALTRA DOCUMENTAZIONE SU CASI PRECEDENTI /
MORE DOCUMENTS ON PREVIOUS SIMILAR CASES:
---
Berlin Faces Court Action Over NATO Bombing of
Yugoslavia
Karsruhe, Jun 20, 2001 -- (dpa) The tremors from 1999
NATO bombing of Yugoslavia continue to reverberate
across the German political landscape with Germany's
reformed communist party launching a constitutional
court action against the U.S. backed security
alliance's raids.
The Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) believes that
the German government's agreement for the NATO's
bombing raids was unconstitutional because the
nation's parliament, the Bundestag, was not consulted.
In the light of Germany's wartime past, military
action involving German troops remains a deeply
sensitive issue in the nation with the PDS having
fiercely opposed the NATO raids which followed
Belgrade's aggressive moves in the Yugoslavian
province of Kosovo.
As argument in the constitutional court commenced on
Tuesday, a PDS leader, Gregor Gysi claimed that NATO's
role had been extended by the bombing raids and as a
result the central part of the agreement with NATO had
been changed.
Gysi insisted that bypassing the parliament not only
raised democratic issues but also questions about the
legal protection of the nation's soldiers.
At the heart of the case is the German Federal
Government's endorsement in April 1999 of a so-called
a new strategic concept for NATO intervention.
This was also agreed to by other members of the
trans-atlantic alliance and stressed that the
transatlantic security group faced new complex risks.
Defending the German Government's action before the
constitutional court on Tuesday, the nation's Foreign
Minister, Joschka Fischer said that parliamentary
agreement for the concept was not necessary as it was
not a binding contract but a political document.
But Fischer said that Berlin believed the case before
the constitutional court had "enormous political
significance."
"It concerns the negotiating abilities of the
government in following its international
responsibilities," he said.
As a measure of the tensions unleashed in Germany by
the NATO action, Fischer had paint thrown over him
during a rowdy meeting of his Green Party at the
height of the bombing raids.
Also defending the government's support for the
bombing before the constitutional court on Tuesday was
the nation's Minister for Defense Rudolf Scharping who
said that the purpose of the alliance had changed as
well as the political circumstances.
Representing the Parliament before the court, the
Christian Democrat parliamentarian Rupert Scholz said
that not every new concept was a new contract.
(C)2001. dpa Deutsche Presse-Agentur GmbH.
---
> http://www.ekathimerini.com/news/content.asp?aid%ef%bf%bd413
KATHIMERINI
ATHENS, FRIDAY, JUNE 15, 2001
NEWS & COMMENT Updated: 06/15/2001 10:23 GMT
Del Ponte is asked to prosecute NATO for DU
The head of the Athens Bar Association and two human
rights groups yesterday asked the chief war crimes
prosecutor for Yugoslavia to charge NATO officials for
allowing the use of depleted uranium ammunition in the
Balkans.
In a request filed with Carla del Ponte, the three
asked for the prosecution of any NATO political or
military official who authorized the use of the
armor-piercing ammunition.
They claim use of the ammunition violated
international agreements barring the use of toxic or
"other" materials during a war, and the 1949 Geneva
Convention intended to protect civilians in areas of
conflict. No NATO officials are named in their
request.
The request was made by bar association president
Andonis Roupakiotis; Constantinos Menoudakis, a high
court judge and president of the Greek judicial
workers union for democracy and freedom; and Aliki
Maragopoulou, head of a human rights group.
Depleted uranium is a slightly radioactive heavy metal
which is used in shells and can pierce the armor of a
tank. There is concern that dust from the uranium can
cause cancer.
A NATO committee which acts as a clearinghouse about
possible health risks has said no evidence of a link
between depleted uranium munitions and an increase in
illness has yet been found.
The studies followed concerns in several European
countries after Italy began studying the illnesses of
30 veterans of Balkans peacekeeping missions, seven of
whom died of cancer, including five cases of leukemia.
(AP)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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L'ESPANSIONE DELLA NATO AD EST:
IL CASO DEI BALCANI
Andrea Martocchia
(Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia;
relazione presentata al convegno:
"Il mondo dopo Manhattan", Napoli, 20-21 ottobre 2001.
Gli atti del convegno, di prossima pubblicazione,
potranno essere richiesti alle Edizioni "Citta' del Sole"
email: manesed@...)
La necessita' del controllo delle aree strategicamente rilevanti per
l'estrazione ed il trasporto delle materie prime, soprattutto quelle
provenienti dall'Asia centrale, oltre ad essere alla base della
aggressione che mentre scriviamo e' in atto contro l'Afghanistan e'
stata anche il fattore scatenante della crisi nei Balcani e la
motivazione essenziale dell'espansionismo euro-atlantico verso Est.
Per quanto riguarda i Balcani, questo interesse strategico dei paesi
imperialisti diventa evidente gia' solo abbozzando una stringata
cronologia; e d'altronde, non per caso questa semplice operazione di
"mettere in fila" gli avvenimenti non viene generalmente compiuta da
nessun commentatore sulla stampa borghese, stampa che ha preferito e
preferisce tuttora sbizarrirsi con interpretazioni irrazionalistiche e
lombrosiane, dal contenuto fortemente disinformativo.
L'inizio della fase storica che stiamo tuttora attraversando puo' essere
convenzionalmente fissato al 3 ottobre 1990, data in cui
ha luogo la annessione della DDR alla Repubblica Federale Tedesca.
Quella data altamente simbolica e' centrale nel processo di
smantellamento dei paesi socialisti, durato grossomodo dal 1989 al 1991,
culminato con lo sfascio dell'URSS, e segnato sanguinosamente in
particolare dall'inizio delle guerre di secessione nei Balcani.
Lo squartamento della Repubblica Federativa Socialista di Jugoslavia,
fino ad allora stato-cuscinetto tra i due blocchi, che godeva di ampia
autonomia e prestigio nello scenario mondiale, e' stato voluto,
agevolato e sancito dalle consorterie occidentali.
Il 29/11/1990, mentre si festeggia per l'ultima volta la festa nazionale
in Jugoslavia, tutti i giornali pubblicano le "rivelazioni" della CIA
che giura che il paese si sta per disintegrare. All'inizio dello stesso
mese il Congresso USA aveva approvato la legge 101/513 per l'appoggio a
tutte le leadership liberiste, nazionaliste e secessioniste.
Il 15/1/1992 i paesi della Comunita' Europea, nonostante la situazione
altamente pericolosa ed instabile sul terreno, riconoscono formalmente
le secessioni slovena e croata, sancendo cosi' gli effetti della
"forzatura" di parte tedesca e vaticana. Successivamente, la Bosnia
verra' invitata a seguire l'esempio attraverso l'indizione di un
referendum illegittimo e largamente boicottato dalla popolazione.
La diretta conseguenza del riconoscimento della indipendenza della
Bosnia-Erzegovina saranno tre anni di guerra fratricida. La secessione
della Bosnia, centro simbolico e storico della Lotta Popolare di
Liberazione e della "Unita' e Fratellanza" jugoslave, rappresenta il
piu' grande colpo inferto al cuore della Jugoslavia multinazionale. I
successivi anni di conflitto serviranno ad affogare, possibilmente per
sempre, la idea jugoslavista in un lago di sangue e di menzogne.
Gli Stati Uniti d'America hanno usato prima la Germania e poi l'intera
Comunita' Europea come battistrada, ma il loro appoggio a livello
mediatico, diplomatico, finanziario e militare ai secessionismi, e
specialmente al separatismo bosniaco-musulmano, sara' sempre piu'
sfacciato. Il loro attivismo surclassera' via via di gran lunga quello
degli europei. A livello diplomatico, gli USA si renderanno responsabili
del boicottaggio dei piani di pace, a partire dal piano Cutileiro (marzo
1992: l'ex ambasciatore Zimmermann invita musulmani e croati a ritirare
la loro firma).
Via via, gli USA riusciranno a screditare e far fallire ogni intervento
attuato sotto l'egida delle Nazioni Unite, imponendo la progressiva
sostituzione delle missioni ONU con missioni piu' direttamente gestite
dall'Alleanza Atlantica.
E' il periodo delle grandi "stragi a mezzo stampa", delle rimozioni dei
vari Morillon, MacKenzie, Akashi, eccetera, e delle prime operazioni di
guerra della NATO in Europa. Nel settembre 1995, USA ed UE scatenano ai
danni dei serbi della Bosnia il primo massiccio bombardamento sul suolo
europeo dai tempi della Seconda Guerra Mondiale. I serbi vengono prima
diffamati e poi colpiti perche', tra gli jugoslavi, essendo distribuiti
in quasi tutte le repubbliche ex-federate sono quelli che meno di tutti
hanno interesse alla frantumazione del loro paese.
La firma degli accordi di Dayton consente, tra l'altro, lo stanziamento
"sine die" di truppe della NATO sul territorio ridotto ormai ad un
protettorato internazionale.
Nella primavera del 1999, dopo anni di strumentalizzazione del movimento
separatista pan-albanese, USA ed europei bombardano installazioni
militari, strutture produttive, di comunicazione e di trasporto della
federazione serbo-montenegrina, allo scopo di agevolare la secessione
della provincia di Kosovo e Metohija. I bombardamenti sulle industrie
chimiche a pochi chilometri da Belgrado causano una gravissima
contaminazione ambientale, e costringono alla resa il
governo jugoslavo. Nella provincia occupata dalle forze NATO e dalle
bande dell'UCK, loro alleate, viene instaurato un regime di terrore
contro le minoranze, mentre gli USA impiantano enormi basi militari come
quella di Camp Bondsteel presso Urosevac, che e' la piu' grande base USA
costruita all'estero dai tempi del Vietnam.
In questi anni abbiamo visto di tutto: dai rifornimenti massicci di armi
attraverso i nostri porti, talvolta usando persino convogli di
organizzazioni religiose o umanitarie (es. Croce Rossa), alla
beatificazione di arcivescovi nazisti (es. Stepinac), allo stragismo,
operato da servizi segreti "amici" per portare alle stelle la tensione
(es. stragi di Markale a Sarajevo), ai bombardamenti di convogli di
profughi (es. Kosovo) o di fabbriche presidiate dai lavoratori (es.
Kragujevac). Abbiamo saputo dell'addestramento delle formazioni
separatiste da parte di agenzie di mercenari (come la MPRI, che ha sede
in Virginia, USA), e del coinvolgimento di agenzie specializzate per il
"lobbying" e la disinformazione strategica (come la Ruder&Finn Public
Global Affairs). Sulla scorta di tutto questo, bisogna avere una gran
faccia tosta per sostenere tutt'oggi che "l'Occidente non voleva" oppure
"non e' riuscito a fermare"...
D'altronde, assistiamo ancora adesso alla prosecuzione della strategia
di smembramento: nell'attuale RF di Jugoslavia (secessione del
Montenegro), nella Serbia (Kosovo, Vojvodina), ed in Macedonia. Anche in
quest'ultima repubblica ex-federata il separatismo pan-albanese e' stato
fomentato negli anni passati, ed e' stato fatto esplodere la scorsa
primavera (2001) usando le milizie paramilitari dell'UCK che per le loro
azioni si sono avvalse delle retrovie del Kosovo, controllate dalla
NATO. La conseguente destabilizzazione ha consentito alla stessa NATO di
impiantarsi in Macedonia nel ruolo di "pompiera": seguendo un copione
ormai ben collaudato, a fare da pompieri sono gli stessi incendiari.
Una stabile presenza di truppe occidentali in tutta la regione, ridotta
ad un "patchwork" di protettorati, consente il controllo delle vie di
comunicazione, ed in particolare in Macedonia consente di avviare la
realizzazione del cosiddetto Corridoio numero 8, sulla direttrice tra
Albania e Bulgaria. Si noti d'altronde che anche in Bulgaria, dove pure
gia' vige un regime filo-occidentale come in Macedonia, la presenza di
una minoranza turca costituisce per la NATO un utile strumento
per far saltare gli equilibri del paese non appena cio' sara' ritenuto
necessario.
E' il classico "divide et impera". Gli strumenti per attuarlo possono
essere "innovativi" (disinformazione strategica, penetrazione culturale
o tramite organizzazioni cosiddette non-governative, eccetera) oppure
"tradizionali" (appoggio a settori politici reazionari o direttamente
criminali, bombardamenti, occupazioni militari, ecc.), ma la filosofia
complessiva e' sempre quella dell'"arancia": per meglio mangiarla
bisogna suddividerla spicchio per spicchio. Talvolta qualche spicchio si
rompe e bisogna sporcarsi le mani... di sangue.
Ad uno sguardo superficiale, per la conquista dell'Est USA ed UE
sembrano adottare una linea unitaria, o quantomeno sono riusciti fin qui
ad agire in perfetta consonanza ad ogni passaggio cruciale. Notiamo che
pure la Francia, che in teoria dovrebbe esprimere una posizione piu'
autonomamente europea, e' entrata nella NATO proprio nei primi anni
Novanta, e a parte pochi segnali non appare mai davvero differenziarsi
dalla strategia unitaria. La stessa Grecia, che dovrebbe difendere le
ragioni dei paesi slavo-ortodossi, sembra non essere in grado di
influenzare minimamente le scelte fatte nella NATO a livello centrale.
Ma la NATO non puo' piu' essere pensata come una coalizione omogenea,
bensi' e' essa stessa luogo di mediazione del conflitto
interimperialistico. Le contraddizioni tra cordate imperialiste esistono
e sono gia' in larga misura visibili.
Certo, spesso dobbiamo scavare piu' in profondita', per individuare i
connotati reali di queste contraddizioni - attuali o solamente
potenziali, ma che potrebbero esplodere in futuro. Sarebbe necessario in
particolare conoscere in dettaglio la struttura dei capitali
transnazionali, per essere in grado di decifrare chi detiene la
proprieta' reale della grandi multinazionali e degli imperi finanziari,
e per svelare quindi la loro complessa strutturazione "a scatole
cinesi".
Troveremmo allora che gli interessi sono spesso trasversali, passano
attraverso i grandi Stati imperialisti, non possono sempre identificarsi
in uno di questi ne' in una loro ben definita coalizione.
Tuttavia, in qualche caso il contrasto e' netto e chiaro. Questo vale ad
esempio per gli interessi energetici, alla vigilia della "grande crisi"
del petrolio (cfr. A. Di Fazio su "Contro le nuove guerre", Odradek
2000), e quindi per i giganti del petrolio. Questo viene chiarito in
recentissimi articoli di Michael Chossudovsky, pubblicati pure sul
"Manifesto", dai quali e' tratta la maggiorparte delle informazioni che
seguono.
La cordata petrolifera angloamericana (BP-Amoco-ARCO, Chevron e Texaco)
si contrappone decisamente agli europei Total-Fina-Elf, ai quali
l'italiana ENI e' associata. Mentre questi ultimi sono "arrivati prima"
in Asia Centrale (es. Kazakistan) ed i loro rappresentanti politici (UE)
perseguono una politica di avvicinamento alla Russia, gli
anglo-americani sono in prima linea nell'interventismo militare e di
intelligence nei Balcani, allo scopo di porre sotto il loro controllo le
vie di comunicazione.
Per questo motivo, mentre il Corridoio 10 (Danubio) e' stato reso
inagibile con i bombardamenti del 1999, e viste le incognite armena e
curda sulla direttrice che dovrebbe portare il petrolio direttamente al
Mediterraneo (Baku-Cehyan), il terrorismo legato agli USA ed alla stessa
Turchia tiene in scacco il Caucaso, mettendo la Russia fuori gioco, e
condiziona i giochi nella penisola balcanica.
