Informazione
NATO War Against Yugoslavia and the Killing of Milosevic
A “Good Day” for NATO?
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) proclaims its “commitment to maintaining international peace and security.” Mainstream media rarely, if ever, look beyond Western self-justifications and bland assurances of moral superiority, and little thought is given to what NATO’s wars of aggression might look like to those on the receiving end.
During the first two weeks of August, 1999, I was a member of a delegation travelling throughout Yugoslavia, documenting NATO war crimes. One of our stops was at Surdulica, a small town which then had a population of about 13,000. We initially met with management of Zastava Pes, an automotive electrical parts factory that had at one time employed about 500 workers. In better days, annual exports from the plant amounted to $8 million. Western-imposed sanctions had stopped export contracts and prevented the import of materials, forcing a 70 percent reduction in the workforce and a decline in the local economy.
Staff at Zastava Pes told us that bombs and missiles had routinely rained down upon their town.
We were first taken to a sanatorium, located atop a heavily wooded hill overlooking the town. The sanatorium consisted of a Lung Disease Hospital, which also housed refugees, and a second building that served as a retirement home.
Shortly after midnight on the morning of May 31, 1999, NATO planes launched four missiles at the sanatorium complex, killing at least 19 people. It was not possible to ascertain the precise number of victims because numerous body parts could not be matched to the 19 bodies. Another 38 people were wounded. We were told that the force of the explosions had been so powerful that body parts were thrown as far as one kilometer away. Following the attack, body parts were hanging in the trees, and blood dripped from the branches. By the time of our visit, the area had largely been cleaned up, but we could still see torn clothing scattered high among the branches of the tall trees.
Although only one missile struck the nursing home, it caused enormous damage. We walked around to the back, on the building’s southwestern side. A section of the second floor had collapsed, and the entire side of the building was extensively damaged, with mounds of rubble at the base of the building. On the northeast side of the complex, the building that housed refugees and patients bore a gaping hole in its façade, from which a river of rubble had poured like blood from a wound. We clambered up the mound of rubble and made our way into the building. Debris littered the hallways and in several rooms we found scorched mattresses, clothes and damaged personal belongings jumbled together in disarray. Bricks and chunks of concrete were strewn among the rubble, and a loaf of bread rested against a child’s shirt. In another room, teenage magazines and a child’s textbook were mixed among the wreckage. In the center of the room was a child’s teddy bear.
[PHOTO: Rear of nursing home in Surdulica. Photo: Gregory Elich. ]
According to the on-site investigation report of June 3, it took three days to dig the bodies from the rubble. The yard outside the Special Lung Hospital “was covered with parts of human bodies, torn heads, arms and hands as well as bodies partly covered with rubble material, dust, broken bricks” and debris from the building. “A torn-off head of a man, approximately 70-years-old, was found outdoors. North from this head, there was another body covered with debris and a torn arm.” Three bodies were a short distance away, including one with a partially damaged head. “Brain tissue…could be seen on some parts of the building ruins,” the report continued.
As refugees from Croatia, nineteen-year-old Milena Malobabich, her mother, and two brothers stayed in the sanatorium. The entire family was killed in the attack. During the air raid, panic-stricken, Milena ran from the building, clutching a notebook in which she had written poetry. The examiner of Milena’s body noted: “The brain tissue is completely missing, and there is only dust and sand in the cranial cavity.” Blood had flowed from behind the right ear. Milena’s ribs were crushed, and her abdomen and left leg were lacerated. Her notebook was found near her body; on one page she had written in large letters, “I love you, Dejane!” The brain that composed poetry and cherished a man named Dejane was scattered in pieces throughout the yard.
We next visited a residential neighborhood that was completely wiped out by NATO missiles. As we had seen in other towns, a remarkable reconstruction effort was underway. Responsibility for national reconstruction was assigned to the Directorate for National Recovery, which was formed just ten days into the war. An energetic program was soon launched, and destroyed neighborhoods were cleared of debris and construction of new homes began even as NATO continued its attacks.
By the time of our visit, every trace of rubble had been removed from this neighborhood, and the earth smoothed over. A bulldozer and grader were parked nearby, and construction of two new homes had begun. Surviving residents approached and talked to us, showing us photographs they had taken in the immediate aftermath of the bombing. The level of destruction shown in the photographs was appalling, a jumbled riot of debris where several homes once stood.
We visited a second neighborhood obliterated by NATO missiles. Here too, reconstruction was underway. Smashed automobiles and partially roofless homes bordering the area were the only physical reminders of the tragedy.