Il petrolio dovrebbe passare attraverso il Mar Nero, arrivare in
Bulgaria, a Burgas. Qui ha inizio il Corridoio 8, che termina a Valona
in Albania. La Macedonia e' proprio in mezzo.
All'inizio del 2000, la Commissione Europea aveva avviato con la
Bulgaria, la Macedonia e l'Albania le negoziazioni per l'ingresso nella
UE. Nell'aprile del 2001, la Macedonia era diventata il primo paese nei
Balcani a firmare un cosiddetto "accordo di stabilizzazione e
associazione". Ecco perche', proprio negli stessi giorni, il terrorismo
dell'UCK, armato ed addestrato adesso soprattutto dagli angloamericani,
esplodeva in tutta la sua violenza, per portare viceversa il paese alla
de-stabilizzazione e per allontanarlo dalla UE. Ecco perche' il capo
della missione OSCE in Macedonia Robert Frowick ha voluto legittimare
l'UCK come interlocutore e porre la Macedonia sotto il ricatto: o
cambiate la Costituzione, ponendo le premesse per lo smembramento del
paese, oppure il terrorismo continuera'. Ecco perche', secondo vari
osservatori, tra l'UCK e gli europei (specialmente i tedeschi) in
Macedonia i rapporti non sarebbero idilliaci.
Nel frattempo, il colosso energetico angloamericano ha creato un
consorzio (progetto AMBO) per la realizzazione di un oleodotto ed altre
infrastrutture proprio lungo il Corridoio 8, sottoscrivendo accordi ad
hoc con Bulgaria, Macedonia ed Albania, che escludono in larga misura
gli europei da qualsivoglia iniziativa... Il consorzio AMBO ha sede
legale negli USA ed e' direttamente collegato al potere
politico-militare statunitense. Ad esempio, la Hallibuton Energy
(societa' del vicepresidente Dick Cheney) e' appaltatrice per le
forniture e per la stessa costruzione della base di Camp Bondsteel in
Kosovo. La stessa famiglia Bush e' fortemente legata alla lobby del
petrolio.
Siamo quindi di fronte ad un esempio eclatante di sviluppo
contraddittorio degli interessi delle cordate imperialistiche, nel caso
specifico del petrolio. La NATO e' essa stessa ambito di mediazione
nello scontro tra angloamericani ed europei, specialmente
franco-tedeschi. In caso di rottura, l'Italia, economicamente legata
alla UE - si pensi al cruciale, prossimo passaggio dell'Euro! - ma
militarmente occupata dagli USA, come potrebbe uscirne fuori?
---
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Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
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le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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IL CASO DEI BALCANI
Andrea Martocchia
(Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia;
relazione presentata al convegno:
"Il mondo dopo Manhattan", Napoli, 20-21 ottobre 2001.
Gli atti del convegno, di prossima pubblicazione,
potranno essere richiesti alle Edizioni "Citta' del Sole"
email: manesed@...)
La necessita' del controllo delle aree strategicamente rilevanti per
l'estrazione ed il trasporto delle materie prime, soprattutto quelle
provenienti dall'Asia centrale, oltre ad essere alla base della
aggressione che mentre scriviamo e' in atto contro l'Afghanistan e'
stata anche il fattore scatenante della crisi nei Balcani e la
motivazione essenziale dell'espansionismo euro-atlantico verso Est.
Per quanto riguarda i Balcani, questo interesse strategico dei paesi
imperialisti diventa evidente gia' solo abbozzando una stringata
cronologia; e d'altronde, non per caso questa semplice operazione di
"mettere in fila" gli avvenimenti non viene generalmente compiuta da
nessun commentatore sulla stampa borghese, stampa che ha preferito e
preferisce tuttora sbizarrirsi con interpretazioni irrazionalistiche e
lombrosiane, dal contenuto fortemente disinformativo.
L'inizio della fase storica che stiamo tuttora attraversando puo' essere
convenzionalmente fissato al 3 ottobre 1990, data in cui
ha luogo la annessione della DDR alla Repubblica Federale Tedesca.
Quella data altamente simbolica e' centrale nel processo di
smantellamento dei paesi socialisti, durato grossomodo dal 1989 al 1991,
culminato con lo sfascio dell'URSS, e segnato sanguinosamente in
particolare dall'inizio delle guerre di secessione nei Balcani.
Lo squartamento della Repubblica Federativa Socialista di Jugoslavia,
fino ad allora stato-cuscinetto tra i due blocchi, che godeva di ampia
autonomia e prestigio nello scenario mondiale, e' stato voluto,
agevolato e sancito dalle consorterie occidentali.
Il 29/11/1990, mentre si festeggia per l'ultima volta la festa nazionale
in Jugoslavia, tutti i giornali pubblicano le "rivelazioni" della CIA
che giura che il paese si sta per disintegrare. All'inizio dello stesso
mese il Congresso USA aveva approvato la legge 101/513 per l'appoggio a
tutte le leadership liberiste, nazionaliste e secessioniste.
Il 15/1/1992 i paesi della Comunita' Europea, nonostante la situazione
altamente pericolosa ed instabile sul terreno, riconoscono formalmente
le secessioni slovena e croata, sancendo cosi' gli effetti della
"forzatura" di parte tedesca e vaticana. Successivamente, la Bosnia
verra' invitata a seguire l'esempio attraverso l'indizione di un
referendum illegittimo e largamente boicottato dalla popolazione.
La diretta conseguenza del riconoscimento della indipendenza della
Bosnia-Erzegovina saranno tre anni di guerra fratricida. La secessione
della Bosnia, centro simbolico e storico della Lotta Popolare di
Liberazione e della "Unita' e Fratellanza" jugoslave, rappresenta il
piu' grande colpo inferto al cuore della Jugoslavia multinazionale. I
successivi anni di conflitto serviranno ad affogare, possibilmente per
sempre, la idea jugoslavista in un lago di sangue e di menzogne.
Gli Stati Uniti d'America hanno usato prima la Germania e poi l'intera
Comunita' Europea come battistrada, ma il loro appoggio a livello
mediatico, diplomatico, finanziario e militare ai secessionismi, e
specialmente al separatismo bosniaco-musulmano, sara' sempre piu'
sfacciato. Il loro attivismo surclassera' via via di gran lunga quello
degli europei. A livello diplomatico, gli USA si renderanno responsabili
del boicottaggio dei piani di pace, a partire dal piano Cutileiro (marzo
1992: l'ex ambasciatore Zimmermann invita musulmani e croati a ritirare
la loro firma).
Via via, gli USA riusciranno a screditare e far fallire ogni intervento
attuato sotto l'egida delle Nazioni Unite, imponendo la progressiva
sostituzione delle missioni ONU con missioni piu' direttamente gestite
dall'Alleanza Atlantica.
E' il periodo delle grandi "stragi a mezzo stampa", delle rimozioni dei
vari Morillon, MacKenzie, Akashi, eccetera, e delle prime operazioni di
guerra della NATO in Europa. Nel settembre 1995, USA ed UE scatenano ai
danni dei serbi della Bosnia il primo massiccio bombardamento sul suolo
europeo dai tempi della Seconda Guerra Mondiale. I serbi vengono prima
diffamati e poi colpiti perche', tra gli jugoslavi, essendo distribuiti
in quasi tutte le repubbliche ex-federate sono quelli che meno di tutti
hanno interesse alla frantumazione del loro paese.
La firma degli accordi di Dayton consente, tra l'altro, lo stanziamento
"sine die" di truppe della NATO sul territorio ridotto ormai ad un
protettorato internazionale.
Nella primavera del 1999, dopo anni di strumentalizzazione del movimento
separatista pan-albanese, USA ed europei bombardano installazioni
militari, strutture produttive, di comunicazione e di trasporto della
federazione serbo-montenegrina, allo scopo di agevolare la secessione
della provincia di Kosovo e Metohija. I bombardamenti sulle industrie
chimiche a pochi chilometri da Belgrado causano una gravissima
contaminazione ambientale, e costringono alla resa il
governo jugoslavo. Nella provincia occupata dalle forze NATO e dalle
bande dell'UCK, loro alleate, viene instaurato un regime di terrore
contro le minoranze, mentre gli USA impiantano enormi basi militari come
quella di Camp Bondsteel presso Urosevac, che e' la piu' grande base USA
costruita all'estero dai tempi del Vietnam.
In questi anni abbiamo visto di tutto: dai rifornimenti massicci di armi
attraverso i nostri porti, talvolta usando persino convogli di
organizzazioni religiose o umanitarie (es. Croce Rossa), alla
beatificazione di arcivescovi nazisti (es. Stepinac), allo stragismo,
operato da servizi segreti "amici" per portare alle stelle la tensione
(es. stragi di Markale a Sarajevo), ai bombardamenti di convogli di
profughi (es. Kosovo) o di fabbriche presidiate dai lavoratori (es.
Kragujevac). Abbiamo saputo dell'addestramento delle formazioni
separatiste da parte di agenzie di mercenari (come la MPRI, che ha sede
in Virginia, USA), e del coinvolgimento di agenzie specializzate per il
"lobbying" e la disinformazione strategica (come la Ruder&Finn Public
Global Affairs). Sulla scorta di tutto questo, bisogna avere una gran
faccia tosta per sostenere tutt'oggi che "l'Occidente non voleva" oppure
"non e' riuscito a fermare"...
D'altronde, assistiamo ancora adesso alla prosecuzione della strategia
di smembramento: nell'attuale RF di Jugoslavia (secessione del
Montenegro), nella Serbia (Kosovo, Vojvodina), ed in Macedonia. Anche in
quest'ultima repubblica ex-federata il separatismo pan-albanese e' stato
fomentato negli anni passati, ed e' stato fatto esplodere la scorsa
primavera (2001) usando le milizie paramilitari dell'UCK che per le loro
azioni si sono avvalse delle retrovie del Kosovo, controllate dalla
NATO. La conseguente destabilizzazione ha consentito alla stessa NATO di
impiantarsi in Macedonia nel ruolo di "pompiera": seguendo un copione
ormai ben collaudato, a fare da pompieri sono gli stessi incendiari.
Una stabile presenza di truppe occidentali in tutta la regione, ridotta
ad un "patchwork" di protettorati, consente il controllo delle vie di
comunicazione, ed in particolare in Macedonia consente di avviare la
realizzazione del cosiddetto Corridoio numero 8, sulla direttrice tra
Albania e Bulgaria. Si noti d'altronde che anche in Bulgaria, dove pure
gia' vige un regime filo-occidentale come in Macedonia, la presenza di
una minoranza turca costituisce per la NATO un utile strumento
per far saltare gli equilibri del paese non appena cio' sara' ritenuto
necessario.
E' il classico "divide et impera". Gli strumenti per attuarlo possono
essere "innovativi" (disinformazione strategica, penetrazione culturale
o tramite organizzazioni cosiddette non-governative, eccetera) oppure
"tradizionali" (appoggio a settori politici reazionari o direttamente
criminali, bombardamenti, occupazioni militari, ecc.), ma la filosofia
complessiva e' sempre quella dell'"arancia": per meglio mangiarla
bisogna suddividerla spicchio per spicchio. Talvolta qualche spicchio si
rompe e bisogna sporcarsi le mani... di sangue.
Ad uno sguardo superficiale, per la conquista dell'Est USA ed UE
sembrano adottare una linea unitaria, o quantomeno sono riusciti fin qui
ad agire in perfetta consonanza ad ogni passaggio cruciale. Notiamo che
pure la Francia, che in teoria dovrebbe esprimere una posizione piu'
autonomamente europea, e' entrata nella NATO proprio nei primi anni
Novanta, e a parte pochi segnali non appare mai davvero differenziarsi
dalla strategia unitaria. La stessa Grecia, che dovrebbe difendere le
ragioni dei paesi slavo-ortodossi, sembra non essere in grado di
influenzare minimamente le scelte fatte nella NATO a livello centrale.
Ma la NATO non puo' piu' essere pensata come una coalizione omogenea,
bensi' e' essa stessa luogo di mediazione del conflitto
interimperialistico. Le contraddizioni tra cordate imperialiste esistono
e sono gia' in larga misura visibili.
Certo, spesso dobbiamo scavare piu' in profondita', per individuare i
connotati reali di queste contraddizioni - attuali o solamente
potenziali, ma che potrebbero esplodere in futuro. Sarebbe necessario in
particolare conoscere in dettaglio la struttura dei capitali
transnazionali, per essere in grado di decifrare chi detiene la
proprieta' reale della grandi multinazionali e degli imperi finanziari,
e per svelare quindi la loro complessa strutturazione "a scatole
cinesi".
Troveremmo allora che gli interessi sono spesso trasversali, passano
attraverso i grandi Stati imperialisti, non possono sempre identificarsi
in uno di questi ne' in una loro ben definita coalizione.
Tuttavia, in qualche caso il contrasto e' netto e chiaro. Questo vale ad
esempio per gli interessi energetici, alla vigilia della "grande crisi"
del petrolio (cfr. A. Di Fazio su "Contro le nuove guerre", Odradek
2000), e quindi per i giganti del petrolio. Questo viene chiarito in
recentissimi articoli di Michael Chossudovsky, pubblicati pure sul
"Manifesto", dai quali e' tratta la maggiorparte delle informazioni che
seguono.
La cordata petrolifera angloamericana (BP-Amoco-ARCO, Chevron e Texaco)
si contrappone decisamente agli europei Total-Fina-Elf, ai quali
l'italiana ENI e' associata. Mentre questi ultimi sono "arrivati prima"
in Asia Centrale (es. Kazakistan) ed i loro rappresentanti politici (UE)
perseguono una politica di avvicinamento alla Russia, gli
anglo-americani sono in prima linea nell'interventismo militare e di
intelligence nei Balcani, allo scopo di porre sotto il loro controllo le
vie di comunicazione.
Per questo motivo, mentre il Corridoio 10 (Danubio) e' stato reso
inagibile con i bombardamenti del 1999, e viste le incognite armena e
curda sulla direttrice che dovrebbe portare il petrolio direttamente al
Mediterraneo (Baku-Cehyan), il terrorismo legato agli USA ed alla stessa
Turchia tiene in scacco il Caucaso, mettendo la Russia fuori gioco, e
condiziona i giochi nella penisola balcanica.
Il petrolio dovrebbe passare attraverso il Mar Nero, arrivare in
Bulgaria, a Burgas. Qui ha inizio il Corridoio 8, che termina a Valona
in Albania. La Macedonia e' proprio in mezzo.
All'inizio del 2000, la Commissione Europea aveva avviato con la
Bulgaria, la Macedonia e l'Albania le negoziazioni per l'ingresso nella
UE. Nell'aprile del 2001, la Macedonia era diventata il primo paese nei
Balcani a firmare un cosiddetto "accordo di stabilizzazione e
associazione". Ecco perche', proprio negli stessi giorni, il terrorismo
dell'UCK, armato ed addestrato adesso soprattutto dagli angloamericani,
esplodeva in tutta la sua violenza, per portare viceversa il paese alla
de-stabilizzazione e per allontanarlo dalla UE. Ecco perche' il capo
della missione OSCE in Macedonia Robert Frowick ha voluto legittimare
l'UCK come interlocutore e porre la Macedonia sotto il ricatto: o
cambiate la Costituzione, ponendo le premesse per lo smembramento del
paese, oppure il terrorismo continuera'. Ecco perche', secondo vari
osservatori, tra l'UCK e gli europei (specialmente i tedeschi) in
Macedonia i rapporti non sarebbero idilliaci.