In the first neighborhood, a man named Dragan told us that the homes were hit as a result of errant missiles. “They were trying to hit the water supply plant nearby, with two missiles.” Another survivor, Zoran Savich told us that sirens sounded every day, and the town was bombed on multiple occasions. Four months had passed since his neighborhood had been hit, but Dragan’s son was still so terrified that he fled into the basement every time he heard the sound of an airplane overhead. Quite a long distance away was another of NATO’s targets, an army barracks that was abandoned during the war. I climbed atop a large mound of dirt to view the barracks from afar, and saw that it too was damaged. NATO sprayed its bombs and missiles liberally around Surdulica. The destruction of an empty barracks was of doubtful military utility. The targeting of a water supply plant was cruel, but there were no words to adequately characterize the destruction of entire neighborhoods, as we had repeatedly witnessed in our travels. By the end of the war, NATO had destroyed about fifty homes in Surdulica and damaged around 600 more.
One of the bombed homes belonged to Radica Rastich. In a deposition, her neighbor Borica Novkovich recalled, “The sound was like a huge blow on the head. Everything turned over and rolled down the hill. Radica was screaming, screaming, when we came to help her. She was taken from the house all twisted and bent over. She was shaking and shaking; her hands were pressed tight over her ears.” Another survivor, Perica Jovanovich, stated, “I’ll never forget the strange voice of the bomb. When the plane is flying and drops the bomb the noise changes. It’s awful. It’s like the static on the radio but so loud, and then there is this awful crash and pressure and everything moves and boils up.”
It was a clear day on April 27 when the first neighborhood was bombed. On Jovan Jovanovich Zmaj Street, children were happily playing outside when NATO warplanes made their approach. Hearing the wail of air raid sirens, the children ran into the home of Aleksandar Milich, where they took refuge in the strongest basement in the neighborhood. It was not long before two NATO missiles sailed into that very house. The sound of the blast was deafening, and smoke and dust filled the air. Every home in the area was destroyed, and survivors were screaming as they struggled to escape from under the rubble.
Stojanche Petkovich reported that after hearing the first explosion, he rushed into the Milich home. He was in the upper cellar and about to descend into the lower cellar when the next missile hit the house, hurling him against a wall. “I covered my mouth with my hand to prevent the dust to enter, because there was a cloud of smoke and dust in there. When I recovered a bit after the second explosion, I called out to those from the second basement, but no one answered me. I could see that the ceiling in that part of the basement had collapsed.” Moments later, Petkovich heard blocks falling and looked up to see “the ceiling above my head coming down on me. The concrete ceiling was now down, pinning my right lower leg. I was watching the other end of the ceiling also coming down on me, and I saw the iron bars in it stretching. Then everything stopped.” It took two hours to pull Petkovich out, the lone survivor from the Milich home. Blood was spattered all around where the cellar had once been, and the smell of burning flesh filled the air. Every victim was decapitated and dismembered. “Bits of them were all over the road,” one man was reported as saying. “We found the head of a child in a garden and many limbs in the mud.”
When 65-year-old Vojislav Milich heard the air raid sirens that day, he ran to his home. He was about 100 meters away when he saw the two missiles exploding on his home. “When the smoke vanished, I saw just ruins of my house. It had been razed to the ground, completely torn down. I presumed that all of the members of my family and all of the people from the neighborhood got killed, which unfortunately proved to be true.”
The morning after the attack, I read the news on a Yugoslav internet site. There was a photograph of the back of an ambulance, its doors thrown open. Inside were piled chunks of shapeless human flesh, still smoking – remains of the eleven victims, the youngest of whom was only four years old.
Four hours after the attack, the British Ministry of Defense announced that it had been a good day for NATO.
Gregory Elich is on the Board of Directors of the Jasenovac Research Institute and the Advisory Board of the Korea Policy Institute. He is a columnist for Voice of the People, and one of the co-authors of Killing Democracy: CIA and Pentagon Operations in the Post-Soviet Period, published in the Russian language.
The Death of Milosevic and NATO Responsibility - By Christopher Black
By Christopher Black
On March 11, 2006, President Slobodan Milosevic died in a NATO prison. No one has been held accountable for his death. In the 9 years since the end of his lonely struggle to defend himself and his country against the false charges invented by the NATO powers, the only country to demand a public inquiry into the circumstances of his death came from Russia when Foreign Minister, Serge Lavrov, stated that Russia did not accept the Hague tribunal’s denial of responsibility and demanded that an impartial and international investigation be conducted. Instead, The NATO tribunal made its own investigation, known as the Parker Report, and as expected, exonerated itself from all blame.
But his death cannot lie unexamined, the many questions unanswered, those responsible unpunished. The world cannot continue to accept the substitution of war and brutality for peace and diplomacy. It cannot continue to tolerate governments that have contempt for peace, for humanity, the sovereignty of nations, the self-determination of peoples, and the rule of law.
The death of Slobodan Milosevic was clearly the only way out of the dilemma the NATO powers had put themselves in by charging him before the Hague tribunal. The propaganda against him was of an unprecedented scale. The trial was played in the press as one of the world’s great dramas, as world theatre in which an evil man would be made to answer for his crimes. But of course, there had been no crimes, except those of the NATO alliance, and the attempt to fabricate a case against him collapsed into farce.
The trial was necessary from NATO’s point of view in order to justify the aggression against Yugoslavia and the putsch by the DOS forces in Belgrade supported by NATO, by which democracy in Yugoslavia was finally destroyed and Serbia reduced to a NATO protectorate under a Quisling regime. His illegal arrest, by NATO forces in Belgrade, his illegal detention in Belgrade Central Prison, his illegal rendition to the former Gestapo prison at Scheveningen, near The Hague, and the show trial that followed, were all part of the drama played out for the world public, and it could only have one of two endings, the conviction, or the death, of President Milosevic.
Since the conviction of President Milosevic was clearly not possible after all the evidence was heard, his death became the only way out for the NATO powers. His acquittal would have brought down the entire structure of the propaganda framework of the NATO war machine and the western interests that use it as their armed fist.
NATO clearly did not expect President Milosevic to defend himself, nor with such courage and determination. The media coverage of the beginning of the trial was constant and front page. It was promised that it would be the trial of the century. Yet soon after it began the media coverage stopped and the trial was buried in the back pages. Things had gone terribly wrong for Nato right at the start. The key to the problem is the following statement of President Milosevic made to the judges of the Tribunal during the trial:
“This is a political trial. What is at issue here is not at all whether I committed a crime. What is at issue is that certain intentions are ascribed to me from which consequences are later derived that are beyond the expertise of any conceivable lawyer. The point here is that the truth about the events in the former Yugoslavia has to be told here. It is that which is at issue, not the procedural questions, because I’m not sitting here because I was accused of a specific crime. I’m sitting here because I am accused of conducting a policy against the interests of this or another party.”
The prosecution, that is the United States and its allies, had not expected a real defence of any kind. This is clear from the inept indictments, confused charges, and the complete failure to bring any evidence that could withstand even basic scrutiny. The prosecution case fell apart as soon as it began. But once started, it had to continue. Nato was locked into a box of its own making. If they dropped the charges, or if he was acquitted, the political and geostrategic ramifications were enormous. Nato would have to explain the real reasons for the aggression against Yugoslavia. Its leaders themselveswould face war crimes charges. The loss of prestige cannot be calculated. President Milosevic would once again be a popular political figure in the Balkans. The only way out for NATO was to end the trial but without releasing Milosevic or admitting the truth about the war. This logic required his death in prison and the abandonment of the trial.
The Parker Report contains factsindicating that, at a minimum, the Nato Tribunal engaged in conduct that was criminal regarding his treatment and that conduct resulted in his death. The Tribunal was told time and again that he was gravely ill with heart problems that needed proper investigation, treatment and complete rest before engaging in a trial. However, the Tribunal continually ignored the advice of the doctors and pushed him to keep going with the trial, knowing full well that the stress of the trial would certainly kill him.
The Tribunal refused prescribed medical treatment in Russia seemingly for political reasons and once again put the Tribunal’s interests, whatever they are, ahead of Milosevic’s health. In other words they deliberately withheld necessary medical treatment that could have lead to his death. This is a form of homicide and is manslaughter in the common law jurisdictions.
However, there are several unexplained facts contained in the Parker Report that need further investigation before ruling out poison or drugs designed to harm his health: the presence of the drugs rifampicin and droperidol in his system being the two key ones. No proper investigation was conducted as to how these drugs could have been introduced into his body. No consideration was given to their effect. Their presence combined with the unexplained long delay in getting his body to a medical facility for tests raises serious questions that need to be answered but which until today remain unanswered.
The Parker Report, despite its illogical conclusions, exonerating the Nato tribunal from blame, provides the basis for a call for a public inquiry into the death of President Milosevic. This is reinforced by the fact that the Commandant of the UN prison where President Milosevic was held, a Mr. McFadden, was, according to documents exposed by Wikileaks, supplying information to the US authorities about Milosevic throughout his detention and trial, and is further reinforced by the fact that Milosevic wrote a letter to the Russian Embassy a few days before his death stating that he believed he was being poisoned. Unfortunately he died before the letter could be delivered in time for a response.