Nel frattempo, il colosso energetico angloamericano ha creato un
consorzio (progetto AMBO) per la realizzazione di un oleodotto ed altre
infrastrutture proprio lungo il Corridoio 8, sottoscrivendo accordi ad
hoc con Bulgaria, Macedonia ed Albania, che escludono in larga misura
gli europei da qualsivoglia iniziativa... Il consorzio AMBO ha sede
legale negli USA ed e' direttamente collegato al potere
politico-militare statunitense. Ad esempio, la Hallibuton Energy
(societa' del vicepresidente Dick Cheney) e' appaltatrice per le
forniture e per la stessa costruzione della base di Camp Bondsteel in
Kosovo. La stessa famiglia Bush e' fortemente legata alla lobby del
petrolio.
Siamo quindi di fronte ad un esempio eclatante di sviluppo
contraddittorio degli interessi delle cordate imperialistiche, nel caso
specifico del petrolio. La NATO e' essa stessa ambito di mediazione
nello scontro tra angloamericani ed europei, specialmente
franco-tedeschi. In caso di rottura, l'Italia, economicamente legata
alla UE - si pensi al cruciale, prossimo passaggio dell'Euro! - ma
militarmente occupata dagli USA, come potrebbe uscirne fuori?
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
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----------------------------------------------------------------------
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*** T�moignage sur la deuxi�me audience du proc�s Milosevic
(Michel Collon)
*** PONOVO DEMONSTRACIJE U MOSKVI ZA MILOSEVICA
---
Subject: PONOVO DEMONSTRACIJE U MOSKVI ZA MILOSEVICA
Date: Fri, 26 Oct 2001 12:58:08 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Rezolucija
Uccesnika mitinga 23. Oktobra 2001.g.
Dossli smo pred zgradu Informativnog centra OUN da izrazimo protest
protiv nezakonitog represivnog rada takozvanog Hasskog tribunala, protiv
sramotne sudanije nad Predsednikom Jugoslavije Slobodanom Milosseviccem
i njegovim saborcima, protiv neosnovane optuzzbe srpske strane za
tragediju balkanskih naroda.
Optuzzujemo rukovodstvo SAD za namerno husskanje naroda Jugoslavije
jednih protiv drugih, za eskalaciju krvavog medjuetnicckog konflikta, za
patnju gradjana Balkanskog poluostrva. Zaradjujucci na prodaji oruzzja i
vojne tehnike stranama u sukobu (Hrvatima i Muslimanima), americcki
oligarsi su joss visse raspirivali plamen krvavog bratoubilacckog rata u
Bosni i Hrvatskoj, koji je zaustavljen samo zahvaljujucci naporima
Slobodana Milossevicca.
Mi optuzzujemo SAD i NATO da su aktivno podrzzavali teroriste u tom
regionu, pruzzali im diplomatsku i vojnu pomocc. Oni su pokussavali da
albanske ekstremiste-ubice predstave kao nevine zzrtve i samim tim
opravdaju svoje zloccinaccko delovanje protiv Jugoslavije.
Mi optuzzujemo zemlje NATO-a za smrt hiljada civila Jugoslavije, za
russenje industrije i infrastrukture zemlje tokom varvarskog
bombardovanja 1999. godine. Rukovodioci zemalja NATO-a su, primenjujucci
tokom te agresije oruzzje s uranskim bojevim glavama, nanosili
nepopravivu sstetu ne samo sadassnjim vecc i buduccim pokolenjima
Jugoslavije. Organizatori te zloccinaccke kampanje moraju biti pozvani
na odgovornost za krssenje pravila vodjenja rata i genocid nad srpskim
narodom!
Mi optuzzujemo Hasski tribunal zbog toga ssto je formiran na inicijativu
agresora uz krssenje Povelje OUN, ssto ga finansira krupni americcki
kapital i ssto sluzzi kao orudje za obraccun u rukama natovskih krvnika.
Mi optuzzujemo nelegitimnu hassku sudaniju za otvoreno falsifikovanje
optuzzbi protiv Predsednika Milossevicca i njegovih saboraca. Srpski
rodoljubi su krivi samo zato ssto su se borili za nezavisnost i
dostojanstvo svoje Otadzzbine, ssto su branili pravo naroda da zzivi
samostalno, a ne po nalogu Vassingtona.
Mi optuzzujemo rukovodstvo OUN zato ssto ne spreccava bezoccnu agresivnu
politiku SAD-NATO i fakticcki predstavlja marionetu u rukama agresora.
Mi apelujemo na cclanove Saveta bezbednosti OUN da pokrenu pitanje
hitnog raspusstanja takozvanog Medjunarodnog tribunala za vojne zloccine
u Jugoslaviji kao nelegitimnog organa koji sluzzi samo za obraccun sa
nepozzeljnim politiccarima.
Predsednik Jugoslavije S. Milossevicc koji je zemlju branio od
terorizma, mora biti odmah oslobodjen, a nelegitimni hasski tribunal
koji brani teroriste i koji nijednog od njih nije pozvao na odgovornost
- mora biti raspussten!
NATOvske krvnike koji su bombardovali srpske gradove - na sud!
Slobodu srpskim rodoljubima - suzznjima NATOfassisticckih zatvora!
Dole lazni sud u Hagu!
---
----- Original Message -----
From: Roger ROMAIN
Sent: Friday, August 31, 2001 6:52 PM
Subject: T�moignage de Michel Collon sur la deuxi�me audience du proc�s
Milosevic
�Qui a peur de la v�rit� ?�
T�moignage sur la deuxi�me audience du proc�s Milosevic
Michel Collon
LA HAYE - 30 ao�t - Pour avoir une chance d'assister, il faut attendre
longtemps � l'entr�e du b�timent du TPI, transform� en camp retranch�
par de hautes grilles et les policiers de l'ONU. Car le TPI a choisi une
salle tr�s petite, r�servant 80 places aux journalistes accr�dit�s, 30
aux personnalit�s qu'il invite et seulement... 20 au public.
M�me les avocats yougoslaves venus assister Milosevic � sa demande sont
forc�s, comme moi, de faire la file tr�s t�t matin pour avoir une chance
d'�tre admis. En attendant, la "c�l�bre" Christiane Amonpour (CNN) vient
les cuisiner. Manifestement, seul le "croustillant" l'int�resse. Elle
jubile en apprenant que Milosevic �coute des CD, surtout de la musique
moderne am�ricaine. �Sinatra ? Oh, wonderful! I'll use that!� Et voil�
comment sera "inform�" son public, soigneusement laiss�, par contre,
dans l'ignorance des arguments juridiques solides avanc�s contre le TPI
et son dossier d'accusation (international/balkans).
Du tribunal, le public est enti�rement s�par� par un mur de verre: les
trois juges en rouge, les six procureurs en noir et leurss greffiers
semblent flotter dans un aquarium. C'est d'ailleurs vers le public que
regarde le plus souvent Milosevic. Complet sombre, cravate bleu blanc
rouge (les couleurs de son pays) et expression ferme quoique semblant
fatigu� par les conditions de d�tention: surveillance cam�ra, aucune
intimit�, une lumi�re allum�e 24 heures sur 24 dans la cellule...
�Quand l'accusation sera-t-elle pr�te?�, demande le pr�sident � la
procureur Del Ponte. �Difficile � dire, il nous faudra sans doute encore
plus de deux mois�. Plus tard, Milosevic ironisera: �Deux ans et demi
apr�s m'avoir faussement accus�, vous n'�tes toujours pas pr�te!�
Que Milosevic ne reconnaisse pas ce "tribunal" et refuse de choisir un
avocat, g�ne manifestement. Le pr�sident voudrait lui en d�signer un
d'office tout en disant que ce ne serait "pas vraiment" son conseil. Ca
patauge plut�t. Enfin, le pr�sident donne la parole � l'accus�.
- �D�sirez-vous soulever d'autres questions?�
�Ca d�pend. Puis-je parler ou allez-vous, comme la premi�re fois,
tourner le bouton de mon microphone? Pouvons-nous communiquer comme des
personnes civilis�es ?�
(...)
�Je souhaite parler sur l'ill�galit� du tribunal. J'ai pr�par� un
m�moire. Ca prendrait 40 minutes.�
�Vous en avez d�j� parl�.�
�Si vous ne me laissez pas parler, distribuez au moins mon m�moire � la
presse.�
Pas de r�ponse claire. Milosevic reprend: �Je ne vois pas pourquoi je
devrais me d�fendre devant ce tribunal ill�gal et envers une fause
accusation.
Mais je voudrais vous questionner sur mes conditions de d�tention. Je
suis en isolement total : pourquoi ma famille ne peut-elle me visiter
quand elle le souhaite, pourquoi les visites sont-elles surveill�es et
les conversations enregistr�es, m�me avec mon petit-fils de deux ans et
demi ? Pourquoi ne puis-je discuter avec mes avocats concernant mes
affaires personnelles en Yougoslavie ?�
Le pr�sident : �Ce sont les r�gles. Le probl�me est que vous n'avez pas
d�sign� d'avocat.� Utilise-t-on les conditions de d�tention comme
pression pour forcer Milosevic � "s'int�grer" dans le proc�s ?
�Pourquoi suis-je isol� de la presse ? Chaque jour, on imprime des
mensonges sur moi, et je ne peux r�pondre. Si des journalistes veulent
conna�tre la v�rit�, personne n'a de raison d'avoir peur de la v�rit�!
Vous n'�tes pas un tribunal, vous �tes un instrument politique�, accuse
Milosevic. A nouveau, le pr�sident pousse le bouton pour lui couper son
micro. Je vois que Milosevic continue � parler, mais constate que cela
ne passe pas sur les �crans TV qui diffusent en direct. Le r�alisateur a
d�cid� de montrer seulement les juges.
Lesquels sortent pr�cipitamment apr�s report� le proc�s au 29 octobre.
Dans le public, domine une impression de confusion. Va-t-on tra�ner
l'affaire en longueur ? Un journaliste de Belgrade, proche du nouveau
r�gime pourtant, remarque : �Milosevic �tait poliquement mort. Mais ici,
vu sa r�sistance ferme, on lui offre un come-back.�
De quoi r�fl�chir. A Belgrade, le prix du pain est pass� de 3,5 � 20
dinars, 170.000 familles ruin�es sont priv�es d'�lectricit�, le nouveau
r�gime a d��u tout le monde et se d�chire... On ne peut donc s'emp�cher
de penser qu'il s'agit bien d'un proc�s politique. D'autant que le seul
accus� est celui qui a os� r�sister � l'Otan tandis que sombrent aux
oubliettes les crimes, pourtant bien connus et prouv�s, des prot�g�s de
l'Otan : hauts dirigeants croates et musulmans entre 91 et 95, le
g�n�ral albanais Agim Ceku en 95 et depuis 99... Et surtout les crimes
de l'Otan elle-m�me, violant maintes conventions internationales en
99...
Proc�s ou cirque? Quoi qu'on pense sur ce qui s'est r�ellement pass� en
Yougoslavie, et sur la mani�re dont nous en avons �t� "inform�s", on ne
peut nier que les droits de l'accus� ne sont gu�re respect�s. De mes
�tudes de droit, dans ma jeunesse, me revient une maxime conseillant �
qui veut bien juger: "Et audi alteram partem" (Ecoute aussi l'autre
partie). Qui pense avoir r�ellement entendu la version de cette autre
partie ?
---
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(Michel Collon)
*** PONOVO DEMONSTRACIJE U MOSKVI ZA MILOSEVICA
---
Subject: PONOVO DEMONSTRACIJE U MOSKVI ZA MILOSEVICA
Date: Fri, 26 Oct 2001 12:58:08 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Rezolucija
Uccesnika mitinga 23. Oktobra 2001.g.
Dossli smo pred zgradu Informativnog centra OUN da izrazimo protest
protiv nezakonitog represivnog rada takozvanog Hasskog tribunala, protiv
sramotne sudanije nad Predsednikom Jugoslavije Slobodanom Milosseviccem
i njegovim saborcima, protiv neosnovane optuzzbe srpske strane za
tragediju balkanskih naroda.
Optuzzujemo rukovodstvo SAD za namerno husskanje naroda Jugoslavije
jednih protiv drugih, za eskalaciju krvavog medjuetnicckog konflikta, za
patnju gradjana Balkanskog poluostrva. Zaradjujucci na prodaji oruzzja i
vojne tehnike stranama u sukobu (Hrvatima i Muslimanima), americcki
oligarsi su joss visse raspirivali plamen krvavog bratoubilacckog rata u
Bosni i Hrvatskoj, koji je zaustavljen samo zahvaljujucci naporima
Slobodana Milossevicca.
Mi optuzzujemo SAD i NATO da su aktivno podrzzavali teroriste u tom
regionu, pruzzali im diplomatsku i vojnu pomocc. Oni su pokussavali da
albanske ekstremiste-ubice predstave kao nevine zzrtve i samim tim
opravdaju svoje zloccinaccko delovanje protiv Jugoslavije.
Mi optuzzujemo zemlje NATO-a za smrt hiljada civila Jugoslavije, za
russenje industrije i infrastrukture zemlje tokom varvarskog
bombardovanja 1999. godine. Rukovodioci zemalja NATO-a su, primenjujucci
tokom te agresije oruzzje s uranskim bojevim glavama, nanosili
nepopravivu sstetu ne samo sadassnjim vecc i buduccim pokolenjima
Jugoslavije. Organizatori te zloccinaccke kampanje moraju biti pozvani
na odgovornost za krssenje pravila vodjenja rata i genocid nad srpskim
narodom!
Mi optuzzujemo Hasski tribunal zbog toga ssto je formiran na inicijativu
agresora uz krssenje Povelje OUN, ssto ga finansira krupni americcki
kapital i ssto sluzzi kao orudje za obraccun u rukama natovskih krvnika.
Mi optuzzujemo nelegitimnu hassku sudaniju za otvoreno falsifikovanje
optuzzbi protiv Predsednika Milossevicca i njegovih saboraca. Srpski
rodoljubi su krivi samo zato ssto su se borili za nezavisnost i
dostojanstvo svoje Otadzzbine, ssto su branili pravo naroda da zzivi
samostalno, a ne po nalogu Vassingtona.
Mi optuzzujemo rukovodstvo OUN zato ssto ne spreccava bezoccnu agresivnu
politiku SAD-NATO i fakticcki predstavlja marionetu u rukama agresora.
Mi apelujemo na cclanove Saveta bezbednosti OUN da pokrenu pitanje
hitnog raspusstanja takozvanog Medjunarodnog tribunala za vojne zloccine
u Jugoslaviji kao nelegitimnog organa koji sluzzi samo za obraccun sa
nepozzeljnim politiccarima.
Predsednik Jugoslavije S. Milossevicc koji je zemlju branio od
terorizma, mora biti odmah oslobodjen, a nelegitimni hasski tribunal
koji brani teroriste i koji nijednog od njih nije pozvao na odgovornost
- mora biti raspussten!
NATOvske krvnike koji su bombardovali srpske gradove - na sud!
Slobodu srpskim rodoljubima - suzznjima NATOfassisticckih zatvora!
Dole lazni sud u Hagu!
---
----- Original Message -----
From: Roger ROMAIN
Sent: Friday, August 31, 2001 6:52 PM
Subject: T�moignage de Michel Collon sur la deuxi�me audience du proc�s
Milosevic
�Qui a peur de la v�rit� ?�
T�moignage sur la deuxi�me audience du proc�s Milosevic
Michel Collon
LA HAYE - 30 ao�t - Pour avoir une chance d'assister, il faut attendre
longtemps � l'entr�e du b�timent du TPI, transform� en camp retranch�
par de hautes grilles et les policiers de l'ONU. Car le TPI a choisi une
salle tr�s petite, r�servant 80 places aux journalistes accr�dit�s, 30
aux personnalit�s qu'il invite et seulement... 20 au public.
M�me les avocats yougoslaves venus assister Milosevic � sa demande sont
forc�s, comme moi, de faire la file tr�s t�t matin pour avoir une chance
d'�tre admis. En attendant, la "c�l�bre" Christiane Amonpour (CNN) vient
les cuisiner. Manifestement, seul le "croustillant" l'int�resse. Elle
jubile en apprenant que Milosevic �coute des CD, surtout de la musique
moderne am�ricaine. �Sinatra ? Oh, wonderful! I'll use that!� Et voil�
comment sera "inform�" son public, soigneusement laiss�, par contre,
dans l'ignorance des arguments juridiques solides avanc�s contre le TPI
et son dossier d'accusation (international/balkans).
Du tribunal, le public est enti�rement s�par� par un mur de verre: les
trois juges en rouge, les six procureurs en noir et leurss greffiers
semblent flotter dans un aquarium. C'est d'ailleurs vers le public que
regarde le plus souvent Milosevic. Complet sombre, cravate bleu blanc
rouge (les couleurs de son pays) et expression ferme quoique semblant
fatigu� par les conditions de d�tention: surveillance cam�ra, aucune
intimit�, une lumi�re allum�e 24 heures sur 24 dans la cellule...
�Quand l'accusation sera-t-elle pr�te?�, demande le pr�sident � la
procureur Del Ponte. �Difficile � dire, il nous faudra sans doute encore
plus de deux mois�. Plus tard, Milosevic ironisera: �Deux ans et demi
apr�s m'avoir faussement accus�, vous n'�tes toujours pas pr�te!�
Que Milosevic ne reconnaisse pas ce "tribunal" et refuse de choisir un
avocat, g�ne manifestement. Le pr�sident voudrait lui en d�signer un
d'office tout en disant que ce ne serait "pas vraiment" son conseil. Ca
patauge plut�t. Enfin, le pr�sident donne la parole � l'accus�.
- �D�sirez-vous soulever d'autres questions?�
�Ca d�pend. Puis-je parler ou allez-vous, comme la premi�re fois,
tourner le bouton de mon microphone? Pouvons-nous communiquer comme des
personnes civilis�es ?�
(...)
�Je souhaite parler sur l'ill�galit� du tribunal. J'ai pr�par� un
m�moire. Ca prendrait 40 minutes.�
�Vous en avez d�j� parl�.�
�Si vous ne me laissez pas parler, distribuez au moins mon m�moire � la
presse.�
Pas de r�ponse claire. Milosevic reprend: �Je ne vois pas pourquoi je
devrais me d�fendre devant ce tribunal ill�gal et envers une fause
accusation.
Mais je voudrais vous questionner sur mes conditions de d�tention. Je
suis en isolement total : pourquoi ma famille ne peut-elle me visiter
quand elle le souhaite, pourquoi les visites sont-elles surveill�es et
les conversations enregistr�es, m�me avec mon petit-fils de deux ans et
demi ? Pourquoi ne puis-je discuter avec mes avocats concernant mes
affaires personnelles en Yougoslavie ?�
Le pr�sident : �Ce sont les r�gles. Le probl�me est que vous n'avez pas
d�sign� d'avocat.� Utilise-t-on les conditions de d�tention comme
pression pour forcer Milosevic � "s'int�grer" dans le proc�s ?
�Pourquoi suis-je isol� de la presse ? Chaque jour, on imprime des
mensonges sur moi, et je ne peux r�pondre. Si des journalistes veulent
conna�tre la v�rit�, personne n'a de raison d'avoir peur de la v�rit�!
Vous n'�tes pas un tribunal, vous �tes un instrument politique�, accuse
Milosevic. A nouveau, le pr�sident pousse le bouton pour lui couper son
micro. Je vois que Milosevic continue � parler, mais constate que cela
ne passe pas sur les �crans TV qui diffusent en direct. Le r�alisateur a
d�cid� de montrer seulement les juges.
Lesquels sortent pr�cipitamment apr�s report� le proc�s au 29 octobre.
Dans le public, domine une impression de confusion. Va-t-on tra�ner
l'affaire en longueur ? Un journaliste de Belgrade, proche du nouveau
r�gime pourtant, remarque : �Milosevic �tait poliquement mort. Mais ici,
vu sa r�sistance ferme, on lui offre un come-back.�
De quoi r�fl�chir. A Belgrade, le prix du pain est pass� de 3,5 � 20
dinars, 170.000 familles ruin�es sont priv�es d'�lectricit�, le nouveau
r�gime a d��u tout le monde et se d�chire... On ne peut donc s'emp�cher
de penser qu'il s'agit bien d'un proc�s politique. D'autant que le seul
accus� est celui qui a os� r�sister � l'Otan tandis que sombrent aux
oubliettes les crimes, pourtant bien connus et prouv�s, des prot�g�s de
l'Otan : hauts dirigeants croates et musulmans entre 91 et 95, le
g�n�ral albanais Agim Ceku en 95 et depuis 99... Et surtout les crimes
de l'Otan elle-m�me, violant maintes conventions internationales en
99...
Proc�s ou cirque? Quoi qu'on pense sur ce qui s'est r�ellement pass� en
Yougoslavie, et sur la mani�re dont nous en avons �t� "inform�s", on ne
peut nier que les droits de l'accus� ne sont gu�re respect�s. De mes
�tudes de droit, dans ma jeunesse, me revient une maxime conseillant �
qui veut bien juger: "Et audi alteram partem" (Ecoute aussi l'autre
partie). Qui pense avoir r�ellement entendu la version de cette autre
partie ?
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
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PROCESSI CONTRO LA NATO PER CRIMINI DI GUERRA:
IL CASO CANADESE
INDICTING NATO FOR WAR CRIMES:
THE CANADIAN CASE
---
> http://www.ottawacitizen.com/national/010113/
5094984.html
> http://www.nationalpost.com/news/
national/story.html?f=/stories/20010113/436178.html
National - Ottawa Citizen Online
Saturday 13 January 2001
Serbs win right to sue Canada
Expatriates want $75M for NATO bombing
Tom Blackwell
The Ottawa Citizen
TORONTO -- In what's being hailed as a
precedent-setting ruling, a group of mostly
expatriate Serbs has won the right to sue the
Canadian government over NATO's bombing of
their homeland.
A Superior Court of Ontario judge this week
rejected a request by federal lawyers to toss
the case out before it even gets to trial.
It marks the first time a Canadian court has
given the go-ahead to a suit that deals with
Canada's actions in a foreign land, Emilio
Binavince, lawyer for the Serb nationals and
Serb-Canadians, said yesterday.
A similar lawsuit by relatives of a Somalian
teenager beaten to death by Canadian soldiers
was not allowed to proceed, he noted.
"This is a great victory," Mr. Binavince said
after the judge's ruling.
"For the first time, a wrong committed by the
Canadian government outside the country is the
subject of a suit (that's proceeding to
trial)."
The claim was launched by 50 Canadians of
Serbian origin and seven Serb nationals over
the NATO bombing campaign against the country
in the spring of 1999.
Eighteen Canadian CF-18 Hornet jet fighters
took part in the air strikes, accounting for
about 10 per cent of the 6,700 sorties flown
by war planes of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
The attacks were designed to pressure Slobodan
Milosevic, then president of Serbia, to end
attacks on ethnic Albanians in the district of
Kosovo.
Mr. Milosevic was later indicted as a war
criminal by an international tribunal, and
then overthrown last year in a bloodless
uprising.
But the suit alleges that Canada violated both
international law and the Charter of Rights
and Freedoms by taking part in the campaign.
It demands $75 million in compensation for
deaths, injuries and property damage suffered
by the plaintiffs and their relatives in
Serbia.
Among other things, the federal government had
claimed that individuals cannot sue Canada
over its obligations under international law,
arguing that only other countries can do so.
Justice Gordon Sedgwick of the Superior Court
disagreed.
"They are not seeking to enforce an
international obligation of Canada," Judge
Sedgwick said in his judgment.
"They are asking this court to determine
whether the allegedly 'illegal' actions of
Canadian ministers and civilian and military
officials in participating in the NATO
bombardments of Yugoslavia ... may be
characterized as wrongful acts (for the
purposes of a suit in the courts here). I am
not persuaded that they are prohibited by law
from doing so."
Judge Sedgwick also rejected federal arguments
that Canadian courts can't rule on issues
involving the government's "royal prerogative"
to participate in foreign affairs and
international military actions.
Ed Sojonky, the senior Justice Department
lawyer representing Canada in the case, said
the government will decide within a couple of
weeks whether to appeal, but in the meantime
he wouldn't comment on the ruling.
"Our position has always been that there is no
merit to the claim," he said.
The judgment wasn't all positive for the
Serbs. Judge Sedgwick gave the plaintiffs 60
days to update their statement of claim to
spell out exactly how each of them was
directly affected by the bombing.
---
==========================================Von: petar <petar@...>
Datum: 2001/01/13 Sat AM 05:11:47 CET
An: w.schulz@...
Betreff: Re: Court Decision / Endorcement in
regard to our Lawsuit
COURT FILE NO.: 99-CV-1 1304 DATE: 20010110
SUPERIOR COURT OF JUSTICE - ONTARIO
RE: STEVAN ALEKSLC ET AL v. THE ATTORNEY
GENERAL OF CANADA
BEFORE:
COUNSEL:
SEDOWICK J.
Edward R. Sojonky, Q.C. and Elizabeth
Richards, for the defendant (moving party) and
Emilio S. Binavince, for the plaintiffs
(respondents)
ENDORSEMENT
Seduwick J.:
(1] The defendant moves to strike out the
plaintiff's statement of claim in this action
with costs.
[2] The statement of claim was issued on
September 15, 1999. There are 57 plaintiffs.
The ~0 plaintiffs identified as "Part A
Plaintiffs" are citizens or permanent
residents/landed immigrants resident in Canada
of Yugoslav heritage, 5 of them having dual
Canadian/Yugoslav citizenship's. The 7
remaining plaintiff identified as "Part B
Plaintiffs" are Yugoslav citizens resident in
Kosovo/Serbia/Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
('Yugoslavia").
[3] The statement of claim alleges that from
March 24 to June 1, 1999, Canada participated
in missile and aerial bombardments and the
military occupation of parts of Yugoslavia by
armed forces of the members of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization ('~ATO") in
relation to internal civil strife in Kosovo.
These actions were allegedly carried out by
the Ministers and officials of the Department
of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and
of the Department of National Defense. Their
actions are alleged to be contrary to
customary and Conventional international law
incl6ding the United Nations Charter and the
Kellogg-Briand Pact, 1928. Their "illegal
acts" are common law torts and infringements
of rights under the Charter of Canadian Rights
and Freedoms (the "Charter').
[4] The Part A Plaintiffs seek general damages
of $50,000,000 together with special damages
and exemplary or punitive damages of
$10,000,000 for tort under S. 3(a) of the
Crown Liability and Proceedings Act "CLPA")
and as a remedy under S. 24(1) of the Charter.
Specific infringements of Charter rights are
alleged in paragraph 15 of the statement of
claim as to 5. 7 of the Charter and in
paragraph 16, as to 5.15 of the Charter It is
alleged that at all material times during the
bombardment period these plaintiffs
"sojourned21 in Yugoslavia or had family or
relatives living there or had contractual
relations with persons living or doing
business there. -2-
[5] The Part B Plaintiffs, all residents of
Yugoslavia, seek general damages of
$15,000,000 together with special damages and
exemplary or punitive damages of $1,000,000
for ton under S. 3(a) of the CLPA.
(6] All p1ainti~ seek interest in accordance
with the CLPA and their costs On a
solicitor/client scale. In the statement of
claim, the plaintiffs also seek an injunction
to restrain the Government of Canada from
using public funds to participate in NATO
military actions directed to aggressive war or
the occupation of any part of Yugoslavia other
than for humanitarian purposes. The claim for
injunctive relief is probably moot and, in
event, was not canvassed to any degree before
me. The gist of this action is the plaintiffs'
claims for damages.
[7] As to the tort claims of all plaintiffs
under S. 3(a) of the CILPA based on the
alleged "illegal acts" of Ministers and
officials of the Government of Canada (see
para. [3] above), damages are claimed for the
common law tons of assault and battery,
intimidation, intentional infliction of
nervous shock, negligence and interference
with contractual arid business interests and
relations with others.
[8] Separate Charter and tort claims are
pleaded for:
(a) unlawful expenditure of public funds for
other than lawfi'1 or constitutionally valid
purposes; (b) unlawful use by NATO armed
forces of weapons with toxic radioactive
components including depleted uranium contrary
to international law; (c) unlawful use by
NATO armed forces of area weapons including
cluster bombs contrary to international law;
and (d) unlawful destruction or damage to
factories, warehouses and other storage
facilities and refineries used to store or
process chemically dangerous toxic or
carcinogenic substances.
[9] The defendant moves to strike out the
statement of claim under Rule 21.01(1)(b) of
the Rules of Civil Procedure on the ground
that it discloses no reasonable cause of
action. The defendant also moves to have this
action dismissed under Rule 21 .01(3)(a) and
(d) on grounds that the court has no
jurisdiction over, the subject matter of the
action and that the action is frivolous and
vexatious or otherwise an abuse of the process
of the court,
[10] The test to be applied to determine
whether the statement of claim in this action
ought to be struck out may be stated in these
terms. Taking the material facts pleaded as
proven, do they disclose a reasonable cause of
action, do they disclose a reasonable cause of
action, that is, one "with some chance of
success"; or is it "plain and obvious that the
action cannot succeed"? Operation Dismantle
Inc. teat V. The Queen (1985] 1 S.C.R. 441 at
486-7 (per Wilson J.), Citing Drummond-Jackyon
v. British Medical Association f1970] I All
E.R. 1084 and Dawson v. Government of Canada
(1981) 37 N.R. 127, 138 (Fed. C.A.) per LeDain
3. A "plain and obvious" case has been
described as one where the court is satisfied
that "the case is beyond doubt'. Canada (A. C)
V. mutt Tapirisar of Canada [1980] 2 S.C.R.
735, 740 (per Estey 3.) citing RQSS ~ Scottish
Union. and National Insurance Co. (1920), 47
O.L.R. 308 (Ont. 3- App Div.). Novelty or
complexity of a cause of action pleaded in a
statement of claim ought not to weigh against
the plaintiff on a motion to strike a
statement of claim. Nor ought such a motion be
allowed on a question of law which has not
been hilly settled in the decided cases.
[11] In applying the test, the court is
"obliged to read the statement of claim as
generously as possible and to accommodate any
inadequacies in the form of the allegations
which are merely the result of drafting
deficiencies". (Operation Dismantle case, op.
cit, 451, per Dickson J.] as he then was.
however, what are to be taken as proven in the
statement of claim are the material facts, not
conclusions of law or allegations of possible
consequences of alleged wrongful acts that are
based only on assumptions or speculations
which by their very nature cannot be proven as
true by adducing evidence. (Operation
Dismantle case, op. cit., 455, per Dickson J.).
[12] In the Operation Dismantle case, the
Supreme Court of Canada considered whether the
appellants'' statement of claim should be
struck out as disclosing no reasonable cause
of action. The appellants alleged that a
decision made by the Canadian government to
allow the United States to test cruise
missiles in Canada violated or threatened to
violate 5.7 of the Charter. Declamatory
relief, an injunction and damages were sought
in the statement of claim. A judge of the
Federal Court, Trial Division dismissed the
motion to strike. The Federal Court of Appeal
reversed his decision, struck the statement of
claim and dismissed the action. A flintier
appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada was
dismissed. In dismissing the appeal, however,
the Court affirmed that decisions of the
executive branch of the Canadian government
are reviewable by the courts under 5. 32(l)(a)
of the Charter even though they raise what may
be characterized as "political questions" and
are exercises of the royal prerogative.