All these facts taken together demand that a public international inquiry be held into the entirety of the circumstances of the death of President Milosevic, not only for his sake and the sake of his widow Mira Markovic and his son, but for the sake of all of us who face the constant aggressive actions and propaganda of the NATO powers. Justice requires it. International peace and security demand it.
La notizia di oggi è che la polizia ha arrestato tre persone, in provincia di Torino ma anche in Albania con l'accusa di essere reclutatori e miliziani dell'Isis, mentre perquisizioni sono state effettuate a carico di sospetti simpatizzanti dell'Isis in Piemonte, Lombardia e Toscana.
Gli arresti sono scattati contro due cittadini albanesi, zio e nipote. Il primo è residente in Albania mentre il secondo vive in provincia di Torino, mentre il terzo arrestato, è un ventenne cittadino italiano di origine marocchina. Quest'ultimo viene accusato di essere l'autore del documento di propaganda dell'Isis, un testo di 64 pagine scritto in italiano, apparso di recente sul web e intotalato “Lo stato islamico, una realtà che ti vorrebbe comunicare”.
Diventa difficile, a questo punto, non mettere in connessione questa notizia con un contesto regionale più ampio e che investe direttamente il cortile di casa dell'Unione Europea, ovvero i Balcani.
Il Ministro degli Esteri albanese, Ntitmir Bushati, aveva affermato nell'ottobre scorso che in alcune zone del paese erano presenti individui addestrati a compiere atti di terrorismo. Le zone individuate erano quelle dei distretti di Librazhdi e di Elbasan, dove sarebbero presenti numerosi nuclei salafiti e alcuni imam che cercano di radicalizzare i giovani. In certi casi i jihadisti locali fornirebbero rifugio temporaneo a miliziani provenienti dai paesi limitrofi che fanno scalo in Albania per poi imbarcarsi su voli per Istanbul con destinazione finale Siria. Non solo. Secondo un documento dell'Ispi (Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale), “l’Albania risulta poi essere punto di partenza anche per alcuni jihadisti europei che utilizzano l’Italia come luogo di transito”. Sempre secondo fonti locali sarebbero due le vie battute: una via mare, su navi appartenenti a privati albanesi che attraccherebbero nel porto di Durazzo. L’altra via è quella aerea; i volontari partirebbero da aeroporti italiani secondari per raggiungere Tirana e dopo alcuni giorni di sosta, proseguirebbero per la Turchia e da lì, come noto, verso il teatro di guerra in Siria e Iraq.
Nel settembre del 2014 in Bosnia sono stati arrestati 16 jihadisti tra cui Bilal Bosnic, un predicatore piuttosto noto nel mondo islamico più radicale. Gli arrestati sono stati accusati di aver reclutato, organizzato e finanziato il trasferimento di jihadisti verso la Siria e l’Iraq per combattere nelle file di gruppi terroristi quali dell’Isis. Nelle perquisizioni sono spuntate fuori armi, munizioni, attrezzature militari, tessere sim, computer e altre apparecchiature informatiche.
Il predicatore Bilal Bosnic era noto anche in Italia per i sermoni di incitamento alla jihad in città come Roma, Siena, Como, Pordenone, Cremona, Bergamo.
L'operazione in Bosnia – denominata operazione “Damasco”, ha rivelato l’esistenza di una rete terroristica radicata sul territorio della repubblica ex jugoslava “liberata” dalla Nato, quella stessa Nato che nel 1995 bombardò soprattutto le postazioni serbo-bosniache e sostenne la comunità musulmana (circa il 40%) e croata contro quella serba. Da allora la Bosnia è praticamente commissariata dalla Nato e dall'Unione Europea che per anni hanno tollerato e agevolato la penetrazione di jiahdisti in questa enclave della periferia d'Europa. Un reportage di Lettera 43 racconta che l'influenza fondamentalista islamica nella capitale Sarajevo appare ancora relativa. “Donne e ragazze musulmane escono la sera, bevono alcol e fumano senza problemi. Mi sembra difficile", spiega agli inviati un giornalista di origini serbe, "che qui a Sarajevo attecchisca il radicalismo islamico". Ma la situazione è diversa nelle città bosniache come Srebrenica e Tuzla, dove, secondo alcuni, sarebbero sorti campi di addestramento per jihadisti da spedire in Siria e Iraq o sugli altri fronti della jihad. La cosa non dovrebbe sorprendere perchè negli anni Novanta, in Bosnia, erano arrivati centinaia di combattenti islamici – molti dalla Cecenia o dal Maghreb– per partecipare alla guerra civile contro i serbi e sostenuti dalla Nato che agevolò in ogni modo l'afflusso di jihadisti nel teatro balcanico, in Bosnia come in Kosovo e Albania. I finanziamenti erano assicurati soprattutto dal network saudita (inclusa Al Qaida) e dalla Turchia. Il flusso e poi l'insediamento in loco degli jihadisti, è stato agevolato da Mustafa Ceric, il gran muftì di Sarajevo sino al 2012, e da Alia Iztbegovic, l'ex presidente bosniaco sostenuto economicamente, politicamente e militarmente dalla Nato.