[13] The defendant moving party submits that
the statement of claim in this action does not
meet the test outlined in paragraphs [10] and
[11] above, First, the defendant says that the
issues raised in this action are not
justifiable in a Canadian court because they
include issues of international law which are
political in nature involving the exercise of
the royal prerogative in the realms of foreign
affairs and participation in international
military actions. It is submitted that these
are issues which are inherently incapable of
adjudication or review by a court of law, or
if not incapable, at least unsuitable for such
adjudication or review. As a matter of law,
this submission is, in my view, inconsistent
with the Operation Dismantle case; and as a
matter of discretion, I would not strike the
statement of claim on this ground.
[14] Second, the defendant says that the
actions of the Canadian ministers and civilian
and military officials of which the plaintiffs
complain were taken in the exercise of royal
prerogative powers in foreign affairs and the
disposition and control of Canada's armed
forces. It is submitted that the exercise of
prerogative powers in these particular matters
is not subject to review in a Canadian court
although the exercise of some prerogative
powers may be subject to judicial review under
the Charter. As a matter of law, the
submission that any exercise of prerogative
powers is not subject to judicial review is,
in my view, too sweeping and inconsistent with
the Operation Dismantle case; and as a matter
of discretion, I would not strike the
statement of claim on this ground. See also
Hogg v. Monahan: liability of the Crown (3~
Ed), 19. -4
[15] Third, the defendant says that this court
does not have jurisdiction to determine the
legality of actions of Canadian ministers and
civilian and military officials according to
international law. Obligations by a state
under international law are only owed to and
enforceable by other states, not individuals.
In its application to the statement of claim
in this action, this submission is, in my
view, entirely too broad. In their action, the
plaintiffs are not seeking a remedy against
another state. "'hey are not seeking to
enforce an international obligation of Canada.
They are asking this court to determine
whether the allegedly "illegal" actions of
Canadian ministers and civilian and military
officials in participating in the NATO
bombardments of Yugoslavia and the subsequent
deployment of NATO forces in Kosovo may be
characterized as wrongful acts which are
actionable in damages or as violations of the
Charter. At this early stage of the action, I
am not persuaded that they are prohibited by
law from doing so. I would not strike the
statement of claim on this ground.
[16] As to the Charter, the defendant further
submits that the Charter does not apply to the
alleged "illegal' acts of the Canadian
ministers and civilian and military officials
in relation to the decisions and military
action of NATO and tat there are no
infringements of Charter fights in any event.
Allegations of infringements of rights under
ss. 7 and is of the Charter are made in the
statement of claim on behalf of the Part A
Plaintiffs only. It is not alleged that the
Part B Plaintiffs have any rights under the
Charter. As to the cause of action alleged on
behalf of all the plaintiffs in tort, the
defendant submits that it is speculative,
remote and related "to alleged causes of
action not known in tort law on these facts",
a conclusion which is also drawn in the
defendant's factum in relation to alleged
Charter infringements. In view of the decision
of the Supreme Court of Canada in the
Operation Dismantle case para. [12] above) and
the considerations of novelty, complexity and
unsettled law in applying the "plain and
obvious rest (para. [10] above)3 it would, in
my view be premature to strike the statement
of claim on these grounds at this stage of the
action.
[17) Rule 25,06(1) requires that "Every
pleading shall contain a concise statement of
the material facts upon which the party relies
for the claim or defense, ..." (emphasis
added). The statement of claim in this acti6n
is only marginally compliant with this
provision. This is not a class action. Each of
the plaintiffs has a separate and distinct
cause of action. As previously stated, the
gist of this action is the plaintiffs' damages
claim. No material facts are pleaded as to how
the individual plaintiffs were affected by the
actions of the Canadian ministers and
officials. The plaintiffs must plead the
material facts relating to each cause of
action, linking the alleged damages suffered
to the alleged wrongful acts. (Rule 25.06(9)).
This is not a deficiency which, in my view,
may be cured by particulars. This pleading is
now 15 months old and I would anticipate that
the alleged losses suffered by the plaintiffs
as a result of the alleged wrongful acts are
now identifiable. There are other deficiencies
in the statement of claim which I need not
particularize. The statement bf1clairri
requires amendment before this action proceeds
further. The plaintiffs are given leave to
amend their statement of claim 'within 60
days. I [18] The motion by the defendant to
strike the plaintiffs' claim and dismiss their
action is dismissed with cost. If the parties
are unable to agree as to costs the court is
prepared to fix them on a party/party scale
upon receiving the written submissions of
counsel within 30 days.
January 10, 2001
=============================================Von: petar <petar@...>
Datum: 2001/03/01 Thu AM 04:38:52 CET
An: (Recipient list suppressed)
Betreff: Press Conference, March 5th, 2001,
Ottawa, Canada
The Ottawa Serbian Heritage Society
3662 Albion Rd. South, Gloucester, Ontario,
K1T 1A3, serbian.heritage@...
PRESS CONFERENCE
Time: Monday, March 5, 2001, at 11:00 a.m.
Place: Charles Lynch Room, 130 C Centre
Block, Parliament Building,
Wellington Str., Ottawa
Press Release
A Question of Principle: Citizens Group to
Agree to Government Appeal in Bombing Lawsuit
OTTAWA, ONTARIO -- The Serbian Heritage
Society of Ottawa is one of the initiators of
the lawsuit against the Canadian government
regarding the bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999.
Among other demands, this suit seeks to stop
the Canadian government from any further
participation in NATO military actions pending
the determination of the legality of such
actions by the Canadian justice system. Many
of our members were born outside of Canada and
chose to come this country—to work,
live, and raise our children as
Canadians—because we believed in the
noble principles that are not only the
foundation of its constitutional system but
that also represent the core beliefs of its
people and the basis for its culture. These
principles, which include fundamental
convictions about the rule of law, fairness,
tolerance, and the peaceful resolution of
conflict, are the reason why Canada and
Canadians command so much respect throughout
the world. It is, of course, the civic duty of
every Canadian citizen to uphold and guard
these principles. However, for those of us who
understand from personal experience how
difficult they are to establish and how
difficult they are to sustain in today’s
conflict-ridden world, there is a particular
urgency to defend them when they are
threatened. Furthermore, when this threat
comes from very powerful individuals who are
at the very head of our government, this need
is even more compelling. The government is not
above the law. In the course of 78 days,
Canadian planes and Canadian pilots were
ordered to bomb an innocent and helpless
civilian population, to destroy their homes
and property, to poison their environment. The
result is compounded human misery, a
dangerously polluted habitat, expansion of
terrorist activity, and a destabilization of
the entire region. This act of war was
undertaken against a country that was at peace
with its neighbours and that was not
threatening either Canada or any of its
allies. It was done without a mandate from the
United Nations, the Parliament of Canada, or
the Canadian people. There cannot be any
clearer examples of wanton and irresponsible
exercise of power by an arrogant elite who
clearly consider themselves outside the law.
No one should be allowed to get away with
that; it is a threat to our fundamental
democratic rights and civil liberties.
Therefore, the principal issue of this suit is
not about money or personal gain of any kind.
Members of the Society have committed to
donate the bulk of any momentary compensation
that they might receive to charity. It is also
not about politics – our ethnic origin
is immaterial here. It is about principle and
about responsibility: the government is not
above the law. Conseqeuntly, our objective is
to have this crucial issue addressed at the
highest judicial level possible and as soon as
possible. We approach this litigation in good
faith and have instructed our lawyer, Dr.
Emilio Binavince, to agree to the
Government’s appeal for escalating the
case to a higher court. Our objective is
simple but fundamental: the people must
control the actions of the high and the
mighty, the Government is not and must not be
above the law.
This press release is issued by the Serbian
Heritage Society of Ottawa. The society and
its members can be contacted via e-mail at:
serbian.heritage@...
=============================================
---
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IL CASO CANADESE
INDICTING NATO FOR WAR CRIMES:
THE CANADIAN CASE
---
> http://www.ottawacitizen.com/national/010113/
5094984.html
> http://www.nationalpost.com/news/
national/story.html?f=/stories/20010113/436178.html
National - Ottawa Citizen Online
Saturday 13 January 2001
Serbs win right to sue Canada
Expatriates want $75M for NATO bombing
Tom Blackwell
The Ottawa Citizen
TORONTO -- In what's being hailed as a
precedent-setting ruling, a group of mostly
expatriate Serbs has won the right to sue the
Canadian government over NATO's bombing of
their homeland.
A Superior Court of Ontario judge this week
rejected a request by federal lawyers to toss
the case out before it even gets to trial.
It marks the first time a Canadian court has
given the go-ahead to a suit that deals with
Canada's actions in a foreign land, Emilio
Binavince, lawyer for the Serb nationals and
Serb-Canadians, said yesterday.
A similar lawsuit by relatives of a Somalian
teenager beaten to death by Canadian soldiers
was not allowed to proceed, he noted.
"This is a great victory," Mr. Binavince said
after the judge's ruling.
"For the first time, a wrong committed by the
Canadian government outside the country is the
subject of a suit (that's proceeding to
trial)."
The claim was launched by 50 Canadians of
Serbian origin and seven Serb nationals over
the NATO bombing campaign against the country
in the spring of 1999.
Eighteen Canadian CF-18 Hornet jet fighters
took part in the air strikes, accounting for
about 10 per cent of the 6,700 sorties flown
by war planes of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
The attacks were designed to pressure Slobodan
Milosevic, then president of Serbia, to end
attacks on ethnic Albanians in the district of
Kosovo.
Mr. Milosevic was later indicted as a war
criminal by an international tribunal, and
then overthrown last year in a bloodless
uprising.
But the suit alleges that Canada violated both
international law and the Charter of Rights
and Freedoms by taking part in the campaign.
It demands $75 million in compensation for
deaths, injuries and property damage suffered
by the plaintiffs and their relatives in
Serbia.
Among other things, the federal government had
claimed that individuals cannot sue Canada
over its obligations under international law,
arguing that only other countries can do so.
Justice Gordon Sedgwick of the Superior Court
disagreed.
"They are not seeking to enforce an
international obligation of Canada," Judge
Sedgwick said in his judgment.
"They are asking this court to determine
whether the allegedly 'illegal' actions of
Canadian ministers and civilian and military
officials in participating in the NATO
bombardments of Yugoslavia ... may be
characterized as wrongful acts (for the
purposes of a suit in the courts here). I am
not persuaded that they are prohibited by law
from doing so."
Judge Sedgwick also rejected federal arguments
that Canadian courts can't rule on issues
involving the government's "royal prerogative"
to participate in foreign affairs and
international military actions.
Ed Sojonky, the senior Justice Department
lawyer representing Canada in the case, said
the government will decide within a couple of
weeks whether to appeal, but in the meantime
he wouldn't comment on the ruling.
"Our position has always been that there is no
merit to the claim," he said.
The judgment wasn't all positive for the
Serbs. Judge Sedgwick gave the plaintiffs 60
days to update their statement of claim to
spell out exactly how each of them was
directly affected by the bombing.
---
==========================================Von: petar <petar@...>
Datum: 2001/01/13 Sat AM 05:11:47 CET
An: w.schulz@...
Betreff: Re: Court Decision / Endorcement in
regard to our Lawsuit
COURT FILE NO.: 99-CV-1 1304 DATE: 20010110
SUPERIOR COURT OF JUSTICE - ONTARIO
RE: STEVAN ALEKSLC ET AL v. THE ATTORNEY
GENERAL OF CANADA
BEFORE:
COUNSEL:
SEDOWICK J.
Edward R. Sojonky, Q.C. and Elizabeth
Richards, for the defendant (moving party) and
Emilio S. Binavince, for the plaintiffs
(respondents)
ENDORSEMENT
Seduwick J.:
(1] The defendant moves to strike out the
plaintiff's statement of claim in this action
with costs.
[2] The statement of claim was issued on
September 15, 1999. There are 57 plaintiffs.
The ~0 plaintiffs identified as "Part A
Plaintiffs" are citizens or permanent
residents/landed immigrants resident in Canada
of Yugoslav heritage, 5 of them having dual
Canadian/Yugoslav citizenship's. The 7
remaining plaintiff identified as "Part B
Plaintiffs" are Yugoslav citizens resident in
Kosovo/Serbia/Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
('Yugoslavia").
[3] The statement of claim alleges that from
March 24 to June 1, 1999, Canada participated
in missile and aerial bombardments and the
military occupation of parts of Yugoslavia by
armed forces of the members of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization ('~ATO") in
relation to internal civil strife in Kosovo.
These actions were allegedly carried out by
the Ministers and officials of the Department
of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and
of the Department of National Defense. Their
actions are alleged to be contrary to
customary and Conventional international law
incl6ding the United Nations Charter and the
Kellogg-Briand Pact, 1928. Their "illegal
acts" are common law torts and infringements
of rights under the Charter of Canadian Rights
and Freedoms (the "Charter').
[4] The Part A Plaintiffs seek general damages
of $50,000,000 together with special damages
and exemplary or punitive damages of
$10,000,000 for tort under S. 3(a) of the
Crown Liability and Proceedings Act "CLPA")
and as a remedy under S. 24(1) of the Charter.
Specific infringements of Charter rights are
alleged in paragraph 15 of the statement of
claim as to 5. 7 of the Charter and in
paragraph 16, as to 5.15 of the Charter It is
alleged that at all material times during the
bombardment period these plaintiffs
"sojourned21 in Yugoslavia or had family or
relatives living there or had contractual
relations with persons living or doing
business there. -2-
[5] The Part B Plaintiffs, all residents of
Yugoslavia, seek general damages of
$15,000,000 together with special damages and
exemplary or punitive damages of $1,000,000
for ton under S. 3(a) of the CLPA.
(6] All p1ainti~ seek interest in accordance
with the CLPA and their costs On a
solicitor/client scale. In the statement of
claim, the plaintiffs also seek an injunction
to restrain the Government of Canada from
using public funds to participate in NATO
military actions directed to aggressive war or
the occupation of any part of Yugoslavia other
than for humanitarian purposes. The claim for
injunctive relief is probably moot and, in
event, was not canvassed to any degree before
me. The gist of this action is the plaintiffs'
claims for damages.
[7] As to the tort claims of all plaintiffs
under S. 3(a) of the CILPA based on the
alleged "illegal acts" of Ministers and
officials of the Government of Canada (see
para. [3] above), damages are claimed for the
common law tons of assault and battery,
intimidation, intentional infliction of
nervous shock, negligence and interference
with contractual arid business interests and
relations with others.
[8] Separate Charter and tort claims are
pleaded for:
(a) unlawful expenditure of public funds for
other than lawfi'1 or constitutionally valid
purposes; (b) unlawful use by NATO armed
forces of weapons with toxic radioactive
components including depleted uranium contrary
to international law; (c) unlawful use by
NATO armed forces of area weapons including
cluster bombs contrary to international law;
and (d) unlawful destruction or damage to
factories, warehouses and other storage
facilities and refineries used to store or
process chemically dangerous toxic or
carcinogenic substances.