Ma una operazione analoga è stata condotta dalla Nato (Usa e Ue con pari responsabilità) anche nel Kosovo. Anche qui i bombardamenti della Nato contro la Serbia hanno spianato il terreno alla secessione del paese a maggioranza albanese e musulmana. Nei fatti si è costituita una enclave fuori controllo dove i gruppi jihadisti hanno trovato lo spazio per organizzarsi. Il governo del Kosovo solo recentemente – anche a causa del cambio di alleanze degli Usa e degli europei nello scenario mediorientale – è corso ai ripari.
Ad agosto dello scorso anno una operazione della polizia del Kosovo aveva portato in carcere 40 sospetti jihadisti (mentre altri 17 sono risultati irreperibili). Altre tre erano stati arrestati a giugno e altri 11 arrestati sette mesi prima. Alcuni sono molto giovani, nati addirittura nel 1994 e molti hanno meno di 30 anni. Ai giovani disoccupati kosovari vengono offerti fra 20mila e 30mila euro per andare a combattere con i jihadisti dell'Isis in Siria e Iraq ha denunciato pochi giorni fa il segretario della comunità islamica in Kosovo, Resul Rexhepi. Il Parlamento del Kosovo ha approvato pochi giorni una legge che vieta ai propri cittadini di partecipare a conflitti all'estero nel tentativo d'impedire ai suoi giovani di andare a unirsi ai gruppi jihadisti in Siria o in Iraq. La norma prevede fino a 15 anni di carcere per chiunque violi il divieto di prendere parte a conflitti armati all'estero. Il ministro dell'Interno di Pristina stima che circa almeno 300 persone dal Kosovo si siano recate a combattere insieme alle milizie dello Stato islamico in Iraq e Siria (Isis).
Mentre tutti gli sguardi, le attenzioni e le flotte militari convergono sulla Libia, le cancellerie occidentali evitano di rendere conto dei danni che hanno provocato negli ultimi venti anni anche nel vicino est, alle frontiere della stessa Unione Europea. La distruzione della federazione jugoslava, perseguita sistematicamente dalla Germania prima e da Usa e Unione Europea poi, ha consentito la nascita di enclavi out of control nei Balcani, zone dove i finanziamenti concorrenti di Turchia e Arabia Saudita hanno riprodotto scenari conflittuali e alleanze definitesi anche in Medio Oriente. Ma portandole vicino ai confini, anzi dentro il cortile di casa.
“NA MORE CON AMORE”
3a edizione! (anno 2015)
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia- ONLUS
NOVI "HLADNI" RAT. Agresija NATO 15 godina kasnije
// La nuova guerra "fredda". La aggressione NATO 15 anni dopo //
Interventi dei partecipanti al Meeting internazionale tenuto nel marzo 2014 a cura del Forum di Belgrado
provenienti dall' Irlanda, Venezuela, Austria, Francia, Russia, USA, Germania, Ucraina, Grecia, Canada, Bielorussia, Italia, Danimarca, Cipro, Turchia, Croazia, Serbia, Rep. Ceca, ecc. Altre info: https://www.cnj.it/24MARZO99/2014/index.htm#skup
Edizione Beoforum. In cirillico.
Il libro costa 15 euro + spese di spedizione. Per ordini: jugocoord @ tiscali.it
ХИТЛЕРОВО ПОНАШАЊЕ КАО АЛИБИ ЗА АГРЕСИЈУ НАТО ПРОТИВ СРБИЈЕ (СРЈ)
У ТВ емисији РТС-а, „Упитник“ која је емитована 24. марта 2015., поводом 16. годишњице агресије НАТО, у којој су учествовали министар правде Никола Селаковић, председник Београдског форума Живадин Јовановић и председник Управног одбора Атлантског савета Владан Живуловић, господин Живуловић је изједначио понашање НАТО 1999. према Србији (СРЈ) са понашањем Хитлера уочи Другог светског рата. Живуловић је, поред осталог, рекао:
„Наш народ каже, `сила Бога не моли`, па ако ћемо сада, легалитет свих тих акција, када погледамо историју, Хитлер никог није питао, кренуо је у обрачун, НАТО није питао никога када је кренуо на Србију, односно Југославију...“
Целу емисију „Упитник“ можете погледати на линку РТС-а:
http://www.rts.rs/page/tv/ci/story/17/%D0%A0%D0%A2%D0%A1+1/1868505/%D0%A3%D0%BF%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%BA.html
(Цитирани део од 17:48 до 18:05 )
Београд, 25.03.2015.
Several hundred people gathered in front of the former military headquarters in Belgrade on Tuesday to commemorate the 16th anniversary of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's (NATO) bombing of the country, then a part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia...
http://sputniknews.com/photo/20150324/1019921016.html
da www.glassrbije.org – 27. 03. 2015. – Il mito sull’invisibilità del caccia statunitense F-117 A è stato distrutto in un villaggio della Serbia settentrionale sedici anni fa, quando le unità anitiaeree dell’esercito serbo l’hanno colpito e distrutto durante i bombardamenti della NATO contro la Federazione jugoslava. L’aereo il „Falco della notte“ ha avuto la fama di essere invisibile dopo molte azioni in Libano, Panama, Iraq e in altri Paesi. L’aereo F-117 A è caduto il 27 marzo del 1999 nel villaggio Budjanovci, tre giorni dopo l’inizio dell’aggressione della NATO. L’aereo è stato colpito alle ore 20 e 42 minuti con due proiettili „Neva“ del terzo divisione della trecentocinquantesima brigata della difesa antiaerea, i cui membri sono riusciti a identificarlo grazie al coraggio, l’addestramento e le innovazioni tecniche.
Manifestazione di massa a Belgrado nell’anniversario delle prime bombe sulla città. La destra ultranazionalista irrompe nella piazza. La stampa italiana si accorge solo di loro
Carlo Perigli, inviato a Belgrado
Il suono delle sirene invade di nuovo le strade, il rumore dei caccia che sorvolano la città precedono di qualche secondo le esplosioni, quelle bombe “umanitarie” che per 78 giorni martoriarono senza sosta il popolo serbo. Per pochi secondi Belgrado rivive il dramma di quei giorni, i volti dei presenti si fanno scuri, gli occhi diventano lucidi, in un’atmosfera che tocca anche il più disinteressato dei turisti. Nessuno dimentica, nessuno tace, si rimane in silenzio soltanto per un minuto, intorno alle 19, ora in cui, esattamente 16 anni prima, l’Angelo Misericordioso – nome dato dalla Nato all’operazione militare – iniziò ad abbattersi sull’allora Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia, spazzando via oltre 2000 vite innocenti. Sullo sfondo, le rovine dell’ex ministero federale della Difesa; sul palco, allestito a pochi metri, i bambini intonano l’inno nazionale, a precedere il discorso del primo ministro Aleksandar Vucic.
È soltanto la chiusura di una giornata il cui tempo è stato scandito dai presidi svolti in diversi punti della città; di fronte alla sede della Rts – Radio Tv Serba – dove una lapide ricorda i 16 lavoratori morti la notte del 22 aprile, quando la Nato decise di spegnere a suon di missili quella fastidiosa emittente, le cui immagini contraddicevano la bontà di quell’aggressione, assurda dal punto di vista morale e illegittima da quello legale; al parco Tasmajdan, distante poche decine di metri, dove si è reso omaggio al monumento eretto per ricordare tutti i bambini uccisi dalla guerra; in piazza della Repubblica, dove, come ogni anno, il Movimento Socialista ha steso un telo, sul quale alcuni passanti, tra i quali molti bambini, hanno iniziato a disegnare messaggi contro la guerra. Un’atmosfera piacevole, purtroppo rovinata dal corteo degli ultra-nazionalisti del Partito Radicale Serbo, la cui entrata in piazza ha nei fatti impedito lo svolgersi dell’iniziativa. Solamente qualche piccolo attimo di tensione, dopodiché il corteo, composto perlopiù da giovani e giovanissimi, ha lasciato la piazza, insieme alle loro bandiere delle “Aquile Bianche” e ad una manciata di celtiche cucite sulle giacche, l’ennesima dimostrazione di quanto possa essere assurdo il revisionismo storico che vuole dipingere i cetnici della II guerra mondiale come contrapposti militarmente all’invasore italo-tedesco.