[9] The defendant moves to strike out the
statement of claim under Rule 21.01(1)(b) of
the Rules of Civil Procedure on the ground
that it discloses no reasonable cause of
action. The defendant also moves to have this
action dismissed under Rule 21 .01(3)(a) and
(d) on grounds that the court has no
jurisdiction over, the subject matter of the
action and that the action is frivolous and
vexatious or otherwise an abuse of the process
of the court,
[10] The test to be applied to determine
whether the statement of claim in this action
ought to be struck out may be stated in these
terms. Taking the material facts pleaded as
proven, do they disclose a reasonable cause of
action, do they disclose a reasonable cause of
action, that is, one "with some chance of
success"; or is it "plain and obvious that the
action cannot succeed"? Operation Dismantle
Inc. teat V. The Queen (1985] 1 S.C.R. 441 at
486-7 (per Wilson J.), Citing Drummond-Jackyon
v. British Medical Association f1970] I All
E.R. 1084 and Dawson v. Government of Canada
(1981) 37 N.R. 127, 138 (Fed. C.A.) per LeDain
3. A "plain and obvious" case has been
described as one where the court is satisfied
that "the case is beyond doubt'. Canada (A. C)
V. mutt Tapirisar of Canada [1980] 2 S.C.R.
735, 740 (per Estey 3.) citing RQSS ~ Scottish
Union. and National Insurance Co. (1920), 47
O.L.R. 308 (Ont. 3- App Div.). Novelty or
complexity of a cause of action pleaded in a
statement of claim ought not to weigh against
the plaintiff on a motion to strike a
statement of claim. Nor ought such a motion be
allowed on a question of law which has not
been hilly settled in the decided cases.
[11] In applying the test, the court is
"obliged to read the statement of claim as
generously as possible and to accommodate any
inadequacies in the form of the allegations
which are merely the result of drafting
deficiencies". (Operation Dismantle case, op.
cit, 451, per Dickson J.] as he then was.
however, what are to be taken as proven in the
statement of claim are the material facts, not
conclusions of law or allegations of possible
consequences of alleged wrongful acts that are
based only on assumptions or speculations
which by their very nature cannot be proven as
true by adducing evidence. (Operation
Dismantle case, op. cit., 455, per Dickson J.).
[12] In the Operation Dismantle case, the
Supreme Court of Canada considered whether the
appellants'' statement of claim should be
struck out as disclosing no reasonable cause
of action. The appellants alleged that a
decision made by the Canadian government to
allow the United States to test cruise
missiles in Canada violated or threatened to
violate 5.7 of the Charter. Declamatory
relief, an injunction and damages were sought
in the statement of claim. A judge of the
Federal Court, Trial Division dismissed the
motion to strike. The Federal Court of Appeal
reversed his decision, struck the statement of
claim and dismissed the action. A flintier
appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada was
dismissed. In dismissing the appeal, however,
the Court affirmed that decisions of the
executive branch of the Canadian government
are reviewable by the courts under 5. 32(l)(a)
of the Charter even though they raise what may
be characterized as "political questions" and
are exercises of the royal prerogative.
[13] The defendant moving party submits that
the statement of claim in this action does not
meet the test outlined in paragraphs [10] and
[11] above, First, the defendant says that the
issues raised in this action are not
justifiable in a Canadian court because they
include issues of international law which are
political in nature involving the exercise of
the royal prerogative in the realms of foreign
affairs and participation in international
military actions. It is submitted that these
are issues which are inherently incapable of
adjudication or review by a court of law, or
if not incapable, at least unsuitable for such
adjudication or review. As a matter of law,
this submission is, in my view, inconsistent
with the Operation Dismantle case; and as a
matter of discretion, I would not strike the
statement of claim on this ground.
[14] Second, the defendant says that the
actions of the Canadian ministers and civilian
and military officials of which the plaintiffs
complain were taken in the exercise of royal
prerogative powers in foreign affairs and the
disposition and control of Canada's armed
forces. It is submitted that the exercise of
prerogative powers in these particular matters
is not subject to review in a Canadian court
although the exercise of some prerogative
powers may be subject to judicial review under
the Charter. As a matter of law, the
submission that any exercise of prerogative
powers is not subject to judicial review is,
in my view, too sweeping and inconsistent with
the Operation Dismantle case; and as a matter
of discretion, I would not strike the
statement of claim on this ground. See also
Hogg v. Monahan: liability of the Crown (3~
Ed), 19. -4
[15] Third, the defendant says that this court
does not have jurisdiction to determine the
legality of actions of Canadian ministers and
civilian and military officials according to
international law. Obligations by a state
under international law are only owed to and
enforceable by other states, not individuals.
In its application to the statement of claim
in this action, this submission is, in my
view, entirely too broad. In their action, the
plaintiffs are not seeking a remedy against
another state. "'hey are not seeking to
enforce an international obligation of Canada.
They are asking this court to determine
whether the allegedly "illegal" actions of
Canadian ministers and civilian and military
officials in participating in the NATO
bombardments of Yugoslavia and the subsequent
deployment of NATO forces in Kosovo may be
characterized as wrongful acts which are
actionable in damages or as violations of the
Charter. At this early stage of the action, I
am not persuaded that they are prohibited by
law from doing so. I would not strike the
statement of claim on this ground.
[16] As to the Charter, the defendant further
submits that the Charter does not apply to the
alleged "illegal' acts of the Canadian
ministers and civilian and military officials
in relation to the decisions and military
action of NATO and tat there are no
infringements of Charter fights in any event.
Allegations of infringements of rights under
ss. 7 and is of the Charter are made in the
statement of claim on behalf of the Part A
Plaintiffs only. It is not alleged that the
Part B Plaintiffs have any rights under the
Charter. As to the cause of action alleged on
behalf of all the plaintiffs in tort, the
defendant submits that it is speculative,
remote and related "to alleged causes of
action not known in tort law on these facts",
a conclusion which is also drawn in the
defendant's factum in relation to alleged
Charter infringements. In view of the decision
of the Supreme Court of Canada in the
Operation Dismantle case para. [12] above) and
the considerations of novelty, complexity and
unsettled law in applying the "plain and
obvious rest (para. [10] above)3 it would, in
my view be premature to strike the statement
of claim on these grounds at this stage of the
action.
[17) Rule 25,06(1) requires that "Every
pleading shall contain a concise statement of
the material facts upon which the party relies
for the claim or defense, ..." (emphasis
added). The statement of claim in this acti6n
is only marginally compliant with this
provision. This is not a class action. Each of
the plaintiffs has a separate and distinct
cause of action. As previously stated, the
gist of this action is the plaintiffs' damages
claim. No material facts are pleaded as to how
the individual plaintiffs were affected by the
actions of the Canadian ministers and
officials. The plaintiffs must plead the
material facts relating to each cause of
action, linking the alleged damages suffered
to the alleged wrongful acts. (Rule 25.06(9)).
This is not a deficiency which, in my view,
may be cured by particulars. This pleading is
now 15 months old and I would anticipate that
the alleged losses suffered by the plaintiffs
as a result of the alleged wrongful acts are
now identifiable. There are other deficiencies
in the statement of claim which I need not
particularize. The statement bf1clairri
requires amendment before this action proceeds
further. The plaintiffs are given leave to
amend their statement of claim 'within 60
days. I [18] The motion by the defendant to
strike the plaintiffs' claim and dismiss their
action is dismissed with cost. If the parties
are unable to agree as to costs the court is
prepared to fix them on a party/party scale
upon receiving the written submissions of
counsel within 30 days.
January 10, 2001
=============================================Von: petar <petar@...>
Datum: 2001/03/01 Thu AM 04:38:52 CET
An: (Recipient list suppressed)
Betreff: Press Conference, March 5th, 2001,
Ottawa, Canada
The Ottawa Serbian Heritage Society
3662 Albion Rd. South, Gloucester, Ontario,
K1T 1A3, serbian.heritage@...
PRESS CONFERENCE
Time: Monday, March 5, 2001, at 11:00 a.m.
Place: Charles Lynch Room, 130 C Centre
Block, Parliament Building,
Wellington Str., Ottawa
Press Release
A Question of Principle: Citizens Group to
Agree to Government Appeal in Bombing Lawsuit
OTTAWA, ONTARIO -- The Serbian Heritage
Society of Ottawa is one of the initiators of
the lawsuit against the Canadian government
regarding the bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999.
Among other demands, this suit seeks to stop
the Canadian government from any further
participation in NATO military actions pending
the determination of the legality of such
actions by the Canadian justice system. Many
of our members were born outside of Canada and
chose to come this country—to work,
live, and raise our children as
Canadians—because we believed in the
noble principles that are not only the
foundation of its constitutional system but
that also represent the core beliefs of its
people and the basis for its culture. These
principles, which include fundamental
convictions about the rule of law, fairness,
tolerance, and the peaceful resolution of
conflict, are the reason why Canada and
Canadians command so much respect throughout
the world. It is, of course, the civic duty of
every Canadian citizen to uphold and guard
these principles. However, for those of us who
understand from personal experience how
difficult they are to establish and how
difficult they are to sustain in today’s
conflict-ridden world, there is a particular
urgency to defend them when they are
threatened. Furthermore, when this threat
comes from very powerful individuals who are
at the very head of our government, this need
is even more compelling. The government is not
above the law. In the course of 78 days,
Canadian planes and Canadian pilots were
ordered to bomb an innocent and helpless
civilian population, to destroy their homes
and property, to poison their environment. The
result is compounded human misery, a
dangerously polluted habitat, expansion of
terrorist activity, and a destabilization of
the entire region. This act of war was
undertaken against a country that was at peace
with its neighbours and that was not
threatening either Canada or any of its
allies. It was done without a mandate from the
United Nations, the Parliament of Canada, or
the Canadian people. There cannot be any
clearer examples of wanton and irresponsible
exercise of power by an arrogant elite who
clearly consider themselves outside the law.
No one should be allowed to get away with
that; it is a threat to our fundamental
democratic rights and civil liberties.
Therefore, the principal issue of this suit is
not about money or personal gain of any kind.
Members of the Society have committed to
donate the bulk of any momentary compensation
that they might receive to charity. It is also
not about politics – our ethnic origin
is immaterial here. It is about principle and
about responsibility: the government is not
above the law. Conseqeuntly, our objective is
to have this crucial issue addressed at the
highest judicial level possible and as soon as
possible. We approach this litigation in good
faith and have instructed our lawyer, Dr.
Emilio Binavince, to agree to the
Government’s appeal for escalating the
case to a higher court. Our objective is
simple but fundamental: the people must
control the actions of the high and the
mighty, the Government is not and must not be
above the law.
This press release is issued by the Serbian
Heritage Society of Ottawa. The society and
its members can be contacted via e-mail at:
serbian.heritage@...
=============================================
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
IL FONDO PER LA TERRA HA SUONATO LA CARICA DEI 100.000!
Entra a far parte della comunita' online del Fondo per la Terra
e insieme potremo creare la piu' grande comunita' online italiana
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NEW TENDENCIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
WAY FROM THE WAR AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA TO THE POLICY OF
THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION
REPORT OF PRESIDENT OF THE HUNGARIAN WORKERS' PARTY
GYULA TH�RMER
Ladies and Gentlemen, friends, comrades,
We gather here, in Budapest in a sombre time. A time when we are still
shocked and revolted by the barbaric terrorist attacks on the United
States. A time when, for people all over the world, the sense of
safety and security was ripped away. A time when we witness a new
imperialist policy aimed to control our planet and humanity.
NATO Secretary General Robertson said: "The events of September 11
have changed the world." I don't agree. It is not true. It was the
capitalist world, the capitalism to have been changed. It was the
capitalism that has led to a great degree to the tragic events of
September.
I would like to confirm our political position clearly: the Hungarian
Workers' Party reaffirms its condemnation of any form of terrorism. We
support the implementing of all relevant resolutions of the United
Nations General Assembly and the Security Council. At the same time we
declare: terror must not be the answer to terror.
Terrorism is not a political party, not even a state. Terrorism a
philosophy, a method. It can be used by the most different political
forces. Yes, terrorist organisations have changed the character of
their activity. Yes; their destructive power has been enormous. But,
why? What is the real reason?
Terrorism has its roots in the world's global problems. Before, at
those times when terrorism was useful for the capitalist big powers in
their fight against socialism, they supported it, financially,
militarily, politically. But now it is beyond their control and has
turned against them.
The aim of the current US-British military operations is not to arrest
Bin Laden and members of his terrorist organisation. The obvious
priority is a demonstration of force by the USA.
Worldwide US offensive
The NATO war against Yugoslavia was the experimental laboratory for
the large scale capitalist offensive we are witnessing now. The NATO
aggression in 1999 had its clear aims:
To finish the process of capitalist changes in Eastern Europe, to
avoid all possibilities to return to socialism.
To weaken Russia, undermining its international influence.
To strengthen US influence in Europe in a situation when the
European common currency just introduced before seemed to overcome US
dollar.
To elaborate new methods of political, moral, media, and military
war.
Important conclusions were made after the war. Some of these lessons
made the US and NATO to revise basic elements of their policy before
beginning a large-scale new offensive.
It has become quit evident that even the sophisticated US weapons
do mistakes. Remember the bombardments of the Chinese Embassy in
Belgrade or the so-called undesired attacks against civil persons.
It became clear that there is a gap between military capacities of the
US and their European allies. Just after Yugoslavian war Europe has
begun its new military doctrine and the EU began its tragic way to
turn into an organisation with strong military and security aspect.
Western countries could exclude Russia from Balkan regulation, but
Russia was not weakened. On the contrary during the presidency of
Putin the situation in Russia has been consolidated. Russia finds
newly its voice of super power.
The result of media war astonished deeply Western leaders. It was
very difficult to mobilise public opinion for war-participation. The
public opinion of such countries like Spain, Greece, Portugal, partly
Italy turned against war. Later, especially after Kosovo's occupation
many of the pro-war intellectuals expressed their doubts concerning
imperialist ideological explanations. Nato Secretary General already
in October 1999 warned NATO states to strengthen media work against
NATO-sceptic elements. The concept of so-called human rights, ethnic
cleaning have failed forever and nobody uses them today.
The Balkan peace settlement has turned to into a farce. There is no
stability on the Balkan. In Yugoslavia situation continues to be
serious.
Capitalist forces coming to power last October would like to finish
capitalist political and social changes in all fields of life. The
economic situation in Yugoslavia is catastrophic. New government
cannot solve these problems.
The arrest of Milosevic and his extradition to Hague has broken one of
the pillars of government coalition. Left forces are in deep crisis.
Kosovo is under NATO occupation. The US wants to create a sovereign
Kosovo although they deny it officially. In Macedonia US supports
Alban ethnic forces. The NATO and US will remain for a long time in
this region.
"The events of September 11th have changed many things. They have
reinforced the logic of keeping the peace in the Balkans - because
building stable, multi-ethnic states are our best insurance against
terrorism emerging in the first place."- NATO leaders declared.
The neighbours of Yugoslavia are unsatisfied with the results of the
peace settlement. They expected much more money for their political
and military assistance. Some of them have territorial claims, though
usually non-declared officially. The question of borders is not
closed. Many of these nationalistic forces hope to realise their
dreams about Great Albania, Great Hungary, sovereign Vojvodina and
sovereign Montenegro using this uncertain situation.
One of the aims of the war against Belgrade was to create a strong
corridor against Islamic forces which are playing more and more
important role in the world. It was not enough. The situation in the
Middle East has been worse as result of open Israeli aggression. The
Israeli government tries to overcome its internal crises by escalation
of conflict. The Middle East crisis serves American interests, too.
Bush: new conservative world
The Bush government has greatly changed the US policy and has
influenced very deeply the whole international situation.
First, US leaders are aware of weakening possibilities of USA in
modern world. They have decided to strengthen American hegemony in
world.
Second, US leaders are clearly aware of economic crisis in USA. They
expect from a global political and military offensive a new up come in
economy.
Third, US want to strengthen its leading position in military field.
Fourth, US want to diminish the role of Russia, and in long
perspective change it to a fully capitalist country.
Fifth, US want to stop in foreseeable perspective socialist
development of China and to finish historical revenge of capitalism.
Sixth, US want to create a new conservative world order with clear
American dominancy.