“Sfortunatamente oggi abbiamo vissuto una situazione poco piacevole – ha dichiarato a Popoff Nebojsa Petrovic, presidente della sezione di Belgrado del Movimento dei Socialisti e deputato all’Assemblea Nazionale – il Partito Radicale ha rovinato la manifestazione. Sta diventando chiaro a tutti il motivo per cui Seselj – presidente del partito, negli ultimi 10 anni recluso nelle prigioni dell’ICTY all’Aja – è tornato in Serbia. È assolutamente un elemento di disturbo – ha concluso – non è benvenuto nella società”. Un elemento di disturbo a cui la stampa italiana ha dedicato decine di articoli, appiattendo su di lui le commemorazioni del 24 marzo e tacendo sul resto, sulla stragrande maggioranza dei serbi, quelli che 16 anni fa sceglievano di diventare “bersagli umani” sui ponti di Belgrado e che ogni anno continuano a scendere in piazza, per chiedere a gran voce giustizia e verità.
Поводом обележавања 15 година рада Београдског форума за свет равноправних, 23.3.2015. у Сава Центру u Beogradu је отворена фото изложба о досадашњем раду Беофорума...
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cJXiyqxQeFQ
Беофорум - Фото изложба поводом 15 год. рада
Поводом обележавања 15 година рада Београдског форума за свет равноправних, 23.3.2015. у Сава Центру u Beogradu је приказана фото изложба о досадашњем раду Беофорума. Пред вама су снимци свих изложених паноа...
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dNUI-cwuGW0
Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals
23 March 2015
16th ANNIVERSARY OF NATO AGGRESSION
15 YEARS OF THE BELGRADE FORUM FOR A WORLD OF EQUALS
The 16th anniversary of the beginning of NATO aggression against Serbia (the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) has been marked by the Roundtable “Not to Forget – No into NATO” held in the “Sava Center”, whereas 15 years since the establishment of the Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals has been marked by the exhibition of photographs and by promotion of the Belgrade Forum’s latest published book.
The Roundtable was convened by the Belgrade Forum, the Club of Serbian Generals and Admirals, and the SUBNOR of Serbia, as co-organizers. The participants of the Roundtable were: Živadin Jovanović, General Jovo Milanović, Aleksej Čagin, President of the Association of Russian Heroes, Dr. Momčilo Vuksanović, President of the Serbian National Council of Montenegro, Prof. Radoš Smiljković, Prof. Radovan Radinović, Milica Arežina, Dr. Stanislav Stojanović, Admiral Boško Antić, Đurđina Turković (Podgorica), Neven Đenadija (Banja Luka), Branislava Mitrović, Natalija Šatalina, and many others.
The gathering paid their tribute to all victims of the NATO aggression by a moment of silence. The audience comprised a large number of the co-organizers’ members and their friends from the independent and non-partisan associations, representatives of the local self-governments, representatives of the cultural, educational, and scientific institutions, Academicians from the SANU, representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Diaspora, and the diplomatic representatives from Russia and Belorussia.
The exhibition of photographs was opened and the Belgrade Forum’s latest edition was introduced by Živadin Jovanović. The event was accompanied by appropriate cultural program, performed by members of the Cultural Artistic Society “Kosovski Božuri”.
The exhibition will be open every day, until 30 March 2015.
Учесници округлог стола су:
1. Живадин Јовановић (Председник Београдског форума за свет равноправних)
2. Јово Милановић (Генерал-потпуковник)
3. Алексеј Чагин (Председник Асоцијације хероја Русије)
4. Наталија Шатилина
5. Проф. др Радош Смиљковић
6. Милица Арежина
7. Ђурђина Турковић
8. Др Станислав Стојановић
9. Невен Ђенадија (Бања Лука)
10. Бранислава Митровић
11. Бошко Антић (Адмирал)
12. Проф. др Радован Радиновић (Генерал)
13. Др Момчило Вуксановић
Коментари присутних:
1. Проф. Веселин Вујнић (Medical Physicist Inst. of Oncology and Radiology)
2. Проф. др Рајко Унчанин (Члан надзорног одбора Инжењерске коморе Србије)
3. Др Љубомир Грујић
Београд, Сава центар, 23. март 2015.
http://www.beoforum.rs/sve-aktivnosti-beogradskog-foruma-za-svet-ravnopravnih/86-okrugli-sto-da-se-ne-zaboravi-ne-u-nato/678-okrugli-sto-16-godina-od-agresije-nato.html
FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS OF THE ROUND TABLE“NOT TO FORGET – NO INTO NATO”
Belgrade, Sava Center, 23 March 2015
NATO Aggression against Serbia (the FRY) in 1999is a crime against peace and humanity, a crime whose perpetrators have not been brought to justice.
This aggression was the introducing of the NATO’s global interventionism strategy under the harshest violation of the fundamental principles of the international law and the role of the United Nations, most notably, the Security Council. Thus, in the vital area of the peace and security, NATO has usurped the role of the United Nations.
NATO demonstrated a new principle: wherever the law presents an obstacle for the achievement of its goals of conquest, the law should be removed.
The panelists and all participants in the Round table have unanimously assessed that NATO, as an aggressive imperialist alliance, has nowhere in the world been a part of the solution, but rather the factor of conquests, contributor to divisions and conflicts, tearing the states apart, wreaking a “controlled” chaos (Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Libya.
The gathering voiced are solute opposition to Serbia’s entry to the NATO military system through the means of accepting the “Individual Partnership Action Plan”, assessing this document as the single most serious blow to sovereignty, freedom and dignity of the nation, as abandonment of the status of military neutrality, and the act of surrendering the fate of the country into the hands of NATO.
By virtues of regulating not only the military issues, but also all areas of the economic, cultural, informative and social life in general, this IPAP is embodiment of NATO’s militaristic, authoritarian and imperialist concept. The official explanations, aiming at pacifying and misleading the public, were evaluated as utterly irresponsible, dismissive and indecent. The participants referred to the IPAP’s request to finalize the process of privatization, concluding that such request reveals the true nature of NATO as the leverage of the multinational corporate capital, whose goal is to establish the complete control over the economic, natural and human resources in the world.
The gathering sent a unanimous appeal to the authorities to suspend the preparations for the sale of Telekom, the EPS, the PKB, Dunav Insurance, the mines, the agricultural land, waters, and other national riches. A robust public sector in any country serves as a pillar of country’s democracy, independence, and the care for the future. The question was raised–what remains of freedom and democracy if all economic, financial and natural resources are handed over to the hands of the multinational companies of the western countries? What would remain for Serbia to administrate?
NATO aggression of1999and establishment of military camp “Bondsteele” in Kosovo and Metohija were the first step in the practical implementation of NATO’s conquest strategy in the East, its deployment to the Russian borders, and nailing the wedge in the relations between Europe and Russia. The civil war in Ukraine is the corollary of NATO’s strategy of Eastward expansion.
NATO and the leaders of some of its member states have publicly admitted that the aggression of 1999 had been committed in violation of the international law and the role of the United Nations Security Council. NATO and its member states are thus liable to compensate the war damage to Serbia (the FRY)in the amount of USD 100 billion.
President of Serbia, Mr.Tomislav Nikolić,in his last year’s speech in Užice on the occasion of the National Day of Statehood, stated request for the compensation for war damages caused by the aggression of NATO. This presumes that the Government of Serbia should take appropriate concrete steps in order to officially present this initiative raised by the President of the Republic, publicly stated on behalf of the nation, to NATO and its members, and to launch the relevant negotiations.
An appeal was made to the competent authorities to initiate activities to determine the exact number and names of the civilian victims of NATO aggression.
An appeal was made to the competent authorities to establish, in cooperation with expert and scientific institutions, the consequences of the use of weapons with the deleted uranium, and to take appropriate measures in order to eliminate a huge public concern over the mass scale of cancers and deformities in newborns, especially in Kosovo and Metohija, with a view to protecting the health of the people against any further tragic consequences.
The UNSCR 1244 and the Constitution of Serbia are the enduring basis for a peaceful and just political solution for the status of the Province of Kosovo and Metohija. Nobody is entitled to undervalue, violate, or replace this basis. Nobody is entitled to trade the rights Serbia has to Kosovo and Metohija as an integral part of the Serbian state territory, in exchange for any short-term interests, since this would be tantamount to undermining Serbia as a state.
The government institutions of Serbia are invited to promptly request satisfying of all obligations towards Serbia as set forth under UNSC Resolution 1244, and, in particular, the following:
-Free and safe return of 250,000 Serbs and non-Albanians to Kosovo and Metohija, as soon as possible,
-Return of specified contingents of Serbian military and the Police to Kosovo and Metohija
-Economic reconstruction of Serbia, as set forth under UNSC Resolution 1244,
-completing the decontamination of areas in which NATO had used weapons with depleted uranium, at the expense of NATO member states,
- Deactivation of the NATO’s unexploded ordnances – aircraft bombs, cluster bombs, and other ordnance, at the expense of NATO member states.
Finally, the gather requested the prompt reconstruction and completion of the ”Eternal Fire”, Monument to the victims of NATO aggression, in the Park of Friendship, Ušće, Novi Beograd.
Panelists and participants of the Round table sent the appeal to the relevant institutions not to use the funds from the Republic Budget to finance anyone acting contrary to the national and state interests, and, in particular, those who advocate the recognition of the forcibly invaded Province of Kosovo and Metohija, and those advocating the relinquishing of the policy of the country’s military neutrality.
Belgrade, 23March 2015