Seventh, The new policy has its clear internal aspects, too. US and
some other Western political forces came to the conclusion that new
challenges, like antiglobalisation movements, strengthening of non
Christian religions etc cannot be handled by classical methods of
bourgeois democracy, parlamentarism etc. There are attempts to
restrict the constitutional freedoms of citizens and persecute
so-called "anti-American" attitudes. Lets remember that US President
now has got the right to decide alone about war and peace, to decide
who is good and who is bad. We witness change to the presidential
ruling in Great Britain, in Italy, and even in Hungary. We see
dangerous movement to fascism.
We should carefully study what these all changes mean for contemporary
capitalism generally. Can we speak about general tendencies, including
fascism?
US leaders are clearly aware of economic crisis in USA. They expect
from a global military and political offensive a new and even long
lasting up rise in economy that has risen only by 2,5% for the first
half of 2001. We can see the first concrete steps. Military industry,
air transport has got such amounts of money they had not even dreamed
about. Under normal circumstances it would have been impossible.
Beside economic aims they want to strengthen their leading position in
military field. New military building up will take place. The new
military program can probably include space armaments, antimissile
defence systems. At the same time military building up will be spread
on traditional armaments, new types of aeroplanes, tanks, and weapon
systems.
The USA is going on with enlargement of NATO. They try to overcome the
opposition of some their allies in EU, and Russia. The Prague summit
can decide to invite to NATO Slovakia, Slovenia. The Baltic States
mean a great question. Experts do not exclude that the Prague summit
will not take final decisions.
The most aggressive forces in NATO now can explain their aim to give a
new role to NATO in world affairs. Remember what Robertson said
recently:
"There is a deep awareness that this is going to be a long
struggle, a struggle in which patience and persistence will be key.
Those who expected US unilateralism have witnessed instead a
masterpiece of multilaterally - rallying the world behind a common
purpose in a way only the US can. This has been coalition building at
its very best. NATO will of course be one of the key pillars of that
coalition"
Or lets take an other fresh literary masterpiece of NATO Secretary
General: "Europe's Security and Defence Identity is still in its early
stages. And the structures and functions of the UN and OSCE are
different and certainly do not mirror the unique composition,
strength, cohesion and speed of delivery of NATO".
Enlargement itself can lose some of its importance. Now it is more
important to give new functions to NATO. It is a permanent coalition,
a unique network with 19 nations and with further 27 in a partnership
relationship.
The 46 nations Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council is getting also new
aspects. It must enable NATO "to mobilise a coalition for the long
haul, tying in countries from Vancouver to Bishkek to make a
difference on real issues such as effective border control in Central
Asia."
EU: own concerns and interests
The EU-countries have their own concerns and interests. The economy of
the EU has braked. Temps of development have been diminished in most
of EU countries. Last year the production of GDP in EU has risen by
3,4%, this year only by 2,6%. The course of euro to dollars has been
falling and only during the last weeks there are some rises. The
EU-countries cut down almost all achievements of welfare state.
Internal political and social tension is increasing.
Germany has a special role. German economy develops slower than other
EU-states. This year GDP production rose by 2,6%.
The German Red-Green government for the first time after WW II decided
to send German soldiers into military action. They are aggravating the
political, social and ecological problems by socially unjust reforms
of the pension and tax systems, by an austerity policy detrimental to
future economic development. They cannot achieve real progress in
overcoming unemployment, whereby they disappointed many voters.
Further integration of East Germany is also a big question.
The conservative forces in Europe hope to return to power after many
years of social democratic government. Their strategic aim is to
establish a new conservative order in Europe. The most pillars of this
new conservative order would be strict commitment to conservative
values, final historical liquidation of all socialist and communist
experiments, full recognition of US strategic concepts.
After the collapse of Soviet Union the conflicts between the USA and
European allies became sharper. US try to share military burdens with
the Europeans. They insist on building up a sovereign European
military force but they want to save control first of all through
NATO.
The EU-enlargement leads to new serious conflicts. The Nice Treaty of
last year clearly demonstrated that large EU states want fully control
the Union. There is serious discussion among the leading countries
about the future of European institutions.
Ireland is the only of the 15 EU member states voting on the Nice
Treaty, which legally can only enter into force if ratified by all.
46.13 per cents were in favour of the Nice Treaty and 53.87 per cent
were against. This is the first time that an EU treaty has been
defeated by a referendum in Ireland.
The negative result of Danish referendum about Euro, the negative
attitude of Irish people expressed during the Irish referendum about
Nice treaty, the rising pro-referendum behaviour in Austria show
clearly that important socials forces have increased their activity.
The EU has been supported the new US policy from the very beginning.
First, the leading European states have realised their common class
interests. They are interested in common fight against threatening
anti-globalisation forces, rebirth of communist forces, for stopping
Chinese offensive.
Secondly, they also realised, that US could play its role without
them. The EU capital does not want to lose the chance to share with US
the economic and political privileges of capitalist militarisation.
Third, they see that the European economies also need serious
additional forces. War and concentration of power can be one of them.
Fourth, the EU political leaders are threatened by the
antiglobalisation fight. It has become cleat that existing
political institutions cannot solve this problem.
Russia: strategic ally or strategic enemy?
US continue considering Russia as one the strategic adversaries, one
of the main obstacles on the way to US World Empire. Western
capitalist forces have not given up their plan to create in Russia
social-political system identical with that in Western countries. They
understand that it can be realised only in the far future.
US would like to press Russia to accept their antimissile defence
plans and other one sided political steps in the world. Russia wants
to make US to recognise its strategic interests in the Baltic States
and Central Asia.
The EU is interested in a larger - than the US - degree of economic
ties with Russia. Europe cannot give up energy import from this
country, but they fight against the new offensive of Russian companies
on Eastern European markets and the natural desire of Russian firms to
get leading position in Eastern Europe and on the Balkan by buying up
local industrial companies
Russia tries to use the conflicts between USA and EU. They have
recently signed French-Russian declaration on strategic issues.
The EU does not want to cooperate with Russia against the USA, but
they are interested in saving strategic balance.
Russia and China have recently signed treaty of friendship and
strategic cooperation. Formally it contains nothing against US but on
practical terms it means serious political, economic and even military
step against US policy.
China is developing its bilateral relation with formal socialist
countries in Europe. The demonstrative state visit of Chinese
President to Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldavia was more than a symbolic
opening to these important countries.
NATO leaders and US understand that Russia does not want to accept
neither the new role of NATO nor its enlargement. They think that in
Russian eyes, Article 5 has been the quintessential demonstration of
NATO's Cold War orientation. Now NATO found a new explanation of
Article 5 in an entirely different context, one to which Russia can
relate. They hope to use the real interest of Russian to stop Islamic
forces in places like Central Asia.
China: principal challenge of the 21 century
China has achieved serious successes in economic and social
development.
Chinese economy is rising every year, people began to live better.
China is right to declare that it is due to the development of
socialism. China played important role in peace efforts on Balkan.
Beijing has got the right to organise Olympic games that clearly
expresses its increasing international respect and influence.
Western leaders try to explain Chinese successes by the fact that
China uses many capitalist methods in economic and even social policy.
Western politicians say that it is nothing more than economic and
social reform that have opened the way before capitalist development
in China, too. It is fare from the truth.
The strategy of Western countries is simple. They try to involve China
in international cooperation by inviting to WTO and other forms of
economic cooperation, and to contribute to the strengthening of
private sector in China.
They use military and diplomatic methods to influence Chinese
leadership make them to understand that only a pro Western political
elite devoted to Western political values and standards can get the
sympathy of West.
During the Bush-administration US-Chinese relationship has become more
tensioned. The incident with American intelligence airplane this
spring was the first serious political affair for a long period.
US-administration has made even some gestures. It did not oppose
publicly the Beijing Olympic Games and said no on Taiwan idea to
create common US-Japanese-Taiwan antimissile defence.
But it is only the surface. The Bush-administration wants to speed up
capitalist changes in China. They try to use internal forces in China,
too. US policy does not want a final worsening of strategic
relationships with China. US are interested in economic ties, and
China is an important actor also in some Pacific and Asian issues.
What to do?
I am convinced: the fight against capitalist globalization is central
to the class struggle today. It touches and affects virtually every
economic, social and political struggle of our parties.
Fidel Castro said the following phrases in Durban on September the 1:
"The capitalist, developed and wealthy countries today participate of
the imperialist system born of capitalism itself and the economic
order imposed to the world based on the philosophy of selfishness and
the brutal competition between men, nations and groups of nations
which in completely indifferent to any feelings of solidarity and
honest international cooperation. They live under the misleading,
irresponsible and hallucinating atmosphere of consumer societies. I
wonder: Will they be able to understand the grave problems of today's
world which in its incoherent and uneven development is ruled by blind
laws, by the huge power and the interests of the ever growing and
increasingly uncontrollable and independent transnational
corporations?
Will they come to understand the impending universal chaos and
rebellion? And, even if they wanted to, could they put an end to
racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and other related issues,
which are precisely the rest of them all?
>From my viewpoint we are on the verge of a huge economic, social and
political global crisis. Let's try to build an awareness about these
realities and the alternatives will come up. History has shown that it
is only from deep crisis that great solutions have emerged. The
peoples' right to life and justice will definitely impose itself under
a thousand different shapes"
Left forces should play definitively more active role in fight against
war, terrorism, for democratic international relations.
We have now better conditions for it than 5-10 years ago. We see some
consolidation in left movement. Left and other progressive forces have
archived serious results in recent period, although there has not been
a dramatic positive change, yet.
The antiglobalisation movement has become a very serious factor. All
of us remember the streets of Seattle, Genoa, Salzburg. Goteborg. And
most of us know what role communists are playing in this movement. We
think we should help to spread the antiglobalisation movement on
Eastern Europe, too.
Antiwar movement plays a very sensitive role on Greece, Italy and in
many other countries, which are important for our parties.
Now we have better conditions to cooperate on the terrorism-war issue
than during the war against Yugoslavia. Many of us remember the
dramatic summit meeting of European communist leaders on Cyprus. No
real result, positions were to far from each other. The European
communist left could not stop the war. Now, the situation is
different. Our positions are very near to each other.
The Hungarian Workers' Party support all efforts to strengthen our
cooperation. The Hungarian Workers' Party proposes to organise
International Summit of Left Forces on War.
Our position is clear. We deny terrorism and do not consider it a
possible form of fight against capitalism. What we left forces want is
safe, peaceful, and democratic world. The road to it is not the
violence. The only possible way to achieve such a world is the
exclusion of violence from the international relations, the peaceful,
by political means, handling of conflicts.
The road to it: establish a society based on social justice.
At the same time we declare: terror must not be the answer on terror.
The recent military action of the US is not a classical war: it is a
sort of mean terrorism raised on the level of state politics.
New weapons systems do not bring security. We should continue
fighting against military programs.
NATO is totally unsuitable for combating terrorism. It arose from
confrontation and its self-image is unchanged. Its new alliance
strategy does not solve any security problems. On the contrary, it
creates new ones. We should not give up our fight against NATO.
We think it is the United Nations who should get its decisive role in
international questions. All measures have to be carried out through
the united efforts of the international community with the United
Nations at the centre and under the control of the UN. For the
elimination of international terrorism, it is vital to create, through
isolation of terrorists by the whole international community, a
situation in which there is no place in the world for the terrorists
to hide. There is no other organization but the United Nations that
can play a central role and has the authority to carry it out.
The international community should enter into a dialogue of cultures;
lead a non-military struggle against poverty, misery and injustice in
the world to remove the hotbeds of terrorism.
We should demand to spend much more money on development aid. We
should demand to spend money not on military adventures in Kosovo and
other places but on help to Afghan refugees and to the Palestinian
Authority as assistance to the suffering civil population. We demand
to finance these operations by a special tax on the assets of the
multi-millionaires.
We should fight for democracy, against the policy of leading
capitalist powers. They misuse the people's fear of war. They use the
wartime psychosis to draw away popular attention from the hardships in
the economy and the society. At the same time, the mass media boycott
the different public statements of left and other antiwar forces
opposing this war. We should fight against violation of freedom of
press and the democratic basic rights of the citizens. We should fight
against right extremism and fascism.
We have our national task, too. We, the Hungarian Workers' Party
condemns the decision of the Hungarian government and the Hungarian
Parliament to support the militarist policy of the US. Hungary has no
kind of military interests, neither on the Balkans, nor in
Afghanistan. What is in the interests of the Hungarian people is not
war, but peace.
The Hungarian Workers' Party demands that Hungary should diminish its
activity in the NATO to the minimum. We oppose that nuclear weapons
and other weapons of mass destruction be deployed on Hungarian soil.
American and all other foreign troops must be withdrawn from Hungary.
No Hungarian soldier must wage a war outside Hungary! Hungarian troops
must be recalled from abroad.
Dear friends,
People fear of war, terror attacks. People think they cannot do
anything against war. We should demonstrate people, young and old,
that they are not alone. We can and should fight against war, and we
will do it. I am optimist.
I am convinced that the international left movement is the political
force which can and will give people the safety of future generations
in an uncertain future.
---
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WAY FROM THE WAR AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA TO THE POLICY OF
THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION
REPORT OF PRESIDENT OF THE HUNGARIAN WORKERS' PARTY
GYULA TH�RMER
Ladies and Gentlemen, friends, comrades,
We gather here, in Budapest in a sombre time. A time when we are still
shocked and revolted by the barbaric terrorist attacks on the United
States. A time when, for people all over the world, the sense of
safety and security was ripped away. A time when we witness a new
imperialist policy aimed to control our planet and humanity.
NATO Secretary General Robertson said: "The events of September 11
have changed the world." I don't agree. It is not true. It was the
capitalist world, the capitalism to have been changed. It was the
capitalism that has led to a great degree to the tragic events of
September.
I would like to confirm our political position clearly: the Hungarian
Workers' Party reaffirms its condemnation of any form of terrorism. We
support the implementing of all relevant resolutions of the United
Nations General Assembly and the Security Council. At the same time we
declare: terror must not be the answer to terror.
Terrorism is not a political party, not even a state. Terrorism a
philosophy, a method. It can be used by the most different political
forces. Yes, terrorist organisations have changed the character of
their activity. Yes; their destructive power has been enormous. But,
why? What is the real reason?
Terrorism has its roots in the world's global problems. Before, at
those times when terrorism was useful for the capitalist big powers in
their fight against socialism, they supported it, financially,
militarily, politically. But now it is beyond their control and has
turned against them.
The aim of the current US-British military operations is not to arrest
Bin Laden and members of his terrorist organisation. The obvious
priority is a demonstration of force by the USA.
Worldwide US offensive
The NATO war against Yugoslavia was the experimental laboratory for
the large scale capitalist offensive we are witnessing now. The NATO
aggression in 1999 had its clear aims:
To finish the process of capitalist changes in Eastern Europe, to
avoid all possibilities to return to socialism.
To weaken Russia, undermining its international influence.
To strengthen US influence in Europe in a situation when the
European common currency just introduced before seemed to overcome US
dollar.
To elaborate new methods of political, moral, media, and military
war.
Important conclusions were made after the war. Some of these lessons
made the US and NATO to revise basic elements of their policy before
beginning a large-scale new offensive.
It has become quit evident that even the sophisticated US weapons
do mistakes. Remember the bombardments of the Chinese Embassy in
Belgrade or the so-called undesired attacks against civil persons.
It became clear that there is a gap between military capacities of the
US and their European allies. Just after Yugoslavian war Europe has
begun its new military doctrine and the EU began its tragic way to
turn into an organisation with strong military and security aspect.
Western countries could exclude Russia from Balkan regulation, but
Russia was not weakened. On the contrary during the presidency of
Putin the situation in Russia has been consolidated. Russia finds
newly its voice of super power.
The result of media war astonished deeply Western leaders. It was
very difficult to mobilise public opinion for war-participation. The
public opinion of such countries like Spain, Greece, Portugal, partly
Italy turned against war. Later, especially after Kosovo's occupation
many of the pro-war intellectuals expressed their doubts concerning
imperialist ideological explanations. Nato Secretary General already
in October 1999 warned NATO states to strengthen media work against
NATO-sceptic elements. The concept of so-called human rights, ethnic
cleaning have failed forever and nobody uses them today.
The Balkan peace settlement has turned to into a farce. There is no
stability on the Balkan. In Yugoslavia situation continues to be
serious.
Capitalist forces coming to power last October would like to finish
capitalist political and social changes in all fields of life. The
economic situation in Yugoslavia is catastrophic. New government
cannot solve these problems.
The arrest of Milosevic and his extradition to Hague has broken one of
the pillars of government coalition. Left forces are in deep crisis.
Kosovo is under NATO occupation. The US wants to create a sovereign
Kosovo although they deny it officially. In Macedonia US supports
Alban ethnic forces. The NATO and US will remain for a long time in
this region.
"The events of September 11th have changed many things. They have
reinforced the logic of keeping the peace in the Balkans - because
building stable, multi-ethnic states are our best insurance against
terrorism emerging in the first place."- NATO leaders declared.
The neighbours of Yugoslavia are unsatisfied with the results of the
peace settlement. They expected much more money for their political
and military assistance. Some of them have territorial claims, though
usually non-declared officially. The question of borders is not
closed. Many of these nationalistic forces hope to realise their
dreams about Great Albania, Great Hungary, sovereign Vojvodina and
sovereign Montenegro using this uncertain situation.
One of the aims of the war against Belgrade was to create a strong
corridor against Islamic forces which are playing more and more
important role in the world. It was not enough. The situation in the
Middle East has been worse as result of open Israeli aggression. The
Israeli government tries to overcome its internal crises by escalation
of conflict. The Middle East crisis serves American interests, too.
Bush: new conservative world
The Bush government has greatly changed the US policy and has
influenced very deeply the whole international situation.
First, US leaders are aware of weakening possibilities of USA in
modern world. They have decided to strengthen American hegemony in
world.
Second, US leaders are clearly aware of economic crisis in USA. They
expect from a global political and military offensive a new up come in
economy.
Third, US want to strengthen its leading position in military field.
Fourth, US want to diminish the role of Russia, and in long
perspective change it to a fully capitalist country.
Fifth, US want to stop in foreseeable perspective socialist
development of China and to finish historical revenge of capitalism.
Sixth, US want to create a new conservative world order with clear
American dominancy.
Seventh, The new policy has its clear internal aspects, too. US and
some other Western political forces came to the conclusion that new
challenges, like antiglobalisation movements, strengthening of non
Christian religions etc cannot be handled by classical methods of
bourgeois democracy, parlamentarism etc. There are attempts to
restrict the constitutional freedoms of citizens and persecute
so-called "anti-American" attitudes. Lets remember that US President
now has got the right to decide alone about war and peace, to decide
who is good and who is bad. We witness change to the presidential
ruling in Great Britain, in Italy, and even in Hungary. We see
dangerous movement to fascism.
We should carefully study what these all changes mean for contemporary
capitalism generally. Can we speak about general tendencies, including
fascism?
US leaders are clearly aware of economic crisis in USA. They expect
from a global military and political offensive a new and even long
lasting up rise in economy that has risen only by 2,5% for the first
half of 2001. We can see the first concrete steps. Military industry,
air transport has got such amounts of money they had not even dreamed
about. Under normal circumstances it would have been impossible.
Beside economic aims they want to strengthen their leading position in
military field. New military building up will take place. The new
military program can probably include space armaments, antimissile
defence systems. At the same time military building up will be spread
on traditional armaments, new types of aeroplanes, tanks, and weapon
systems.
The USA is going on with enlargement of NATO. They try to overcome the
opposition of some their allies in EU, and Russia. The Prague summit
can decide to invite to NATO Slovakia, Slovenia. The Baltic States
mean a great question. Experts do not exclude that the Prague summit
will not take final decisions.
The most aggressive forces in NATO now can explain their aim to give a
new role to NATO in world affairs. Remember what Robertson said
recently:
"There is a deep awareness that this is going to be a long
struggle, a struggle in which patience and persistence will be key.
Those who expected US unilateralism have witnessed instead a
masterpiece of multilaterally - rallying the world behind a common
purpose in a way only the US can. This has been coalition building at
its very best. NATO will of course be one of the key pillars of that
coalition"
Or lets take an other fresh literary masterpiece of NATO Secretary
General: "Europe's Security and Defence Identity is still in its early
stages. And the structures and functions of the UN and OSCE are
different and certainly do not mirror the unique composition,
strength, cohesion and speed of delivery of NATO".
Enlargement itself can lose some of its importance. Now it is more
important to give new functions to NATO. It is a permanent coalition,
a unique network with 19 nations and with further 27 in a partnership
relationship.
The 46 nations Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council is getting also new
aspects. It must enable NATO "to mobilise a coalition for the long
haul, tying in countries from Vancouver to Bishkek to make a
difference on real issues such as effective border control in Central
Asia."
EU: own concerns and interests
The EU-countries have their own concerns and interests. The economy of
the EU has braked. Temps of development have been diminished in most
of EU countries. Last year the production of GDP in EU has risen by
3,4%, this year only by 2,6%. The course of euro to dollars has been
falling and only during the last weeks there are some rises. The
EU-countries cut down almost all achievements of welfare state.
Internal political and social tension is increasing.
Germany has a special role. German economy develops slower than other
EU-states. This year GDP production rose by 2,6%.
The German Red-Green government for the first time after WW II decided
to send German soldiers into military action. They are aggravating the
political, social and ecological problems by socially unjust reforms
of the pension and tax systems, by an austerity policy detrimental to
future economic development. They cannot achieve real progress in
overcoming unemployment, whereby they disappointed many voters.
Further integration of East Germany is also a big question.
The conservative forces in Europe hope to return to power after many
years of social democratic government. Their strategic aim is to
establish a new conservative order in Europe. The most pillars of this
new conservative order would be strict commitment to conservative
values, final historical liquidation of all socialist and communist
experiments, full recognition of US strategic concepts.
After the collapse of Soviet Union the conflicts between the USA and
European allies became sharper. US try to share military burdens with
the Europeans. They insist on building up a sovereign European
military force but they want to save control first of all through
NATO.
The EU-enlargement leads to new serious conflicts. The Nice Treaty of
last year clearly demonstrated that large EU states want fully control
the Union. There is serious discussion among the leading countries
about the future of European institutions.
Ireland is the only of the 15 EU member states voting on the Nice
Treaty, which legally can only enter into force if ratified by all.
46.13 per cents were in favour of the Nice Treaty and 53.87 per cent
were against. This is the first time that an EU treaty has been
defeated by a referendum in Ireland.
The negative result of Danish referendum about Euro, the negative
attitude of Irish people expressed during the Irish referendum about
Nice treaty, the rising pro-referendum behaviour in Austria show
clearly that important socials forces have increased their activity.
The EU has been supported the new US policy from the very beginning.
First, the leading European states have realised their common class
interests. They are interested in common fight against threatening
anti-globalisation forces, rebirth of communist forces, for stopping
Chinese offensive.
Secondly, they also realised, that US could play its role without
them. The EU capital does not want to lose the chance to share with US
the economic and political privileges of capitalist militarisation.
Third, they see that the European economies also need serious
additional forces. War and concentration of power can be one of them.
Fourth, the EU political leaders are threatened by the
antiglobalisation fight. It has become cleat that existing
political institutions cannot solve this problem.
Russia: strategic ally or strategic enemy?
US continue considering Russia as one the strategic adversaries, one
of the main obstacles on the way to US World Empire. Western
capitalist forces have not given up their plan to create in Russia
social-political system identical with that in Western countries. They
understand that it can be realised only in the far future.
US would like to press Russia to accept their antimissile defence
plans and other one sided political steps in the world. Russia wants
to make US to recognise its strategic interests in the Baltic States
and Central Asia.
The EU is interested in a larger - than the US - degree of economic
ties with Russia. Europe cannot give up energy import from this
country, but they fight against the new offensive of Russian companies
on Eastern European markets and the natural desire of Russian firms to
get leading position in Eastern Europe and on the Balkan by buying up
local industrial companies
Russia tries to use the conflicts between USA and EU. They have
recently signed French-Russian declaration on strategic issues.
The EU does not want to cooperate with Russia against the USA, but
they are interested in saving strategic balance.
Russia and China have recently signed treaty of friendship and
strategic cooperation. Formally it contains nothing against US but on
practical terms it means serious political, economic and even military
step against US policy.
China is developing its bilateral relation with formal socialist
countries in Europe. The demonstrative state visit of Chinese
President to Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldavia was more than a symbolic
opening to these important countries.
NATO leaders and US understand that Russia does not want to accept
neither the new role of NATO nor its enlargement. They think that in
Russian eyes, Article 5 has been the quintessential demonstration of
NATO's Cold War orientation. Now NATO found a new explanation of
Article 5 in an entirely different context, one to which Russia can
relate. They hope to use the real interest of Russian to stop Islamic
forces in places like Central Asia.
China: principal challenge of the 21 century
China has achieved serious successes in economic and social
development.
Chinese economy is rising every year, people began to live better.
China is right to declare that it is due to the development of
socialism. China played important role in peace efforts on Balkan.
Beijing has got the right to organise Olympic games that clearly
expresses its increasing international respect and influence.
Western leaders try to explain Chinese successes by the fact that
China uses many capitalist methods in economic and even social policy.
Western politicians say that it is nothing more than economic and
social reform that have opened the way before capitalist development
in China, too. It is fare from the truth.
The strategy of Western countries is simple. They try to involve China
in international cooperation by inviting to WTO and other forms of
economic cooperation, and to contribute to the strengthening of
private sector in China.
They use military and diplomatic methods to influence Chinese
leadership make them to understand that only a pro Western political
elite devoted to Western political values and standards can get the
sympathy of West.
During the Bush-administration US-Chinese relationship has become more
tensioned. The incident with American intelligence airplane this
spring was the first serious political affair for a long period.
US-administration has made even some gestures. It did not oppose
publicly the Beijing Olympic Games and said no on Taiwan idea to
create common US-Japanese-Taiwan antimissile defence.
But it is only the surface. The Bush-administration wants to speed up
capitalist changes in China. They try to use internal forces in China,
too. US policy does not want a final worsening of strategic
relationships with China. US are interested in economic ties, and
China is an important actor also in some Pacific and Asian issues.
What to do?
I am convinced: the fight against capitalist globalization is central
to the class struggle today. It touches and affects virtually every
economic, social and political struggle of our parties.
Fidel Castro said the following phrases in Durban on September the 1:
"The capitalist, developed and wealthy countries today participate of
the imperialist system born of capitalism itself and the economic
order imposed to the world based on the philosophy of selfishness and
the brutal competition between men, nations and groups of nations
which in completely indifferent to any feelings of solidarity and
honest international cooperation. They live under the misleading,
irresponsible and hallucinating atmosphere of consumer societies. I
wonder: Will they be able to understand the grave problems of today's
world which in its incoherent and uneven development is ruled by blind
laws, by the huge power and the interests of the ever growing and
increasingly uncontrollable and independent transnational
corporations?
Will they come to understand the impending universal chaos and
rebellion? And, even if they wanted to, could they put an end to
racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and other related issues,
which are precisely the rest of them all?
>From my viewpoint we are on the verge of a huge economic, social and
political global crisis. Let's try to build an awareness about these
realities and the alternatives will come up. History has shown that it
is only from deep crisis that great solutions have emerged. The
peoples' right to life and justice will definitely impose itself under
a thousand different shapes"
Left forces should play definitively more active role in fight against
war, terrorism, for democratic international relations.
We have now better conditions for it than 5-10 years ago. We see some
consolidation in left movement. Left and other progressive forces have
archived serious results in recent period, although there has not been
a dramatic positive change, yet.
The antiglobalisation movement has become a very serious factor. All
of us remember the streets of Seattle, Genoa, Salzburg. Goteborg. And
most of us know what role communists are playing in this movement. We
think we should help to spread the antiglobalisation movement on
Eastern Europe, too.
Antiwar movement plays a very sensitive role on Greece, Italy and in
many other countries, which are important for our parties.
Now we have better conditions to cooperate on the terrorism-war issue
than during the war against Yugoslavia. Many of us remember the
dramatic summit meeting of European communist leaders on Cyprus. No
real result, positions were to far from each other. The European
communist left could not stop the war. Now, the situation is
different. Our positions are very near to each other.
The Hungarian Workers' Party support all efforts to strengthen our
cooperation. The Hungarian Workers' Party proposes to organise
International Summit of Left Forces on War.
Our position is clear. We deny terrorism and do not consider it a
possible form of fight against capitalism. What we left forces want is
safe, peaceful, and democratic world. The road to it is not the
violence. The only possible way to achieve such a world is the
exclusion of violence from the international relations, the peaceful,
by political means, handling of conflicts.
The road to it: establish a society based on social justice.
At the same time we declare: terror must not be the answer on terror.
The recent military action of the US is not a classical war: it is a
sort of mean terrorism raised on the level of state politics.
New weapons systems do not bring security. We should continue
fighting against military programs.
NATO is totally unsuitable for combating terrorism. It arose from
confrontation and its self-image is unchanged. Its new alliance
strategy does not solve any security problems. On the contrary, it
creates new ones. We should not give up our fight against NATO.
We think it is the United Nations who should get its decisive role in
international questions. All measures have to be carried out through
the united efforts of the international community with the United
Nations at the centre and under the control of the UN. For the
elimination of international terrorism, it is vital to create, through
isolation of terrorists by the whole international community, a
situation in which there is no place in the world for the terrorists
to hide. There is no other organization but the United Nations that
can play a central role and has the authority to carry it out.
The international community should enter into a dialogue of cultures;
lead a non-military struggle against poverty, misery and injustice in
the world to remove the hotbeds of terrorism.
We should demand to spend much more money on development aid. We
should demand to spend money not on military adventures in Kosovo and
other places but on help to Afghan refugees and to the Palestinian
Authority as assistance to the suffering civil population. We demand
to finance these operations by a special tax on the assets of the
multi-millionaires.
We should fight for democracy, against the policy of leading
capitalist powers. They misuse the people's fear of war. They use the
wartime psychosis to draw away popular attention from the hardships in
the economy and the society. At the same time, the mass media boycott
the different public statements of left and other antiwar forces
opposing this war. We should fight against violation of freedom of
press and the democratic basic rights of the citizens. We should fight
against right extremism and fascism.
We have our national task, too. We, the Hungarian Workers' Party
condemns the decision of the Hungarian government and the Hungarian
Parliament to support the militarist policy of the US. Hungary has no
kind of military interests, neither on the Balkans, nor in
Afghanistan. What is in the interests of the Hungarian people is not
war, but peace.
The Hungarian Workers' Party demands that Hungary should diminish its
activity in the NATO to the minimum. We oppose that nuclear weapons
and other weapons of mass destruction be deployed on Hungarian soil.
American and all other foreign troops must be withdrawn from Hungary.
No Hungarian soldier must wage a war outside Hungary! Hungarian troops
must be recalled from abroad.
Dear friends,
People fear of war, terror attacks. People think they cannot do
anything against war. We should demonstrate people, young and old,
that they are not alone. We can and should fight against war, and we
will do it. I am optimist.
I am convinced that the international left movement is the political
force which can and will give people the safety of future generations
in an uncertain future.
---
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